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A68840 Most fruitfull [and] learned co[m]mentaries of Doctor Peter Martir Vermil Florentine, professor of deuinitie, in the Vniuersitye of Tygure with a very profitable tract of the matter and places. Herein is also added [and] contained two most ample tables, aswel of the matter, as of the wordes: wyth an index of the places in the holy scripture. Set forth & allowed, accordyng to thorder appointed in the Quenes maiesties iniunctions.; In librum Judicum commentarii doctissimi. English Vermigli, Pietro Martire, 1499-1562. 1564 (1564) STC 24670; ESTC S117825 923,082 602

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thinges beyng added as it seemed good vnto sundrye men neuerthelesse after a sorte they mighte bee borne withall neyther can they iustly be accused eyther of superstition or els of Idolatry Rites were not like in all churches The churche of Millayne Howbeit they were not a lyke in all Churches neyther were they obserued after one maner For yet in the Churche of Millaine it is otherwyse vsed after the institution of Ambrose But afterward the Romanē Antichristes corrupted all thynges as I shall declare in an other place And that by the olde institution were obserued those thinges whych I haue mencioned Tertulian I coulde easely proue by most auncient wryters Tertullian in hys Apologye sayth we assemble and gather together that wee praying might embrace one another as though we would make a rushing into God with our praiers This violence is acceptable vnto God We pray also for Emperours for their ministers powers for the state of the world for the quietnes of things the tariyng of the end These things declare the sūme of the collects And for the rehearsing of the Scriptures hee addeth wee assemble together to the rehearsal of the holy scriptures if the quality of the present time doth compel vs either to foresee any thing or diligently to acknowledge any faults we do assuredly fede our fayth wyth holye woordes wee erecte our hope wee fyxe oure confidence and yet we continually repeate discipline by inculcating the preceptes of God Ther are also exhortations castigations and sharpe iudgementes of God for there was iudgement with great waight c. These are the thinges whych wer done in the holy assembly Wherunto those thinges are also to be added which the same authour saith in an other place namelye that the Lordes Supper was wont to be receaued at the handes of the chiefe Ministers c. We may by these woordes perceaue the principal partes of the Masse which we haue made mencion of Iustine the Martyr in his second Apologie maketh mencion that the Christians assembled together on the Sonday Iustine martyr but he writeth nothing of other feast daies There he saith was rehersed the holy scriptures whereunto the Byshop dyd afterward adioyne his exhortation Which being finished saith he we ryse and pray He addeth afterward The bread and drinke is brought to the bishop ouer which he geueth thankes as earnestly as he can to whom all men answer Amen These two words declare that they wer not carelesly to be passed ouer First thankes were not geuen rashlye but with as muche earnest as might be that is with a singular affection Moreouer it is manifest that all these thynges were spoken with a loud voyce seing al the people answered Amen Afterward saith he is distributed the Lordes supper then is the common geuing of thankes and the offering of almes Dionisius in Hierarchia Ecclesiastica maketh mencion almost of these same things namely of the reading of the scriptures singing of Psalmes Cōmuniō Dionisius and other thinges which wer to long now to rehearse But which is muche to be maruailed of he maketh no mencion of the offering of the body of Christ The workes of Dionisius ar not hys whych was the Areo-Pagite Yet we must not thinke that he was that Areopagite of whom the Actes of the Apostles haue mencioned But whatsoeuer he was it is not to be doubted as farre as I can iudge but that he was an old wryter But why I can not thincke that he was an Areopagite these are the reasons that leade me thereunto First bycause the kinde of writing which he vseth especially of the names of God and de Hierarchia celesti containeth in it rather the doctrine of vayne Philosophye than the pure doctrine of Christian religiō and vtterly wanteth edefiyng moreouer those bookes ar in a maner voyd of testimonies of the holy scriptures Monkes were not in the churche in the Apostles tyme. Furthermore in his Hierarchia Ecclesiastica hee maketh Monkes as a myddle order betwene a Clarke and the Lay men When as in the Apostles time that kynde of life was not yet in the Churche Besides this the auncienter Fathers neuer made mencion of those bookes which is a good argument that those wrytinges wer none of that Martyrs doing Gregory the Romane was the first of all wryters that made any mencion of him who in one of his Homelies mencioneth of his writinges But let vs leaue him and come to Augustine Augustine That father in his .59 epistle to Paulinus when he dissolueth the .v. question expoundeth the .4 words which ar written in the .1 epistle to Timo. the .2 A place to Timothe expounded 1 Tim 2. chap. And these are the woordes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And he affirmeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to go before the celebration of the sacramēt but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he maketh prayers which are said in the administration of the sacrament wher after a sorte we vow our selues vnto Christ and he thincketh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bee peticions and requestes with which the Minister of the Church prayeth for good thinges vnto the people standing by And finally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he affirmeth to be the cōmon geuing of thankes I could to these bring a great many more monuments of old writers but that I thinke these are sufficient at this present But now to returne to the name of Missa Note an other kind of mission I see ther haue bene some whych haue thought it to haue ben deriued of the word Missio that is sending bicause those thinges which wer offered of the faithfull were sayde to be sent and they thyncke that this hebrewe woorde Missath gaue the occasion to that name bycause in Penticoste the Iewes vsed to send gyftes But why I doo not thyncks the name of Missa to be deriued of the hebrewe woorde I haue before declared And nowe I adde this that if Missa were so named of the oblation of thinges which wer geuen of the godly then do the Papistes abuse that name who haue no regard at al to the almes of godly men but onely to the oblation of the bodye and blood of Christe which they commonlye boast and that impudently that they doo offer it vnto God the father for the quicke and the dead But of these thinges I thinke I haue spoken inough and inough 34 And the Amorrites draue the childrē of Dan vnto the moūtain for they suffered them not to come downe into the valley 35 And the Amorrites began to dwel in the mount Heresch in Aialem and in Saalbim and the hande of Ioseph preuailed so that they became tributaries 36 And the coast of the Amorrites was from the going vp of the Scorpions and from Petra and vpward They of the tribe of Dan distrusting the mercy and fauour of God wer driuē by the Chananites or Amorhites into the hilly places wher they were scarse
