vnto him the rest neglecting it These wars being thus ended vpon the relation of Caesars letters the senate decreed a supplication for the space of 20 daies OBSERVATIONS IN the ende of the second Commentarie we reade of a supplication granted by the senate for 15 daies which was neuer granted to anie man before that time since the first building of the citie but forasmuch as in this fourth yeare of the warres in Gallia it was augmented from 15 vnto 20 daies I thought it fit to referre the handling thereof vnto this place We are therfore to vnderstand that whensoeuer a Roman Generall had carried himselfe well in the warres by gaining a victorie or enlarging the boundes of their Empire that then the senate did decree a supplication to the Gods in the name of that captaine And this dignitie was much sought after not onely because it was a matter of great honour that in their names the Temples of their Gods should be opened and their victories acknowledged with the concourse and gratulation of the Roman people but also because a supplication was commonly the forerunner of a triumph which was the greatest honour in the Roman gouernment And therfore Cato nameth it the prerogatiue of a triumph And Liuie in his 26 booke saith that it was long disputed on in the senate how they could denie one that was there present to triumph whose absence they had honoured with supplication and thankesgiuing to the Gods for things happily effected The maner of the Ceremonie was that after the Magistrate had publikely proclaimed it with this forme or stile quod bene faeciliter rempublicam administrasset the Roman people cloathed in white garmentes and crowned with garlands went to all the temples of the Gods and there offered sacrifices to gratulate the victorie in the name of the Generall In which time they were forbidden all other businesses but that which pertained to this solemnity It seemeth that this time of supplication was at first included within one or two daies at the most as appeareth by Liuie in his third booke where he saith that the victorie gained by two seuerall battels was spitefully shut vp by the senat in one daies supplication the people of their owne accord keeping the next daie holie and celebrating it with greater deuotion then the former Vpon the victorie which Camillus had against the Veij there were granted foure daies of supplication to which there was afterward a daie added which was the vsuall time of supplication vnto the time that Pompei ended the warre which they called Mithridaticum when the vsuall time of fiue daies was doubled and made 10 and in the second of these Commentaries made 15 and now brought to 20 daies Which setteth foorth the incitements and rewardes of wel doing which the Romans propounded both at home and abroad to such as indeuoured to enlarge their Empire or manage a charge to the benefit of their common-wealths And thus endeth the fourth Commentarie THE FIFT COMMENTARIE OF THE WAR WHICH CAESAR MADE IN GALLIA THE ARGVMENT CAesar caused a great nauie to be built in Gallia he caried 5 legions into Britany where he made war with the Britains on both sides the riuer Thames at his returne into Gallia most of the Galles reuolted and first the Eburones vnder the conduction of Ambiorix set vpon the campe of Q. Titurius the Legate whom they circumuented by subtilty and then besieged the campe of Cicero but were put by and their Armie ouerthrowen by Caesar CHAP. I. Caesar returneth into Gallia findeth there great store of shipping made by the souldiers and commandeth them to be brought to the hauen Iccius LVCIVS Domitius and Appius Claudius being Consuls Caesar at his going into Italie gaue order to the Legats to build as manie ships that winter as possibly they could commanding them to be built of a lower pitch then those which are vsed in the mediterranean sea for the speedier lading vnlading of thē and because the tides in these seas were verie great and forasmuch as he was to transport great store of horse he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottome them such as were vsuall in other places and all of them to be made for the vse of Oares to which purpose their low building serued verie conueniently Other necessaries and furniture for rigging he gaue order to haue it brought out of Spaine Caesar after the assembly of the states in Lombardie and that he set free Illiricum from the incursions of the Pirustae he returned into Gallia where he found 600 ships built by the extraordinarie industrie of the souldiers notwithstanding the penurie and want of all necessarie matter with 28 Gallies ready furnished which in a few daies might be lanched hauing commended the soldiers and ouerseers of the worke he commanded them to be brought to the port called Iccius from whence he knew the passage into Britanie was not aboue thirtie mile ouer THE OBSERVATION THis Iccius Portus Floide thinketh to be Caleis others take it to bee Saint Omer partly in regard of the situation of the place which being in it selfe verie lowe hath notwithstanding very high bankes which incompasse the towne about and in times past was a verie large hauen To this maie be added the distance from this towne to the next continent of the Iland of Britany which Strabo maketh to containe 320 stadia which agreeth to the French computation of 13 leages Caesar maketh it thirtie mile this is the hauen which Pliny calleth Britannicum portum Morinorum CHAP. II. Caesar saileth into Britanie landeth his forces and seeketh the enemie CAESAR hauing prepared all things in readinesse he left Labienus in the continent with three legions and 2000 horse both to keepe the hauen and make prouision of corne and also to obserue the motion of the Galles and with fiue legions and the like number of horse as he left in the continent about sun-setting he put out to sea with a soft south winde which continued vntill midnight and then ceasing he was carried with the tide vntill the morning when he perceiued that the Iland laie on his left hand and againe as the tide changed hee laboured by rowing to reach that part of the Iland where he had found good landing the yeare before wherein the souldiers deserued great commendation for by strength and force of Oares they made their great ships of burthen to keepe waie with the Galleies About high noone they arriued in Britanie with all their ships neither was there any enemie seene in that place but as afterward Caesar vnderstood by the captiues the Britains were there with a great power but being terrified with the infinite number of shipping which they discouered from the shore for there were in all aboue 800 they forsooke the shore and hid themselues in the vpland countrie Caesar hauing landed his men and chosen a conuenient place to incampe assoone as he vnderstood by the captiues where the enemy laie in
