and Rulers of the Church and that the Apostles after his ascension did ordain the Deacons to be the Ministers of their Episcopal function and the necessities of the Church Saint Ambrose doth affirm the same Ambros in 1. ad Cor. c. 12. Caput it aque in Ecclesia Apostolos posuit c. Christ saith he made the Apostles the head or supreme Governours of his Church they being the Legats or Ambassadours of Christ according unto that of the Apostle 2 Cor. 5.20 And then he adds Ipsi sunt Episcopi that they were Bishops More plainly in his Comment on the Ephesians Apostoli Episcopi sunt Prophetae explanatores Scripturarum The Apostles saith he In Comment in Ephes 4. are Bishops and Prophets the Expositors of Scripture But because question hath been made whether indeed those Commentaries are the works of Ambrose or of some other ancient Writer he tells us in his Notes on the 43. Psalm that in those words of Christ Pasce oves meas Peter was made a Bishop by our Lord and Saviour De Repub. Eccles l. 2. c. 2. n. 4. Significat Ambrosius Petrum Sacerdotem hoc est Episcopum electum illis verbis Pasce oves meas as the place is cited by the Arch-Bishop of Spalato And thus Saint Chrysostom speaking of the election of the Seven saith plainly ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that then there were no Bishops in the Church Chrys hom 14. in Act 6. but only the Apostles But what need more be said in the present business than that which is delivered in the holy Scripture about the surrogation of some other in the place of Judas wherein the place or function of an Apostle is plainly called Episcopatus Acts 1.20 Episcopatum ejus accipiat alter let another take his Bishoprick as the English reads it His Bishoprick i. e. saith Chrysostom ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã his Principality his Priesthood Chrys hom 3. in Act. 1. the place of government that belonged unto him had he kept his station A Text most plain and pregnant as the Fathers thought to prove that the Episcopal dignity was vested in the persons of the Lords Apostles The Comment under the name of Ambrose which before we spake of having said Ipsi sunt Episcopi Ambros in 1. ad Cor. c. 12 that the Apostles were Bishops adds for the proof thereof these words of Peter Episcopatum ejus accipiat alter And the true Ambrose saying of Judas Id. Serm. 50. that he was a Bishop Episcopus enim Judas fuit adds for the proof thereof the same very Text. Finally to conclude this matter Saint Cyprian shewing that Ordinations were not made without the privity of the people in the Jewish Church Nisi sub populi assistentis conscientia lib. 1. ep 4. adds that the same was afterwards observed by the holy Apostles Quando de ordinando in locum Judae Episcopo when Peter spake unto the people about the ordering of a Bishop in the place of Judas But for a further proof of this that the Apostles were ordained Bishops by our Lord and Saviour we shall see more hereafter in convenient place Vide chap. 6. n. 12. when we are come to shew that in the government of the Church the Bishops were the proper Successors of the Apostles and so esteemed to be by those who otherwise were no great friends unto Episcopacy In the mean time we may take notice of that impudent assertion of Jobannes de Turrecremata viz. Quod solus Petrus à Christo Episcopus est ordinatus Lib. 2. Summae de Eccl. c. 32. ap Bell. de Rom Pont. that Peter only Peter was made Bishop by our Saviour Christ and that the rest of the Apostles received from Peter their Episcopal consecration wherein I find him seconded by Dominicus Jacobatius lib. 10. de Concil Art 7. A Paradox so monstrous and absurd that howsoever Bellarmine doth reckon it amongst other the Prerogatives of that Apostle in his first Book de Romano Pontifice cap. 23. yet upon better thoughts he rejects it utterly in his 4th Book upon that argument Cap. 22. and so I leave it Thus having shewn in what estate the Church was founded by our Saviour and in what terms he left it unto his Apostles we must next see what course was taken by them to promote the same what use they made of that authority which was trusted to them CHAP. II. The foundation of the Church of Hierusalem under the Government of Saint James the Apostle and Simeon one of the Disciples the two first Bishops of the same 1. Matthias chosen into the place of Judas 2. The coming of the Holy Ghost and on whom it fell 3. The greatest measure of the Spirit fell on the Apostles and so by consequence the greatest power 4. The several Ministrations in the Church then given and that in ranking of the same the Bishops are intended in the name of Pastors 5. The sudden growth of the Church of Hierusalem and the making of Saint James the first Bishop there 6. The former point deduced from Scripture 7. And proved by the general consent of Fathers 8. Of the Episcopal Chair or Throne of Saint James and his Successors in Hierusalem 9. Simeon elected by the Apostles to succeed S. James 10. The meaning of the word Episcopus and from whence borrowed by the Church 11. The institution of the Presbyters 12. What interest they had in the common business of the Church whilst S. James was Bishop 13. The Council of Hierusalem and what the Presbyters had to do therein 14. The Institution of the Seven and to what Office they were called 15. The names of Ecclesiastical functions promiscuously used in holy Scripture OUR Saviour Christ having thus Authorized his Apostles to Preach the Gospel over all the World to every Creature and given them power as well of ministring the Sacraments as of retaining and remitting sins as before is said thought fit to leave them to themselves Luk. 24.49 only commanding them to tarry in the City of Hierusalem until they were indued with further power from on high whereby they might be fitted for so great a work Act. 1.9 And when he had spoken those things while they beheld he was taken up and a Cloud received him out of their sight No sooner was he gone to the Heavenly glories but the Apostles with the rest withdrew themselves unto Hierusalem as he had appointed where the first care they took was to fill up their number to surrogate some one or other of the Disciples in the place of Judas that so the Word of God might be fulfilled Psal 69.26 which he had spoken by the Psalmist Episcopatum ejus accipiat alter A business of no small importance and therefore fit to be imparted unto all the Brethren not so much that their suffrage and consent herein was necessary as that they might together joyn in prayer to Almighty God Act. 1.21
putting the question how James was made the Bishop of Hierusalem since Pasce oves meas was said to Peter returns this answer ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that Christ made Peter not the Pastor of a particular place but of all the universe That James received his Bishoprick from Peter not one word saith Chrysostom 'T is true the Latin reads it as the Cardinal doth but such an undertaker as he was should have sought the fountains As for Saint Austin Cap. 37. he agrees herein with the other Fathers in his second book against Cresconius where speaking of the Church of Hierusalem he describes it thus quam primus Apostolus Jacobus Episcopatu suo rexit whereof S. James the Apostle was the first Bishop Add here the joynt consent and suffrage of 289 Prelates in the sixth General Council of Constantinople Concil Constant in Can. 32. affirming James the Lords Brother to be the first Bishop of Hierusalem not to say any thing of Oecumenius and Theophylact whom before we cited Never was point in issue tried by a fuller evidence And yet one other circumstance occurs to confirm the point which is that till Eusebius time Eccl. hist l. 7. c. 14. the Chair or Cathedra Episcopalis wherein S. James was said to be inthroned was very carefully preserved by his Successors as a sacred Monument and gladly shewed to all that desired to see it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as the Author hath it An evidence of no mean consideration as being vouched by an Author that lived before the superstitious reverence and esteem of Reliques had been introduced into the world or any Impostures of that kind put upon the people Unto which testimony of Eusebius Beda Martyrol Decemb. 28. we may add that of Beda also who in his Martyrologie doth place the memorial or commemoration of the Apostles inthronizing in that Chair or Throne upon the 27 of December wherein I dare not joyn with him as unto the day though I approve his observation of the fact or ceremony as being every way conform to the ancient custom of the Church One only thing I have to add and rectifie Hieron de Script Eccles which concerns S. James and is briefly thus S. Hierome tells us out of Egesippus huic soli licitum esse ingredi Sancta Sanctorum that it was only lawful to S. James to enter into the Holy of Holies whereas in truth it should not be huic soli licitum but huic solitum And this appears to be the true and ancient reading by comparing the translation of Sophronius with S. Hieroms Text wherein we have it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. that it was his custom so to do the Jews permitting him to enjoy that priviledge in the declining times of their State and Temple by reason of the holiness of his conversation Id. ibid. Finally to conclude with Hierom this blessed Man of God was Martyr'd in the 7 year of Nero An. Chr. 63. postquam triginta annos Hierosolymis rexerat Ecclesiam after he had been Bishop of Hierusalem 30 year that is to say 29 years compleat and the 30 currant By which account it must needs follow that the making of this James Bishop of Hierusalem was one of the first actions of the Apostles after they were endued with the Holy Ghost James being dead Simeon another of the Lords Disciples was made the Bishop of that Church Peter and Paul and John and many other of the Apostles being then alive and all concurring in this choice and consenting to it Eusebius Euseb hist Eccl. l. 3. c. 10. as he tells the story makes it a very solemn business scarce such another Precedent to be found in all antiquity And he relates it thus as followeth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. After the Martyrdom of James and the taking of Hierusalem by the Romans it is affirmed that the Apostles and Disciples of our Lord and Saviour which were yet alive together with those of the Lords kindred after the flesh many of whom continued living till that time resorted thither Their business was to enter into consultation ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã whom they should find most worthy to succeed in the place of James and having well considered of it they all with one accord ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã saith the Author agreed on Simeon the Son of Cleophas one of our Saviours kindred also as fit and worthy to possess the Episcopal Throne ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. Ibid. and look unto the government of that Church or Diocess So that in this election there did not only meet together the Lords kindred who might perhaps desire to keep that holy honour in their own family not the Disciples only of the lower rank who might perhaps be easily induced to consent thereto to gratifie the kindred of their Lord and Master But there met also the Apostles men guided and directed by the Spirit of God and all of these coming from several parts and countries did ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã with one accord with one unanimous assent agree upon the choice of this worthy man to be the Bishop or chief Pastor of the mother City which place he held until the time of Trajan during whose Empire he received the Crown of Martyrdom Anno 109. Here then we have two Bishops of Hierusalem made by the general and joynt consent of the Apostles and those two Bishops not in name and title but in power and office according to the Ecclesiastical notion of the word and as the same is taken in the writings of the Fathers before alledged I know the word Episcopus in the primitive and proper notion doth signifie a Supervisor or Overseer as it is rendred in our last Translation Act. 20.4 Suidas in Episcopo Such were the Officers of the Athenians whom Suidas speaks of sent by that State to look into the Government of the Cities under their dominion ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã And these saith he were called Bishops and Guardians In this last sense the word is often used by Plutarch Plutarch in Numa as where he calleth Numa ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The Bishop or Guardian of the Vestal Virgins and their God Terminus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Overseer and preserver of peace and amity Thus do we read in Sophocles of certain Officers called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã such as took care about the dead of others in the civil Laws qui pani LL. Munerum caeteris rebus venalibus praesunt which had the oversight of the markets and those called Episcopi And thus doth Tully tell us of himself Cicero ad Atticum l. 7. Vult me Pompeius episcopum esse c. that Pompey had made him the Overseer or the Guardian of Campania and the whole Sea-coast This being the meaning of the word in its native sense it pleased the Holy Ghost to make choice thereof to signifie the Pastor or Superiour Minister to whom
and shewing what perfections were in them required then adds Quos Successores relinquebant sunm ipsorum locum magisterii tradentes whom they did leave to be their Successors delivering unto them their own place of government Cypr. Epist 42. vel l. 2. ep 10. S. Cyprian next writing to Cornelius then Bishop of Rome exhorts him to endeavour to preserve that unity Per Apostolos nobis Successoribus traditam which was commended by the Apostles unto them their Successors So in another place speaking of the commission which our Saviour gave to his Apostles he adds that it was also given to those Praepositi Id. Epist 69. vel l 4. ep 10. rulers and governours of the Church Qui Apostolis Vicaria ordinatione succedunt which by their ordination have been substituted as Successors to them And lest we should mistake his meaning in the word Prupositi Firmilianut anothe âi shop of those times Firmil ep Cy. Epist 79. in an Epistle unto Cyprian useth instead thereof the word Episcopi not varying in the rest from those very words which Cyprian had used before Hieron ad Marcell adv Mont. Hierom although conceived by some to be an adversary of the Bishops doth affirm as much Where speaking of Montanus and his faction he shews this difference betwixt them and the Church of God viz. that they had cast the Bishop downwards made him to be the third in order Apud nos Apostolorum locum Episcopi tenent but in the Catholick-Church of Christ the Bishops held the place or room of the Apostles The like he saith in his Epistle to Euagrius Id. ad Euagr. where speaking of the parity of Bishops amongst themselves that the eminency of their Churches did make no difference in their authority he gives this reason of the same Omnes Apostolorum successores sunt because they were all Successors to the Apostles So also in his Comments on the Book of Psalms writing upon those words Id. in Psal 44. Instead of thy Fathers thou shalt have Children he tells us that at first the Apostles were the Fathers of the Church but they being gon Habes pro his Episcopos filios the Church had Bishops in their stead which though they were her Children as begotten by her Sunt tamen patres tui yet they were also Fathers to her in that she was directed and guided by them August in Psal 44. S. Austin on the same words hath the like conceit the Fathers of the Church saith he were the Lords Apostles Pro Apostolis filii nati sunt tibi constituti sunt Episcopi instead of those Fathers the Church hath Children Bishops that be ordained in her such whom she calleth Fathers though her self begat them constituit in Sedibus patrum and placed them in the seats or thrones of those holy Fathers August Epist 42. The like the same Saint Austin in another place to the same effect The root saith he of Christian Religion is by the seats of the Apostles Successiones Episcoporum and the succession of the Bishops dispersed and propagated over all the world Grego Magn. hom 26. And so S. Gregory discoursing of the power of binding and loosing committed by the Lord unto his Apostles applies it thus Horum nunc in Ecclesiâ locum Episcopi tenent that now the Bishops hold their places in the Church of Christ Not that the Bishops do succeed them in their personal graces their mighty power of working Miracles speaking with tongues giving the Holy Ghost and others such as these which were meerly temporary but in their Pastoral charge and government as the chief Rulers of the Church the ordinary Pastors of the Flock of Christ Now that the Bishops are the ordinary Pastors of the Church and so conceived to be by the ancient Fathers will be made evident by as good authority as the point before Ignatius Ignat. Epist ad Antioch who conversed with most of the Apostles writing unto the Antiochians requireth them to call to mind Euodius who was his Predecessor in the See of Antioch ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Tertull. de fuga in persecut their most blessed Pastor Tertullian discoursing on those words of Christ The hireling seeth the Woolf coming and fleeth but that the good Shepherd layeth down his life for the Sheep Joh. 10. inferreth thereupon Praepositos Ecclesiae in persecutione fugere non oportere that the Prelates or Governours of the Church are not to fly in persecution By which it is most clear not to dispute the truth of his assertion that Pastor Praepositus Ecclesiae do come both to one Cypr. de Aleatore S. Cyprian in his tract de Aleatore is more plain and positive Nam ut constaret nos i. e. Episcopos Pastores esse ovium Spiritualium c. that it might evidently appear saith he that we the Bishops are the Pastors of the Flock of Christ He said to Peter feed my Sheep And in another place for fear the former Book may prove none of his expostulating with Pupianus Id. Epist 69. who charged him as it seemeth for some defect in his administration he thus drives the point Behold saith he for these six years Nec fraternitas babuerit Episcopum neither the Brother-hood hath had a Bishop nor the People a Praepositus or Ruler nor the Flock a Pastor nor the Church a Governour nor Christ a Prelate nor God a Priest Where plainly Pastor and Episcopus and so all the rest are made to be the same one function More clearly in another place of the same Epistle where he defineth a Church to be Plebs sacerdoti adunata Pastori suo grex adhaerens that is to say a People joyned or united rather to their Priest a Flock adhering to their Pastor Where by Sacerdos as before and in other Authors of the first times he meaneth no other than a Bishop as doth appear by that which followeth Vnde scire debes Episcopum in Ecclesia c. From whom thou oughtest to understand saith he the Bishop to be in the Church and the Church to be also in the Bishop and that whoever is not with the Bishop is not in the Church Optatus saith the same in brief Opta de schismate lib. 1. by whom Pastor sine grege Episcopus sine populo a Bishop without a Church or People and a Pastor without a Flock are joyned together as Synonyma S. Austin speaking of two sorts of Over-seers in the fold of Christ some of them being Children and the others hirelings then adds Praepositi autem qui filii sunt Pastores sunt Augâst Traââ 46. in Job the Rulers which are Children of the Church they are the Pastors And in another place not long since cited speaking of Episcopale judicium the condemnation that attends the Bishops sentence he presently subjoyns Pastoralis tamen necessitas Id de corrâpt grat c. 15. that yet the necessity
whether the Arch-Bishop had moved him to draw up those exceptions against Pryns Book which he denied or at least was not bound to confess that as he was faithful to his Sovereign so he would never prove himself unfaithful to his chief Minister both in Church and State But now John Lord Bishop of Lincoln at this Session of Parliament returned from the Tower to the Church after so long a time of his Suspension and Indevotion to say his Prayers and hear his Brother Peter Heylyn Preach in his course at the Abby in Westminster where notwithstanding the Holiness of that place to which his Lordship had no regard or reverence but only to the Name and Thing of it he was resolved publickly to revenge himself for old-done deeds that ought to have been forgotten by disturbing the Doctor in his Sermon before all the Congregation contrary to the Laws of this Realm and with Reverence to his Lordship against all good manners and the common rules of civility Mala mens furorque vecors In tantam impulerit culpam Catull. Strange That a Bishop could not rule his passions for one hour when no provocation was given by the Doctor whose Sermon from the beginning to the end of it throughout the whole discourse was pacificatory exhorting Christians to Moderation Love and Charity among themselves for the preservation of the publique peace although they differed in some opinions For satisfaction of the Reader I will set down the Doctors own words viz. Is it not that we are so affected with our own Opinions that we condemn whosoever shall opine the contrary and so far wedded to our own wills that when we have espoused a quarrel neither the Love of God not the God of Love shall divorce us from it Instead of hearkning to the voice of the Church every man hearkens to himself and cares not if the whole miscarry so that himself may bravely carry out his own devices Vpon which stubborn height of Pride what quarrels have been rais'd what Schisms in every corner of this our Church to enquire no further some rather putting all into open tumult than that they would conform to a Lawful Government derived from Christ and his Apostles to these very Times At the speaking of which words the Bishop of Lincoln sitting in the great Pew which was before the Seat of Contention knocked aloud with his Staff upon the Pulpit saying No more of that point No more of that point Peter To whom the Doctor readily answered without haesitation or the least sign of being dashed out of countenance I have a little more to say my Lord and then I have done which was as followeth viz. Others combining into close and dangerous Factions because some points of speculative Divinity are otherwise maintained by some than they would have them Also regardless of the common peace that rather than be quiet we will quarrel with our blessed Peace-maker for seeking to compose the differences though to the prejudice of neither party Thus do we foolishly divide our Saviour and rent his Sacred Body on the least occasion vainly conceiving that a difference in point of Judgment must needs draw after it a dis-joyning of the affections also and that conclude at last in an open Schism Whereas diversity of opinions if wisely managed would rather tend to the discovery of the Truth than the disturbance of the Church and rather whet-our Industry than excite our passions It was St. Cyprians resolution Neminem licet aliter senserit à Communione amovere not to suspend any man from the Communion of the Church although the matter then debated was as I take it of more weight than any of the points now controverted which moderation if the present Age had attained unto we had not then so often torn the Church in pieces nor by our frequent broils offered that injury and inhumanity to our Saviours Body which which was not offered to his Garments At this and all the other part of his Sermon the Auditory was highly pleased but the Bishop in so great wrath that his voice and the noise of his Pastoral Staff if I may so call it had like to have frighted the whole Flock or Congregation out of the Fold Considering the ill posture of affairs in which the Nation then stood overflowing with Seditions and Schisms I think a more seasonable Sermon could not have been Preached than to move men of different persuasions unto Peace and Unity one with another which is a most Christian Doctrine After the Sermon was ended he took Sir Robert Filmore his Learned Friend with some Gentlemen of Quality that were his Auditors out of the Church along with him to his House where he immediately Sealed up the Book that contained this Sermon and other Notes to which they also set their Seals that so there might not be the least alteration made in the Sermon nor any ground to suspect it which was presently after sent to the Bishop who kept it in his hands for some days in which time his passions allayed being more calm at home than in Church he sent the Book untouched back again to Dr. Heylyn in whose Study it had lain dormant for the space of fifteen years when the danger of an old Sermon of being called in question must needs be over by my persuasion and his consent he was pleased to give me leave to open that Apocalyptical Book that I might read and see the mystery that lay hid under the Seals for so many years which indeed proved only a pious and practical Sermon for Edification to moderate the heats of those fiery spirits that were like to make a Combustion in the whole Kingdom The Bishop deserved a sharper rebuke for his own Sermon which about that time he Preached before the King when he made a strange Apostrophe from his Text to the Sabbath falling down upon his knees in the Pulpit at the middle of his Sermon beseeching his Majesty in most humble manner that greater care might be taken for the better observation of the Sabbath day which was looked upon by many as a piece of most grand Hypocrisie who knew his opinion well by his practice for he did ordinarily play at Bowls on Sundays after Evening Service shoot with Bow and Arrows and used other exercises and recreations according to his Lordships pleasure The Bishop restored to his Dignities by means of that unhappy Parhament with whom he was in high favour expected that the Doctor should have submitted himself to his Lordship and particularly acknowledge his error in putting out the Antidotum Lincolniense which he commanded him to call in to which Dr. Heylyn replied that he received his Majesties Royal Command for the Writing and Printing of that Book in which he had asserted nothing but what he was still ready to justifie and defend against the opposers of it No sooner was the Doctor out of the Pulpit but he must come again before the Chair of the old Committee to