and made to stand stil I wyll not speake howe the Poetes fable that when the walles of Thebes the Citye were built the stones of their owne motion came together with the sound of the Harpe And no man is ignoraunt what the same Poetes haue written of Arion and Orpheus And who knoweth not how much Dauid here ther in his Psalmes praiseth both Musick songes Tertulian And among Christian men Tertulian in his Apology teacheth that the faithfull did very often make suppers wherin after they had moderatly and honestly refreshed the body they recreated themselues with godly songes And in an other place when he commendeth Matrimony that is of one and the selfe same religion he sayth that Christian couples doo mutually prouoke them selues tosing prayses vnto God Whether singinge may be receaued in the Church The east churche Plini But now that we haue sene the nature beginning and vse of songes and musicke ther resteth to inquire whither it may be vsed in Churches In the East part the holy assemblies euen from the beginning vsed singing which we maye easily vnderstand by a testimony of Plini in a certain Epistle to Traian the Emperor where he writeth that Christians vsed to syng hymnes before daye vnto their Christ And this is not to be left out that these words wer written in that time that Iohn the Euangelist lyued for he was a liue vnto the time of Traian Wherfore if a man shal say that in the time of the Apostles there was syngyng in holy assemblies He shal not stray from the truth Paule who was before these times vnto the Ephesians saith Be not filled wyth wyne wherein is wantonnes but be ye filled with the spirit speaking to your selues in Psalmes Himnes and spiritual songes singing in your hart geuing thankes alwaies vnto God for all thinges in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ To wyne the Apostle setteth the spirite as contrarye and forbiddeth the pleasure of the senses when in steede of wyne he wil haue Christians filled with the spirite For in wine as he saith is wantonnes but in the spirite is both a true and a perfect ioy Drounckerdes speake more than inough but yet foolish and vayne thinges Speake ye saith he but yet spirituall thinges and that not onely in voyce but also in hart for the voyce soundeth in vaine where the minde is not affected They which be filled with wine do speake foolish filthy and blasphemous thinges but geue ye thankes to God alwaies I say and for all thinges To this ende vndoubtedly ought Ecclesiastical songes to tend vnto To the Colossians also are written certaine thinges not disagreing from these Let the woord of the Lord sayth the Apostle abound plentifully in you teache and admonish ye one another in Psalmes Hymnes and spirituall songes singing in your hartes with grace By these woordes Paule expresseth two thinges Fyrst that our songes be the woord of God which must abound plentifully in vs and they must not serue onely to geuing of thankes but also to teache and to admonish And then it is added with grace which is thus to vnderstand as though he should haue said aptly and properly both to the senses and to measure and also vnto the voyces Let them not syng rude and rusticall thinges neither let it be immoderatly as doo the Tauernhunters To the Corrinthians the firste Epistle the .xiiii. chapter where he entreateth of an holy assemblye the same Apostle writeth after this maner When ye assemble together according as euerye one of you hath a Psalme or hath doctrine or hath a toung or hath reuelacion or hath interpretation let al thinges be done vnto edifieng By which woordes is declared that Syngers of songes and Psalmes had their place in the Church The west Church Augustine But the west Churches more lately receaued the maner of singing for Augustine in his .ix. booke of Confessions testifieth that it happened in the tyme of Ambrose For when that holy man together with the people watched euen in the Church least he should haue bene betrayed vnto the Arrians he brought in singing to auoyde tediousnes and to driue away the time But as touching the measure and nature of the song which ought to be retained in Musicke in the Church these thinges are woorthy to be noted What maner of measure the ecclesiastical song ought to be Augustine Augustine in the same bookes of Confession both confesseth and also is sory that hee had sometimes fallen bicause he had geuen more attentiue heede vnto the measures and cordes of musicke than to the woordes whiche were vnder them spoken Which thing hereby he proueth to be synne bicause measures and singing were brought in for the wordes sake and not wordes for Musicke The manner of the churche of Alexandria And he so repented him of his fault that he execeedingly allowed the manner of the Church of Alexandria vsed vnder Athanasius for hee commaunded the Reader that when he sang he should but lytle alter his voyce so that he shoulde bee lyke rather vnto one that readeth than vnto one that syngeth Howbeit on the contrary when he considered how at the beginning of his conuersion he was inwardly moued with these songes namely in suche sorte that for the zeale of pietye he burst forth into teares for this cause I say he consented that Musicke should be retained in the Churche but yet in suche maner that hee saide he was readye to chaunge his sentence if a better reason could be assigned And he addeth that those do synne deadly as they wer wont to speake which geue greater hede vnto musicke than vnto the woordes of God Ierome Gregory To which sentence vndoubtedlye Ierome assenteth as he hath noted vpon the Epistle to the Ephesians Gregory also of Rome in the Synode of Rome was of the same opinion And both their wordes are wrytten in the Decrees Dist 92. in the chap. Cantantes and in the chapter In sancta Romana In which place are read in the glose two verses not in dede so eloquent but yet godly Non vox sed votum non cordula musica sed vox Non clamans sed amans cantat in aure Dei That is Not the voice but the desire not the plesantnes of musick but the voyce Not crying but louing syngeth in the eare of God And in the wordes of Gregory this is not slightlye to be passed ouer in that hee saith Whilest the swetenes of the voyce is sought for the life is neglected and when wicked maners prouoke God the people is rauished by the pleasauntnesse of the voyce The abuses of Ecclesiasticall Musicke But now let vs declare the cautions which are to bee obserued to the ende we maye lawfully and fruitfully vse singing in the Church The first is That in Musicke be not put the whole summe effect of godlines and of the worshipping of God For among the Papists they do almost euery where thinke that