it cannot bee denied but that these centuries were in themselues so sensiblie distinguished that euerie Soldiour caried in his minde the particular Mappe of his whole centurie for in imbtttailing euerie centurie was disposed into 5. files contayning twelue in a file whereof the leaders were alwayes certaine and neuer changed but by death or some other especiall occasion and euerie leader knew his follower and euerie second knewe the third man and so consequently vnto the last Vpon these particularities it plainly appeareth how easie a matter it was to reduce their troupes into any order of a march or a battell to make the front the flanke or flanke front when they were broken and disrankt to rallie them into any forme when euery man knew both his owne and his fellowes station If any companies were to be imploied vpon sudden seruice the generall Idea of the Armie being so deepely imprinted in the minde of the commanders would not suffer them to erre in taking out such conuenient troupes both for number and quality as might best agree with the safetie of the Armie or nature of the action At all occasions and oportunities these principles of aduantage offered themselues as readie meanes to put in execution any dessigne or stratagem whatsoeuer the proiect was no sooner resolued of but euerie man could readily point out the companies that were fit to execute the intention And which is more important in regard of the life and spirit of euerie such part their sodalitie was sweetned or rather strengthened with the mutuall acquaintance and friendshippe one of another the captaine marching alwaies in the head of the troupe the ensigne in the middest and the lieutenant in the rereward and euerie man accompanied with his neighbour and his friend which bred a true and vnfained courage both in regard of themselues and of their followers Besides these specialities the places of title and dignity depending vpon this order were no small meanes to cutte off all matter of ciuill discorde and intestine dissention for here euerie man knew his place in the file and euerie file knewe his place in the Centurie and euerie Centurie in the Maniple and euerie Maniple in the Cohort and euerie Cohort in the Legion and euerie Legion in the Armie and so euerie souldier had his place according to his vertue and euerie place gaue honour to the man according as their discipline had determined thereof The vvant of this discipline hath dishonoured the martiall gouernment of this age with bloudshed and murthers whereof France is too true a witnesse as well in regard of the French themselues as of our English forces that haue beene sent thither to appease their tumults for through defect of this order which allotteth to euerie man his due place the controuersie grew between Sir William Drurie and Sir Iohn Bowrowes the issue whereof is too well known to the world wherein as our commanders in France haue been negligent so I may not forget to giue due commēdation to the care which is had of this point amongst the English troups in the seruice of the states in the vnited prouinces where they are very curious in appointing euerie man his place in the file and euerie file in the troupe and find much benefit thereby besides the honour of reuiuing the Roman discipline To conclude this point I will onely touch in a word the benefite which the Romans found in their small battailions and the disaduantage which we haue in making great squadrons And first it cannot be denied but that such troupes stand best appointed for disposition and array of battell which standing strong to receiue a shocke bring most men to fight with the enemie for the principall thinges which are required in setting of a battell are so to order the troupes that the depth in flanke may serue conueniently to withstand the assault taking vp no more men then may well serue for that purpose and giuing meanes to the rest to fight with the enemie and in these two points were both their defensiue and offensiue considerations comprehended But smaller troupes and battailons afforde this conueniencie better then great squadrons which drowne vp manie able men in the depth of their flankes and neuer suffer them to appeare but when the breaking of the squadron doth present them to the butcherie of the enemie The Macedonian Phalanx as I haue noted in the first booke neuer caried aboue 16 in flanke and brought 500 to fight in front And these little battailons considering them as they stood in battell ray made as great a front or greater then that of the Phalanx keeping a depth answerable to the same besides the 2 and 3 battell which alwaies were to succour them which the Phalanx wanted neither would their thicke and close imbattailing admit any such succour behind them Now if we cōpare the aduantages discommodities which by place and accident were incident to either of these we shall find great ods betweene them These great squadrons are not faisable but in plaine and open places where they may either stand immoueable or make easie and slow motions without shaking or disordering their bodie but the lesser are a scantling for all places champion or wooddie leuell or vneuen or of what site or quality soeuer And to conclude if two or three rankes of these great battailons chance to be broken and disordered the whole body is as much interessed in the disorder as the said rankes are and hath lesse meanes to rally it selfe then any other lesser companie but if any violence chance to rout a maniple it proceedeth no further in the Armie then that part which it taketh Neither can the disranking of any one part betraie the safetie of the Armie to disorder and confusion for as much as their distinction serued to cut off such inconueniences and yet no waie hindered the generall vniting of their strength into one body More may be said concerning this matter but I onely point at it and leaue the due consideration thereof to the iudgment of our commanders returne to our history CHAP. IIII. The Belgae attempt the surprise of Bibrax Caesar sendeth succour vnto it THere was a towne called Bibrax belonging to the state of Rheimes about eight mile from Caesars campe which the Belgae thought to haue surprised as they came along to meete with Caesar and suddenly assaulted it with such furie that the townesmen could hardly hold out the first daie The Celtae and Belgae vse one and the same manner in assaulting a towne for hauing beset the whole compasse of the wall with rankes of souldiers they neuer cease flinging of stones vntill they finde the wall naked of defendantes and then casting themselues into a Testudo they approch to the gate and vndermine the walles Assoone as the night had made an end of the assault Iccius of Rheimes a man of great birth and authoritie in his countrey who at that time was gouernour of the towne and had