in their Convocations as well by the common assent as by subscriptions of their hands 5 6. Edw. 6. chap. 12. And for the time of Q. Elizabeth it is most manifest that they had no other body of Doctrine in the first part of her Reign then only the said Articles of K. Edward's Book and that which was delivered in the Book of Homilies of the said Kings time In which the Parliament had as little to do as you have seen they had in the Book of Articles But in the Convocation of the year 1562. being the fifth of the Q. Reign the Bishops and Clergy taking into consideration the said book of Articles and altering what they thought most fitting to make it more conducible to the use of the Church and the edification of the people presented it unto the Queen who caused it to be published with this Name and Title viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the arch-Arch-Bishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London Anno 1562. for the avoiding of diversity of Opinions and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion put forth by the Queens Authority Of any thing done or pretended to be done by the power of the Parliament either in the way of Approbation or of Confirmation not one word occurs either in any of the Printed Books or the Publick Registers At last indeed in the 13th of the said Queens Reign which was 8 years full after the passing of those Articles comes out a Statute for the Redressing of disorders in the Ministers of holy Church In which it was enacted That all such as were Ordained Priests or Ministers of God's Word and Sacraments after any other form then that appointed to be used in the Church of England all such as were to be Ordained or permitted to Preach or to be instituted into any Benefice with Cure of souls should publickly subscribe to the said Articles and testifie their assent unto them Which shews if you observe it well that though the Parliament did well allow of and approve the said Book of Articles yet the said Book owes neither confirmation nor authority to the Act of Parliament So that the wonder is the greater that that most insolent scoff which is put upon us by the Church of Rome in calling our Religion by the name Parliamentaria-Religio should pass so long without controle unless perhaps it was in reference to our Forms of Worship of which I am to speak in the next place But first we must make answer unto some Objections which are made against us both from Law and Practice For Practice first it is alledged by some out of Bishop Jewel in his Answer to the Cavil of Dr. Harding to be no strange matter to see Ecclesiastical Causes debated in Parliament and that it is apparent by the Laws of King Ina King Alfred King Edward c. That our Godly Fore-fathers the Princes and Peers of this Realm never vouchsafed to treat of matters touching the Common State before all Controversies of Religion and Causes Ecclesiastical had been concluded Def. of the Apol. part 6. chap. 2. sect 1. But the answer unto this is easie For first if our Religion may be called Parliamentarian because it hath received confirmation and debate in Parliament then the Religion of our Fore-fathers even Papistry it self concerning which so many Acts of Parliament were made in K. Hen. 8. and Q. Maries time must be called Parliamentarian also And secondly it is most certain that in the Parliaments or Common-Councils call them which you will both of King Inas time and the rest of the Saxon Kings which B. Jewel speaks of not only Bishops Abbots and the higher part of the Clergy but the whole Body of the Clergy generally had their Votes and Suffrages either in person or by proxie Concerning which take this for the leading Case That in the Parliament or Common-Council in K. Ethelberts time who first of all the Saxon Kings received the Gospel the Clergy were convened in as full a manner as the Lay-Subjects of that Prince Convocati Communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Populi saith Sir H. Spelman in his Collection of the Councils Anno 605. p. 118. And for the Parliament of King Ina which leads the way in Bishop Jewel it was saith the same Sr. H. Spelman p. 630. Communi Concilium Episcoporum Procerum Comitum nec non omnium Sapientum Seniorum Populorumque totius Regni Where doubtless Sapientes and Seniores and you know what Seniores signifieth in the Ecclesiastical notion must be some body else then those which after are expressed by the name of Populi which shews the falshood and absurdity of the collection made by Mr. Pryn in the Epistle to his Book against Dr. Cousins viz. That the Parliament as it is now constituted hath an ancient genuine just and lawful Prerogative to establish true Religion in our Church and to abolish and suppress all false new and counterfeit Doctrines whatsoever Unless he means upon the post fact after the Church hath done her part in determining what was true what false what new what ancient and finally what Doctrines might be counted counterfeit and what sincere And as for Law 't is true indeed that by the Statute 1 Eliz. cap. 1. The Court of Parliament hath power to determine and judge of Heresie which at first sight seems somewhat strange but on the second view you will easily find that this relates only to new and emergent Heresies not formerly declared for such in any of the first four General Councils nor in any other General Cuncil adjudging by express words of holy Scripture as also that in such new Heresies the following words restrain this power to the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation as being best able to instruct the Parliament what they are to do and where they are to make use of the secular sword for cutting off a desperate Heretick from the Church of CHRIST or rather from the Body of all Christian people 5. Of the Reformation of the Church of England in the Forms of Worship and the Times appointed thereunto THIS Rub removed we now proceed unto a view of such Forms of Worships as have been setled in this Church since the first dawning of the day of Reformation in which our Parliaments have indeed done somewhat though it be not much The first point which was altered in the publick Liturgies was that the Creed the Pater-noster and the Ten Commandements were ordered to be said in the English Tongue to the intent the people might be perfect in them and learn them without book as our Phrase is The next the setting forth and using of the English Letany on such days and times in which it was accustomably to be read as a part of the Service But neither of these two was done by Parliament nay to say truth the Parliament did nothing in them All which was done in either of them
the curiosity of the Ministers and mistakes of the people rather than for any other weighty cause As the Statutes 5 and 6 Ed. 6. cap. 1. it was thought expedient by the King with the assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament Assembled that the said Order of Common Service should be faithfully and godly perused explained and made fully perfect Perused and explained by whom Why questionless by those who made it or else by those if they were not the same men who were appointed by the King to draw up and compose a Form of Ordination for the Use of the Church And this Assent of theirs for it was no more was the only part that was ever acted by the Parliament in matter of this present nature save that a Statute passed in the former Parliament 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. unto this effect that such form and manner of making and consecrating Arch-Bishops Bishops Priests Deacons and other Ministers of the Church which before I spake of as by six Prelates and six other men of this Realm learned in Gods Laws by the King to be appointed and assigned shall be devised to that purpose and set forth under the great Seal shall be lawfully used and exercised and none other Where note that the King only was to nominate and appoint the men the Bishops and other learned men were to make the Book and that the Parliament in a blind obedience or at the least upon a charitable confidence in the integrity of the men so nominated did confirm that Book before any of their Members had ever seen it though afterwards indeed in the following Parliament this Book together with the Book of Common-prayer so Printed and explained obtained a more formal confirmation as to the use thereof throughout the Kingdom but in no other respect for which see the Statute 5 and 6 Ed. 6. c. 1. As for the time of Q. Elizabeth when the Common-prayer book now in use being the same almost with the last of King Edward was to be brought again into the Church from whence it was cast out in Queen Maries Reign it was committed to the care of some learned men that is to say to M. Whitehead once Chaplain to Q. Anne Bullen Dr. Parker after Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Dr. Grindal after Bishop of London Dr. Cox after Bishop of Ely Dr. Pilkington after Bishop of Durham Dr. May Dean of Saint Pauls Dr. Bill Provost of Eaton after Dean of Westminster and Sir Tho. Smith By whom being altered in some few passages which the Statute points to 1 Eliz. c. 21. it was presented to the Parliament and by the Parliament received and established without more ado or troubling any Committee of both or either Houses to consider of it for ought appears in their Records All that the Parliament did in it being to put it into the condition in which it stood before in Kings Edwards Reign partly by repealing the Repeal of King Edw. Statutes made in the first of Q. Mary c. 2. and partly by the adding of some farther penalties on such as did deprave the Book or neglect to use it or wilfully did absent themselves from their parish-Parish-Churches And for the Alterations made in King James his time being small in the Rubrick only and for the additions of the Thanksgivings at the end of the Letany the Prayer for the Queen and the Royal Issue and the Doctrine of the Sacraments at the end of the Catechisme which were not in the Book before they were never referred unto the Parliament but were done only by Authority of the Kings Commission and stand in force by virtue only of His Proclamation which you may find before the Book the charge of buying the said Book so explained and altered being laid upon the several and respective Parishes by no other Authority than that of the eightieth Canon made in Convocation Anno 1603. The like may also be affirmed of the Forms of Prayer for the Inauguration-day of our Kings and Queens the Prayer-books for the fifth of November and the fifth of August and those which have been used in all publick Fasts All which without the help of Parliaments have been composed by the Bishops and imposed by the King Now unto this discourse of the Forms of Worship I shall subjoyn a word or two of the times of Worship that is to say the Holy-days observed in the Church of England and so observed that they do owe that observation chiefly to the Churches power For whereas it was found in the former times that the number of the Holy-days was grown so great that they became a burthen to the common people and a great hinderance to the thrift and manufactures of the Kingdom there was a Canon made in the Convocation An. 1536. For cutting off of many superstitious and superfluous Holy-days and the reducing them into the number in which they now stand save that St. George's day and Mary Magdalens day and all the Festivals of the blessed Virgin had their place amongst them according to which Canon there went out a Monitory from the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to all the Suffragans of his Province respectively to see the same observed in their several Diocesses which is still extant on Record But being the Authority of the Church was then in the wane it was thought necessary to confirm their Acts and see execution done upon it by the Kings Injunction which did accordingly come forth with this Form or preamble That the abolishing of the said Holy-days was decreed ordained and established by the Kings Highness Authority as Supream Head in Earth of the Church of England with the common consent and assent of the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm in Convocation lawfully Assembled and Congregate Of which see Fox his Acts and Monuments fol. 1246 1247. Afterwards in the year 1541. the King perceiving with what difficulty the people were induced to leave off those Holy-days to which they had been so long accustomed published his Proclamation of the twenty-third of July for the abolishing of such Holy-days amongst other things as were prohibited before by his Injunctions both built upon the same foundation namely the resolution of the Clergy in their Convocation And so it stood until the Reign of King E. 6. at which time the Reformation of the publick Liturgie drew after it by consequence an alteration in the present business no days being to be kept or accounted Holy but those for which the Church had set apart a peculiar office and not all those neither For whereas there are several and peculiar offices for the day of the Conversion of St. Paul and the day of St. Barnabas the Apostles neither of these are kept as Holy-days nor reckoned or esteemed as such in the Act of Parliament wherein the names and number of the Holy-days is precisely specified which makes some think the Act of Parliament to have had an over-ruling power on the common-prayer-Common-prayer-Book but it is not so
there being a specification of the Holy-days in the Book it self with this direction These to be observed for Holy-days and none other in which the Feasts of the Conversion of St. Paul and the Apostle Barnabas are omitted plainly and upon which specification the Stat. 5 6. Ed. 6. cap. 3. which concerns the Holy-days seems most expresly to be built And for the Offices on those days in the Common-prayer Book you may please to know that every Holy-day consisteth of two special parts that is to say rest or cessation from bodily labour and celebration of Divine or Religious duties and that the days before remembred are so far kept holy as to have still their proper and peculiar Offices which is observed in all the Cathedrals of this Kingdom and the Chappels Royal where the Service is read every day and in most Parish Churches also as oft as either of them falls upon a Sunday though the people be not in those days injoined to rest from bodily labour no more than on the Coronation-day or the Fifth of November which yet are reckoned by the people for a kind of Holy-days Put all which hath been said together and the sum is this That the proceedings of this Church in the Reformation were not meerly Regal as it is objected by some Puritans much less that they were Parliamentarian in so great a work as the Papists falsly charge upon us the Parliaments for the most part doing little in it but that they were directed in a justifiable way the work being done Synodically by the Clergy only according to the usage of the Primitive times the King concurring with them and corroborating what they had resolved on either by his own single Act in his letters Patent Proclamations and Injunctions or by some publick Act of State as in times and by Acts of Parliament 6. Of the power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the directing of the People in the publick Duties of Religion WE are now come to the last part of this design unto the power of making Canons in which the Parliament of England have had less to do than in either of the other which are gone before Concerning which I must desire you to remember that the Clergy who had power before to make such Canons and Constitutions in their Convocation as to them seemed meet promised the King in verbo Sacerdotij not to Enact or Execute and new Canons but by his Majesties Royal Assent and by his Authority first obtained in that behalf which is thus briefly touched upon in the Ant. Brit. in the life of William Warham Arch Bishop of Canterbury Clerus in verbe Sacerdotij sidem Regi dedit ne ullas deinceps in Synodo ferrent Ecclesiasticas leges nisi Synodus authoritate Regia congregata constitutiones in Synodis publicatae eadem authoritate ratae essent Upon which ground I doubt not but I might securely raise this proposition That whatsoever the Clergy did or might do lawfully before the act of Submission in their Convocation of their own power without the Kings Authority and consent concurring the same they can and may do still since the act of their Submission the Kings Authority and consent co-operating with them in their Councils and giving confirmation to their Constitutions as was said before Further it doth appear by the asoresaid Act 25 H. 8. c. 19. That all such Canons Constitutions Ordinances and Synodals Provincial as were made before the said Submission which be not contrary or repugnant to the Laws Statutes and Customs of this Realm nor to the damage or hurt of the Kings Prerogative Royal were to be used and executed as in former times And by the Statute 26 H. 8. c. 1. of the Kings Supremacy that according to the Recognition made in Convocation our said Soveraign Lord his Heirs and Successors Kings of this Realm shall have full power and authority from time to time to visit repress reform order correct c. all such Errours Heresies Abuses Offences Contempts and Enormities whatsoever they be .c as may be most to the pleasure of Almighty God the increase of virtue in Christs Religion and for the peace unity and tranquillity of this Realm and the confirmation of the same So that you see these several ways of ordering matters for the publick weal and governance of the Church First by such ancient Canons and Constitutions as being made in former times are still in force Secondly by such new Canons as are or shall be made in Convocation with and by the Kings consent And thirdly By the Authority of the Sovereign Prince according to the Precedents laid down in the Book of God and the best ages of the Church concerning which you must remember what was said before viz. That the Statutes which concern the Kings Supremacy are Declaratory of an old power only not Introductory of a new which said we shall the better see whether the Parliament have had any thing to do either in making Canons or prescribing Orders for the regulating of Spiritual and Ecclesiastical matters and unto whom the same doth of right belong according to the Laws of the Realm of England And first King Henry being restored to his Headship of Supremacy call it which you will did not conceive himself so absolute in it though at the first much enamoured of it as not sometimes to take his Convocation with him but at all times to be advised by his Prelates when he had any thing to do that concerned the Church for which there had been no provision made by the ancient Canons grounding most times his Edicts and Injunctions Royal upon their advice and resolution For on this ground I mean the judgement and conclusions of his Convocation did he set out the Injunctions of the year 1536. for the abolishing of superstitious Holy-days the exterminating of the Popes Authority the publishing of the Book of Articles which before we spake of num 8. by all Parsons Vicars and Curates for preaching down the use of Images Reliques Pilgrimages and superstitious Miracles for rehearsing openly in the Church in the English tongue the Creed the Pater noster and the Ten Commandments for the due and reverend ministring of the Sacraments and Sacramentals for providing English Bibles to be set in every Church for the use of the people for the regular and sober life of Clergy-men and the relief of the poor And on the other side the King proceeded sometimes only by the advice of his Prelates as in the injunctions of the year 1538. for quarterly Sermons in each Parish for admitting none to Preach but men sufficiently Licenced for keeping a Register-book of Christnings Weddings and Burials for the due paying of Tythes as had been accustomed for the abolishing of the commemoration of St. Thomas Becket for singing a Parce nobis Domine instead of Ora pro nobis and the like to these And of this sort were the Injunctions which
begin to intrench upon the Churches Rights to offer at and entertain such businesses as formerly were held peculiar to the Clergy only next to dispute their Charters and reverse their privileges and finally to impose some hard Laws upon them And of these notable incroachments Matthew Parker thus complains in the life of Cranmer Qua Ecclesiasticarum legum potestate abdicata populus in Parliamento coepit de rebus divinis inconsulto Clero Sancire tum absentis Cleri privilegia sensim detrahere juraque duriora quibus Clerus invitus teneretur Constituere But these were only tentamenta offers and undertakings only and no more than so Neither the Parliaments of K. Edward or Q. Elizabeths time knew what it was to make Committees for Religion or thought it fit that Vzzah should support the Ark though he saw it tottering That was a work belonging to the Levites only none of the other Tribes were to meddle with it But as the Puritan Faction grew more strong and active so they applyed themselves more openly to the Houses of Parliament but specially to the House of Commons putting all power into their hands as well in Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Causes as in matters Temporal This amongst others confidently affirmed by Mr. Pryn in the Epistle to his Book called Anti-Arminianism where he avers That all our Bishops our Ministers our Sacraments our Consecration our Articles of Religion our Homilies Common-prayer Book yea and all the Religion of the Church is no other way publickly received supported or established amongst us but by Acts of Parliament And this not only since the time of the Reformation but That Religion and Church affairs were determined ratified declared and ordered by Act of Parliament and no ways else even then when Popery and Church men had the greatest sway Which strange assertion falling from the pen of so great a Scribe was forthwith chearfully received amongst our Pharisees who hoped to have the highest places not only in the Synagogue but the Court of Sanhedrim advancing the Authority of Parliaments to so high a pitch that by degrees they fastened on them both an infallibility of judgment and an omniotency of power Nor can it be denied to deal truly with you but that they met with many apt Scholars in that House who either out of a desire to bring all the grist to their own Mill or willing to enlarge the great power of Parliaments by making new precedents for Posterity or out of faction or affection or what else you please began to put their Rules in practice and draw all matters whatsoever within the cognizance of that Court In which their embracements were at last so general and that humour in the House so prevalent that one being once demanded what they did amongst them returned this answer That they were making a new Creed Another being heard to say That he could not be quiet in his Conscience till the holy Text should be confirmed by an Act of theirs Which passages if they be not true and real as I have them from an honest hand I assure you they are bitter jests But this although indeed it be the sickness and disease of the present Times and little to the honour of the Court of Parliament can be no prejudice at all to the way and means of the Reformation amongst sober and discerning men the Doctrine of the Church being settled the Liturgy published and confirmed the Canons authorized and executed when no such humour was predominant nor no such power pretended to by both or either of the Houses of Parliament But here perhaps it will be said that we are fallen into Charybdis by avoiding Scylla and that endeavouring to stop the mouth of this Popish Calumny we have set open a wide gap to another no less scandalous of the Presbyterians who being as professed Enemies of the Kings as the Popes Supremacy and noting that strong influence which the King hath had in Ecclesiastical affairs since the first attempts for Reformation have charg'd it as reproachfully on the Church of England and the Religion here established that it is Regal at the best if not Parliamentarian and may be called a Regal Faith and a Regal Gospel But the Answer unto this is easie For first the Kings intended by the Objectors did not act much in order to the Reformation as appears by that which hath been said but either by the advice and co-operation of the whole Clergy of the Realm in their Convocations or by the Counsel and consent of the Bishops and most eminent Church men in particular Conferences which made it properly the work of the Clergy only the Kings no otherwise than as it was propouned by him or finally confirmed by the Civil Sanction And secondly had they done more in it than they did they had been warranted so to do by the Word of God who hath committed unto Kings and Sovereign Princes a Supreme or Supereminent power not only in all matters of a Temporal or Secular nature but in such as do concern Religion and the Church of Christ And so St. Augustine hath resolved it in his third Book against Cresconius In hoc Reges sicut iis divinitus praecipitur pray you note that well Deo serviunt in quantum Reges sunt si in suo Regno bona jubeant mala prohibeant non solum quae pertinent ad humanum societatem verum etiam ad Divinam Religionem Which words of his seemed so significant and convincing unto Hart the Jesuite that being shewed the Tractate writ by Dr. Nowel against Dorman the Priest in the beginning of Q. Elizabeths time and finding how the case was stated by that Reverend person he did ingenously confess that there was no Authority ascribed to the Kings of england in Ecclesiastical affairs but what was warranted unto them by that place of Augustine The like affimed by him that calleth himself Franciscus de S. Clara though a Jesuite too that you mjay see how much more candid and ingenuous the Jesuits are in this point than the Presbyterians in his Examen of the Articles of the Church of England But hereof you may give me opportunity to speak more hereafter when you propose the Doubts which you say you have relating to the King the Pope and the Churches Protestant and therefore I shall say no more of it at the present time SECT II. The manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified HItherto I had gone in order to your satisfaction and communicated my conceptions in writing to you when I received your Letter of the 4th of January in which you signified the high contentment I had given you in condescending to your weakness as you pleased to call it and freeing you from those doubts which lay heaviest on you And therewithal you did request me to give you leave to propound those other scruples which were yet behind relating to the King the Pope and the Protestant-Churches either too little