so then were it very easy to persuade the Ethnickes and Turkes of the holy Scriptures and to bryng the Iewes to receaue the new Testament and how true this is the thing it selfe witnesseth And I thincke I haue spoken enough of the efficient cause of this booke and of the holy Scriptures Of the ende of this booke And now lastly order semeth to require the seyng we haue spoken of the matter forme and efficient cause of the holy bookes we shoulde also entreate somewhat to what end they were written Wherin I thincke it not nedeful to kepe the reader long for that before when I entreated many thynges of an historye I haue expounded also the profite and commodities whiche come therof whiche no doubte of it belong vnto the ende but nowe presently I will say thus much compendiously that all these thinges are mentioned by the holy ghost that we shoulde behaue our selues vprigthly both in prosperitie and also aduersitie For we learne by the examples of holy men when we are afflicted with sundry troubles and miseries stedfastly to holde our faith to put our hope in God to call vpon him only therewithall to repent vs of our sinnes whiche thinges if we do he will no lesse be presente to helpe vs than we know that he oftentimes deliuered the people of the Iewes And this Paul declared when he sayde to the Romaines whatsoeuer things are written they are written for our learning that we thorough patience and consolation of the Scriptures might haue hope Moreouer we are instructed in prosperous thinges to kepe the feare of god lest we fal into grieuous sinnes by whiche meanes we might be made guiltie both of punishement in this lyfe and also of euerlastyng damnatiō Finally we may moste manifestly gather the ende of reading of these bookes out of the Apostles doctrine whiche he deliuered to Timothe writing after this sorte in his second Epistle and third chap. All Scripture geuen by inspiration of God is profitable to doctrine to reprouing to correction and to instruction which is in righteousnesse that the man of God may be perfect and prepared to al good workes And now that as I suppose I haue spoken enough of the end and other causes of this booke I will come nygher to the exposition of the same first I wil declare whether this booke according to the sentence of the Hebrewes be the second booke of the firste Prophetes whose coniunction is so great with the history of Iosua that a man woulde easely saye that they be both one Whether the booke of Iosua ought to be reckened with the booke of Iudges And peraduenture there be some which suppose that Iosua should be reckened with the iudges to whom I will not subscribe For iudges were raised vp of god when the people were oppressed with outwarde enemies but when Iosua was proclaymed prince all the affaires of the Israelites were in good prosperitie For Sihon and Og most mightie kinges were ouercome and that office was cōmitted to Iosua wherby Moyses being dead he might leade the people ouer Iordane and take possessiō of the lande of Chanaan and deuide the promised lande by lottes vnto the children of Israell and besides that the people did set their handes to a decree whiche they had made of Iosua that he whiche obeyed not his voyce should be killed as we read it written in the first chap. of his booke But there is no mention made of suche thynges as concernyng the Iudges And yet both the bookes are so like and of such affinitie that many thinges are repeated in this our booke especially in the beginning whiche no doubte were done when Iosua was yet lyuing There resteth now to admonishe the reader somewhat of the partes of this boke The partes of the booke of Iudges There are as many principall membres in it as there were Iudges to Samuels tyme. For that in euery one of them still riseth vnto vs a new historye But the first of all was Othoniel of whom we will speake in the third chap. So that all those thinges whiche are written vnto that place do contayne the thynges done from the death of Iosua vnto Othoniel And certainly bycause the Iewes as long as Iosua liued worshipped god a right kept the lawe as muche as the weakenesse of mā coulde do god stil wrought with them accordyng to his couenaunt gaue thē a great victorye ouer their enemies so that euery tribe ouercame his enemies for the most part which were yet adioynying to their borders And then when the Israelites obteynyng the victorye did transgresse the commaundements of their god did not cleane destroy the nations which they had ouercome as god had commaunded them yea they made them tributaries vnto them god therfore grieuously admonished them by his messanger bycause they had not onely saued their enemies but also had moste filthyly honoured theyr gods So that god was not wtout a cause angry with them and deliuered them into the handes of outwarde tyrannes But when they were sorye for it and called vpon their god he had compassion of them and raysed them vp Iudges by whom they might be deliuered when they were deliuered they fell agayne to Idolatry they were afflicted againe they repented wherby in course their deliueries and oppressions are set forth But their first oppressiō worthy of memory was vnder Chusan Resanthaim from the which Othoniel the first of al the iudges reuenged them of whom we will speake in his place But now we will put here vnderneth the wordes of the holy history The first Chapter 1 IT came to passe after the death of Iosua that the childrē of Israel asked the Lord sayeng Who shall go vp for vs agaynst the Chananites to fight first agaynst them 2 And the Lorde sayd Iudah shal go vp beholde I haue deliuered the lande into his handes IT semed good vnto the children of Israel to take warre in hande for as it is writtē in the xiii chap. of Iosua they had not yet at this tyme conquered all the promised land so that in euery tribes lotte there were enemyes remayning And when they sawe there was no remedy but that they must dryue them out by force they doubted not whether they shoulde make warre agaynst them but their doubte was whiche tribe should fight before all the other The Israelites aske counsell of God The matter seemed to be of such great importaunce that they asked counsell of god whiche was the chief gouernour of their publicque weale Iosua that worthy captayne was no more a liue at whose becke and pleasure they hanged The Israelites affaires had euill successe whē they were done without God hys counsell Neither yet had they forgotten howe euill successe they had when not long before they toke weighty affaires in hand without asking counsell of God For in their settyng forth to battaill against the citie of Hai they sped very vnluckely in the
honesty and euer went about wicked actes For Zemah in Hebrue signifyeth mischiefe They were also named Rephaim Bycause they made men which met them to be after a sorte amased for that worde signifyeth sometimes the dead Lastly they were called Nefalim as oppressors bycause they assayled al men tyrannously of this worde Nafal which is to fall or subuerte Some thinke that they are sometimes called Geborim but bycause we vse to referre the worde to power and properly strong men are called Geborim therfore I woulde not put it among these When glaūtes began Augustine Furthermore if thou wilte demaunde when giauntes beganne to be if we may follow Augustine de ciuitate Dei the .xvi. boke and xxiii chapter We must say that they beganne before the floude And therfore we beleue him bycause he hath proued it by the testimonye of the holy Scriptures for it is written in the vi of Genesis that giauntes were at that time on the earth whose kind although it was kept after the floude yet as he beleueth they were not in so great number Whether Giauntes were begotten of mē Besides this it may be doubted concerning their procreation and parents for there are some whiche thinke that they were not begotten of men but that Aungels or deuils were their parentes And this sentence they say is confirmed by that which is written in the booke of Genesis The sonnes of God seing the daughters of men that they were fayre they tooke them to wiues and of them were borne most mightye men or giauntes Concerning this fall of the Angels many of the old writers agree that it was bicause they vsed company with women and among other is Lactantius in his second booke and xv Chapter For his opinion was as it is there written that God feared least Sathan to whom he had graunted the gouernement of the worlde shoulde vtterly haue destroyed mankinde Lactantius and therfore he gaue vnto it Angels for tutors by whose industrye care it mighte be defended But they being prouoked as well by the wilinesse of Sathan as also allured by the beauty of fayre women committed filthines with them Wherfore