Graecorum militaria praecepta legere caeperint homines praeposteri nam legere quam fieri tempore posterius re vsu prius est Whereas saith he reading ought to go before practise although it follow it in course of time for there is no reading but of some thing practised before these preposterous men after they are made Consuls and placed at the helme of gouernment begin to reade when they should practise that which they had read and so bewray their insufficiencie of knowledge by vsing out of time that which in time is most necessarie This testimonie gaue Marius of reading booke learning being himselfe an enemy to the same for as much as all his knowledge came by meere experience But howsoeuer his iudgment was good in this point for since that all motion and action proceedeth from the soule and cannot well be produced vntill the Idea thereof be first imprinted in the minde according to which patterne the outward being and sensible resemblance is duely fashioned how is it possible that any action can be well expressed when the minde is not directed by knowledge to dispose it in that sort as shall best agree with the occurrentes of such natures as are necessarily interessed both in the meanes and in the end thereof And therfore speculatiue knowledge as the Tramontane to direct the course of all practise is first to bee respected But that I may not seeme partiall in this controuersie but carrie an equall hand betweene two so necessarie yoakefellowes giue me leaue to conclude in a word the benefite of practise and define the good which commeth from experience that so nothing that hath beene spoken may seeme to come from affection or proceede from the forge of vniust partiality And first it cannot bee denied but that practise giueth boldnesse and assurance in action and maketh men expert in such things they take in hand for no man can rest vpon such certainty through the theorike of knowledge as he that hath seene his learning verified by practise and acknowledged by the testimony of assured proofe Besides there are many other accōplements gotten only by practise which grace the presence of knowledge giue credit to that which we haue read as first to learne the vse and aduantage of the armes which we beare secondly by frequent aspect and familiarity of dangers and accidents of terrour to learne to feare nothing but dishonour to make no difference betweene heate and cold sommer and winter to sleepe in all places as on a bed and at the same time to take paines and suffer penury with many other difficulties which custome maketh easie and cannot be gotten but by vse and practise And thus at length I haue brought a shallow discourse to an abrupt end wishing with greater zeale of affection then I am able with manifest proofe of reason to demonstrate the necessity that both these partes were by our souldiers so regarded that neither practise might march in obstinate blindnesse without learned knowledge nor this againe be entertained with an idle apprehension without practise but that both of them may be respected as necessarie partes to make a compleat nature wherein knowledge as the intellectuall part giueth life and spirit to the action and practise as the materiall substance maketh it of a sensible being and like a skilfull workman expresseth the excellency which knowledge hath fore conceiued wishing no man to despaire of effecting that by practise which the Theorike of knowledge commendeth For Cur desperes nunc posse fieri quod iam toties factum est THE SVMME OF THE FIRST BOOKE OF CAESARS COMMENTARIES WITH OBSERuations vpon the same discouering the excellencie of Caesars militia THE ARGVMENT IN this first booke are contained the specialities of two great wars begun and ended both in a summer the first between Caesar the Heluetij the second between him and Ariouistus king of the Germans The historie of the Heluetians may be reduced to three principall heads vnder the first are the reasons that moued the Heluetians to entertaine so desperate an expedition and the preparation which they made for the same The second containeth their defeate by Cesar and the third their returne into their countrey That of Ariouistus deuideth it selfe into two parts the first giueth the causes that induced Caesar to vndertake that war the second intreateth of the warre it selfe and particularly describeth Ariouistus ouerthrow CHAP. I. Gallia described the Heluetians dislike their natiue seate and propound to themselues larger territories in the continent of Gallia Orgetorix feedeth this humor for his owne aduantage GALLIA is diuided into three partes differing one from an other in manners in language and in lawes The first part is inhabited by the Belgae the second by the Celtae whom we call Galli and the third by the Aquitani Belgia is the northeast part of Gallia bounded on the East with the riuer Rhene and deuided from the Celtae with the riuers Marne and Sene. The inhabitants of this Belgia are without comparison the stowtest and best men at armes amongst all the Galles for besides that they are far remote from the ciuility of the Roman Prouince and vnacquainted with traffike or entercourse of strangers they are in continuall warres with the Germans which maketh them hardy expert and valorous The Celtae possest the greatest part of Gallia and haue the Ocean Sene Garum and the vpper part of Rhene for their confines Aquitania is limited with the riuer Garume and the Perinaean hils In each of these partes are diuers states and common weales gouerned for the most part by the Annuall magistracie of their nobility but all diuided into factions and partes whereof the Hedui and Sequani are contrarie chiefe and opposite ring-leaders The chiefest reason that moued the Heluetians to forsake their countrey was the good opinion they had of their owne vertue and magnanimity and the smal capacity and circuit of their territories For Heluetia being bounded with the famous riuers Rhene and Rhone and with the lake Lemanus and the high hanging rockes of the hill Iura extending it selfe within these boundes but 240 miles in length and 180 in breadth seemed too narrow a roome to containe so warlike a people that long before had ouerflowne the marches of their countrey with the conceit they had of their owne valour and that it heard that nature should oppose it selfe by riuers and mountaines against the Prowesse which no enemy could euer resist and therefore they resolued to for sake their countrey which first gaue them breath and being rather then it should hinder a correspondent proceeding to their warlike nature These coles of ambition were first kindled and daily blowne by the earnest perswasions and impulsions of Orgetorix the chiefest man of authority amongst the Heluetians both for his wealth and nobility who not contented to be greatest in that manner he was but affecting the greatnesse of princely dignity thought no meanes fitter to