had any thing to do in the Land at all For as I am informed by Sir Edward Coke in his Comment upon Littletons Tenures lib. 1. cap. 9. Sect. 73. fol. 58. It appeareth by the Laws and Ordinances of ancient Kings and especially of King Alfred that the first King of this Realm had all the lands of England in Demesne and les grands manours royalties they reserved to themselves and with the remnant they for the defence of the Realm enfeoffed the Barons of the Realm with such jurisdiction as the Court Baron now hath So he the professed Champion of the Common Laws And at this time it was when all the Lands in England were the Kings Demesne that Ethelwolph the second Monarch of the Saxon race his father Egbert being the first which brought the former Heptarchie under one sole Prince conferred the Tithes of all the Kingdom upon the Church by his royal Charter Of which thus Ingulph Abbot of Crowland an old Saxon Writer a Anno 855. Rex Ethelwulfus omnium Praelatorum Principum suorum qui sub ipso variis Provinciis totius Angliae praeerant gratuito Consensu tunc primo cum decimis terrarum bonorum aliorum sive catallorum universam dotavit Ecclesiam per suum Regium Chirographum Ingulph Anno 855. which was the 18. of his Reign King Ethelwulph with the consent of his Prelates and Princes which ruled in England under him in their several Provinces did first enrich the Church of England with the Tithes of all his Lands and Goods by his Charter Royal. Ethelward an old Saxon and of the blood Royal doth express it thus b Decimavit de omni possessione sua in partem Domini in universo regimine Principatus sui sic constituit Ethelward He gave the Tithe of his possessions for the Lords own portion and ordered it to be so in all the parts of the Kingdom under his command Florence of Worcester in these words c Aethelwulphus Rex decimam totius Regni sui partem ab omni Regali servitio tributo liberavit in sempiterno Graphio in Cruce Christi pro Redemptione Animae suae Praedecessorum suorum uni trino Deo immolavit Florent Wigorn. King Ethelwolfe for the Redemption of his own soul and the souls of his Predecessors discharged the tenth part of his Realm of all Tributes and Services due unto the Crown and by his perpetual Charter signed with the sign of the Cross offered it to the three-one God Roger of Hovenden hath it in the self same words and Huntingdon more briefly thus d Totam terram suam propter amorem Dei Redemptionem ad opes Ecclesiarum decimavit Henr. Huntingd. That for the love of God and the redemption of his soul he tithed his whole Dominions to the use of the Church But what need search be made into so many Authors when the Charter it self is extant in old Abbot Ingulph and in Matthew of Westminster and in the Leiger Book of the Abbey of Abingdon which Charter being offered by the King on the Altar at Winchester in the presence of his Barons was received by the Bishops and by them sent to be published in all the Churches of their several Diocesses a clause being added by the King saith the Book of Abingdon That whosoever added to the gift e Qui augere voluerit nostram donationem augeat omnipotens Deus dies ejus prosperos siquis vero mutare vel minuere praesumpserit noscat se ad Tribunal Christi redditurum rationem nisi prius satisfactione emendaverit God would please to prosper and increase his days but that if any did presume to diminish the same he should be called to an account for it at Christs Judgment-seat unless he made amends by full satisfaction In which as in some other of the former passages as there is somewhat savouring of the errour of those darker times touching the merit of good works yet the authorities are strong and most convincing for confirmation of the point which we have in hand Now that the King charged all the Lands of the Kingdom with the payment of Tithes and not that only which he held in his own possession is evident both by that which was said before from Sir Edward Coke and by the several passages of the former Authors For if all the Lands in the Kingdom were the Kings Demesnes and the King conferred the Tithes of all his Lands on the Church of God it must follow thereupon that all the Lands of the Realm were charged with Tithes before they were distributed amongst the Barons for defence of the Kingdom And that the Lands of the whole Realm were thus charged with Tithes as well that which was parted in the hands of Tenants as that which was in the occupancy of the King himself the words before alledged do most plainly evidence where it is said that he gave the tenth of all his Lands as Ingulph the Tithe of his whole Land as Henry of Huntingdon the tenth part of his whole Kingdom as in Florence of Worcester the tenth part of the Lands throughout the Kingdom in the Charter it self And finally in the Book of Abingdon the Charter is ushered in with this following Title viz. Quomodo Ethelwolfus Rex dedit decimam partem regni sui Ecclesiis that is to say how Ethelwolf gave unto the Church the tenth part of his Kingdom This makes it evident that the King did not only give de facto the Tithe or the tenth part of his whole Realm to the use of the Clergy but that he had a right and a power to do it as being not only the Lord Paramount but the Proprietary of the whole Lands the Lords and great Men of the Realm not having then a property or estates of permanency but as accomptants to the King whose the whole land was And though it seems by Ingulph their consents were asked and that they gave a free consent to the Kings Donation yet was this but a matter of Form and not simply necessary their approbation and consent being only asked either because the King was not willing to do any thing to the disherison of his Crown without the liking and consent of the Peers or that having their consent and approbation they should be barred from pleading any Tenant-right and be obliged to stand in maintenance and defence thereof against all pretenders And this appears yet further by a Law of King Athelstanes made in the year 930 about which time not only the Prelates of the Church as formerly but the great Men of the Realm began to be setled in Estates of permanency and to claim a property in those Lands which they held of the Crown and claiming so begun it seems to make bold to subduct their Tithes For remedy whereof the King made this Law commanding all his Ministers throughout the Kingdom that in the first place they should pay the Tithes
successors there reconciled also 9. An answer unto such Objections as have been made against S. Peters being Bishop of Rome 10. Saint Mark the first Bishop of Alexandria and of his successours 11. Notes on the observations of Epiphanius and Saint Hierom about the Church of Alexandria 12. An observation of Saint Ambrose applyed unto the former business 13. Of Churches founded by Saint Peter in Italy France Germany and the Isle of Britain and of the Bishops in them instituted OY ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã It is the observation of Saint Chrysostom that the Church never thriveth better than in persecutions Hom. in Act. cap. 11. And this he speaks on the dispersion of the Disciples after the martyrdom of Stephen than which there could not any thing fall out more fortunately for the advancement of the Gospel Act. 11.19 They which were scattered abroad saith the holy Text upon the persecution which arose about Stephen travelled as far as Phoenice and Cyprus and Antioch preaching the Word to none but the Jews only At first indeed to none but the Jews alone The Vision had not yet appeared to Peter to Authorize his going in unto the Gentiles nor had Cornelius and his Houshold as yet been made partakers of the Holy Ghost The Jews were they to whom the promises of God had first been made who as they were dispersed into many places so did Gods Word go after them and found them out either converting them unto the Faith or else convincing them of their incredulity But in no City of the East were they so thick set as in Antiochia the regal seat and City of the Kings of Syria Joseph Antiqu. Jud. l. 12. c. 3. in which by ancient priviledge first granted by Seleucus Nicanor they were all free Denizens and enjoyed all immunities whatsoever with the Greeks and Macedons Joseph de Bello Jud. l. 7. c. 24. This made them plant here in great multitudes together with their Wives and Children and so by consequence the greater opportunity was offered for the enlargement of the Church News hereof being brought unto Hierusalem and Peace by that time being setled throughout the Churches S. Peter Act. 9.31 32. as he passed throughout all quarters is said to have come down unto Antioch also and to have undertaken the charge thereof as being the most famous City of the Eastern parts It 's true the Scriptures tell us nothing of this but the Fathers do and negative proofs from Scripture Homil. 6. in Lucam in a point of History are of no Authority Origen calls Ignatius Episcopum Antiochiae post Petrum secundum the second that was Bishop of Antioch after Peter and therefore Peter must of necessary consequence be first Bishop there Euseb eccl hist l. 3. c. 35. Eusebius saith the same with Origen as to S. Peters being Bishop there and so doth Felix Pope of Rome in the fifth Council of Constantinople Actione prima But not to trust to consequences only Id. in Chron. though those clear enough Eusebius in his Chronicon saith expresly Petrus Apostolus Ecclesiam Antiochenam fundavit ibique Cathedram adeptus sedit that Peter the Apostle founded the Church of Antioch and sate Bishop there S. Hierom doth affirm the same Hieron in c. 2. ad Galat. Primum Episcopum Antiochenae Ecclesiae Petrum fuisse and makes it one of those things which S. Luke omitted Luke being an attendant of S. Paul in his peregrinations took not such special and particular notice of S. Peters actions Ipse firmavit sedem in qua septem annis quamvis discessurus sedit Greg. and therefore his omission of it is no argument that it was not so More of S. Peters being Bishop of the Church of Antioch see in the same S. Hierom in his Book de Ecclesiast Scriptoribus And in S. Gregories Epistles lib. 6. ep 37. Where he is said to have continued Bishop there seven years as indeed most Authors do agree This founding of the Church of Antioch by S. Peter and his assuming of the Bishoprick or charge thereof Euseb in Chron. is by Eusebius placed in the fourth year of the 203 Olympiad which falleth by computation into that 38 year of Christs Nativity being the fourth year after his Ascension But then withal we must restrain S. Peters Bishoprick in Antioch and his foundation of that Church only unto the Jewish Congregations there Preaching unto the Gentiles was not yet thought lawful And when it was it pleased God to make choice of others to promote that work Whereof when tidings came unto Hierusalem Act. 11.22 Ibid. 25. they sent forth Barnabas that he should go as far as Antioch And when he found the task too great for himself alone he went to Tarsus saith the Text to seek for Saul whom he brought with him to that City By these the gaining of the Gentiles in that famous City was begun and finished In this regard S. Paul is to be reckoned a co-founder at the least of the Church of Antioch and so Ignatius doth account them in his Epistle to the Magnesians Ignat. ep ad Magnes where he relateth that the Disciples were first called Christians at Antiochia ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Church whereof was founded by Paul and Peter And this may serve to reconcile the difference which doth occur amongst the ancient Writers about S. Peters next Successor in the See of Antioch Homil. de transt Ignatii Dialog 1. Origen Chrysostom Theodoret and Felix whom before we spake of do make Ignatius to be S. Peters next Successor where by the way we have S. Peters being Bishop there avowed by Chrysostom and Theodoret into the bargain Hist l. 3. c. 16. descript eccles in Ignatio Epist ad Antioch And on the other side Eusebius and S. Hierom place Euodius first and after his decease Ignatius wherein Ignatius doth himself concur with them counselling or exhorting the Antiochians to call to mind Euodius that most holy Bishop ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who first received the government of that Church from the holy Apostles Now for the reconciliation of this difference taking it first for granted as I think we may that at first there were in Antiochia two several Congregations of converted Christians the one of Jews Constitat Apostol l. 7. c. 48. the other of the Gentiles whereof S. Peter and S. Paul were the several heads the Author of the Constitutions ascribed to Clemens who in a matter of this nature may well be credited will give us an handsom hint informing us that the Apostles being to betake themselves to their other business or the business rather of the Lord S. Peter did ordain Euodius and S. Paul Ignatius to be the Bishops there in their several charges Upon which ground Baronius doth infer and not improbably that the wall of separation being beaten down and both the Congregations of Antiochia made into one Church Baron Annal. Eccle. An.
the care of all the Church should appertain that so the seeds of schism might be rooted up And from the time when Paul ordained those Presbyters in Lystra and Iconium and those other Churches which was in Anno 48. according as Baronius calculates it unto Saint Paul's return unto Hierusalem which was in Anno 58. are but ten whole years Before which time immediately upon his resolution to undertake that journey and from thence to Rome he had appointed Bishops in the Churches of his own plantation so that the government of the Presbyters in the largest and most liberal allowance that can be given them will be too short a time to plead prescription Now that Saint Paul ordained Bishops in many of the Asian Cities or in the Churches of those Cities which himself had planted before his last going thence into Greece and Macedon may well be gathered out of Irenaeus who lived both neer those times and in those parts and possibly might have seen and known some of the Bishops of this first foundation Item l. 3. c. 14. Now Irenaeus his words are these In Mileto enim convocatis Episcopis Presbyteris qui erant ab Epheso reliquis proximis civitatibus c. Paul saith he calling together in Miletum the Bishops and Presbyters which were of Ephesus and other the adjoyning Cities told them what things were like to happen to him in Hierusalem whither he meant to go before the Feast Out of which words of Irenaeus I collect thus much First that those Presbyters whom Paul called to Miletum to meet him there were not all of Ephesus though all called from Ephesus Ephesus being first appointed for the Randevouz or place of meeting and secondly that amongst those Presbyters there were some whom Paul had dignified with the stile and place of Bishops In which regard the Assembly being of a mixt condition they are entituled by both names especially those Presbyters which had as yet no Bishops over them having the charge and jurisdiction of their Churches under the Apostles as before was said And this perhaps may be one reason why the Apostle in his speech to that Assembly makes no words of Timothy who being present with the rest received his charge together with them as also why he gave the Presbyters of Ephesus no particular charge how to behave themselves before their Bishop there being many Bishops there which were not under the command of Timothy However we may gather thus much out of Irenaeus that though we find not in the Scripture the particular names of such as had Episcopal Authority committed to them but Timothy and Titus yet that there were some other Bishops at that time of S. Paul's Ordination who doubtless took as great a care for Thessalonica and Philippos for Lystra and Iconium as for Crete and Ephesus And that these two were by Saint Paul made Bishops of those places will appear most fully by the concurrent testimony of ancient Writers And first for Timothy that he was Bishop of the Church of Ephesus and the first Bishop there appeareth by an ancient Treatise of his death and martyrdom bearing the name of Polycrates who was himself not only Bishop of this Church of Ephesus but born also within six or seven and thirty years after the writing of the Revelation by Saint John Which treatise of Polycrates entituled De martyrio Timothei is extant amongst the lives of Saints printed at Lovaine An. 1585. and cited by the Learned Primate of Armagh in his brief Discourse touching the original of Episcopacy Sigebertus de Eccl. Script Certain I am that Sigebertus doth report Polycrates to be the Author of a Book entituled De passione Sancti Timothei Apostoli but whether that it ever came unto the hands of those of Lovain I am not able to determine More like it is the book is perished and the fragments of the Treatise which remain in Photius Photius in Biblioth n. 254. touching the death and martyrdom of Timothy is all which have escaped that shipwrack And yet in those poor fragments there is proof enough that Timothy was Bishop of the Church of Ephesus in which it is expresly said ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that Timothy was both Ordained and Inthroned Bishop of the Metropolis of Ephesus by the great Apostle Secondly this appeareth by the testimony of Eusebius who reckning up Saint Pauls assistants his ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and coadjutors as it were bringeth in Timothy for one and this adds thus of him Eccles hist l. 3. c. 4. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that as Histories recorded of him he was the first Bishop of the Diocess of Ephesus Thirdly by Epiphanius Epiph. har 75. n. 5. who in a glance gives him the power and stile of Bishop where he relateth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that the Apostle speaking unto Timothy being then a Bishop doth advise him thus Rebuke not an Elder c. Fourthly by Ambrose if the work be his Ambr. Praef. in Epist 1. ad Timoth. who in the preface to his Commentaries on the Epistles unto Timothy thus resolves the point Hunc ergo jam creatum Episcopum instruit per Epistolam that being now ordained a Bishop he was instructed by Saint Pauls Epistle how to dispose and order the Church of God Fifthly by Hierom who in his Tract De Eccles Scriptoribus doth affirm of Timothy Hieron de Script Eccles Ephesiorum Episcopum ordinatum à Beato Paulo that he was ordained Bishop of the Ephesians by Saint Paul Sixthly by Chrysostom as in many places so most significantly and expresly in his Comment on the Epistle to the Philippians saying Chrysost Hom. in 1. ad Tim. in Praef. ad eand Paul saith in his Epistle unto Timothy Fulfil thy Ministry ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã being then a Bishop ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for that he was a Bishop appears by Pauls writing thus unto him Lay hands hastily on no man Seventhly by Leontius Bishop of Magnesia Concil Chal. Act. 11. one of the Fathers in the great Council of Chalcedon affirming publickly ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that from blessed Timothy unto his times there had been 26 Bishops of the Church of Ephesus Eighthly by Gregory the Great De cura Pastorali pars 2. c. 11. where he saith that Paul admonisheth his Scholar Timothy Praelatum gregi being now made the Prelate of a Flock to attend to reading Com. in 1. ad Tim. c. 1. Ninthly by Sedulius an ancient writer of the Scotish Nation who lived about the middle of the first Century affirming on the credit of old History Timotheum istum fuisse Episcopum in Epheso that Timothy to whom Paul wrote had been Bishop of Ephesus Primas in Tim. 1. Ep. 1. c. 4. Tenthly by Primasius a writer of the first 600 years who in the Preface to his Commentaries on the first to Timothy gives us this short note Timotheus Episcopus fuit Discipulus Pauli that
Paraeus in Apocal c. 3. v. did afterwards recover and get strength again instanceth in Anatotius and Stephanus both eminent and learned men and both Bishops there whereas indeed they were not Bishops of this Laodicea but of Laodicea in Syria called antiently Seleucia Tetrapolis as he might easily have seen by a more careful looking on those places of Eusebius which himself hath cited Now in the Nicene Council if we like of that we find the Successors of those several Angels subscribing severally to the Acts thereof Act. Conc. Nic. in subser amongst other Prelates of that time as viz. Menophanes of Ephesus Eutychius B. of Smyrna for the province of Asia Artemidorus B. of Sardis Soron or Serras B. of Thyatira Ethymasius B. of Philadelphia for the Province of Lydia and finally Nunechlus B. of this Laodicea Perpet gover cap. 13. p. 269. for the Province of Phrygia for Theodotus who by Bilson is affirmed to have subscribed as Bishop of this Laodicea was Bishop of Laodicea in the Province of Syria amongst the Bishops of which Province his subscription is which I marvel that most learned and industrious Prelate did not see And though we find not him of Pergamus amongst them there yet after in the Council of Chalcedon doth his name occur In fine by the person that speaketh to the Pastors and those seven Churches and the name he gives them it is plain and evident that their vocation was not only confirmed by the Lord himself but their Commission expressed He speaketh that hath best right to appoint what Pastors he would have to guide his Flock till himself come to judgment The name he giveth them sheweth their power and charge to be delivered them from God and consequently each of them in his several charge and City must have Commission to reform the errors and abuses in their several Churches at whose hands it shall be required by him that shall sit judge to take account of their doings And so much for the Angels of the seven Churches in Asia remembred in the book of the Revelation But to go forwards to S. John the Author of it immediately on his return from Patmos he sets himself unto the reformation of these Churches calling together the Bishops of the same as before we shewed and governing both those and the adjoyning Churches of Asia minor by his Apostolical Authority and preheminence Which having done on the intreaty and request of some godly men he went unto the neighbour Nations ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Clemens Alex. ap Euseb hist l. 2. c. 17. in some places instituting or ordaining Bishops in others rectifying and reforming the whole Churches and in a word by the direction of the spirit founding a Clergy in the same It seems the journey was not far the places which he visited being said to be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the neighbouring Nations and indeed the Apostle was now grown too old to endure much travel being near an hundred at this time And therefore I conceive that the Episcopal Sees of Traellis and Magnesia were of his foundation Concil Chal. in subscript being Cities not far off and after reckoned as the Suffragans of the Archb. or Metropolitan of Ephesus Certain I am that they were both of them Sees of Bishops as doth appear by the Epistles of Ignatius in which he nameth Polybius Bishop of Trallis Ignat. Epist ad Magnesi and Damas Bishop of Magnesia and those not titular Bishops only but such as were to be obeyed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã without gain-saying and without whose allowance there was ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã layed upon the Presbyters who were not to do any thing in their ministrations but by his authority One other Bishop there is said to be of S. John's ordaining viz. the young man which Clemens speaks of Clem. Alex. ap Euseb hist l. 2. c. 17. whose aspect being liked by the Apostle he left him to the care and tutorage of an ancient Bishop of those parts And when the Young man afterwards for want of careful looking to became debauched and made himself the Captain of a crew of Out-laws the blessed Saint with much ado reclaimed him from that wretched course and afterwards having new moulded him and prepared him for it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã made him a Bishop in the Church But whether that the word will bear that sense as to the making him a Bishop or that it only doth imply that S. John placed him in some function of the holy Ministery Ecclesiae ministeriâ praefecit as Christophorson reads it I will not contend Only I cannot but observe that where the Bishop to whose care he was committed is in the prosecution of the story called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã some have collected from the same Unbishopping of Tim. Tit. p. 126. that Bishops in those times were no more than Presbyters But this will prove if better looked on but a plain mistake the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in that place noting the Bishops age and not his office as doth appear by that which followeth in the story where he is called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which certainly doth signifie an ancient man but not a Presbyter The Asian Churches being thus setled and confirmed in the faith of Christ partly by the pains and travel of this blessed man but principally by the Gospel and other pieces of Divine holy Scripture by him written and published about this time Beda de sex aetatibus In Annal. Ecc he went unto the Lord his God in a good old age being then 98 years old as Beda reckoneth in the beginning of the second century Anno 101. according to the computation of Baronius The Church at his departure he left firmly grounded in all the points of faith and doctrine taught by Christ our Saviour as well setled in the outward government the polity and administration of the same which had been framed by the Apostles according to the pattern and example of their Lord and Master For being that the Church was born of Seed immortal and they themselves though excellent and divine yet still mortal men it did concern the Church in an high degree to be provided of a perpetuity or if you will an immortality of Overseers both for the sowing of this Seed and for the ordering of the Church or the field it self This since they could not do in person they were to do it by their Successors who by their Office were to be the ordinary Pastors of the Church and the Vicars of Christ Now if you ask the Fathers who they were that were accounted in their times and ages the Successors of the Apostles they will with one accord make answer that the Bishops were To take them as they lived in order it is affirmed expresly by Irenaeus Iren. l. 3. c. 3. one who conversed familiatly with Polycarpus S. John's Disciple He speaking of those Bishops which were ordained by the Apostles