they were throwen downe from their dignitie and made souldiers of the deuill This was Lactantius opinion but yet he sayth not that Giauntes were borne of those copulations of Angels with women but earthly deuils which abide on the earth to our greate hurte Eusebius of Cesaria Eusebius of Cesaria in hys .v boke de preparatione euangelica doth nothing in a manner disagree from them For he also sayth that Angels which fell begat of women whom they filthilye loued those deuils which afterward troubled the world many wayes and to thē he referreth al these which the Poets and historiographers haue writtē to haue bene Gods haue eyther in Metre or in Prose made mention of their battailes discordes lustes and sundrye and grieuous tumultes Augustine But Augustine in his xv boke de ciuitate Dei xxiii Chap. thinketh that this opinion of these old men can not be gathered out of that place of Genesis Men of the stocke of Seth were called the sonnes of God For he sayth that those which are there called the sonnes of god were in very dede men namely cōming of the stock of Seth. For whē they worshipped god truely and sincerely and called vpō him holily and purely being adorned with his fauor grace they are called by the scriptures the sonnes of God What was the fal of the sonnes of God But whē at the length they began to burne in filthy lust with those women which came of the stocke of Cain and by that meanes fel into fellowship with the vngodly taking them to their wiues and cleauing also to superstitions and wicked worshippings they were chaunged from the sonnes of God not only into men but also into fleshe And thys will I say by the way Aquila Aquila translating these words out of Hebrue They wer not saith he the sōnes of God but the sonnes of Gods for thys cause so called as I suppose bycause their progenitors were holy men Simmachus but their children miserably fell from god and godlines by inordinate loue of women And Symmachus translateth it The sonnes of the mightye But nowe to Augustine againe he constantly affirmeth that there can be nothing gathered out of that place of Genesis concerning the carnall copulation of Angels with women but thinketh rather that farre contrary may be proued by the wordes of God written in the same place For whē the scripture had there sayd that there were Giaunts on the earth and that the sonnes of God as it is sayd were gone out of the right way and Giaunts were brought forth there is added And god sayd my spirite shal not abide in man for euer bicause he is flesh By this sentence he declareth that those which so sinned were called men and not only as they were by nature but also they were called flesh wherunto by their filthy luste they did to much cleaue But they which be of the contrary opinion do thinke that they do bring a strong witnesse of Enoch which was the vii from Adam of whom Iudas maketh mention in his canonicall Epistle Enochs booke Augustine For in the booke which is intituled to be Enochs booke it is writtē that giauntes had their of springs of Angels and not of mē But Augustine answereth vnto this and sayth that that booke is altogether Apocripha therefore such fables as are rehearsed in it are not to be beleued It is not to be doubted he sayth but that Enoch wrote some godly thinges when as Iudas the Apostle manifestly testifieth the same But it is not necessary that we should beleue that all thinges which are written in that Apocriphal booke shoulde be of hys writing Forasmuch as they haue no sure authoritie Neither although Iudas brought thence some one certaine sentence is it supposed that therfore he by his authoritie hath allowed the whole booke Vnlesse thou wilt saye that Paule allowed all the things which were written by Epimenides Aratus and Menander bicause he brought one or two verses out of thē Ierome Which thing Ierome in his exposition vpō the first chap. of the Epistle to Titus declareth to be a very absurde thing and worthily to be laughed at And now as concerning Enoch it semeth meruelous how he being but the vii from Adam could write of those things of the altercation betwene Michael and the deuil for the body of Moyses when as if there wer any such thing as there is no doubt but there wer they must nedes haue come to passe a thousand and almost .500 yeares after Vnlesse we wil say that those things wer reuealed at that time by some notable strength of prophecy Neyther is it to be forgotten that those whiche do thinke that giauntes had Angels to their parentes not men do therfore seme to suppose so The reason of
and as God hath commaunded that euill maye be taken awaye from the worlde Yea and it is also lawfull for hym to offer rewardes to men confederated together for some ill purpose It is lawfull for them to offer rewardes to conspirators to open theyr conspiracye Augustine to allure them to open and detecte the conspiracye bycause that assuredly pertayneth to treason Howbeit heresy is neuer either to be dissembled or to be praysed or any wicked Acte to be committed that lawfull kynde of treason shoulde haue good successe Wherefore Augustine in hys latter booke of Retractions testifieth that he wrote hys booke de Mendatio chiefly for thys cause bycause some to the ende they woulde detecte the Priscillianistes fayned them selues to be followers of the same heresye for that the same Priscillianistes when they were accused Of the Priscillianistes affirmed with greate stoutenesse that they were farre from any suche doctrine But for all that afterwarde they disclosed them selues vnto those whome beyng deceaued by theyr dissimulation they thought they myght well haue trusted But Augustine in the same booke De mendatio teacheth that by this dissimulation of the Catholickes very many euils daungers chaunced For there they commende Priscillianus they vniustly praise his boke which is entituled Libra they allowed the heresy pronouncing many things which could not be spoken without blasphemie Moreouer that which they did was dangerous for if they whiche after this sort dissēbling were of any authoritie or estimation the heretikes might by their commendation be confirmed in their opinion those specially with whom they did so dissemble For those peraduenture were Priscillianistes before althoughe not very firme constant which after they heard their heresy to be praysed of a graue man did then sticke more more in their error Furthermore in thus dissembling and beyng conuersaunte with the Priscillianistes the dissembler also might easely fall into danger that he him selfe at length might become of a Catholicke a Priscillianiste And finally the heretikes them selues by the dissimulation of our men might easely gather that they did very well in hyding dissemblyng and denyeng their doynges But that betrayeng is sometymes lawfull in a iust cause and such a cause as is without the dangers aboue mencioned not onely the reasons whiche we haue before alledged do declare but we may also proue it by very many examples written here and there in the scriptures The Gabaonites Rahab The Gabaonites betrayed the rest of the Chananites when they fell from them to the Hebrues Rahab also betrayed her publicque wealth or kyng in receauyng hydyng and sendyng awaye them whiche were deadly enemyes vnto it who is sayed neuerthelesse in the Epistle to the Hebrues to haue done those things by faith Iahel Iahel also the wife of Aher the Kenite betrayed Sisara for she by a meruelous craft slewe him whom she had called into her and closely hidden as it shal be afterward declared in his place in this hystory of the Iudges Ionathas Yea and Ionathas the sonne of Saul