many strong and nimble footmen whom the horsemen had selected out of the whole host euerie man one for his safegard these they had alwaies at hand with them in battell and vnto these they resorted for succour if the horsemen were ouercharged these euer stept into helpe them if anie one were wounded and vnhorsed they stood about him and succoured him if the matter required either to aduenture forward or to retire speedilie backe againe their swiftnesse was such through continuall exercise that hanging on the horse maine by the one hand they would run as fast as the horses THE OBSERVATION IT may seeme strange vnto the soldiours of our time that the footemen should bee mingled pell mell amongst the horsemen without hurte and disaduantage to themselues so vnlikely it is that they shoulde either succour the horsemen in any danger or annoy the enemy and therefore some haue imagined that these footmen in the incounter cast themselues into one bodie and so charging the enemy assisted the horsemen But the circumstances of this place and of others which I wil alleage to this purpose plainly euince that these footemen were mingled indifferently amongst the horsemen to assist euery particular man as his fortune and occasion required and therfore the choise of these footemen was permitted to the horsemen in whose seruice they were to be imploied that euery man might take his friend in whom he reposed greatest confidence When they were ouercharged these stept in to helpe them if anie man were wounded or vnhorsed he had his footeman ready to assist him and when they were to go vpon any speedie seruice or suddainly to retire vpon aduantage they staied themselues vpon the maine of the horses with one hande and so ran as fast as the horsemen could go which seruices they could not possiblie haue performed without confusion and disorder if the footemen had not seuerally attended vpon them according to the affection specified in their particular election The principall vse of these footmen of the Germaines consisted in the aide of their owne horsemen vpon any necessity not so much regarding their seruice vppon the enemie as the assistance of their horsemen But the Romains had long before practised the same Arte to a more effectuall purpose namely as a principall remedy not onely to resist but to defeat far greater troupes of horse then the enemy was able to oppose against them Wherof the most ancient memory which history mentioneth is recorded by Liuie in the second punicke war at the siege of Capua vnder the regiment of Quintus Fuluius the Consul where it is said that in all their conflicts as the Romaine legions returned with the better so their caualry was alwaies put to the worst therfore they inuented this means to make that good by Art which was wanting in force Out of the whole army were taken the choisest young men both for strength agilitie and to them were giuen little round bucklers and seuen darts apeece in steed of their other weapons these soldiours practised to ride behind the horsemen and speedily to light from the horses at a watchword giuen so to charge the enemy on foot And when by exercise they were made so expert that the nouelty of the inuention no whit affrighted them the Romaine horsemen went forth to incounter with the enemy euery man carying his foot soldior behinde him who at the encounter suddainly alightning charged vpon the enemy with such a fury that they followed thē in slaughter to the gates of Capua And hence saith Liuie grew the first institution of the Velites which euer after that time were inrolled with the legions The author of this strategem is said to be one Q. Nauius a Centurion was honorably rewarded by Fuluius the consull for the same Salust in the history of Iugurth saieth that Marius mingled the Velites with the Caualrie of the associates vt quacunque inuaderent equitatus hostium propulsarent The like practise was vsed by Caesar as appeareth in the thirde booke of the Ciuill warre sauing that insteed of the velites hee mingled with his horsemen 400. of the lustiest of his legionarie soldiours to resist the caualrie of Pompei while the rest of his armie passed ouer the riuer Genusum after the ouerthrow he had at Dirrachium qui tantum profecere saith the text Vt equestri praelio commisso pellerent omnes complures interficerent ipsique incolumes ad agmen se reciperent Many other places might be recited but these are sufficient to proue that the greatest Captaines of auncient times strengthened their caualrie with footemen dispersed amongst them The Romaine horsemen saith Polibius at the first caried but a weake limber pole or staffe and a little round buckler but afterwards they vsed the furniture of the Grecians which Iosephus affirmeth to bee a strong launce or staffe and three or foure dartes in a quiuer with a buckler and a long sword by their right side The vse of their launce was most effectuall when they charged in troupe pouldron to pouldron and that maner of fight afforded no meanes to intermingle footmen but when they vsed their dartes euerie man got what aduantage of ground he coulde as our Carbins for the most part do and so the footemen might haue place among them or otherwise for so good an aduantage they woulde easilie make place for the footmen to serue among them But howsoeuer it was it appeareth by this circumstance howe little the Romaines feared troupes of horse considering that the best meanes to defeate their horse was by their foote companies But to make it more plaine of many examples I will onely alleage two the one out of Liuie to proue that the Romaine horsemen were not comparable for seruice to footemen the other out of Hirtius to shewe the same effect against strangers and Numidian horsemen In the Consulships of L. Valerius and Marcus Horatius Valerius hauing fortunatelie ouerthrowne the Equi and the Volsci Horatius proceeded with as great courage in the warre against the Sabines wherein it happened that in the day of battell the Sabines reserued 2000. of their men to giue a fresh assault vpon the lefte cornet of the Romaines as they were in conflict which tooke such effect that the legionarie footemen of that cornet were forced to retreit Which the Romaine horsemen beeing in number 600. perceiuing and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy they presently forsooke their horses and made haste to make good the place on foote wherein they caried themselues so valiantly that in a moment of time they gaue the like aduantage to their footemen against the Sabines and thē betooke themselues againe to their horses to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled For the second point The Numidians as Caesar witnesseth were the best horsemen that euer hee met with and vsed the same Arte as the Germaines did mingling among them light armed footemen an