Tertul. lib. de jejuniis c. 13. That Bishops use to impose Fasts upon the people is not done of purpose for lucre or the Alms then given but out of a regard of the Churches welfare or the sollicitousness which they have thereof Wherein as he removes a cavil which as it seems was cast upon the Church about the calling of those Fasts so plainly he ascribes the calling of them to the Bishop only according unto whose appointment in unum omnes ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã agitabant they met together for the humbling of themselves before God the Lord. So for disposing of the Churches Treasure for Menstrua quaque die modicam quisque stipem vel quam velit Id. in Apol. c. every month the people used to bring their Offerings as we call them now every man as he would and could that also appertained unto the Bishop Which as it was distributed most commonly amongst the Clergy for their present maintenance so was it in the Bishops power to bestow part thereof upon other uses as in relief of Widows and poor Virgins which appears plainly in that place and passage of Tertullian Tertul. de Virg. veland cap. 9. in his book de Virginibus velandis where speaking of a Virgin which contrary to the custom of the Church had been admitted into the rank of Widows he adds cui si quid refrigerii debuerat Episcopus that if the Bishop did intend to allow her any thing towards her relief and maintenance he might have done it without trespassing on the Churches discipline and setting up so strange a Monster as a Virgin-Widow And this is that which after was confirmed in the Council of Antioch Conc. Antioch Can. 25. where it is said ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that the Bishop ought to have authority in the disposing of the things or goods that appertained unto the Church ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that so he might dispose them unto such as stood in need in the fear of God Finally for the reconciling of a Penitent to the Church of God in the remitting of his sins Tertul. de pudicitia cap. 18. and bringing of him back to the fold again that in Tertullians time was a Peculiar of the Bishop also For speaking of Repentance after Faith received de poenitentia post fidem as he calls it he is content to give this efficacy thereunto though otherwise he held being then a Montanist that heinous Sinners after Grace received were not to be admitted to Repentance I say he is content to give this efficacy thereunto that for smaller sins it may obtain pardon or remission from the Bishop for greater and unpardonable from God alone But take his own words with you for the greater surety and his words are these viz. Salva illa poenitentiae specie post fidem quae aut levioribus delictis veniam ab Episcopo consequi potest aut majoribus irremissibilibus à Deo solo Pamel Annot. praedict lib. 159. In which Pamelius seems to wonder at his moderation as being of a better temper in this point than was Montanus into whose Sect he now was fallen who would have no man to make confession of his sins to any other than to God and seek for reconciliation from no hands but from his alone And in another place of the same book also Tertul. lib. de Pudicit cap. 1. although he seem to jeer and deride the usage he granteth that the Bishops of the Christian Church did usually remit even the greatest fins upon the performance of the Penance formerly enjoyned For thus he bringeth in the Bishop whom in the way of scorn he calleth Pontifex Maximus and Episcopus Episcoporum proclaiming as it were a general Pardon to such as had performed their Penance Ego moechiae fornicationis delicta poenitenti functis dimitto that he remitted to all such even the sins of Fornication and Adultery Which words of his declare not more his Errour than the Bishops Power in this particular What interest the Presbyters of the Church did either challenge or enjoy in this weighty business of reconciling Penitents to the Lord their God we shall see hereafter when as the same began to be in practice and was by them put in execution Mean time I take it for a manifest and undoubted Truth that properly originally and in chief it did belong unto the Bishop both to enjoyn Penance and admit the Penitent and not to the inferiour Presbyters but as they had authority by and under him Which lest I may be thought to affirm at random let us behold the manner of this Reconciliation as layed down by Sozomen Sozomen Eccl. hist l. 7. c. 16. not as relating to his own times but to the times whereof we speak ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. They stand saith he in an appointed place sorrowful and lamented and when the Eucharist is ended whereof they are not suffered to be partakers they cast themselves with grief and lamentation flat upon the ground ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The Bishop then approaching towards him kneeleth also by him on the ground and all the multitude also do the like with great grief and ejulation ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã This done the Bishop riseth first and gently raiseth up the prostrate Penitent and having prayed for those that are thus in the state of Penance as much as he thinks fit and requisite they are dismissed for the present And being thus dismissed every man privately at home doth afflict himself either by fasting or by abstinence from Meats and Bathes for a certain time ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as long as by the Bishop is enjoyned him Which time appointed being come and his Penance in this sort performed he is absolved from his sins sins ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and joyned again unto the residue of the Congregation And this saith he hath been the custom of the Western Church and especially of the Church of Rome ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã from the very first beginning to this present time So that both in the City of Rome in which Tertullian sometimes lived and in the Western Church whereof he was a member being a Presbyter of Carthage and in the times in which he flourished for thus it was from the beginning the Bishop regularly had the power both of enjoyning Penance and reconciling of the Penitent as it still continueth Nor doth that passage in Tertullian any way cross the point delivered where speaking of the several acts of humiliation which were to be performed by the Penitent before he could be reconciled to the Church of God Tertul. lib. de Poenitent c. 9. he reckoneth these amongst the rest Presbyteris advolvi aris or caris Dei adgeniculari for whether of the two it is adbuc sub Judice omnibus fratribus legationes deprecationis suae injungere to cast themselves before the Presbyters to kneel before the Altars or the Saints of God to entreat the Prayers
world The like saith Bishop Hooper also telling us Pref. to his Exposition There was no diversity in Christ of Jew or Gentile that it was never forbid but that all sorts of people and every propeny of the World to be made partakers of the Jews Religion And then again in the example of the Ninevites Thou hast saith he good Christian Reader the mercy of God and general promise of salvation performed in Christ for whose sake only God and man were set at one The less assistance we had from Bishop Hooper in the former points the more we shall receive in this touching the causes why this great benefit is not made effectual unto all alike Concerning which he lets us know That to the obtaining the first end of his justice he allureth as many as be not utterly wicked and may be helped Ibid. partly with threatnings and partly with promises and so provoketh them unto amendment of life c. and would have all men to be saved therefore provoketh now by fair means now by foul that the sinner should satisfie his just and righteous pleasure not that the promises of God appertain to such as will not repent or his threatnings unto him that doth repent but these means he useth to save his creature this way useth he to nurture us until such time as the holy Spirit worketh such a perfection in us that we will obey him though there were neither pain nor joy mentioned at all And in another place more briefly That if either out of a contempt or hate of Gods Word we fall into sin and transform our selves into the image of the Devil then we exclude our selves by this means from the promises and merits of Christ Serm. 1. Sund. after Epiph. Bishop Latimer to the same point also His salvation is sufficient to satisfie for all the World as concerning it self but as concerning us he saveth no more than such as put their trust in him and as many as believe in him shall be saved the other shall be cast out as Infidels into everlasting damnation not for lack of salvation but for infidelity and lack of faith which is the only cause of their damnation One word more out of Bishop Hooper to conclude this point which in fine is this To the Objection saith he touching that S. Peter speaketh of such as shall perish for their false doctrine c. this the Scripture answereth that the promise of grace appertaineth to every sort of men in the world and comprehendeth them all howbeit within certain limits and bounds the which if men neglect to pass over they exclude themselves from the promise of Christ CHAP. XI Of the Heavenly influences of Gods grace in the Conversion of a Sinner and mans co-operation with those Heavenly influences 1. The Doctrine of Deserving Grace ex congruo maintained in the Roman Schools before the Council of Trent rejected by our ancient Martyrs and the Book of Articles 2. The judgment of Dr. Barns and Mr. Tyndal touching the necessary workings of Gods grace on the will of man not different from that of the Church of England 3. Vniversal grace maintained by Bishop Hooper and proved by some passages in the Liturgy and Book of Homilies 4. The offer of Vniversal grace made ineffectual to some for want of faith and to others for want of repentance according to the judgment of Bishop Hooper 5. The necessity of Grace preventing and the free co-operation of mans will being so prevented maintained in the Articles in the Homilies and the publick Liturgy 6. The necessity of this co-operation on the part of man defended and applied to the exercise of a godly life by Bishop Hooper 7. The Doctrine of Irresistibility first broached by Calvin pertinaciously maintained by most of his followers and by Gomarus amongst others 8. Gainsaid by Bishop Hooper and Bishop Latimer 9. And their gainsayings justified by the tenth Article of King Edwards Books And 10. The Book of Homilies THIS leads me unto the Disputes touching the influences of Grace and the co-operation of mans will with those Heavenly influences in which the received Doctrine of the Church of Rome seems to have had some alteration to the better since the debating and concluding of those points in the Council of Trent before which time the Doctrine of the Roman Schools was thought to draw too near to the lees of Pelagianism to ascribe too much to mans Free-will or so much to it at the least as by the right use of the powers of nature might merit grace ex congruo as the School-men phrase it of the hands of God Against this it was that Dr. Barnes declared as before was said in his discourse about Free-will and against which the Church of England then declared in the 13 Article His works p. 821. affirming That such works as are done before the grace of Christ and the inspiration of his Spirit do not make men meet to receive grace or as the School-men say deserve grace of Congruity Against which Tyndal gives this note That Free-will preventeth not Grace which certainly he had never done if somewhat to the contrary had not been delivered in the Church of Rome and against which it was declared by John Lambert another of our ancient Martyrs in these following words viz. Concerning Free-will saith he I mean altogether as doth S. Augustine that of our selves we have no liberty nor ability to do the will of God but are subject unto sin Acts and Mn. fol. 1009. and thrals of the same conclusi sub peccato or as witnesseth S. Paul But by the grace of God we are rid and set at liberty according to the proportion that every man hath taken of the same some more some less But none more fully shewed himself against this opinion than Dr. Barnes before remembred not touching only on the by Collection of his works by I. D. sol 266. but writing a Discourse particularly against the errours of that time in this very point But here saith he we will search what strength is of man in his natural power without the Spirit of God to will or do those things that be acceptable before God unto the fulfilling of the will of God c. A search which had been vain and needless if nothing could be found which tended to the maintenance of acting in spiritual matters by mans natural power without the workings of the Spirit And therefore he saith very truly That man can do nothing by his Free-will as Christ teacheth for without me ye can do nothing c. where it is opened that Free-will without Grace can do nothing he speak not of eating and drinking though they be works of Grace but nothing that is fruitful that is meritorious that is worthy of thanks that is acceptable before God To which effect we also find these brief Remembrances Mans Free-will without Gods Grace can do nothing that is good p. 268. that all which
that not only he did not revenge the ungracious acts that had been committed therein but also sent down his only Son from Heaven unto Earth and delivered him to suffer death yea even the most shamesful death of the Crost to the intent that what man soever would believe in him were he Jew Grecian or never so barbarous should not perish but obtain eternal life through the faith of the Gospel For albeit that in time to come the Father should judge the universal World by his Son at his lâst coming yet at this time which is appointed for mercy God hath not sent his Son to condemnn the World for the wicked deeds thereof but by his death to give free salvation to the world through saith And lest any body perishing wilfully should have whereby to exercise his own malice there is given to all folks an easie entry to salvation For satisfaction of the faults committed before is not required Neither yet observation of the Law nor circumcision only he that believeth in him shall not be condemned for asmuch as he hath embraced that thing by which eternal salvation is given to all folk be they never so much burdened with sins so that the same person after he hath professed the Gospel do abstain from the evil deeds of his former life and labour to go forward to perfect holiness according to the doctrine of him whose name he hath professed But whosoever condemning so great charity of God towards him and putting from himself the salvation that was freely offered doth not believe the Gospel he hath no need to be judged of any body for as much as he doth openly condemn himself and rejecting the thing whereby he might obtain everlasting life maketh himself guilty of eternal pain By which passages and the rest that follow on this Text of Scripture we may have a plain view of the judgment of this learned man in the Points disputed as to the designation of eternal life to all that do believe in Christ the universality of Redemption by his death and passion the general offer of the benefit and effect thereof to all sorts of people the freedom of mans will in co-operating with the grace of God or in rejecting and refusing it when it is so offered and relapsing from the same when it is received All which we find in many other passages of those Paraphrases as occasion is presented to him But more particularly it appears first that he groundeth our Election to eternal life on the eternaland divine prescience of Almighty God telling us in his Explication of the 25. Chap. of Sain Matthews Gospel Ibid. fol. 96. that the inheritance o the heavenly Kingdom was prepared by the providenceand determination of God the fore-knower of all things before the World was made Secondly of Vniversal Redemption in his gloss on the first Chap. of Saint John Ibid. fol. 414. he telleth us thus This Lamb saith he is so far from being subject to an kind of sin that he alone is able to take away all the sins of the whole World He is so well beloved of God that he only may turn his wrath into mercy He is also so gentle and so desirous of mans salvation that he is ready to suffer pains for the sins of all men and to take upon him our evils because he would bestow upon us his good things Thirdly of the manner of the working of Gods grace he speaks as plainly in his Explication of the sixth Chap. of the same Evangelist where he telleth us that of a truth whosoever cometh unto Christ shall obtaineternal life that by faith must men come to him and that faith cometh not at all adventures Ibid. fol. 443. but is had by the inspiration of God the Father who like as he draweth to him mens minds by his Son in such wife that through the operation of both jointly together men come to them both the Father not giving this so great gift but to them that be willing and desirous to have it so that who with a ready will and godly diligence deserves to be drawn of the Father he shall obtain everlasting life by the Son No violent drawing in these words but such as may be capable of resistance on the part of man as appears by his descant on that plain Song of our Saviour in Matt. 23. in which he makes him speaking in this manner unto those of Hierusalem viz. Nothing is let pass on my behalf whereby thou mightest be saved but contrariwise thou hast done what thou canst to bring destruction upon thy self Ibid. fol. 90. and to exclude salvation from thee But to whom Freewill is once given he cannot be saved against his will Your will ought to be agreeable to my Will But behold as miserable calamity c. More plainly thus in the like descant on the same words in Saint Lukes Gospel viz. How many a time and oft have I assaved to gather thy children together and to join them to my self none otherwise than the Hen gathereth her chickens under her wings that they may not miscarry But thy stubbornness hath gone beyond my goodness and as though thou hadst even vowed and devoted thy self to utter ruin so dost thou refuse all things whereby thou mightest be recovered and made whole And finally as to the possibility of falling from the faith of Christ he thus declares himself in the Exposition of our Saviours Parable touching the Sower and the seed viz. There is another sort of men which greedily hear the word of the Gospel Ibid. fol. â and set it deep enough in their mind and keep it long but their minds being intangled and choaked with troublesom cares of this World and especially of Riches as it were with certain thick thorns they cannot freely follow that he loveth because they will not suffer these Thorns which cleave together and be entangled one with another among themselves to be cut away the fruit of the seed which is sown doth utterly perish Which being so either we must conclude the doctrine of this Church in the book of articles to be the same with that which is contained in the Paraphrases of this learned man or else condemn the godly Bishops of this Church and the religious Princes above mentioned of a great imprudence in recommending them to the diligent and careful reading both of Priest and People Historia Quinqu-Articularis OR A DECLARATION Of the Judgment of the WESTERN-CHVRCHES And more particularly of the CHURCH of ENGLAND In the Five Controverted Points PART III. Containing the first Breakin gs out of the Predestinarians in the Church of England and the pursuance of those Quarrels from the Reign of K. EDWARD the sixth to the death of K. JAMES CHAP. XVI Of the first breakin gs out of the Predestinarians and their Proceedings in the same 1. The Predestinarians called at first by the name of Gospellers 2. Campneys a professed enemy to the Predestinarians but neither
absolute will and pleasure yet he is fain to have recourse to some certain condition telling us that though the mercy of God his Grace Election Vocation and other precedent Causes do justifie us yet this is upon condition of believing in Christ And finally it is to be observed also that after all his pains taken in defending such a personal and eternal Election as the Calvinians now contend for he adviseth us to wrap up our selves wholly both body and soul under Gods general promise and not to cumber our heads with any further speculations knowing that whosoever believeth in him shall not perish c. And so I take my leave of our Martyrologist the publishing of those discourse I look on as the first great battery which was made on the Bulwarks of this Church in point of doctrine by any member of her own after the setling of the Articles by the Queens Authority Ann. 1562. the brables raised by Crowley in his Book against Campneys though it came out after the said Articles were confirmed and published being but as hail-shot in comparison of this great piece of Ordnance Not that the Arguments were so strong as to make any great breach in the publick Doctrine had it been published in a time less capable of innovations or rather if the great esteem which many had of that man and the universal reception which his Book found with all sorts of People had not gained more authority unto his discourse than the merit or solidness of it could deserve The inconveniencies whereof as also the many marginal Notes and other passages visibly tending to faction and sedition in most parts of that Book were either not observed at first or winked at in regard of the great animosities which were ingendred by it in all sorts of People as well against the persons of the Papists as against the doctrine Insomuch that in the Convocation of the year 1571. there passed some Canons requiring that not only the Deans of all Cathedrals should take a special care that the said Book should be so conveniently placed in their several Churches that people of all conditions might resort unto it but also that all and every Arch-Bishop Bishops Deans Residentiaries and Arch-Deacons should choose the same to be placed in some convenient publick room of their several houses not only for the entertainment and instruction of their menial servants but of such strangers also as occasionally repaired unto them If it be hereupon inferred that Fox his doctrine was approved by that Convocation and therefore that it is agreeable to the true intent and meaning of the Articles of the Church of England besides what hath been said already by Anticipation it may as logically be inferred that the Convocation approved all his marginal Notes all the factious and seditious passages and more particularly the scorn which he puts upon the Episcopal habit and other Ceremonies of the Church Touching which last for the other are too many to be here recited let us behold how he describes the difference which hapned between Hooper Bishop of Glocester on the one side Cranmer and Ridley on the other about the ordinary habit and attire then used by the Bishops of this Church we shall find it thus viz. Acts and Mon. so 1366 1367. For notwithstanding the godly reformation of Religion that was begun in the Church of England besides other ceremonies that were more ambitious than profitable or tended to edification they used to wear such garments and apparel as the Romish Bishops were wont to do First a Chimere and under that a white Rocket then a Mathematical cap with four Angles dividing the whole world into four parts These trifles being more for superstition than otherwise as he could never abide so in no wise could he be persuaded to wear them But in conclusion this Theological contestation came to this end that the Bishops having the upper hand Mr. Hooper was fain to agree to this condition that sometimes he should in his Sermon shew himself apparalled as the Bishops were Wherefore appointed to preach before the King as a new Player in a strange apparel he cometh forth on the stage His upper garment was a long skarlet Chimere down to the foot and under that a white linnen Rocket that covered all his shoulders upon his head he had a Geometrical that is a square cap albeit that his head was round What case of shame the strangeness hereof was that day to the good Preacher every man may easily judge But this private contumely and reproach in respect of the publick profit of the Church which he only sought he bare and suffered patiently Here have we the Episcopal habit affirmed to be a contumely and reproach to that godly man slighted contemptuously by the name of trifles and condemned in the marginal Note for a Popish attire the other ceremonies of the Church being censured as more ambitious than profitable and tending more to superstition than to edification which as no man of sense or reason can believe to be approved and allowed of by that Convocation so neither is it to be believed that they allowed of his opinion in the present point For a counterballance whereunto there was another Canon passed in this Convocation by which all Preachers were enjoyned to take special care âne quid unquam doceant pro concione quod à populo religiose teneri credi velint nisi quod consentaneum sit doctrinae veteris aut novi testamenti quodque ex'illa ipsa doctrina Cathotici Patres veteres Episcopi Collegerint that is to say that they should maintain no other doctrine in their publicki Sermons to be believed of the People but that which was agreeable to the doctrine of the Old and New Testament and had from thence been gathered by the Catholick or Orthodox Fathers and ancient Bishops of the Church To which rule if they held themselves as they ought to do no countenance could be given to Calvines Doctrines or Fox his judgment in these points maintained by one of the Catholick Fathers and ancient Bishops of the Church but St. Augustine only who though he were a godly man and a learned Prelate yet was he but one Bishop not Bishops in the plural number but one father and not all the fathers and therefore his opinion not to be maintained against all the rest CHAP. XX. Of the great Innovation made by Perkins in the publick Doctrine the stirs arising thence in Cambridge and Mr. Barrets carriage in them 1. Of Mr. Perkins and his Doctrine of Predestination which his recital of the four opinions which were then maintained about the same 2. The sum and substance of his Doctrine according to the Supralapsarian or Supra-creatarian way 3. The several censures past upon it both by Papists and Protestants by none more sharply than by Dr. Rob. Abbots after Bishop of Sarum 4. Of Dr. Baroe the Lady Margarets Professor in the Vniversity and his Doctrine