betrayed vnto Dauid the wil and counsels of his father as it is written in the first booke of Samuel Husay the Arachite Besides all these Husay the Arachite betrayed Absolon the sonne of Dauid when he withstandyng the counsell of Achitophel did thrust in his owne counsell whiche was farre worse and shewed all things vnto Dauid I might bring in a great many more examples But I thinke these are sufficient for the ware reader Certein cautions are to be added to lawfull prodition The first caution Now resteth only to declare certain cautions or prouisoes wherewith lawfull treason is to be decked and adorned and not to be condemned The first is that he which betrayeth be by a certain faith assured that the cause is iust which he aduaunceth whiche can not be done excepte that he haue sure proofe of the goodnesse therof by the word of God Neither do I at this present argue whether the same word be reuealed vnto him in harte The secōd caution or whether it be opened vnto him in the holy scriptures Then must he take hede that being now well assured of the righteousnesse and honesty wherunto he is inclined he be only prouoked therunto with the loue therof and not with the hope of rewarde or gayne or for feare of any misfortune whiche he desireth to escape or to satisfy his hatred and enemities deceaued The third caution For so should he seke his owne and not iustice neither the obedience of hys fayth and of the will of God Furthermore it is very necessary that a man be not dryuen to that but then when all other kynde of remedyes wante For Rahab so did for except she had then so kept the Hebrew spyes they had bene by mans reason vndone neither was there then any other waye to saue them And certainly it oftentymes chaunceth that all other ways meanes being tryed the worse parte will not be brought to sobernesse so that there is no other remedy but onely by prodition And I would therefore haue these cautions diligently obserued bycause that men are to muche prone to proditions and that such as are both filthy and wicked Wherfore we must take hede that by the exāple of good men they flatter not thē selues as though they were innocent The fourth caution Moreouer Paul hath admonished vs not only to auoyde that which is euill it selfe but also the shew therof Howbeit we must vnderstand this doctrine of his in such sort as we may accomplishe it For it is lawfull sometymes to cōmitte a thing whiche is euill to see to but not euill in very dede whilest yet there is hope that the thing may be straight way made playn so that the which at the first sight semed euill may manifestly be knowen to be good So the Apostle hym selfe circumcised Timothe and shaued his hed whiche of them selues and in very dede were not euil although they semed to haue had a certayn shewe of euill vnto certayn of the Ethnickes which were cōuerted wer not yet wel strēgthned The fifth caution Finally periury or lyeng are not to be mingled with those proditions whiche may be allowable For as much as it is manifest by the Apostolical rule the euils are not to be cōmitted wherby good things may follow I know there be some which go about to defēd those kynd of lyes which are called officious or honest Honest and officious lyes are not to be allowed Augustine But Augustine doth not allow that Whose reasons they which are desirous to know let thē read his boke Ad Consentiū I assuredly agree vnto his opinion For though there were no other reason yet me thincketh this were sufficient bycause the lyer bringeth himself out of credite wherby nothing that he afterward speaketh cā scarcely be beleued for they which heare it wil suspect it alwaies as a lye And besides this that scripture doth
a superiour power These seeme after thys manner to be deuided some to haue iurisdiction eyther proper or by heritage or els committed vnto them by Emperours Kynges and publique wealthes Or els they are wythout iurisdiction and are counted noble onely for nobilitye of bloude or for ryches heaped together And assuredly for so much as those latter sortes differ nothing almost from priuate menne in myne opinion wee muste so iudge of them as before I haue taught of priuate men But the first which are Rulers of Prouinces Cities and places eyther by inheritaunce or by office committed vnto them they ought not otherwyse to doo in the thyng whereof we now entreate than wee haue before prescribed for those which are mere and full Magistrates For by the commaundement of the superiour Princes it is not lawfull for them to compell the Subiectes whom they gouerne vnto vngodly religion neyther to permyt the same to those Infidels whych inhabite in their dominions But if thou wilt say we must obey the hygher power I graunt that but vsque ad aras that is An answeare of the Lacedemonians as farre as religion suffereth When they whych ouercame the Lacedemonians commaunded suche thynges as were against their lawes and institutions they sayde We woulde rather dye yea than ye shoulde commaunde vs thinges harder than death Wherefore suche kynde of Magistrates must in all other thynges be subiect to the superiour power but in those thynges whyche are agaynste the woorde of God they muste not in anye sorte followe theyr affection An example of the Machabites The Machabites when the Iewes then lyued vnder the Macedonians Antiochus Demetrius and Alexander who wythdrewe the Iewes from the true woorshypping of God would not be obedient vnto them And when that that house of priesthoode was chiefest next to the kynges house least the syncere and auncient religion should be destroyed it fell from these kynges The bookes of the Machabits conteyne not so do argumēts wherby the doctrin of the faithful cā be proued Neyther in alledging these thynges count I not the bookes of the Machabites to be suche from whence I woulde iudge any strong argumentes of doctrine maye be taken but that I counte that storye true as a storye whyche is not onelye contayned in theese bookes but also hathe beene wrytten of other authours An example of Ezechias I wyll adde also the acte of Ezechias the kyng who as it is wrytten in the seconde booke of Kynges the .xviii. Chapter was bounde to the kyng of the Assirians For as it is mencioned in the same booke the .xvi. chapter Achas had yelded hym selfe vnto the kyng of the Assirians to whom hee dydde not onelye paye tribute but to please him with all he chaunged the woorshyppyng of the true God For he goyng to Damascus to meete the kyng commaunded an aultar to bee made at Ierusalem accordyng to the example whiche hee had there seene and followed the religion and woorshyppynge of the Sirians But Ezechias his Sonne beyng verye godlye perceauing that those thinges which his Father had done were against the woord of God vtterly fel from the king of the Assirians who then ruled ouer him as a superiour power But first he assayed to pacifye him with giftes and money but when he saw that woulde take no place We must beware as muche as is possible of sedicions he defended both his people and him selfe against him with al his power We must take heede neuerthelesse that in those thinges wee beware of seditions as much as may be and we must most diligentlye prouide that suche Magistrates vnder pretence of religion seeke not their own These thinges if they obserue and resist their superiour Magistrates onely for godlynesse sake let them not suspect that they commit anye vniust thyng Moreouer the holy Scriptures commaunde that euery soule shoulde bee subiect to the higher powers But that must be vnderstande as muche as shall be lawfull by the woord of God For in the same scriptures