Iosephus compareth it to a church In this Praetorium was their Tribunal or chaire of the estate and the place of diuination which they called Augurale with other appendices of maiestie and authoritie Betweene the tentes of the first maniples in euerie legion and the Praetorium there went a waie of 100 foote in breadth throughout the whole campe which was called Principia in this place the Tribunes sate to heare matters of iustice the souldiers exercised themselues at their weapons and the leaders and chiefe commanders frequented it as a publike place of meeting and it was helde for a reuerent and sacred place and so kept with a correspondent decencie On either side the Emperours pauillion in a direct line to make euen straight the vpper side of the Principia the Tribunes had their tentes pitched euerie Tribune confronting the head of the legion whereof he was Tribune aboue them towardes the head of the campe were the Legates and Treasurer the vpper part of the campe was strengthened with some select cohorts and troupes of horse according to the number of legions that were in the Armie Polybius describing the manner of incamping which the Romans vsed in his time when as they had commonly but two legions in their Armie with as manie associates placeth the Ablecti and extraordinarij which were select bandes and companies in the vpper part of the campe and the associates on the outsides of the legions The ditch and the rampier that compassed the whole campe about was 200 foote distant from any tent vvhere of Polybius giueth these reasons first that the souldiers marching into the campe in battell array might there dissolue themselues into maniples centuries and decuries without tumult or confusion for order was the thing which they principally respected as the life and strength of their martiall body And againe if occasion vvere offered to sallie out vpon an enemie they might verie conueniently in that spatious roome put themselues into companies and troupes and if they vvere assaulted in the night the dartes and fire vvorkes vvhich the enemie should cast into their campe would little indammage them by reason of the distance betweene the rampier and the tentes Their tentes were all of skinnes and hides helde vp with props and fastened with ropes there were 11 souldiers as Vegetius saith in euerie tent and that societie was called Contubernium of whom the chiefest was named Decanus or Caput Contubernij The ditch and the rampier were made by the legions euerie maniple hauing his part measured out and euerie Centurion ouerseeing his Centurie the approbation of the whole worke belonged to the Tribunes Their maner of intrenching was this the soldiors being girt with their swords and daggers digged the ditch about the campe which was alwaies 8 foot in breadth at the least and as much in depth casting the earth thereof inward but if the enemy were not farre off the ditch was alwaies 11. or 15. or 18. foot in latitude altitude according to the discretion of the General but what scantling soueer was kept the ditch was made directis lateribus that is as broad in the bottome as at the top The rampier from the brim of the ditch was three foot in heighth and sometimes foure made after the maner of a wall with greene turfes cut all to one measure halfe a foot in thicknesse a foot in breadth and a foot and a halfe in length But if the place wherein they were incamped would afford no such turfe they then strengthened the loose earth which was cast out of the ditch with boughs and fagots that it might be strong and wel fastened The rampier they properly called Agger the outside whereof which hung ouer the ditch they vsed to stick with thicke and sharpe stakes fastened deep in the mound that they might be firme and these for the most part were forked stakes which made the rampier very strong and not to be assaulted but with great difficulty Varro saith that the front of the rampier thus stucke with stakes was called vallum a varicando for that no man could stride or get ouer it The campe had foure gates the first was called praetoria porta which was alwaies behind the Emperours tent and this gate did vsually looke either toward the east or to the enemy or that way that the army was to march The gate on the other side of the campe opposite to this was called Porta Decumana a decimis cohortibus for the tenth or last Cohort of euery legion was lodged to confront this gate by this gate the soldiours went out to fetch their wood their water and their forrage and this waie their offendours were caried to execution The other two gates were called Portae principales forasmuch as they stoode opposite to either ende of that so much respected place which they called principia onely distinguished by these titles laeua principalis and dextra all these gates were shut with doores and in standing Campes fortified with Turrets vpon which were planted Engines of defence as Balistae Catapultae Tolenones and such like Porta Proetoria THE ROMAINE CAMPE The vse and commodity of this incamping I briefely touched in my first booke But if I were worthie any way to commend the excellency thereof to our moderne soldiours or able by perswasion to restablish the vse of incamping in our warres I woulde spare no paines to atchieue so great a good and vaunt more in the conquest of negligence then if my sense had compassed a new found out meanes and yet reason would deeme it a matter of small difficultie to gaine a point of such worth in the opinion of our men especiallie when my discourse shall present security to our forces and honour to our leaders maiestie to our armies and terrour to our enmies wonderment to strangers and victorie to our nation But sloth hath such interest in this age that it commendeth vaine glory and foole-hardinesse contempt of vertue and derision of good discipline to repugne the dessignes of honour and so far to ouermaister reason that it suffereth not former harmes to beare witnesse against errour nor correct the ill atchieuements of ill directions and therefore ceasing to vrge this pointe anie further I wil leaue it to the careful respect of the wise THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe fury of the enemy and their sodaine assault so disturbed the ceremonies which the Romaine discipline obserued to make the soldiours trulie apprehend the waight and importance of that action which might cast vppon their state either soueraignty or bondage that they were all for the most part omitted notwithstanding they are here noted vnder these titles the first was vexillum proponendum quod erat insigne cum ad Arma concurri oporteret for when the Generall had determined to fight hee caused a skarlet coate or red flag to bee hung out vpon the top of his tent that by it