too much to our ancient Martyrs c. exemplified in the parity of Ministers and popular elections unto Benefices allowed by Mr. John Lambert Page 547 2. Nothing ascribed to Calvins judgment by our first Reformers but much to the Augustine Confession the Writings of Melancthon Page 548 3. And to the Authority of Erasmus his Paraphrases being commended to the use of the Church by King Edward VI. and the Reasons why ibid. 4. The Bishops Book in order to a Reformation called The institution of a Christian man commanded by King Henry VIII 1537. correcied afterwards with the Kings own hand examined and allowed by Cranmer approved by Parliament and finally published by the name of Necessary Doctrine c. An. 1543. ibid. 5. The Doctrine of the said two Books in the points disputed agreeable unto that which after was established by King Edward VI. Page 549 6. Of the two Liturgies made in the time of King Edward VI. and the manner of them the testimony given unto the first and the alterations in the second Page 550 7. The first Book of Homilies by whom made approved by Bucer and of the Argument that may be gathered from the method of it in the points disputed ibid. 8. The quality and condition of those men who principally concurred to the Book of Articles with the Harmony or consent in judgment between Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Ridley Bishop Hooper c. Page 551 9. The Doctrine delivered in the Book of Articles touching the five controverted points ibid. 10. An Answer to the Objection against these Articles for the supposed want of Authority in the making of them Page 552 11. An Objection against King Edwards Catechism mistaken for an Objection against the Articles refelled as that Catechism by John Philpot Martyr and of the delegating of some powers by that Convocation to a choice Committee Page 553 12. The Articles not drawn up in comprehensible or ambiguous terms to please all parties but to be understood in the respective literal and Grammatical sense and the Reasons why ibid. CHAP. IX Of the Doctrine of Predestination delivered in the Articles the Homilies the publique Liturgies and the Writings of some of the Reformers 1. The Articles differently understood by the Calvinian party and the true English Protestants with the best way to find out the true sense thereof Page 555 2. The definition of Predestination and the most considerable points contained in it ibid. 3. The meaning of those words in the definition viz. Whom he hath chosen in Christ according to the Exposition of S. Ambrose S. Chrysostom S. Jerom as also of Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Latimer and the Book of Homilies Page 556 4. The Absolute Decree condemned by Bishop Latimer as a means to Licentiousness and Carnal living ibid. 5. For which and making God to be the Author of sin condemned as much by Bishop Hooper ibid. 6. Our Election to be found in Christ not sought for in Gods secret Councils according to the judgment of Bishop Hatimer Page 557 7. The way to find out our Election delivered by the same godly Bishop and by Bishop Hooper with somewhat to the same purpose also from the Book of Homilies ibid. 8. The Doctrine of Predestination delivered by the holy Martyr John Bradford with Fox his gloss upon the same to corrupt the sense Page 558 9. No countenance to be had for any absolute personal and irrespective decree of Predestination in the publique Liturgie ibid. 10. An Answer to such passages out of the said Liturgie as seem to favour that opinion as also touching the number of Gods Elect. CHAP. X. The Doctrine of the Church concerning Reprobation and Universal Redemption 1. The absolute Decree of Reprobation not found in the Articles of this Church but against it in some passages of the publick Liturgie Page 560 2. The cause of Reprobation to be found in a mans self and not in Gods Decrees according to the judgment of Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper ibid. 3. The Absolute Decrees of Election and Reprobation how contrary to the last clause in the seventeenth Article Page 561 4. The inconsistency of the Absolute Decree of Reprobation with the Doctrine of Vniversal Redemption by the death of Christ ibid. 5. The Vniversal Redemption of man-kind by the death of Christ declared in many places of the publick Liturgie and affirmed also in one of the Homilies and the Book of Articles Page 502 6. A further proof of it from the Mission of the Apostles and the Prayer used in the Ordination of Priests ibid. 7. The same confirmed by the Writings of Archbishop Cranmer and the two other Bishops before mentioned Page 563 8. A Generality of the Promises and an Vniversality of Vocation maintained by the said two godly Bishops ibid. 9. The reasons why this benefit is not made effectual to all sorts of men to be found only in themselves ibid. CHAP. XI Of the Heavenly influences of Gods grace in the Conversion of a Sinner and a mans cooperation with those Heavenly influences 1. The Doctrine of Deserving Grace ex congruo maintained in the Roman Schools before the Council of Trent rejected by our ancient Martyrs and the Book of Articles Page 564 2. The judgment of Dr. Barns and Mr. Tyndal touching the necessary workings of Gods grace on the will of man not different from that of the Church of England Page 565 3. Vniversal grace maintained by Bishop Hooper and approved by some passages in the Liturgie and Book of Homilies ibid. 4. The offer of Vniversal grace made ineffectual to some for want of faith and to others for want of repentance according to the judgment of Bishop Hooper ibid. 5. The necessity of Grace Preventing and the free co-operation of mans will being so prevented maintained in the Articles in the Homilies and the publique Liturgie Page 566 6. The necessity of this co-operation on the part of man defended and applied to the exercise of a godly life by Bishop Hooper ibid. 7. The Doctrine of Irresistibility first broached by Calvin pertinaciously maintained by most of his followers and by Gomarus amongst others Page 567 8. Gainsaid by Bishop Hooper and Bishop Latimer ibid. 9. And their gain-sayings justified by the tenth Article of King Edwards Books Page 568 And 10. The Book of Homilies ibid. CHAP. XII The Doctrine of Free-will agreed upon by the Clergy in their Convocation An. 1543. 1. Of the Convocation holden in the year 1543. in order to the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine Page 569 2. The Article of Free-will in all the powers and workings of it agreed on by the Prelates and Clergie of that Convocation agreeable to the present Doctrine of the Church of England ibid. 3. An Answer to the first Objection concerning the Popishness of the Bishops and Clergie in that Convocation Page 571 4. The Article of Free-will approved by King Henry VIII and Archbishop Cranmer Page 572 5. An Answer to the last Objection concerning the Conformity of
Divinity as well as undertake the profession of it but afterward persuaded thereto by a Right Reverend and Learned Person Mr. Buckner he seriously applied himself to this Study and holy Profession receiving the Orders of Deacon and Priest but at distinct times in S. Aldates Church in Oxon from the Right Reverend Bishop Howson And when he was Ordained Priest he Preach'd the Ordination Sermon upon these words of our Blessed Saviour to S. Peter Luk. 22.32 And when thou art Converted strengthen thy Brethren What course and method he observed in his Theological Studies he informs us with his own Pen Theol. Vit. praef to the Reader When I began my Studies in Divinity I thought no course so proper and expedient for me as the way commended by King James which was that young Students in Divinity should be excited to study such Books as were most agreeable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Church of England and to bestow their time in the Fathers and Councils School-men Histories and Controversie and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and Abbreviators His Geography was in less than three years Reprinted And in this second Edition was enlarged and again presented by him to the Prince of Wales and by him graciously received with most affectionate commendations of the Author But it met with another kind of entertainment from King James for the Book being put into the hands of that Learned Monarch by Dr. Young then Dean of Winton who design'd nothing but the highest kindness to Mr. Heylyn thereby the King at first exprest his great value he had for the Author but unfortunatly falling on a passage wherein Mr. Heylyn gave Precedency to the French King and called France the more famous Kingdom King James became very much offended and ordered the Lord Keeper to call the Book in The Dean gave notice to Mr. Heylyn of his Majesties displeasure and advised him to repair to Court and make use of the Princes Patronage as the best lenitive to prevent the rankling of this wound But he rather chose to abide in Oxford and acquainting the Lord Danvers with the business afterward sent an Apology and Explanation of his meaning That the burden under which he suffered was rather a mistake than a crime and that mistake not his own but the Printers which was after corrected and amended In the year 1625. he took a Journey with Mr. Levet of Lincolns-Inn into France where he visited more Cities and made more observations in five weeks time for he stayed no longer than many others have done in so many years The particulars of this Journey he reduced into writing and some years after gratifi'd his Countrey with the publication of it together with some other excellent remarks made by him when he went in attendance upon the Earl of Danby to the Isle of Gernsey and Jersey Anno Dom. 1628. Had King James lived to have perused that Book Mr. Heylyn had needed no other Advocate to have restored him to his Princely favour and protection For never was the vanity and levity of the Monsieurs and deformity and sluttishness of their Madams more ingeniously exposed both in Verse and Prose than in the account that he gives of his Voyage into France On April the 18th 1627. he opposed in the Divinity-School and on Tuesday the 24th following he answered pro formâ upon these two Questions viz. An Ecclesia unquam fuerit invisibilis An Ecclesia possit errare Both which he determined in the Negative Upon occasional discourse with him he was pleased once to shew me his Supposition which I read over in his House at Lacies-Court in Abingdon but I had not then either the leisure or good luck to transcribe a Copy of it which would have been worth my pains and more worthy of the Press to the great satisfaction of others For my part I can truly say that I never read any thing with more delight for good Latin Reason and History which that Exercise was full of but since both it and many other choice Papers in his Study through the carelesness of those to whose custody they are committed I suppose are utterly lost and gone ad blattarum tinearum Epulas In stating of the first Question that caused the heats of that day he fell upon a quite different way from that of Dr. Prideaux the Professor in his Lecture De Visibilitate Ecclesiae and contrary to the common opinion of other Divines who generally prove the visibility of the Protestant Church from the poor persecuted Christians dispersed in several places as the Berengarians in Italy the Waldenses in France the Wicklifists in England and the Hussiets in Bohemia which manner of proceeding being disliked by Mr. Heylyn as that which utterly discontinued the Succession of the Hierarchy which the Church of England claims from the very Apostles and their immediate Successors He rather chose to find out a continual visible Church in Asia Ethiopia Greece Italy yea and Rome it self as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Roman Bishop when he was the chief Patriarch which Mr. Heylyn from his great knowledge and more than ordinary abilities in History strenuously asserted and proved to which the Professor could make but weak replies as I have heard from knowing persons who were present at that Disputation because he was drawn out of his ordinany byass from Scholastical Disputation to forein Histories in which encounter Mr. Heylyn was the invincible Ajax Nec quisquam Ajacem superare possit nisi Ajax But chiefly the quarrel did arise for two words in Mr. Heylyns Hypothesis after he had proved the Church of England received no Succession of Doctrine or Government from the Berengarians Wicklifists c. who held many Heterodoxies in Religion as different from the established Doctrine of our Church as any point which was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome that the Writers of that Church Bellarmin himself hath stood up as cordially in maintenance of some fundamental points of the Christian Faith against Anti-Trinitarians Anabaptists and other Heretiques of these last Ages as any our Divines and other Learned men of the Protestant Churches which point Mr. Heylyn closed up with these words Vtinam quod ipse de Calvino sic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis at which words the Reverend Doctor was so impatient in his Chair that he fell upon the Respondent in most vile terms calling him Papicola Bellarminianus Pontificius c. to draw the hatred of the University upon him according to the saying Fortiter calumniare aliquid adhaerebit grievously complaining to the younger sort of his Auditors unto whom he made his chiefest addresses of the unprofitable pains he took among them if Bellarmin whom he had laboured to confute for so many years should be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus Notwithstanding the Respondent acquitted himself bravely before the Company ascribing no more honour to Bellarmin
be placed according to ancient custom at the East end of the Chancel and railed about decently to prevent base and profane usages and where the Chancel wanted any thing of repairs or the Church it self both to be amended Having thus shewed his care first for the House of God to set it in good order the next work followed was to make his own dwelling House a fit and convenient Habitation that to the old Building he added a new one which was far more graceful and made thereto a Chappel next to the Dining-room that was beautified and adorned with silk Hangings about the Altar in which Chappel himself or his Curate read Morning and Evening Prayer to the Family calling in his Labourers and Workfolks for he was seldom without them while he liv'd saying that he loved the noise of a Work-mans hammer for he thought it a deed of Charity as well as to please his own fancy by often building repairing to set poor People a work and encourage painful Artificers and Tradesmen in their honest Callings Yet after his death his Eldest Son was sued for Dilapidations in the Court of Arches by Dr. Beamont his Fathers Successor but the ingenious Gentleman pleaded his cause so notably before Sir Giles Swet then Judge of the Court that he was discharged there being no reason or justice he should be troubled for Dilapidations occasioned by the long War when his Father was unjustly turn'd out of his House and Living In July 1630. he took his Degree of Batchelor in Divinity His Latin Sermon was upon these words Mal. 4.19 Facim vos fieri piscatores hominum Upon the Sunday following being the time of the Act he Preach'd in the Afternoon on Matth. 13.25 In Feb. 13. A. D. 1633. He took his Degree of Dr. in Divinity an honour not usually in those days conferr'd upon men of such green years but our young Doctor verified those excellent words of the Son of Syrach That honourable Age is not that which standeth in length of time nor that is measured by number of years but Wisdom is the grey unto men and an unspotted life is an old Age Wisd 4.8 9. He entertain'd some hopes that Dr. Prideaux his animosities in so long a Tract of time as from 1627. to 1633. might have cooled In his first Disputation he had insisted on the Churches Visibility and now he resolved to assert and establish its Authority and to that purpose made choice to answer for his Degree upon these three questions viz. An Ecclesia habeat Authoritatem In determinandis fidei controversus An Ecclesia habeat Authoritatem Interpretandi S. scripturas An Ecclesia habeat Authoritatem Decernendi Ritus Caeremonias All which he held in the Affirmative according to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the 20th Article But Dr. Prideaux was as little pleased with these questions and the Respondents stating of them as he was with the former And therefore to create unto the Respondent a greater odium he openly declared that the Respondent had falsified the publick Doctrine of the Church and changed the Article with that sentence viz. Habet Ecclesia ritus sive caeremonias c. which was not to be found in the whole body of it and for the proof thereof he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him beginning thus Non licet Ecclesiae quicquam instituere quod verbo Dei scripto adversetur c. To which the Respondent readily answered That he perceived by the bigness of the Book which lay on the Doctors Cushion that he had read that Article out of the harmony of Confessions published at Geneva A. D. 1612. which therein followed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edward VI. A.D. 1552. in which that sentence was not found but that it was otherwise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation A. D. 1562. The Respondent caused the Book of Articles to be sent for out of the Book-sellers shop which being observed by the Doctor he declared himself very willing to decline any further prosecution of that particular But Dr. Heylyn was resolved to proceed on no further Vsquedum liberaverit animam suam ab ista calumnia as his own words were At the coming in of the Book the Respondent read the Article in the English Tongue viz. The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and Authority in Controversies of Faith c. Which done he delivered the Book to one of the Standers by who desired it of him the Book passing from one hand to another till all men were satisfied The Regius Professor had no other subterfuge but this He went to prove that not the Convocation but the High Court of Parliament had power of ordering matters in the Church in making Canons ordaining Ceremonies and determining Controversies in Religion And he could find no other medium to make it good but the Authority of Sir Edward Coke in one of the Books of his Reports An Argument that Dr. Heylyn gratified with no better answer than Non Credendum est cuique extra suam artem For these things and the Professors ill words in the former Disputation Dr. Heylyn caused him to be brought before the Council Table at Woodstock where he was publickly reprehended And upon the coming out of the Kings Declaration concerning lawful sports Dr. Heylyn translated the Regius Professors Lecture upon the Sabbath into English and putting a Preface before it caused it to be Printed a performance which did not only justifie his Majesties proceedings but took off much of that opinion which Dr. Prideaux had amongst the Puritanical Faction in those days A. D. 1634. The grievances which the Collegiate Church of Westminster suffered under the Government of John Lord Bishop of Lincoln then Commendatory Dean thereof became so intolerable that Dr. Heylyn with Dr. Tho. Wilson Dr. Gabriel Moor and Dr. Lud. Wemys with other of the Prebends drew up a Charge of no less than 36 Articles against the Bishop and by way of complaint humbly Petitioned his Majesty for redress of these grievances Whereupon a Commission was issued out to the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and York the Earl of Manchester Earl of Portland the Lord Bishop of London and the two Secretaries of State Authorizing them to hold a Visitation of the Church of Westminster to examine the particular Charges made against John Lord Bishop of Lincoln who afterwards calling the Prebends to meet him in the Jerusalem-Chamber desired to know of them what these things were that were amiss that so he might presently redress them But to that Dr. Heylyn replied that seeing they had put the business into his Majesties hands it would but ill become them to take the matters out of his into their own Amongst other grievances the Bishop had most disgracefully turned out the Prebends of the great Seat or Pew under the Pulpit Dr. Heylyn being chosen Advocate for his Brothren did prove before
door went streight-way to Oxford and informed the Governor Colonel Kelsey that his Master had received Letters from the King whereupon the Governour sent a party of Horse to fetch him away Strange news it was knowing his own innocence to hear that Soldiers had beset his House so early in the Morning before he was out of bed But go he must to appear before the Governour and when he came that treacherous Rogue his Man did confidently affirm that he heard the Letters read and was sure he could remember the very words if his Master would produce the Letters upon which the Doctor relates the whole story to the Governour and withal shews the Diurnal which the Governor read to the Fellow often asking him is this right is this the same you heard to whom he answered yes Sir yes that is the very thing and those words I remember upon which the Governor caused him to be soundly whipt instead of giving him a reward for Intelligence and dismiss'd the Doctor with some Complements ordering the same party of Horse that fetcht him to wait upon him home Being thus delivered from the Treachery of this Servant his great care was to provide one more faithful which the good Lady Wainman his Neighbour hearing of commended to him one of her own Servants whom Sir Francis her Husband had bred up from a Child whose fidelity he need not fear in the worst of times when a mans Enemies may be of his own Houshold as Q. Vibius Serenus was betrayed by his own Son Reus pater accusator filius Tac. Annal. lib. 4. idem index testis saith the Historian The Son was both Accuser and Witness against the Father In the year 1653. he removed to Lacies-Court in Abingdon which Seat he bought for the pleasantness of its Situation standing next the Fields and not distant above five miles from Oxford where he might be furnished with Books at his pleasure either from the Book-sellers Shops or the Bodleian-Library for such a fresh appetite to Study and Writing he still retained in his old Age that he would give his mind no time of vacancy and intermission for those labours in which he was continually exercised When Monarchy and Episcopacy was trodden under foot then did he stand up a Champion in defence of both and feared not to Publish The Stumbling block of Disobedience and his Certamen Epistolare in which Mr. Baxter fled the Field because there was impar congressus betwixt him and as I may say an old Soldier of the Kings who had been used to fiercer Combats with more famous Goliahs Also Mr. Thomas Fuller was sufficiently chastized for his Church History as he deserved a most sharp correction because he had been a Son of the Church of England in the time of her prosperity and now deserted her in her adverse fortune and took to the Adversaries side And it was then my hap having some business with Mr. Taylor Fellow of Lincoln College in Oxon and then Chaplain to the Lord Keeper Mr. Nathaniel Fiennes to see Mr. Fuller make a fawning address to my Lord with his great Book of Church History hugged under his arm which he presented to the Keeper after an uncouth rustical manner Epis 13. as Horace describeth Sub ala fasciculum portas Librorum ut rusticus agnum The many falsities defects and mistakes of that Book the Doctor discovered and refuted of which Mr. Fuller afterward being ingeniously ashamed came to the Doctors House in Abingdon where he made his peace both became very good Friends and betwixt them for the future was kept an inviolable bond of Friendship In the year 1656. he Printed some Observations upon the History of the Reign of King Charles by H. L. Esq with whom he dealt very candidly and modestly corrected some of his mistakes in most mild and amicable terms telling him viz. Between us both the History will be made more perfect and consequently the Reader will be better satisfied Obser Epist Ded. which makes me somewhat confident that these few Notes will be so far from making your History less vendible than it was before that they will very much advantage and promote the sale And if I can do good to all without wrong to any I hope no man can be offended with my pains and industry In answer to which Mr. Hammond L'Estrange led by his passion and not by reason fell upon the Doctor in such uncivil words unbecoming a Gentleman that as the Doctor saith he never was accustomed to such Billinsgate language There was indeed a time saith he when my name was almost in every Libel Extr. cap. Epist which exercised the patience of the State for seven years together and yet I dare confidently say that all of them together did not vomit so much filth upon me as hath proceeded from the mouth of the Pamphleter whom I have in hand Therefore the Doctor returned a quick and sharp reply in his Book Entituled Extraneus Vapulans wherein with admired wit and eloquence he gave Mr. L'Estrange a most severe yet civil correction In the year 1657. he put out in Print Ecclesia Vindicata or the Church of England justified which he dedicated as a grateful testimony of his mind to his Master then living Mr. Edward Davis formerly School-master of Burford and now Vicar of Shelton in the County of Berks to whom he ever shewed a Love and Reverence and had the Doctors power been answerable to his will and intention he had design'd more considerable Preferments for him but the sudden and unexpected alteration in his own affairs prevented so soon almost as himself was preferred that he could shew no other specimen of his gratitude What saith the Heathen Diis parentibus praeceptoribus non redditur aequivalens An amends can never be made to God our Parents and Tutors and certainly he hath but little of a Christian in him that can forget this lesson yet some are so unnatural as the Child that loveth not his Nurse About the same time he was harassed before Olivers Major General for the decimation of his Estate he thinking there had been an end of those troubles by compounding for his Estate in Goldsmiths-Hall he argued his Case notably with them but all in vain for Arguments though never so acutely handled are obtuse weapons against the edge of the sword One Captain Allen formerly a Tinker and his Wife a poor Tripe-wife took upon him to reprove the Doctor for maintaining his Wife so highly like a Lady to whom the Doctor roundly replied That he had Married a Gentlewoman and did maintain her according to her quality and so might he his Tripe-wife adding withal that this rule he always observed For his Wife to go above his Estate his Children according to his Estate and himself below his Estate so that at the years end he could make all even Soon after these things came out the Order for Decimation against him Notwithstanding which