it is written That a Magistrate is a feare not to good woorkers but to euyll Wherefore if the inferiours doo not set forward euell workes but good they do not then resiste theyr powers Wilt thou not feare the power sayth the apostle do good and for that thou shalt be praysed Wherfore if they defend godlynes they shall deserue rather prayse than blame But if thou do euyll feare the power for he beareth not the sweard in vayne for he is the minister of God and a reuenger to anger against him which doth euyll Al these sentences do confirme the courages of the inferiour powers that they should be nothing afearde of the superiour power when they in defending of religion obey it not But thou wilt say by what lawe doo inferiour Princes resist either the Emperour or Kynges or elles publique wealthes when as they defend the syncere religion and true faith I aunswer by the law of the Emperour or by the lawe of the King or by the law of the publique wealth For they are chosen of Emperours Kinges and publique wealthes as helpers to rule whereby Iustice may more and more florishe And therfore were they ordeyned according to the office committed vnto them rightly iustly and godly to gouerne the publyke wealthe Wherefore they doo according to their duty when in cause of religion they resist the higher power Neither can that superiour power iustly complain if in that case the inferiour power fal from it The Emperour testifieth in the Code Iustinian that his mynde is not that any of hys decrees shoulde take place in iudgementes agaynste right but that they ought to bee made voyde and of no force if that peraduenture they bee knowen to declyne from Iustice Wherefore Traian is not vnworthily commended A goodly sentēce of Traian whych when he delyuered the sweard and the gyrdle vnto the Lieuetenant of the Pretorshyppe sayd If I rule iustlye vse it on my syde but if I rule vniustlye vse it agaynst me Gregory a Byshoppe of Rome can not bee excused An errour of Gregory Bishop of Rome whyche knowing that the lawe made by Mauritius was vniust for he had decreed that no manne beyng occupyed wyth busynes of the publique wealthe or appoynted for warrefare should be made a Clarke or a Monke wrote in deede to the Emperour that when hee had seene hys lawe he was wonderfullye affrayde and therefore desyred hym eyther to remytte somewhat of the rigour thereof or els vtterlye to alter it Howe beit he added that he woulde nowe that hee hadde done hys dutye in admonishing hym bycause of that obedience and seruice whych he oughte vnto hym publyshe the lawe at Rome as he was commaunded Vndoubtedlye thys act of Gregory cannot but be reproued bycause he ought not to haue obeied the superiour power in that thing whych he iudged to be vniuste or wycked When we do after this sorte write of these thinges we do nothing at all
God And this doth Augustine write in his .vi. booke of Confessions the .iii. chap. And leauing him we knowe assuredlye that Daniel prayed to come to the knowledge of the dreame of Nebuchad-Nezar And this is to bee holden for certaine that it is the dutye of godlye men to praye vnto God that euen then also when we sleepe we may be kept chaste and cleane as touching the body and spirite For which thing Augustine prayed in his booke of Confessions Augustine the .x. boke and .30 chap. For visions which come by night wherewith either the mynde is troubled or the body defiled are punishmentes of synne especiallye of originall synne For it should not haue bene so in Paradise if Adam had abidden in that truth wherin he was created as Augustine writeth in his .v. booke against Iulianus the .viii. chap. Now wil we returne againe vnto the history 16 And he deuided the .300 men into three bandes and gaue euerye man a trumpet in hys hand wyth empty pytchers and lampes wythin the pytchers 17 And he sayd vnto them Looke on me and doo lykewyse For be hold I wil come to the syde of the host then euen as I do so do ye 18 For I wil blow wyth a trumpet and al they that are wyth me Then blow ye also wyth trumpets on euery syde of the hoste and ye shal say For the Lord and for Gideon 19 So Gideon and the hundreth men that were with hym came vnto the outsyde of the hoste in the beginning of the mydle watche and they raysed vp the watchmen and they blew with their trumpets and brake the pitchers which they had in their handes Gideons industry or pollecy is here set foorth Many policies of Gideon and the fauour wherwith God prospered his successes and enterprises He deuideth his three hundreth men into three bandes that he might on sundry partes inuade the Madianites and by a sodaine feare trouble their hoste on euerye syde He vsed also another pollecye concerning the time for he set vpon them in the night For when they were in a maner in a dead sleepe they wer the easilyer by a great hurly burly astonished with feare Farther hee chused the moste commodious part in all the night for suche a purpose for he assayled the Madianites about the beginning of the second watche or garde Wherefore it is called Rosch Haticonath that is the heade or begynning of the middle watche or garde This woord Toch signifieth wythin Augustine Ther are foure watches of the night whereof euerye one containeth three houres and therof is deriued Ticonah which is a myddle Augustine in his Sermon De verbis domini the .14 Oration sayth that the Elders deuided the night into .4 partes of which euery one contained .3 houres which he confirmeth also by the testimonies of the holy scriptures For it is said that the Lord came vnto the Apostles in the .4 watch of the night when they labored so vehemētly in the sea that their shypp was very neare soonke The same father writeth the lyke thyng vpon the .79 Psalme The Glose also in the Decrees .1 question the .1 Superueniente Pascha maketh mencion of the names of those partes of the night Conticinium Intempestum Gallicinium Antelucanum that is the bed time the dead part of the night the Cocke crowing and the dawning of the day And Isidorus in hys .v. booke of Etimologies maketh .vii. partes of the nyght Isidorus for he addeth these three Vesperum Crepusculum and Matutinum that is the euentide the twylight the morning The second watch may be vnderstād the midle watch as touching our history For ther are .2 watches betwene the first and the last wherfore howsoeuer it be the second must needes occupy the midle place The inuentone of nyght watches Plinius But the inuenter of these gardes or watches in hostes as Plini wryteth in his .7 booke .56 chap. was Palamedes which by this place we see cannot be so forasmuch as the actes of the Iudges are of farre more antiquitye then was Palamedes vnles peraduenture he spake onely of the watches of the Grecians The vse of watches floorished in the olde tyme not onelye in hostes but they were had in vse also for the safe custody of manye other thinges For at Rome there were watchmen Watchmen for to geue warning of fyres which in the night time went vp and downe the Citye to geue warning of fires and therfore both in the Digest and in the Code the title is De officio praefecti vigilium This industrye also was translated vnto Shepeheardes Watches of Shepeheardes which we may see euen by the Gospel For in Luke the .ii. chap. the Angels when Christ was borne came vnto the Shepeheardes whych kept watche ouer their flocke We reade also that both Ethnikes and Christians vsed watches in holy seruices Watches vsed in holy seruices At Rome there were holy seruices vnto the Goddesse Bona which were done in the night season And in the old Testament we reade that godly women abode all night at the