and as Zonaras in his second Tome saith was neuer giuen but vpon some great exploite and after a iust victorie obtained and then in the place where the battaile was fought and the enemie ouerthrowne the Generall was saluted by the name of Imperator with the triumphant shoute of the whole armie by which acclamation the soldiours gaue testimonie of his worth and made it equiualent with the most fortunate Commaunders This ceremonie was of great antiquitie in the Romaine Empire as appeareth by manie histories and namelie by Tacitus where hee saith that Tyberius gaue that honour to Blesus that hee should be saluted Imperator by the legions which hee sheweth to bee an ancient dignitie belonging to great Captaines after they had foiled the enemy with an eminent ouerthrowe For euerie victorie was not sufficient whereby they might chalenge so great an honour but there was required as it seemeth a certaine number of the enemies to be slaine Apian in his second booke saieth that in olde time the name of Imperator was neuer taken but vpon great and admirable exploits but in his time 10000 of the enemy being slaine in one battell was a sufficient ground of that honour Cicero saith that 2000 slaine in the place especiallie of Thracians Spaniards or Galles did worthely merit the name of Imperator Howsoeuer it seemeth by the same author that there was a certain number of the enemy required to be slaine where he saith Se insta victoria Imperatorem appellatum CHAP. XI The Britains make peace with Caesar but breake it againe vpon the losse of the Romain shipping THE Britaines being ouerthrowne in this battaile assoone as they had recouered their safety by flight they presently dispatched messengers to Caesar to intreate for peace promising hostages and obedience in whatsoeuer he commanded And with these ambassadors returned Comius of Arras whom Caesar had sent before into Britanie Caesar complained that whereas they sent vnto him into Gallia to desire peace notwithstanding at his comming they made warre against him without any cause or reason at all but excusing it by their ignorance he commanded hostages to be deliuered vnto him which they presently performed in parte and the rest being to bee fet further off shoulde likewise be rendered within a short time in the meane while they commanded their people to returne to their possessions and their Rulers and Princes came out of all quarters to commende themselues and their states to Caesar The peace being thus concluded foure daies after that Caesar came into Britanie the eighteen shippes which were appointed for the horsemen put out to sea with a gentle winde and approaching so neere the coast of Britanie that they were within viewe of the Romaine campe there arose such a sodaine tempest that none of them were able to holde their course but some of them returned to the porte from whence they came othersome were cast vpon the lower part of the Ilande which lieth to the West warde and there casting anchor tooke in such seas that they were forced to commit themselues againe to the sea and direct their course to the coast of Gallia The same night it happened that the moone being in the full the tides were verie high in those seas whereof the Romaines being altogether ignorant both the Gallies which were drawne vp vpon the shore were filde with the tide and the shippes of burthen that laie at anchor were shaken with the tempest neither was there anie helpe to be giuen vnto them so that many of them were rent and split in peeces and the rest lost both their anchors Gables and other tackling and by that meanes became altogether vnseruiceable Whereat the whole armie was exceedinglie troubled for there was no other shipping to recarrie them bcke againe Neither had they anie necessaries to newe furnish the olde and euerie man knew that they must needes winter in Gallia for as much as there was no prouision of corn in those places where they were Which thing beeing knowne to the Princes of Britanie that were assembled to confer of such thinges as Caesar had commanded them to performe when they vnderstood that the Romaines wanted both their horsemen shipping and prouision of corne and coniecturing of the paucitie of their forces by the small circuit of their camp and that which was more important then all the rest that Caesar had transported his soldiours without such necessarie cariages as they vsed to take with them they thought it their best course to rebell and to keepe the Romaines from corne and conuoies of prouision and so prolong the matter vntil winter came on For they thought that if these were once ouerthrown and cut off from returning into Gallia neuer any man would afterward aduenture to bring an army into Britanie therefore they conspired againe the second time and conuaied themselues by stealth out of the campe and got their men priuily out of the fields to make head in some conuenient place against the Romans THE FIRST OBSERVATION COncerning the ebbing and flowing of the sea and the causes thereof it hath already beene handled in the second booke to which I will adde this much as may serue to shew how the Romaines became so ignorant of the spring tides which happen in the full and new of the moone It is obserued by experience that the motion of this waterie element is altogither directed by the course of the moon wherin she exerciseth her regency according as shee findeth the matter qualified for her influence And for asmuch as all mediterrean seas and such gulfes as are inclosed in sinues and bosomes of the earth are both abridged of the liberty of their course and through the smallnes of their quantity are not so capable of celestiall power as the Ocean it selfe it consequently followeth that the Tuskane seas wherwith the Romains were chiefly acquainted were not so answerable in effect to the operation of the moon as the maine sea whose bounds are ranged in a more spacious circuit and through the plenteous abundance of his parts better answereth the vertue of the moone The Ocean therfore being thus obedient to the course of the celestial bodies taking hir course of flowing from the North falleth with such a currant between the Orcades and the maine of Noruegia that she filleth our channel between England and France with great swelling tides and maketh her motion more eminent in these quarters then in any other partes of the world And hence it happeneth that our riuer of Thames lying with her mouth so ready to receiue the tyde as it commeth and hauing withall a plaine leuelled belly and a very smal fresh currant taketh the tide as far into the land as any other known riuer of Europe And for this cause the Romans were ignorant of the spring tides in the ful of the moone THE SECOND OBSERVATION SVch as either by their own experience or otherwise by obseruation of that which history recordeth are acquainted with