Rituals The Papists of the two the more moderate Adversary and such whose edg was sooner taken off from the prosecution of the Quarrel than the others were For though the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth compiled by many Learned and Religious persons was cryed up both by Act of Parliament 2.3 âd 6. cap. 1. and by Fox himself as done by the especial aid of the holy Ghost yet it gave no small offence to some scrupulous Men who relished nothing that related to the Antient Forms And when by the Authority of Calvin the opposition in conformity of Bishop Hooper and the great power and policy of John Earl of Warwick after Duke of Northumberland it was brought under a Review and altered in such things as were thought offensive yet then it would not down neither with those tender stomachs Witness the troubles raised to the English Church at Francford in Queen Maries days by Knox Whittingham and their Associates at their returning from Geneva and the definitive sentence of Calvin in it to whom it was thought good to refer the Difference And he accordingly declares to content his followers In Liturgia Anglicana multas esse tolerabiles ineptias that he found in it very many tolerable follies Calv. Epist Anno 15 55. Reliquias Papisticae faecis the very dregs of Popery as he afterwards calls it Brought to a Review in Queen Elizabeths time and purged of a passage in the Letany which gave distast unto the Papists it grew into such general esteem and reputation as being fitted to the common Principles of Christianity in which all parties did agree that Pius the fourth Anno 1560. made offer by Parpatio Abbot of St. Saviours whom he sent with Letters to the Queen Liturgiam Anglicam Authoritate sua confirmaturum Cambd. in Annal Eliz. to ratifie and confirm the same by his Authority The Scots obliged themselves by a publick Subscription to observe the same Religionis cultui Ritibus cum Anglis communibus subscripserant as we read in Buchannan the fancy of Extemporary Prayer not being then taken up Histor Scot. lib. 19. as is affirmed by Knox himself in his Scottish History So grateful was it for a time to all sorts of people that the Papists for the first ten years of Queen Elizabeths Reign did diligently frequent the Church and attend the publick Services and performance of it as is affirmed by Sir Edward Coke in his charge given at the Assizes held at Norwich and in his Speech against Garnet and the other Traytors Anno 1605. And this not spoken on vulgar hear-say but on his own certain knowledg and observation he having noted Bedding field Cornwallis and divers others of that party to repair frequently to the Church without any scruple And though we may take this well enough on so good Authority yet may it possibly find more credit because averr'd by Queen Elizabeth herself in her Instructions to Sir Francis Walsingham bearing date August 11. Anno 1570. In which it is affirmed expresly of the Heads of that party and therefore we may judge the like of the Members also that they did ordinarily resort from the beginning of her Reign in all open places to the Churches and to divine services in the Church without contradiction or shew of misliking But in the year 1568. Sanders and others of the Popish Emissaries began to practise on that party under pretence of doing service to the Catholick Cause as Button Bellingham Compl. Embassad l. 4. and Benson sticklers for the Genevian Interesse did upon those who were inclinable to their Opinions And they so far prevailed on their several Partisans Cambd. Annal 1568. that about two years after upon the coming out of the Bull of Pope Pius Quintus against the Queen the Papists generally withdrew themselves from that conformity and came no longer to our Churches as before they had done And on the other side the Puritans as they then began to call them animated by Cartwright and the rest of their Leaders did separate themselves also from the Congregation declaming in their frequent Pamphlets against the Liturgy as superstitious and impure and altogether savouring of the Romish Missals Favoured underhand by Arch-bishop Grindal and openly countenanced by the Earl of Leicester they became so confident at the last that some of their Leaders being demanded by an Honourable Counsellor if the abolition of some Ceremonies would not serve their turn they answered with arrogancy enough Ne ungulam esse relinquendam that they would not leave so much as a Hoof behind But notwithstanding this strong vapour partly by the constancy and courage of Arch-bishop Whitgift who succeeded Grindal Anno 1583. the opportune death of the Earl their Patron Anno 1588. and the incomparable pains of judicious Hooker Anno 1595. but principally by the seasonable Execution of Copping and Hacker hanged at St. Edmondsbury in Suffolk for publishing the Pamphlets of Rob. Brown against the Book of Common Prayer pouer publier le liveres de Rob. Brown en countre le Livre de Commune Prayer as Compton doth report the Case in his Lawyers French they become so quiet Compton in his Office of Justices that the Church seemed to be restor'd to some hopes of peace No Libelling or Seditious preachings no great disturbance after this for some years together the Brethren turning their assaults into underminings and enterprising that by practice which they had found impossible to be gained by violence By which means having formed their party prepared their way by some new Libels back'd by the Scots and countenanced by some leading members in both Houses of Parliament Anno 1640. they brake out again the Smectymnuans openly appearing in the way of Argument while others of more Brains and Power managed the business for them in their several Houses The Liturgy by the one affirmed to have been intended by the first Reformers to be an help only to the want or weakness of a Minister and not to be imposed on any but such as would confess themselves unable to pray without it by some resembled unto Crutches and such like helps to insufficiency not to be made use of but by those only who otherwise could make no use of their legs reproached by their vulgar followers with the name of Pottage a dish to stay their stomachs till the meat came in all Offices of Piety reduced to Preaching and all Devotion to the Prayer of the Preachers making To this extremity were things brought when for the reasons elsewhere specified I took in hand the Answer to the Humble-Remonstrance Pref. to the Tract of Liturgies in which I found the whole building as to this particular to be laid on this foundation viz. that if by Liturgy we understand prescribed and stinted Forms of Administration composed by some and imposed upon all the rest Smectym Answ pag. 6. then they are sure that no such Liturgy had been used anciently by
most eminent Divines of all the Kingdom to come before him whom he required freely and plainly to declare as well what their opinion was of the aforesaid Pamphlets as what they did think fit to be done concerning the Translation of the Bible into the English Tongue And they upon mature advice and deliberation unanimously condemned the aforesaid Books of Heresie and Blasphemy no smaller crime then for translating of the Scriptures into the English tongue they agreed all with one assent that it depended wholly on the will and pleasure of the Sovereign Prince who might do therein as he conceived to be most agreeable to his occasions but that with reference to the present estate of things it was more expedient to explain the Scripture to the people by the way of Sermons than to permit it to be read promiscuously by all sorts of men yet so that hopes were to be given unto the Laily that if they did renounce their errours and presently deliver to the hands of his Majesties Officers all such Books and Bibles which they conceived to be translated with great fraud and falshood and any of them had in keeping his Majesty would cause a true and catholike Translation of it to be published in convenient time for the use of his Subjects This was the sum and substance of the present Conference which you shall find laid down at large in the Registers of Arch-Bishop Warham And according to this advice the King sets out a Proclamation not only prohibiting the buying reading or translating of any the aforesaid Books but straitly charging all his Subjects which had any of the Books of Scripture either of the Old Testament or of the New in the English Tongue to bring them in without delay But for the other part of giving hopes unto the people of a true Translation if they delivered in the false or that at least which was pretended to be false I find no word at all in the Proclamation That was a work reserved unto better times or left to be solicited by the Bishops themselves and other Learned men who had given the counsel by whom indeed the people were kept up in hope that all should be accomplished unto their desires And so indeed it proved at last For in the Convocation of the year 1536. the Authority of the Pope being abrogated and Cranmer fully settled in the See of Canterbury the Clergy did agree upon a form of Petition to be presented to the King That he would graciously indulge unto his Subjects of the Laity the reading of the Bible in the English Tongue and that a new Translation of it might be forthwith made for that end and purpose According to which godly motion his Majesty did not only give Order for a new Translation which afterwards He authorized to be read both in publique and private but in the interim he permitted CROMWEL his Vicar General to set out an Injunction for providing the whole Bible both in Latine and English after the Translation then in Use which was called commonly by the name of Matthews Bible but was no other than that of Tindal somewhat altered to be kept in every Parish-Church throughout the Kingdom for every one that would repair thereunto and caused this mark or character of Authority to be set upon them in red Letters Set forth with the Kings most gracious Licence which you may see in Fox his Acts and Monuments p. 1248. and 1363. Afterwards when the new Translation so often promised and so long expected was compleat and finished Printed at London by the Kings Authority and countenanced by a grave and pious Preface of Arch-Bishop Cranmer the King sets out a Proclamation dated May 6. Anno 1541. Commanding all the Curates and Parishioners throughout the Kingdom who were not already furnished with Bibles so authorized and translated as is before said to provide themselves before All-hallowtide next following and to cause the Bible so provided to be placed conveniently in their several and respective Churches straitly requiring all his Bishops and other Ordinaries to take special care to see his said commands put in execution And therewithal came out Instructions from the King to be published by the Clergy in their several Parishes the better to possess the people with the Kings good affection towards them in suffering them to have the benefit of such Heavenly Treasure and to direct them in a course by which they might enjoy the same to their greater comfort the reformation of their lives and the peace and quiet of the Church Which Proclamation and Instructions are still preserved in that most admirable Treasury of Sir Robert Cotton And unto these Commands of so great a Prince both Bishops Priests and People did apply themselves with such chearful reverence that Bonner even that bloody Butcher as he after proved caused six of them to be chained in several places of St. Paul's Church in London for all that were so well inclined to resort unto for their edification and instruction the Book being very chargeable because very large and therefore called commonly for distinctions sake The Bible of the greater Volum Thus have we seen the Scriptures faithfully translated into the English Tongue the Bible publickly set up in all parish-Parish-Churches that every one which would might peruse the same and leave permitted to all people to buy them for their private Uses and read them to themselves or before their Families and all this brought about by no other means than by the Kings Authority only grounded on the advice and judgment of the Convocation But long it was not I confess before the Parliament put in for a share and claimed some interest in the work but whether for the better or the worse I leave you to judge For in the year 1542. the King being then in agitation of a League with Charles the Emperour He caused a complaint to be made unto him in this Court of Parliament That the Liberty granted to the people in having in their hands the Books of the Old and New Testament had been much abused by many false glosses and interpretations which were made upon them tending to the seducing of the people especially of the younger sort and the raising of sedition within the Realm And thereupon it was enacted by the Authority of the Parliament on whom He was content to cast the envy of an Act so contrary to his former gracious Proclamations That all manner of Books of the Old and New Testament of the crafty false and untrue Translation of Tindal be forthwith abolished and forbidden to be used and kept As also that all other Bibles not being of Tindals Translation in which were found any Preambles or Annotations other than the Quotations or Summaries of the Chapters should be purged of the said Preambles and Annotations either by cutting them out or blotting them in such wise that they might not be perceived or read And finally That the Bible be not read openly in
any Church but by the leave of the King or of the Ordinary of the place nor privately by any Women Artificers Apprentices Journey-men Husband-men Labourers or by any of the Servants of Yeomen or under with several pains to those who should do the contrary This is the substance of the Statute of the 34 and 35 Hen. 8. c. 1. Which though it shews that there was somewhat done in Parliament in a matter which concern'd Religion which howsoever if you mark it was rather the adding of the penalties than giving any resolution or decision of the points in question yet I presume the Papists will not use this for an Argument that we have either a Parliament-Religion or a Parliament Gospel or that we stand indebted to the Parliament for the Use of the Scriptures in the English Tongue which is so principal a part of the Reformation Nor did the Parliament speed so prosperously in the undertaking which the wise King permitted them to have a hand in for the foresaid ends or found so general an obedience in it from the common people as would have been expected in these Times on the like occasion but that the King was fain to quicken and give life to the Acts thereof by his Proclamation Anno 1546. which you shall find in Fox his Book fo 1427. To drive this Nail a little further The terrour of this Statute dying with H. 8. or being repealed by that of K. Ed. 6. c. 22. the Bible was again made publique and not only suffered to be read by particular persons either privatly or in the Church but ordered to be read over yearly in the Congregation as a part of the Liturgie or Divine Service Which how far it relates to the Court of Parliament we shall see anon But for the publishing thereof in Print for the Use of the people for the comfort and edification of private persons that was done only by the King at least in his Name and by His Authority And so it also stood in Q. Elizabeth's time the translation of the Bible being again reviewed by some of the most learned Bishops appointed thereunto by the Queens Commission from whence it had the name of the Bishops Bible and upon that review Reprinted by her sole Commandement and by her sole Authority left free and open to the Use of her well-affected and religious subjects Nor did the Parliament do any thing in all Her Reign with reference to the Scriptures in the English Tongue otherwise than at the reading of them in that Tongue in the Congregation is to be reckoned for a part of the English Liturgy whereof more hereafter In the translation of them into Welch or British somewhat indeed was done which doth look this way It being ordered in the Parliament 5. Eliz. c. 28. That the B. B. of Hereford St. Davids Bangor Landaff and St. Asaph should take care amongst them for translating the whole Bible with the Book of Common Prayer into the Welch or Brittish Tongue on pain of forfeiting 40 l. a piece in default hereof And to incourage them thereunto it was Enacted that one Book of either sort being so translated and imprinted should be provided and bought for every Cathedral Church as also for all Parish-Churches and Chappels of Ease where the said tongue is commonly used the Ministers to pay the one half of the price and the Parishioners the other But then you must observe withal that it had been before determined in the Convocation of the self-same year Anno 2562. That the Common-Prayer of the Church ought to be celebrated in a tongue which was understood by the people as you may see in the Book of Articles of Religion Art 24. which came out that year and consequently as well in the Welch or Brittish as in any other Which care had it been taken for Ireland also as it was for Wales no question but that people had been more generally civiliz'd and made conformable in all points to the English Government long before this time And for the new Translation of K. James his time to shew that the Translation of Scripture is no work of Parliament as it was principally occasioned by some passages in the Conference at Hampton Court without recourse unto the Parliament so was it done only by such men as the King appointed and by His Authority alone imprinted published and imposed care being taken by the Canon of the year 1603. That one of them should be provided for each several Church at the charge of the Parish No flying in this case to an Act of Parliament either to Authorize the doing of it or to impose it being done 4. Of the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine NExt let us look upon the method used in former Times in the reforming of the Church whether in points of Doctrine or in forms of Worship and we shall find it still the same The Clergy did the work as to them seemed best never advising with the Parliament but upon the post-fact and in most cases not at all And first for Doctrinals there was but little done in K. Henries time but that which was acted by the Clergy only in their Convocation and so commended to the people by the Kings sole Authority the matter being never brought within the cognizance of the two Houses of Parliament For in the year 1536. being the year in which the Popes Authority was for ever banished there were some Articles agreed on in the Convocation and represented to the King under the hands of the Bishops Abbots Priors and inferior Clergy usually called unto those Meetings the Original whereof being in Sir Robert Cotton's Library I have often seen Which being approved of by the King were forthwith published under the Title of Articles devised by the Kings Highness to stable Christian quietness and unity amongst the people In which it is to be observed First that those Articles make mention of three Sacraments only that is to say of Baptisme Penance and the Sacrament of the Altar And secondly That in the Declaration of the Doctrine of Justication Images honouring of the Saints departed as also concerning many of the Ceremonies and the fire of Purgatory they differ'd very much from those Opinions which had been formerly received in the Church of Rome as you may partly see by that Extract of them which occurs in Fox his Acts and Monuments Vol. 2. fol. 1246. For the confirming of which Book and recommending it to the use of the people His Majesty was pleased in the Injunctions of the year 1536. to give command to all Deans Parsons Vicars and Curates so to open and declare in their Sermons and other Collations the said Articles unto them which be under their Cure that they might plainly know and discern which of them be necessary to be believed and observed for their salvation and which do only concern the decent and politique Order of the Church And this he did upon this ground that the said
Articles had been concluded and condescended upon by the Prelates and Clergy of the Realm in their Convocation as appeareth in the very words of the Injunction For which see Fox his Acts and Monuments fol. 1247. I find not any thing in Parliament which relates to this either to countenance the work or to require obedience and conformity from the hand of the people And to say truth neither the King nor Clergy did account it necessary but thought their own Authority sufficient to go through with it though certainly it was more necessary at that time than in any since The power and reputation of the Clergy being under foot the King scarce setled in the Supremacy so lately recognized unto him and therefore the Authority of the Parliament of more Use than afterward in Times well ballanced and established 'T is true that in some other year of that Princes Reign we find some Use and mention of an Act of Parliament in matters which concerned Religion but it was only in such Times when the hopes of Reformation were in the Wane and the Work went retrogade For in the year 1539. being the 31. H. 8. When the Lord Comwels power began to decline and the King was in a necessity of compliance with His Neighbouring Princes there passed an Act of Parliament commonly called the Statute of the six Articles or the Whip with six strings In which it was Enacted That whosoever by word or writing should Preach Teach or publish that in the blessed Sacraments of the Altar under form of Bread and Wine there is not really the natural Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary or affirm otherwise thereof than was maintained and taught in the Church of Rome should be adjudged an Heretick and suffer death by burning and forfeit all his Lands and Goods as in case of High Treason Secondly That whosoever should Teach or Preach that the Communion of the blessed Sacrament in both kinds is necessary for the health of mans soul and ought to be maintained Thirdly Or that any man ofter the Order of Priesthood received might Marry or contract Matrimony Fourthly Or that any Woman which had vowed and professed Chastity might contract Marriage Fifthly Or that private Masses were not lawful and laudable or agreable to the Word of God Or sixthly That auricular Confession was not necessary and expedient to be used in the Church of God should suffer death and forfeit Lands and Goods as a Felon 31 H. 8. c. 14. The rigour of which terrible Statute was shortly after mitigated in the said King's Reign 32 H. 8. c. 10. and 35 H. 8. c. 5. and the whole Statute absolutely repealed by Act of Parliament 1 E. 6. c. 12. But then it is to be observed first that this Parliament of K. H. 8. did not determine any thing in those six points of Doctrine which are therein recited but only took upon them to devise a course for the suppressing of the contrary Opinions by adding by the secular Power the punishment of Death and forfeiture of Lands and Goods unto the censures of the Church which were grown weak if not unvalid and consequently by degrees became neglected ever since the said K. Henry took the Headship on Him and exercised the same by a Lay Vicar General And secondly you must observe that it appeareth evidently by the Act it self that at the same time the King had called a Synod and Convocation of all the Arch-Bishops Bishops and other Learned men of the Clergy that the Articles were first deliberately and advisedly debated argued and reasoned by the said Arch-Bishops Bishops and other Learned men of the Clergy and their opinions in the same declared and made known before the matter came in Parliament And finally That being brought into the Parliament there was not any thing declared and passed as doctrinal but by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and other Learned men of the Clergy as by the Act it self doth at large appear Finally Whatsoever may be drawn from thence can be only this That K. Hen. did make use of his Court of Parliament for the establishing and confirming of some points of Popery which seemed to be in danger of a Reformation And this compared with the Statute of the 34. and 35. prohibiting the reading of the Bible by most sorts of people doth clearly shew that the Parliaments of those times did rather hinder and retard the work of Reformation in some especial parts thereof than give any furtherance to the same But to proceed There was another point of Reformation begun in the Lord Cromwels time but not produced nor brought to perfection till after his decease and then too not without the Midwifery of an Act of Parliament For in the year 1537. the Bishops and others of the Clergy of the Convocation had composed a Book entituled The Institution of a Christian Man which being subscribed by all their hands was by them presented to the King by His most excellent judgment to be allowed of or condemned This Book containing the chief Heads of Christian Religion was forthwith Printed and exposed to publick view But some things not being clearly explicated or otherwise subject to exception he caused it to be reviewed and to that end as Supream Head on Earth of the Church of Engl. I speak the very words of the Act of Parl. 32. H. 8. c. 26. appointed the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of both Provinces and also a great number of the best learned honestest and most vertuous sort of the Doctors of Divinity men of discretion judgment and good disposition to be called together to the intent that according to the very Gospel and Law of God without any partial respect or affection to the Papistical sort or any other Sect or Sects whatsoever they should declare by writing and publish as well the principal Articles and points of our Faith and Belief with the Declaration true understanding and observation of such other expedient points as by them with his Graces advice counsel and consent shall be thought needful and expedient as also for the lawful Rights Ceremonies and observation of Gods Service within this Realm This was in the year 1540. at what time the Parliament was also sitting of which the King was pleased to make this special use That whereas the work which was in hand I use again the words of the Statute required ripe and mature deliberation and was not rashly to be defined and set forth and so not fit to be restrained to the present Session an Act was passed to this effect That all Determinations Declarations Decrees Definitions and Ordinances as according to God's Word and Christ's Gospel should at any time hereafter be set forth by the said Arch-Bishops and Bishops and Doctors in Divinity now appointed or hereafter to be appointed by his Royal Majesty or else by the whole Clergy of England in and upon the matter of Christ's Religion and the Christian Faith