tabernacle for doing iniury vnto whom the children of Ely were accused Philo a Iewe as Eusebius Cesariensis in his first booke rehearseth affirmeth that the Christians which were in the Apostles time Philo. amongst other theyr laudable institutions did most chastely watche in geuing thankes vnto God applieng them selues vnto prayers Tertulian doctrines and praysinges of God Tertulian in his Apologie writeth that the Christians supped oftentimes and moderatly together bicause they knew they should woorship God in the night tyme. In the Actes Paul continued his sermon and disputation til after midnight so that Eutichus a yong man being oppressed with sleepe fel downe from a high loft Yea and Christ also abode al night vpon the mountaine praying and he reprehended the Apostles which could not watch euen one houre with him and exhorted them to watche and praye that they might not be oppressed wyth temptation Ierome vpon the .25 Ierome chap. of Mathew writeth that the Iewes had a tradition that the Messias would come at midnight in which houre in dede the first born of Egipt were slayne Wherfore he writeth that he supposeth that that tradition came from the Apostles that the Priests in the holye night of Easter shoulde not send away the people so that if peraduenture the Lord appeare he may finde them watching But this is not at this daye obserued for the watches are not kept on the night of Easter but on the night of the Natiuity Consilium Carthaginense In the Counsell of Carthage the .4 chap. 49. it is ordayned that a Priest which without any necessity of his bodye ceased from keeping night watches should both be depriued of his degree and also put out of his benefice But in the Counsel of Eliberinum Consilium Eliberinum chap .35 watchings in Church yardes are prohibited where they were wont to watch
owne body or with a straunge body if they toke a body whither they were for a time or for euer The opinion of Platos secte Of these things there are diuerse opinions of men Platos sect do say that the mindes that is the intelligences are so framed that certayne of them haue celestiall bodies some haue fyry bodies some ayry some watry and some earthlye And some they affirm to be darke Demonia which do continually abide in darknes and mist Of these thinges Marcilius Ficinius hath gathered many things in his The Peripatetikes The schole deuines men 10. bookes de legibus and in his argument of Epinomides The Peripatetikes affirme that there are certaine intelligences which turne and moue the celestiall orbes neyther make they mencion of any other But the scholedeuines do determine that those mindes intelligences are altogether spiritual and that they haue no bodies And this is the reason that leadeth thē thus to think bycause these intelligences must nedes excell the soules of men whose most perfect faculty consisteth in vnderstanding Wherefore as they thinke in this acte of vnderstanding it behoueth that these intelligences do much excede thē and the commeth to passe for that these heauenly mindes haue no nede of images or of senses and bicause the case so standeth they shoulde haue bodies in vayne The fathers Origene But of the fathers there are some which affirme farre otherwise Origene in his bokes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Ierome hath noted in his Epistle ad Pammachium de erroribus Ioānis Herosolymitani saithe that those spirituall mindes as often as they do offend slide and are thrust into bodies but yet not straightway into the vilest bodies but fyrst into starry bodies then into firy and ayry afterward into watrye and lastlye into humayne and earthlye And if then also they behaue not themselues well they are at the laste made deuils But if they will at least wayes then repent they may by the selfe same degrees come to theyr olde estate And this we ought to vnderstand saith he by that ladder wheron Iacob saw aūgels ascending descending Ierome And Ierome also to make the thinge more plain addeth a similitude A Tribune sayth hee if hee gouerne not well is deiected from his degree and is made the princes chief Secretary afterward a Senatour a captayne ouer 200. men a ruler ouer fewer a watcheman a horseman and afterward a souldier of the first degree And although a Tribune were once a commō souldier yet is he not made of a tribune a younge Souldier but the Princes chief Secretary But these thynges are absurde and very worthye to be laughed at And vndoubtedly Origene in those thinges speaketh more like a Platonian then a Christian Against the translation of soules into bodies after Origines faining That which he first taketh that soules are thruste into bodies as into punishmentes is manifestly false for as much as god hath adioyned the bodye vnto the soule for a helpe and not for a punishmente Neither doth he well to geue hope of saluation to come vnto the deuil when as Christ hath contrarywise taught saynge Go ye cursed into euerlasting fyre which is prepared for the deuill and his Aungels Neyther can we interpreate it that this word eternum is ther set for this word diuturnū that is euerlasting for a long seasō For Christ most apertly expoundeth his sentence when he sayth Their worme shall not dye and theyr fire shall not be quenched Neither doth he truly affirme that the soules fyrst offend before they come into bodies when as Paule writeth of Iacob and Esau before they were borne and had done neither good nor euil it was said Iacob haue I loued and Esau haue I hated The greater shall serue the lesser Wherefore thys sentence of Origene is woorthely to be reiected of all menne Augustine seemeth in many places to attribute bodies vnto Aungels Augustine namely in his second booke De trinitate chap. vii and in the third booke chap. 1. which thing the Schoolemen perceauing haue excused him saying that he spake not according to his own opinion but after the opinion of other men Which thing I also could well allow for as muche as I see that that father in his viii booke De ciuitate dei the .xvi. chap. after the opinion of Apuleius Madaurensis Porphyrius defineth that Demones are in kinde animalia that is hauing sense in soule passiue in mynde reasonable in body ayry in time eternal Vndoubtedly herein he followeth the doctrine of Platoes sect But in the places before alledged he semeth to speake altogether of himselfe Yea Bernhardus and Bernhardus also vpon Cantica Canticorum as it appeareth is of the same opiniō Wherfore the schole men are compelled to inuent an other excuse and they say that Aungels if they be compared with men are spirites but if with God they haue bodies bycause they fayle from the vnity and simplicity of God Tertulian de carne Christi Tertulian affirmeth that Aungels haue bodies But that is not so much to bee marueiled of him for he attributeth a bodye also vnto God him selfe But he calleth a bodye whatsoeuer is For he had to do with vnlearned and rude men whych thynke that whatsoeuer is not a body is nothing But the schoolemen say that Aungels are in very deede spirites but when they come vnto men they take vpon them ayrye bodies and thicken them and make them grose whereby they may be sene touched and felt aboue the nature of ayre Ther are some also which say that some earthly or watrishe thing is mixed with them and yet wil they not that there is there a perfect mixture that they should not be compelled to put generaciō ther. There were some also which thought that Angels sometimes tooke vpon them dead karcases But this seemeth vnto the greater parte a thing vnworthy so to thinke of holy Angels Here some man wil say that it is absurde Whither it bee conuenient for Angels to take vpon them the shape of man to ascribe vnto Angels fayning lying as to faine thē selues to be men when as in very deede they are not men Yea and this seemeth also to weaken the argument of Christ whiche he vsed after his resurrection to teache that he had a true body Feele saith he and see for a spirite hath not fleshe and bones as ye see me haue For the Apostles being afrayde thought that they had seene a spirite wherfore Christ to put them out of doubt bad them to handle and feele his body But the Apostles might haue said That which we feele is a fansye it seemeth in deede to be Christ but peraduenture it is not For Angels also seeme to haue bodies and to be touched and felt when as yet in very deede they haue no bodies Also this sentence may debilitate the argument of the Fathers as touching the flesh of Christ against Marcion For