attained to the perfection of ciuill gouernment So we find that first Assirians and Babilonians as neerest to the mountaines of Armenia where the Arke rested and people first inhabited reduced their states into common weales of monarchies of exquisite gouernment florishing with al maner of learning and knowledge when as yet other countries laie either waste or ouerwhelmed with Barbarisme From thence it flowed into Egypt out of Egypt into Greece out of Greece into Italie out of Italie into Gallia and from thence into England where our Kentishmen first entertained it as bordering vpon France and frequented with marchants of those countries CHAP. V. Diuers skirmishes betweene the Romans and the Britaines THE Caualrie of the enemy and their chariots gaile a sharpe conflict to the Romaine horsemen in their march but so that the Romaines got the better euery way driuing them with great slaughter to the woods and hils and loosing also some of their owne men beeing too venturous in the pursuit The Britaine 's after some intermission of time when the Romans litle thought of them were busied in fortifying their cāpe came sodainly out of the woods and charged vpon those that kept station before the campe Caesar sent out two the thickest cohorts of two legions to second their fellowes these two cohortes standing with a small alley betweene them the other that were first charged being terrified with that strange kinde of fight boldelie brake through the chiefest of the enemy and so retired in safetie to their fellowes That daie Quintus Laberius Durus a Tribune of the soldiours was slaine the Britaines were repelled with moe cohortes which Caesar sent to second the former And for asmuch as the fight happened in the vewe of all the campe it was plainly perceiued that the legionarie soldiors being neither able for the waight of their armor to follow the enemy as he retired nor yet daring to go far from his ensigne was not a fit aduersarie to contest this kind of enemy and that the horsemen likewise fought with no lesse danger inasmuch as the enemy would retire backe of purpose and when they had drawne them a little from the legions they woulde then light from their chariots and incounter thē with that aduantage which is between a footeman and a horseman Furthermore they neuer fought thicke and close together but thin and in great distances hauing stations of men to succour one another to receiue the wearie and to send out fresh supplies OBSERVATIONS VPpon this occasion of their heauie armour I will describe a legionarie soldior in his compleat furniture that we may better iudge of their maner of warfare and vnderstand wherein their greatest strength consisted And first we are to learne that their legionarie soldiors were called Milites grauis armaturae soldiors wearing heauie armour to distinguish them from the Velites the Archers slingers and other light armed men Their offensiue armes were a couple of Piles or as some wil but one Pile and a Spanish sword short and strong to strike rather with the point then with the edge Their defensiue armes were a helmet a corslet and boots of brasse with a large Target which in some sort was offensiue in regarde of that vmbonem which stucke out in the middest thereof The Pile is described at large in the first booke and the Target in the second the sworde as Polybius witnesseth was short two edged yerie sharpe and of a strong point and therefore Liuie in his 22. Booke saieth that the Galles vsed verie long swordes without pointes but the Romaines had short swordes readier for vse these they called Spanish swordes because they borrowed that fashion from the Spaniarde The olde Romaines were so girt with their swordes as appeareth by Polybius and their monuments in Marble that from their left shoulder it hung vpon their right thigh contrary to the vse of these times which as I haue noted before was in regard of their target which they caried on their left arme this sworde was hung with a belt of leather beset with studs as Varro noteth and these were their offensiue weapons Their Helmet was of brasse adorned with three Ostrich feathers of a cubite in length by which the soldiour appeared of a large stature and more terrible to the enemie as Polybius saieth in his 6. booke Their brest plate was either of brasse or Iron ioynted together after the maner of scales or platted with little ringes of yron their bootes were made of barres of brasse from the foote vp to the knee And thus were the legionarie soldiours armed to stand firme rather then to vse any nimble motion and to combine themselues into a bodie of that strength which might not easilie recoile at the opposition of anie confrontment for agilitie standeth indifferent to helpe either a retreit or a pursuit and nimble footed soldiors are as readie to flie backe as to march forward but a waighty body keepeth a more regular motion and is not hindered with a common counterbuffe so that whensoeuer they came to firme buckeling and felt the enemy stand stiffe before them such was their practise and exercise in continual workes that they neuer fainted vnder any such taske but the victorie went alwayes cleere on their side But if the enemy gaue waie to their violence and came not in but for aduantage and then as speedilie retired before the counterbuffe were well discharged then did their nimblenesse much helpe their weakenesse and frustrate the greatest parte of the Romaine discipline This is also proued in the ouerthrowe of Sabinus and Cotta where Ambiorix finding the inconuenience of buckeling at handy blowes commaunded his men to fight a far off and if they were assaulted to giue backe and to come on againe as they saw occasion which so wearied out the Romaines that they all fell vnder the execution of the Galles Let this suffice therefore to shew how vnapt the Romans were to flie vpon any occasion when their armour was such that it kept them from al starting motions and made thē sutable to the staied and wel assured rules of their discipline which were as certaine principles in the execution of a standing battaile and therefore not so fit either for a pursuit or a flight Concerning the vnequall combat betweene a horseman and a footeman it may be thought strange that a footeman shoulde haue such an aduantage against a horseman beeing ouermatched at least with a Sextuple proportion both of strength and agilitie but wee must vnderstande that as the horse is much swifter in a long cariere so in speedie and nimble turning at hand wherein the substance of the combate consisteth the footeman farre exceedeth the horseman in aduantage hauing a larger marke to hit by the Horse then the other hath Besides the horseman ingageth both his valour and his fortune in the good speede of his horse his woundes and his death doe consequentlie pull the rider after his feare or furie maketh his maister