and the lawful Rights Ceremonies and Observations of the same by his Majesties advice and confirmation under the great Seal of England shall be by all his Graces Subjects fully believed obeyed observed and performed to all purposes and intents upon the pains and penalties therein to be comprized as if the same had been in express words and sentences plainly and fully made set forth declared and contained in the said Act 32 H. 8. c. 26. where note That the two Houses of Parliament were so far from medling in the matter which was then in hand that they did not so much as require to see the Determinations and Decrees of those Learned men whom his Majesty had then Assembled before they passed the present Act to bind the Subject fully to believe observe and perform the same but left it wholly to the judgment and discretion of the King and Clergy and trusted them besides with the ordaining and inflicting of such pains and penalties on disobedient and unconformable persons as to them seemed meet This ground-work laid the work went forwards in good order and at last being brought unto as much perfection as the said Arch-Bishops Bishops and other Learned men would give it without the co-operation and concurrence of the Royal assent it was presented once again to the Kings consideration who very carefully perused it and altered many things with his own hand as appears by the Book it self still extant in the famous Library of Sir Robert Cotton and having so altered and corrected it in some passages returned it to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury who bestowed some further pains upon it to the end that being to come forth in the King's Name and by his Authority there might be nothing in the same which might be justly reprehended The business being in this forwardness the King declares in Parliament Anno 1544. being the 34 year of his Reign his zeal and care not only to suppress all such Books and Writings as were noysome and pestilent and tended to the seducing of his Subjects but also to ordain and establish a certain Form of pure and sincere Teaching agreable to God's Word and the true Doctrine of the Catholick and Apostolick Church whereunto men may have recourse for the decision of some such controversies as have in Times past and yet do happen to arise And for a preparatory thereunto that so it might come forth with the greater credit he caused an Act to pass in Parliament for the abolishing of all Books and Writings comprizing any matters of Christian Religion contrary to that Doctrine which since the year 1540. is or any time during the King's life shall be set forth by his Highness and for the punishment of all such and that too with most grievous pains which should preach teach maintain or defend any matter or thing contrary to the Book of Doctrine which was then in readiness 34 35 H. 8. c. 1. Which done he caused the said Book to be Imprinted in the year next following under the Title of A necessary Doctrine for all sorts of People prefixing a Preface thereto in his Royal Name to all his faithful and loving Subjects that they might know the better in those dangerous Times what to believe in point of Doctrine and how they were to carry and behave themselves in points of Practice Which Statute as it is the greatest Evidence which those Times afford to shew that both or either of the Houses of Parliament had any thing to do in matters which concerned Religion so it entitles them to no more if at all to any thing then that they did make way to a Book of Doctrine which was before digested by the Clergy only revised after and corrected by the Kings own hand and finally perused and perfected by the Metropolitan And more then so besides that being but one Swallow it can make no Summer it is acknowledged and confessed in the Act it self if Poulton understand it rightly in his Abridgment That recourse must be had to the Catholick and Apostolick Church for the decision of Controversies Which as it gives the Clergy the decisive power so it left nothing to the Houses but to assist and aid them with the Temporal Sword when the Spiritual Word could not do the deed the point thereof being blunted and the edge abated Next let us look upon the time of K. Ed. 6. and we shall find the Articles and Doctrine of the Church excepting such as were contained in the Book of Common-Prayer to be composed confirmed and setled in no other way then by the Clergy only in their Convocation the Kings Authority co-operating and concurring with them For in the Synod held in London Anno 1552. the Clergy did compose and agree upon a Book of Articles containing the chief Heads of the Christian Faith especially with reference to such Points of Controversie as were in difference between the Reformators of the Church of England and the Church of Rome and other Opponents whatsoever which after were approved and published by the Kings Authority They were in number 41. and were published by this following Title that is to say Articuli de quibus in Synodo London Anno 1552. ad tollendum opinionum dissentionem consensum verae Religionis firmandum inter Episcopos alios Eruditis viros Convenerat Regia authoritate in lucem Editi And it is worth our observation that though the Parliament was held at the very time and that the Parliament passed several Acts which concerned Church-matters as viz. An Act for Vniformity of Divine Service and for the Confirmation of the Book of Ordination 5 and 6 Edw. 6. c. 1. An Act declaring which days only shall be kept for Holy days and which for Fasting days C. 3. against striking or drawing weapon either in the Church or Church-yard C. 4. And finally another Act for the legitimating of the Marriages of Priests and Ministers C. 12. Yet neither in this Parliament nor in that which followed is there so much as the least syllable which reflecteth this way or medleth any thing at all with the book of Articles Where by the way if you behold the lawfulness of Priests Marriages as a matter Doctrinal or think we owe that point of Doctrine and the indulgence granted to the Clergy in it to the care and goodness of the Parliament you may please to know that the point had been before determined in the Convocation and stands determined by and for the Clergy in the 31 of those Articles and that the Parliament looked not on it as a point of Doctrine but as it was a matter practical conducing to the benefit and improvement of the Common-wealth Or if it did yet was the Statute built on no other ground-work than the Resolution of the Clergy the Marriage of Priests being before determined to be most lawful I use the very words of the Act it self and according to the Word of God by the Learned Clergy of this realm
was only by the King's Authority by vertue of the Headship or Supremacy which by way of recognition was vested in him by the Clergy either co-operating and concurring with them in their Convocations or else directed and assisted by such learned Prelates with whom he did advise in matters which concerned the Church and did relate to Reformation By virtue of which Headship or Supremacy he ordained the first and to that end caused certain Articles or Injunctions to be published by the Lord Cromwel then his Viear General Anno 1536. And by the same did he give order for the second I mean for the saying of the Letany in the English Tongue by his own Royal Proclamation Anno 1545. For which consult the Acts and Monuments fol. 1248 1312. But these were only preparations to a greater work which was reserved unto the times of K. Edw. 6. In the beginning of whose Reign there passed a Statute for the administring the Sacrament in both kinds to any person that should devoutly and humbly desire the same 1 E. 6. c. 1. In which it is to be observed that though the Statute do declare that the ministring of the same in both kinds to the people was more agreeable to the first Institution of the said Sacrament and to the common usage of the primitive Times Yet Mr. Fox assures us and we may take his word that they did build that Declaration and consequently the Act which was raised upon it upon the judgment and opinion of the best learned men whose resolution and advice they followed in it fol. 1489. And for the Form by which the said most blessed Sacrament was to be delivered to the common people it was commended to the care of the most grave and learned Bishops and others assemby the King at His Castle of Windsor who upon long wise learned and deliberate advice did finally agree saith Fox upon one godly and uniform zOrder for receiving of the same according to the right rule of Scriptures and the first use of the primitive Church fol. 1491. Which Order as it was set forth in Print Anno 1548. with a Proclamation in the name of the King to give Authority thereunto amongst the people so was it recommended by special Letters writ unto every Bishop severally from the Lords of the Council to see the same put in execution A copy of which Letters you may find in Fox fol. 1491. as afore is said Hitherto nothing done by Parliament in the Forms of Worship but in the following year there was For the Protector and the rest of the Kings Council being fully bent for a Reformation thought it expedient that one uniform quiet and godly Order should be had throughout the Realm for Officiating God's divine Service And to that end I use the words of the Act it self appointed the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops and other learned men of the Realm to meet together requiring them that having as well eye and respect to the most pure and sincere Christian Religion taught in Scriptures as to the usages in the Primitive Church they should draw and make one convenient and meet Order Rite and fashion of Common Prayer and Administration of Sacraments to be had and used in this his Majesties Realm of England Well what did they being thus assembled that the Statute tells us Where it is said that by the aid of the Holy Ghost I pray you mark this well and with one uniform agreement they did conclude upon and set forth an Order which they delivered to the Kings Highness in a Book entituled The Book of Common-Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England All this was done before the Parliament did any thing But what was done by them at at last Why first considering the most godly travel of the King's Highness and the Lord Protector and others of his Highness Council in gathering together the said B. and learned men Secondly The Godly Prayers Orders Rites and Ceremonies in the said Book mentioned Thirdly The motive and inducements which inclined the aforesaid learned men to alter those things which were altered and to retain those things which were retained And finally taking into consideration the honour of God and the great quietness which by the grace of God would ensue upon it they gave his Majesty most hearty and lowly thanks for the same and most humbly prayed him that it might be ordained by his Majesty with the assent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament and by Authority of the same that the said Form of Common-Prayer and no other after the Feast of Pentecost next following should be used in all his Majesties Dominions with several penalties to such as either should deprave or neglect the same 2 and 3. E. 6. cap. 1. So far the very words of the Act it self By which it evidently appeareth that the two Houses of Parliament did nothing in the present business but impose that Form upon the people which by the learned and religious Clergy-men whom the K. appointed thereunto was agreed upon and made it penal unto such as either should deprave the same or neglect to use it And thus doth Poulton no mean Lawyer understand the Statute who therefore gives no other title to it in his Abridgement publish'd in the year 1612. than this The penalty for not using uniformity of Service and Ministration of the Sacrament So then the making of one uniform Order of celebrating divine Service was the work of the Clergy the making of the Penalties was the work of the Parliament Where let me tell yu by the way that the men who were employed in this weighty business whose names deserve to be continued in perpetual memory were Thomas Cranmer Arch-Bishop of Canterbury George Day Bishop of Chichester Thomas Goodrich B. of Ely and Lord Chancellour John Ship Bishop of Hereford Henry Holbeck Bishop of Lincoln Nicholas Ridley Bishop of Rochester translated afterwards to London Thomas Thirlby Bishop of Westminster Dr. May Dean of St. Pauls Dr. Taylor then Dean afterwards Bishop of Lincoln Dr. Hains Dean of Exeter Dr. Robertson afterwards Dean of Durham Dr. Redman Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge and Dr. Cox then Almoner to the King afterward Dean of Westminster and at last Bishop of Ely men famous in their generations and the honour of the Age they lived in And so much for the first Liturgy of King Edwards Reign in which you see how little was done by Authority or power of Parliament so little that if it had been less it had been just nothing But some exceptions being taken against the Liturgy by some of the preciser sort at home and by Calvin abroad the Book was brought under a review And though it had been framed at first if the Parliament which said so erred not by the ayd of the Holy Ghost himself yet to comply with
the Church must continue without Reformation or else it must be lawful for National particular Churches to reform themselves In such a case the Church may be reformed per partes part after part Province after Province as is said by Gerson But I do not mean to trouble you with this Dispute For that particular Churches may reform themselves by National or Provincial Councils when the Church general will not do it or that it cannot be effected by a General Council hath been so fully proved by my Lord of Canterbury in his learned and elaborate discourse against Fisher the Jesuite that nothing can be added unto so great diligence But if it be objected as you say it is that National Councils have a power of Promulgation only not of Determination also I answer first that this runs cross to all the current of Antiquity in which not only National but Provincial Councils did usually determine in the points of Faith and these too of the greatest moment as did that of Antioch which if it were somewhat more than a National was notwithstanding never reckoned for a General Council I answer secondly as before that for one Heresie suppressed in a General Council there hath been ten at least suppressed in National and Provincial Synods which could not be in case they had no power of Determination And thirdly That the Articles or Confession of the Church of England are only Declaratory of such Catholick Doctrines as were received of old in the Church of Christ not Introductory of new ones of their own devising as might be evidenced in particular were this place fit for it But what needs any proof at all when we have Confession For the Arch-Bishop of Spalato a man as well studied in the Fathers as the best amongst them ingenuously acknowledged at the High Commission that the Articles of this Church were profitable none of them Heretical and that he would defend the honour of the Church of England against all the World And this he said at the very time of his departure when his soul was gone before to Rome and nothing but his Carkass left behind in England The like avowed by Davenport or Franciscus à Sancta Clara call him which you will who makes the Articles of this Church rightly understood according to the literal meaning and not perverted to the ends of particular Factions to be capable of a Catholick and Orthodox sense which is as much as could be looked for from the mouth of an Adversary So much as cost one of them his life though perhaps it will be said that he died in prison and the burning of his body after his death though he endevoured to save both by a Retractation So that in this case too we have omnia bene nothing amiss in the proceedings of this Church with reference to the Pope or a General Council But you will say that though we could not stay the calling of a General Council which would have justified our proceedings in the eyes of our Adversaries it had been requisite even in the way of civil Prudence to have taken the advice of the Sister-Churches especially of those which were engaged at the same time in the same designs which would have added reputation to us in the eyes of our Friends As for the taking counsel of the Sister-Churches it hath been touched upon already and therefore we shall say no more as to that particular unless the Sister-Churches of these latter times had been like the Believers in the infancy of the Christian Faith when they were all of one heart and one soul as the Scripture hath it Act. 4. their counsels had been dilatory if not destructive 'T is true indeed united Counsels are the stronger and of greater weight and not to be neglected where they may be had but where they are not to be had we must act without them And if we look into the time of our Reformation we shall find those that were engaged in the same design divided into obstinate parties and holding the names of Luther and Zuinglius in an higher estimate than either the truth of the Opinion in which they differed or the common happiness of the Church so disturbed between them The breach not lessened but made wider by the rise of Calvin succeeding not long after in the fame of Zuinglius Besides that living under the command of several Princes and those Princes driving on to their several ends it had been very difficult if not impossible to draw them unto such an Harmony of affections and consent in judgment as so great a business did require So that the Church of England was necessitated in that conjuncture of affairs to proceed as it did and to act that single by it self which could not be effected by the common Counsels and joynt concurrence of the others 'T is true Melancthon was once coming over in King Henries days but staid his journey on the death of Queen Anne Bullen and that he was after sEnt for by King Edward IV. Regis Literis in Angliam vocor as he affirms in an Epistle unto Camerarius Anno 1553. But he was staid at that time also on some other occasion though had he come at that time he had come too late to have had any hand in the Reformation the Articles of the Church being passed the Liturgy reviewed and settled in the year before And 't is as true that Calvin offered his assistance to Arch-Bishop Cranmer for the reforming of this Church Si quis mei usus esset as his own words are if his assistance were thought needful to advance the work But Cranmer knew the man and refused the offer and he did very wisely in it For seeing it impossible to unite all parties it had been an imprudent thing to have closed with any I grant indeed that Martin Bucer and Peter Martyr men of great learning and esteem but of different judgments were brought over hither about the beginning of the Reign of K. Edward VI. the one of them being placed in Oxford the other in Cambridge but they were rather entertained as private Doctors to moderate in the Chairs of those Universities than any ways made use of in the Reformation For as the first Liturgy which was the main key unto the work was framed and settled before either of them were come over so Bucer died before the compiling of the Book of Articles which was the accomplishment thereof Nor do I find that Peter Martyr was made use of otherwise in this weighty business than to make that good by disputation which by the Clergy in their Synods or Convocations was agreed upon By means whereof the Church proceeding without reference to the different interesses of the neighbouring Churches kept a conformity in all such points of Government and publique order with the Church of Rome in which that Church had not forsaken the clear Tract of the primitive Times retaining not only the Episcopal Government with all the concomitants