man is his castle 252. b Humours abounding in the bodye knowne by dreames 135 Hus and Ierome of Prage traiterously murdered 39. b Husay traitor 38. b Husband how he is the wyfes hed 149 Husbandry not contemned of excellent men 114 Hye way ought none to forbid 186 Hypallage 14. b Hyperbole is not alwais a lie 88. b I IAbes Gilead where 281 Iacob lyed 89 Iahel praised 110 Iahels guile in killing Sisara 100 Iahel traitor 38. b Idle persons oft see dreames 135. b Idole defined 68 Idole of the minde 69. b Idols taken away 266 Idols breakyng not lawfull for all sortes of men 61 Idolaters blindnes 244. b Idolaters cannot abide to haue vngodly worshippings taken away 124. Idolatry handled 68 Idolatry of ij sortes 49. 238 Idolatry committed to Princes 68. b Idolatry the common sinne of the Israelites 173. b Idolatrous worshippings imitate as nie as they can the true worshipping of God 239 Iebus an old name of Ierusalem 34. b Iebus is Ierusalem 250. b Iebusites why they were not driuen out of Ierusalem by Iudah and Beniamin 34 b Iehues disceit defended 85 Iehues facte againste his prince is not to be imitated vnlesse a man haue like commission 91 Ienunies family 251. b Iericho in the territory of Beniamin situate in a plaine 30. 27. b Iericho cursed why 30. b Ierome vpon the prouerbes 42 Ierome against Augustine 88. b Ieromes error 279 Ierome of Prage 39. b Ierubbaal a name of Gedeon 124. b Ierusalem called Iebus 250. b Ierusalem taken in Iosuas tyme 14. b Ierusalem commune to Iudah and Beniamin called Iebus 34. b Iewes common welth was Aristocratia 255. b Iewes suffred emonges Christians 57 It oft in scripture declareth an oth 106 Ignatius alledged for the masse 42 Ignorance of christians is to be reproued 45. b Ignorance lesse sinne thē transgression with knowledge 20 Ignorant of god who 66. b Iiphtah sonne of an harlot 176. b Iiphtah and Abimilech compared 183. b Images of saintes original 151. b Images erecting not alwaies for deuine worshippings 157. b Images worshipped in the masse 50. b Images ought to be taken awaye but not of priuate men 245 Image of the sun not vngodlye vsed 66. b Image of God consisteth holynes 111 Imber dayes 276. b Imitation of God professed of all christen men 249. b Imitation of God not lawfull in all thinges 129 Imitation of Christ fond 278. b Imitation superstitious 202. b Immunity defined 263 Impulsions are sinnes 180 Incest punished 4 Incest hath commonly ill end 20. b Incestuous seede hated of god 80. b Inconstancy of mans mynd 282 Inconstancy of scholemen 129 Indifferent thinges may bee kepte sometimes or left 51. b Indifferent thinges and necessarye 287 Infantes should not be compelled to fast 277 Infection is to be auoyded 46. b Ingratitude and commodities therof 155. b Ingratitude to defer thankes to God 104 Ingratitude of the Ephramites against Iiphtah 197 Ingratitudes degrees 198 Iniquities of fathers visited vpon their children how 73 Iniuries priuate shoulde be forgeuen 13. b Iniuries priuate we may not reuenge 4 Iniury with iniury is not to be put away 227. b Inquisitors of hereticall prauitye 146. b Instance and perseuerance in calling vpon god 175 Instilling of newe malice into vs god vseth not 97 Intent good 152 Intent godly 283 Intent ill of ii kindes 152. b Intēt habituall without any good mocion of the hart 153 Interdictious of the Pope 246 Interpretors of dreames punished by the Romain lawes 138. b Interrogatiue speache 96 Inuasion what 283 Inuentions of man to worship god are to be abiected 152 Inuentions of man are not to bee compared with ceremonies of the law 52 Inuentions of man to serue God with is Idolatry 69 Inuentions of men lacke no defenders 124 Inuocation of the dead saints 68. b Inuocation of the dead how it began 151. b Inuocation lawfull for thinges aboue mans power onely to God 129 Ioannes Cassianus 42 Ioas Gedeons father no Baalyte 115 Iobs booke 171. b Iohn the apostle whether he were subiect to Cletus Liuus or Clemens 149. b Ionathas traytor 38. b Iorneying ought not to be taken in hand without inuocation of God 251 Iosaphat had ill lucke for ioyning with the king of Israel 99. b Iosephus boke of antiquities 172. b Iosua no booke of the iudges 6 Iosua whē he should die executed the office of a good prince 65. b Iosuas death and buriall 66 Iothans apology 159. b Iorneying into far countreies 29. b Ioy moueth weeping sometimes 62. b Ioynters to wiues 26. b Irony what 88 Irony vsed by god 174. b Irregularitye of the Canonistes 146. b Isaschar the obscurest tribe 172. b Ismaelites and Madianites whether they were all one 150. b Israelites commune weale gouerned by iudges how long 3. b Israelites oppressed in tyme of the iudges why 2. b Israelites why they were so prone to Idolatry 173. b Israelites offences in their expedition against the Beniamites 288 Israelites against Beniamin ouerthrown why 271. b Israelites cruelty against the Beniamites 280 Ithabyreus is thabor 98. b Itenerarium Petri. 149. b Iudges booke is rather an historye then a chronicle 3 Iudges booke who wrote it 4. b Iudges boke why it is so called 1 b Iudges booke what thinges it entreateth of 1 Iudges booke howe it is referred vnto Christ 2. b Iudges of the Israelites chosen by God 2 Iudges how God raised vp 78 Iudges of the Israelites are an example for the papists in that they were neither kinges nor Lords 2 Iudges and kinges compared 2 Iudge is no murtherer when hee punisheth 165. b Iudging signifieth reuenging 93. b Iudgementes in gates why 106. b Iudgement rashe ii wayes 277. b Iulianus Apostata 45. b Iustification is not of the worthynes of the acte of faith but of the firme promise of god which fayth embraceth 207. b K KAyes of the church wherin they consist 262 Kayes geuen to all the Apostles alyke 149 Kenites children of Moses father in lawe 27 Kenites wer kinsfolkes by aliance to the Israelites 101 Killings of men some please God 194. b Killing by chaunce 165. b King of Denmarkes guile 85 King defined 11. b King of the Israelites coulde none appoint but God 147 Kinges ende 157 Kings letters for a wyfe 215. b Kinges and great men shoulde not kepe othes but merchaunts onelye 85. b Kings are vehemētly angry 166. b Kings that raigne vniustly are not to be put downe 91 Kinges corrected by their subiectes 91 Kinges are bound both to serue the Lord and to see that other do the same 266 Kingdom compared with Aristocratia 156 Kingdoms large not profitable 11. b Kinred is to be contemned for gods wordes sake 101. b Kinsfolkes how far they are to bee respected 156. b Kinsfolkes of all sortes called bretheren 23 Kinsfolke murtherers 157 Kiriath sepher 17. b Kison riuer 96 Knowledge the beginning of foure principal affections 141. b Knowledge of God diuers wayes 118 Knowledge of God in this lyfe is