and therefore let them suppose that al things consisted in the victorie The Romans were equal to the Galles both in number of men and valour and albeit they were destitute of good Captaines and of good fortune yet they reposed in their manhoode al the hope of their safety and as often as any cohort issued out they failed not to make a great slaughter of the enemy on that part THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Haue alreadie handeled the nature of an Orbe with such properties as are incident to a circle wherein I shewed the conueniencie of this figure in regarde of safe and strong imbattailing I will nowe adde this much concerning the vse thereof that as it is the best manner of imbattailing for a defensiue strength and therefore neuer vsed but in extremitie so we must be very carefull that the sodaine betaking of our selues to such a refuge doe not more dismaie the soldiours then the aduantage of that imbattailing canne benefit them For vnlesse a leader be carefull to keepe his men in courage that their hearts may bee free from despaire and amazement what profit can there arise from any disposition or bodie soeuer when the particular members shall bee sencelesse of that duty which belongeth vnto them for order is nothing but an assistance to courage giuing meanes to manage our valour with aduantage In the warre of Africke wee reade that Caesars legions being incircled about with great multitudes of enemies were forced to make an Orbe but he quicklie turned it to a better vse by aduancing the two Cornets two contrary waies and so deuided the enemy into two partes and then beate them backe to their great disaduantage THE SECOND OBSERVATION I Neede not stand vpon this order which the Galles heere tooke concerning pillage that no soldior should forsake his station or disranke himselfe in hope of spoile which is a thing that from the very infancie of warres hath often changed the fortune of the day and solde the honor of a publike victorie for priuate lucre and petty pilfering Amongst other examples let that which Guichardine reporteth of the battell of Taro suffice to warne a well directed armie as well by the good which Charles the eighth of that name King of France receiued at that time as by the losse which the Italians felt by that disorder not to seeke after pillage vntil the victory be obtained THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe insufficiency of these Commanders whereof Caesar now complaineth as the only want which these Romans had to cleere themselues of this daunger bringeth to our consideration that which former times haue made a question which is whether it were the vertue of the Roman leaders or the valor of their soldiers that inlarged their Empire to that greatnes and made their people and senate Lords of the world Polybius waighing the causes of a victorie which the Carthagineans gained of the Romans by the counsell and good direction of one Zantippus a Grecian hauing before that time receiued diuers ouerthrowes during the time of those warres in Africke concluded that it was more in the worthines of the Commanders then in any extraordinary vertue of the soldiours that the Romans atchieued so many conquests And besides the present example of Zantippus he confirmed his opinion with the proceedings of Hanniball who from the beginning of the second punicke warre still gained of the Roman Empire enlarging the territories of Carthage and streightening the iurisdiction of mightie Rome vntill it had got a leader matchable to that subtle Carthaginean and found a Scipio to confront their Hannibal To this may be added that SABINVS AND COTTA famous battell betweene the olde Romans and the last Latines wherein both parties were equally ballaunced both in number and quality of their souldiers hauing both the same Armes the same vse of their weapons and the same discipline as if it had beene in a Ciuill warre neither could fortune tell by the presence of their Armies where to bestowe her fauour or where to shewe her disdaine but that the worthinesse of the Roman leaders brought the oddes in the triall and made Rome great with the ruine of the Latines Whereby it appeareth how much it importeth the whole fortune of an Armie to haue a leader worthie of the place which he holdeth forasmuch as nothing doth make a greater difference of inequalitie betweene two equall Armies then the wisedome and experience of a graue commander or the disabilitie of an vnskilfull leader which are so powerfull in their seuerall effectes that there is greater hope of a heard of Hartes led by a Lyon then of so many Lyons conducted by a Harte CHAP. XIII Ambiorix directeth the Galles how they might best fight with aduantage and frustrate the weapons of Romaine souldiers THE which thing when Ambiorix perceiued he commanded his men to throwe their casting weapons a farre off and keepe themselues from comming neare at hand and where the Romans charged vpon them to giue waie and againe as they sawe them retire to their ensignes then to pursue them Which commandement was so diligently obserued by the Galles that as oft as any cohort sallied out of the Orbe to giue an assault the enemie gaue backe as fast as they could and in the meane time there was no help but that part must be left naked and open to the inconuenience of casting weapons and againe as they retired to their place they were circumuented as well by them that had giuen place vnto them as by such as stood next about them And if they went about to keepe their ground they could neither helpe themselues by their manhood nor standing thicke together auoide the dartes that such a multitude cast vpon them and yet notwithstanding these inconueniences besides the woundes which they had receiued they stood still at their defence and hauing so spent the greatest part of the daie for they had fought eight houres together they counted nothing dishonourable or vnworthie of themselues THE OBSERVATION I Haue spoken alreadie of the manner of the Roman fight consisting altogether in good disposition of imbattailing and in firme standing and buckling at handy-blowes as may appeare by this circumstance where Ambiorix forbiddeth his men to buckle with them but to giue backe and follow on againe as the lightnesse of their Armes gaue them oportunitie In like manner in the first booke of the Ciuill warres in the battell betweene Caesar and Affranius it appeareth that Caesar his souldiers were bound to keepe their araie not to leaue their ensignes nor without a waightie occasion to forsake their stations appointed them whereas the Affranians fought thinne and scattered here and there and if they were hard laied vnto they thought it no dishonour to retire and giue backe as they had learned of the Portugals and other Barbarous nations CHAP. XIIII The Romans are ouerthrowen THEN T. Baluentius who the yeare before had beene Primipile of that legion a valiant man and of great authoritie had both