and adjuncts of it which had been utterly abolished in Zuinglian Churches and much impaired in power and jurisdiction by the Lutherans also and keeping up a Liturgy or set form of worship according to the rites and usages of the primitive times which those of the Calvinian Congregations would not hearken to God certainly had so disposed it in his Heavenly wisdom that so this Church without respect unto the names and Dictates of particular Doctors might found its Reformation on the Prophets and Apostles only according to the Explications and Traditions of the ancient Fathers And being so founded in it self without respect to any of the differing parties might in succeeding Ages sit as Judge between them as being more inclinable by her constitution to mediate a peace amongst them than to espouse the quarrel of either side And though Spalato in the Book of his Retractations which he calls Consilium redeundi objects against us That besides the publick Articles and confession authorised by the Churches we had embraced some Lutheran and Calvinian Fancies multa Lutheri Calvini dogmata so his own words run yet this was but the error of particular men not to be charged upon the Church as maintaining either The Church is constant to her safe and her first conclusions though many private men take liberty to imbrace new Doctrines 4. That the Church did not innovate in translating the Scriptures and the publick Liturgie into vulgar tongues and of the consequents thereof in the Church of England The next thing faulted as you say in the Reformation is the committing so much heavenly treasure to such rotten vessels the trusting so much excellent Wine to such musty bottles I mean the versions of the Scriptures and the publick Liturgies into the usual Languages of the common people and the promiscuous liberty indulged them in it And this they charge not as an Innovation simply but as an Innovation of a dangerous consequence the sad effects whereof we now see so clearly A charge which doth alike concern all the Protestant and Reformed Churches so that I should have passed it over at the present time but that it is made ours more specially in the application the sad effects which the enemy doth so much insult in being said to be more visible in the Church of England than in other places This make it ours and therefore here to be considered as the former were First then they charge it on the Church as an Innovation it being affirmed by Bellarmine l. 2. De verbo Dei c. 15. whether with less truth or modesty it is hard to say Vniversam Ecclesiam semper his tantum linguis c. that in the Universal Church in all times foregoing the Scriptures were not commonly and publickly read in any other language but in the Hebrew Greek and Latine This is you see a two-edged sword and strikes not only against all Translations of the Scriptures into vulgar Languages for common use but against reading those Translations publickly as a part of Liturgy in which are many things as the Cardinal tells us quae secreta esse debent which are not fit to be made known to the common people This is the substance of the charge and herein we joyn issue in the usual Form with Absque hoc sans ceo no such matter really the constant current of Antiquity doth affirm the contrary by which it will appear most plainly that the Church did neither Innovate in the act of hers nor deviate therein from the Word of God or from the usage of the best and happiest times of the Church of Christ Not from the Word of God there 's no doubt of that which was committed unto writing that it might be read and read by all that were to be directed and guided by it The Scriptures of the Old Testament first writ in Hebrew the Vulgar Language of that people and read unto them publickly on the Sabbath days as appears clearly Act. 13.15 15.21 translated afterwards by the cost and care of Ptolemy Philadelphus King of Egypt into the Greek tongue the most known and sTudied Language of the Eastern World The New Testament first writ in Greek for the self-same reason but that S. Matthew's Gospel is affirmed by some Learned men to have been written in the Hebrew and written to this end and purpose that men might believe that Jesus is the Christ the Son of God and that believing they might have life in his Name Joh. 20. vers ult But being that all the Faithful did not understand these Languages and that the light of holy Scripture might not be likened to a Candle hidden under a Bushel It was thought good by many godly men in the Primitive times to translate the same into the Languages of the Countreys in which they lived or of the which they had been Natives In which respect S. Chrysostom then banished into Armenia translated the New Testament and the Psalms of David into the Language of that people S. Hierom a Pannonian born translated the whole Bible into the Dalmatick tongue as Vulphilas Bishop of the Gothes did into the Gothick all which we find together without further search in the Bibliotheque of Sixtus Senensis a learned and ingenuous man but a Pontifician and so less partial in this cause The like done here in England by the care of Athelstan causing a Translation of it into the Saxon Tongue the like done by Methodius the Apostle General of the Sclaves translating it into the Sclavonian for the use of those Nations not to say any thing of the Syriack Aethiopick Arabick the Persian and Chaldaean Versions of which the times and Authors are not so well known And what I pray you is the vulgar or old Latine Edition of late times made Authentick by the Popes of Rome but a Translation of the Scriptures out of Greek and Hebrew for the instruction of the Roman and Italian Nations to whom the Latine at that time was the Vulgar Tongue And when that Tongue by reason of the breaking in of the barbarous Nations was worn out of knowledge I mean as to the common people did not God stir up James Arch-Bishop of Genoa when the times were darkest that is to say Anno 1290. or thereabouts to give some light to them by translating the whole Bible into the Italian the modern Language of that Countrey As he did Wiclef not long after to translate the same into the English of those times the Saxon Tongue not being then commonly understood a copy of whose Version in a fair Velom Manuscript I have now here by me by the gift of my noble Friend Charles Dymoke Hereditary Champion to the Kings of England So then it is no Innovation to translate the Scriptures and less to suffer these Translations to be promiscuously read by all sorts of people the Scripture being as well Milk for Babes as strong Meat for the man of more able judgment Why else doth the Apostle note it
point unto an end with some small alteration of my Authors words To him who doth consider the grievous and scandalous inconveniencies whereunto they make themselves daily subject when any blind and secret corner is made a fit place for Common-Prayer the manifold Confusions which they fall into which cry down all the difference of days and times the irksome Deformities whereby through endless and senseless Effusions of indigested Prayers they oftentimes disgrace in most unsufferable manner the worthiest part of Christian duty towards God who being subject herein to no certain order do pray both what they list and how they list to him I say which duly weigheth all these things the reason cannot be obscure why God so much respects in publick Prayer not only the solemnity of places where and the conveniency of the times when but also the precise appointment even with what words or sentences his Name should be called on amongst his people I have said little all this while of the Priest or Minister with whom Gods people are to joyn themselves in this publick action as with him that standeth and speaketh for them in the presence of God because I could not tell what place or Ministry to assign him in the discharge of this imployment unless we first premise a set form of Prayer as a point necessary to be granted For in effusion of extemporal Prayers I cannot see what greater priviledge belongs to him than any other of the People or why each member of the Congregation may not as well express his own conceptions in the House of God as he who calls himself the Minister For being that the ability if I may so call it of pouring out extemporary prayers doth come by gifts and not by study in which regard themselves entitle it most commonly the gift of Prayer Why may not other men pretend unto that gift as much as he or on opinion that they have it may not make use thereof in the Congregation Why may not any one so gifted or so opinionated of his gift say unto his Minister as Zedekiah did unto Micaiah in case he do not also strike him upon the cheek Mene ergo dimisit Spiritus Domini locutus est tibi 1 King 22 24. Which way went the Spirit of the Lord from me to speak unto thee Assuredly the gift of prayer is as much restrained in the People by hearkening only to those expressions which are delivered by their Minister as that of the Minister can be be he who he will by tying up his spirit to those forms which are prescribed by the Church This if it be a quenching of the Spirit as some please to make it is such a quenching of the Spirit as hath good ground from God himself who did not only prescribe unto his Priests those very words Numb 6.23 wherewith they were to bless the People as we shall see hereafter in due place and time Mat. 6.9 but did instruct both Priests and People both the Apostles and Disciples how they were to pray in what set form they might present their souls and desires unto him So little priviledge hath the Priest or Minister more than other People to speak his own thoughts in the Congregation by way of voluntary and extemporal prayers on the grounds they go on that on the same the meanest of the multitude may pretend the like and that as well in other parts of publick worship as in that of prayer which what a Chaos of devotion it would introduce I leave to every sober minded man to judge by that which followeth For if we look into the publick Service of Almighty God according as it standeth in all well-regulated Churches it doth consist of these three parts Prayer Praise and Preaching Taking the word Preaching here in the largest sense for publishing or making known the will of God by whatsoever means it be touching mans salvation The Church of England so conceives it when in the general Invitation she informs her Children that the chief reasons why they do assemble and meet together Dearly beloved Brethren c. are to set forth Gods most holy praise to hear his most holy Word and to ask those things which are requisite and necessary as well for the body as the soul The Brethren of the Separation as they call themselves do conceive so too though with some variation of the terms saying there be three kinds of spiritual worship Praying Prophesying and Singing of Psalms H. Smith in a Book entituled The differences of the Churches of the Separation 1606. cap. 18. Id. cap. 11. Id. cap. 10. They add with truth enough in the affirmation were there but any sense in the application that there is the same reason of helps in all the parts of spiritual worship as is to be admitted in any one during the time of performing the worship What then Observe I pray you the illation and the necessity thereof on the former grounds Therefore for so they do infer as in Prayer the Book is laid aside and that by the confession of the ancient Brethren of the separation so must it also be in Prophesying and in Singing of Psalms as we are perswaded What are they but perswaded of it and no more than so Yes sure they are more positive and affirm for certain Id. ibid. that as in Prayer the Spirit only is our help and there is no outward help given of God for that kind of worship so also in Prophesying and Singing And in another place more plainly therefore whether we Pray Prophesie or Sing it must be the Word or Scripture not out of the book but out of the heart Id. cap. 18. Add here these Quaeres raised on the former Thesis Id. in fine libri 1. Whether in a Psalm a man must be tyed to Metre Rhythm and Tune and whether voluntary be not as necessary in tune and words as in matter 2. Whether Metre Rhythm and Tune be not quenching the spirit 3. Whether a Psalm be only thanksgiving without Metre Rhythm and Tune yea or no. Put this together and then tell me truly whosoever thou art if when a great and populous Congregation should be met together every one of them in that part of worship which consists in Singing should first conceive his own matter deliver it in Prose or Metre as he list himself and in the same instant chant it out in what Tune soever that which comes first into his head Tell me I say if ever there were heard so black a Sanctus such a confused and horrid noise of tongues and voices if any howling or gnashing of the teeth whatever can be like unto it And yet it follows so directly on the former Principles that if we banish all set forms of Common-prayer which is but one part only of Gods publick worship we cannot but in justice and in reason both banish all studied and premeditated Sermons from the House of God and utterly
Prayers and Benedictions devised by Ezra Which had they been the very first stinted forms of prayer which ever had been heard of in the Jewish Church Smectymn indicat p. 20. as some men give out although indeed it be not so it would make more than they imagine both for the Authority and Antiquity of set forms of worship But to return again unto the Reading of the Law set on foot by Ezra besides that by this institution the reading of the Law of Moses became an ordinary part of the Jewish Liturgy for the Sabbath days he caused it also to be read upon the second and the fift days being our Monday and Thursday that they might not rest three days from hearing the Law and at the Evening prayer of the Sabbath days because of idle persons who perhaps were absent at the Morning service Id. in Tephillah ubircath c. 12. cited by H. Thorndike In his religious Assemblies c. 8. The difference was only this that in these Readings on the by if I may so call them the Minister or the Reader was not tyed to read the whole Section or Parasha as upon the Sabbath but was therein left unto himself conditioned that he read no less than ten verses at each several reading and that there were three men to read it on the days aforesaid Now to this reading of the Law in the Congregation every Sabbath day was also added at some times and on some occasions the Exposition of the same and that I find to have been done two ways either by way of Comment and Application or else by reading with the Law some part of passage of the Prophets as seemed most parallel unto it Of these the first may seem to take beginning from the Act of Ezra who in that famous reading of the Law mention whereof is made in Nehemiah cap. viii not only caused a Pulpit of wood to be provided for that purpose that so he might be heard the better but placed about the same divers Priests and Levites to expound the Text and give the sense and meaning of it that so the people might the better understand the reading Whereof as of a thing never used before the reason is thus given by Torniellus because the Hebrew tongue wherein the Scriptures were first written was grown strange unto them Torniel annal A.M. 3610. n. 9. Chaldaico seu Syriaco idiomate in locum ejus surrogato the Syriack or Chaldee language being generally received in the place thereof And hereunto agrees Cunaeus who saith expresly that whilst the former Temple stood Interpretatio magistrorum commentatio nulla there was no gloss or exposition of the Law made as of course unto the people Cunaeus de Repub. Jud. l. 1. c. 17. That office being supplyed when there was occasion by such holy Prophets as God raised amongst them at extraordinary times and for no ordinary purposes But that these Expositions of the Law thus begun by Ezra were afterwards used constantly amongst the Jews every Sabbath day as I do no where find it so I dare not say it If so it were it could not be done presently but in tract of time of which more anon In the mean time we will behold the second kind of Exposition which before we spake of that which was made by reading with the Law some part or passage of the Prophets which came near unto it The first beginning of the which the Jews refer unto the furious raging of Antiochus furnamed Epiphanes who had not only defiled the Temple and forbid the use of Circumcision but also did prohibit the reading of the Law of Moses upon pain of death On which occasion and to prevent the mischief which might thereby grow if the reading of the Law should be quite left off they chose chapters and divisions out of the writings of the Prophets which were most answerable to those parts of the Law of Moses which were read before as for this Section of the Law In the beginning God Created c. They made choice of that in Esa xlii 5. So saith the Lord the Creator of Heaven and Earth continuing to the 11. verse of the xliii These fractions of the Law they called Haphtara And though the tyranny of Antiochus being over-blown Christ Synag lib. 1. cap. 4. they fell again unto the reading of the Law of Moses as was used before yet they continued still the reading of the holy Propohets as finding it a very wholsome institution and sometimes joyned thereunto such Expositions as the Scribes and Rabbins made upon the same according to their several Talents Certain I am that so it was in our Saviurs time and in the time of his Apostles For thus we find in S. Luke's Gospel that when our Saviour came into the Synagogue of Nazareth and stood up to read Luk. 4.16 c. there was delivered him the book of the Prophet Esay and that when he had read the place he closed the Book and gave it again unto the Minister the Apostle of the Congregation as the Rabbins call him and afterwards expounded and applyed the Text. And in his History of the Apostles we find that Paul and Barnabas being present at the Synagogue of Antiochia Act. 13.14 15. on the Sabbath day sate down and that after the reading of the Law and Prophets the Rulers of the Synagogue sent unto them saying Ye Men and Brethren if ye have any word of Exhortation for the people say on c. In which we have at once the custom of those latter times for the expounding of the Law in the Congregation as being by this time made a part of Gods holy Service as the place and room also which it held in the publick Liturgy that is to say next to the reading of the Law and Prophets as now the Sermon followeth on the reading of the Epistle and the Gospel As for the gesture which was used by these several Ministers in the discharge of those distinct and several Offices I find that the reading of the Law and Prophets and the exposition of the same was with the face of him that did it towards the face of the people whereof see Luk. iv 16. And that the Minister who read the Prayers whom they called the Apparitour of the Synagogue stood with his back towards the people his face being turned unto the Ark. This leads me on unto another Institution not known before the building of the second Temple or the times of Ezra which was the setting up of Synagogues and Oratories throughout the Countrey Of these we find no mention in the former times and but little Use the total sum of all Gods publick worship being cast into the Temple of Hierusalem For where it is supposed by some that there were Synagogues of the Jews in the time of David who for the proof thereof did produce these words They have burnt up all the Synagogues of God in the Land Psal lxxiv. the supposition
and the proof are alike infirm For not to quarrel the Translation which is directly different from the Greek and Vulgar Latine and somewhat from the former English this Psalm if writ by David was not meant by him of any present misery which befel the Church There had been no such havock made thereof in all David's time as is there complained of And therefore Calvin rather thinks ad tempus Antiochi referri has querinonias that David as inspired with the spirit of Prophecy Calv. in Psal 74. reflected on those wretched and calamitous times wherein Antiochus made such havock of the Church of God Nor was there any Use of them in those former times because no reading of the Law of ordinary course in the Congregation as before was said But when the former course was changed and that the reading of the Law to the People of God was not licensed only but enjoyned then began the Jews to build them Synagogues which afterwards increased so strangely that there was no Town of any moment throughout all Judaea nor almost any City where they dwelt as Strangers in which they did not build some Synagogue God certainly had so disposed it in his holy Counsels that so his Word might be more generally known over all the world and a more easie way laid open for the receipt of the Messiah whom he meant to send that so Hierusalem and the Temple there might by degrees be lessened in their reputation and men might learn that neither of them was the only place where they ought to worship As for their Oratories which before I spake of although I find not their Original yet I can tell you of their Use For this saith Epiphanius of them Epiph. Haeres 80. n. 1. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. There were saith he amongst the Jews without their Cities certain Oratories whither the people did sometimes resort to make their prayers unto the Lord. And this he proves out of the xvi of the Acts where it is said And on the Sabbath we went out of the City by a Rivers side where prayer was wont to be made vers 3. i.e. Vbi de more consuetudine haberi conventus consueverant as Beza notes upon the Text. The Latines called them from the Use they were put unto Proseuchas as in qua te quaero Proseucha in the Poet Juvenal Beza in Annot. in Act. 16.13 And although Beza take those Proseuchas to be the very same with the Jewish Synagogues Juvenal Sat. 5. Beza in Act. 16. yet sure there was a special difference between them For in those Proseuchas or Oratories they might only pray in the Synagogues they might not only make their prayers but also read the Law and Prophets and expound the same and in the Temple of the Lord besides those former duties they might offer Sacrifice which was not lawful to be done in other places And to these times when now the Jewish Church was settled and Synagogues erected in almost all places for reading and expounding the Law of God we must refer those passages from Philo and Josephus before remembred which cannot possibly be made good of the former times wherein this people wanted all conveniencies for those weekly meetings Thus have we seen what care the Rulers of that Church took for providing fit and convenient places for the performance of Gods publick worship and all the sacred Offices thereunto belonging Had they not think we equal power of adding days and times to the commemorating of Gods goodness and laying before him their afflictions s well as in appointing places Assuredly such power they had and made Use thereof according as they saw occasion Witness the feast of Purim ordained by Mordecai and Hester with the consent and approbation of the whole people of the Jews to be obsered on the 14 and 15 days of the moneth Adar yearly throughout their Generations for evermore Hest 9.17 c. that they should make them days of feasting and joy and of sending portions unto one another and gifts to the Poor Nor was this all to make them days of feasting and good fellowship and no more than so for this had been to make their belly their God and so by consequence their glory must have been their shame but in all probability there were ordained set forms of praise and prayer for so great a mercy and the continuance of the like Those who conceived themselves to have Authority of instituting a new Festival to the Lord their God could not but know they had Authority of instituting a new form of prayer and praise agreeable to the occasion And so much we may guess by that which remains thereof it being affirmed by one Antonius Margarita a converted Jew once one of the Professors for the tongue I take it in the University of Leipsich Fevardent in Hest cap. ult Hospinian de Origine Fest fol. 133. that to this day legunt diebus illis in Synagogis suis historiam istam they read upon the days of the said Feast of the book of Hester and anciently 't was not the custom of the Jewish Church to read the Scripture without set forms of Prayers and appointed Ceremonies The like may also be affirmed of the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or the Feast of Dedication A Feast ordained by Judas Maccabeus and the Elders of the Jewish Nation who having cleansed the Temple and set up the Altar which had been impiously profaned by Antiochus did dedicate the same with Songs and Citternes 1 Maccab. 4.59 c. and with Harps and Cymbals and that being done ordained that the days of the Dedication should be kept in their season from year to year by the space of eight days c. with mirth and gladness Here we find mirth and gladness as before in the feast of Purim And doubt we not but there was in the Celebration of it as much spiritual mirth and gladness at least in the intention of the founders as there was of carnal although the forth and manner of it have not come unto us Our Saviour Christ had never honoured it with his blessed presence as we shall see he did hereafter if it had been otherwise Besides which annual Feasts recorded in the holy Scripture they had another which they called festivitatem legis or the feast of the Law ordained by the Rulers of the Church of Jewry for joy that they had finished the publick reading of the Law in their Congregations For as before I told you the Jews began the reading of the Law upon the Sabbath after the feast of Tabernacles and finished it at 5a readings against the feast of Tabernacles came about again Now 't is observed by Joseph Scaliger that the feast of Tabernacles beginning always on the 15th of the month Tisri and holding on until the 22d inclusively this Festival was always held on the morrow after being the three and twentieth of this month Which Feast
Scripture there is no question made amongst Learned men but they were Obligatory to the Church for succeeding Ages The blessing of the Bread the breaking of it and the distributing thereof unto his Apostles the blessing of the Cup and the communicating of the same to all the Company those formal Energetical words Take eat this is my Body and drink ye all of this this is the Cup c. and all this to be done in remembrance of me Are rites and actions so determined words so prescribed and so precisely to be used that it is not in the Churches power unless she mean to set up a Religion of her own devising for to change the same And this I take it is agreed on by all Learned Protestants Certain I am it was so in the Churches practice from the first beginning as may appear to any one who will take the pains to compare the Rites and Form of administration used by S. Paul and his Associates in the Church of Corinth 1 Cor. 11.24.25 with that which was both done and prescribed by Christ according as it is related in the holy Gospel A further proof hereof we shall e're long Nor find I any difference considerable amongst moderate men touching the Priest or Minister ordained by Christ for the perpetuating of this Sacrament for the commemoratingof his death and passion until his coming unto judgement The publick exercises of Religion would be but ill performed without a Priesthood and that would soon be brought to nothing at least reduced unto contempt and scorn if every one that listeth might invade the Office Our Saviour therefore when he did institute this Sacrament or as the Fathers called it without offence in those pious times the Sacrifice of the blessed Eucharist Cum novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem Prenaeus cont hares l. 4. c. 32. to use the words of Irenaeus give an hoc facite unto his Apostles a faculty to them and their successors in the Evangelical Priesthood to do as he had done before that is to take the Bread to bless to break it and to distribute it amongst the Faithful to sanctifie the Cup and then to give it to the Congregation Men of on Orders in the Church may edere bibere as the Lord appointed and happy 't is they are permitted to enjoy such sweet refection But for hoc facere that 's the Priests peculiar And take they heed who do usurp upon the Office lest the Lord strike them with a fouler Leprosie than he did Vzzah 2 Chron. 26.20 when he usurped upon the Priesthood and would needs offer Incense in the House of God These points are little controverted amongst sober men The matter most in question which concerns this business is whether our Redeemer used any other either Prayers or Blessings when he did institute this blessed Sacrament than what were formerly in use amongst the Jews when they did celebrate their Passeover and if he did then whether he commended them unto his Apostles or left them to themselves to compose such Prayers as the necessities of the Church required and might seem best to them and the Holy Ghost This we shall best discover by the following practice in which it will appear on a careful search that the Apostles in their times and the Church afterwards by their example did use and institute such Forms of Prayer and Praise and Benedictions in the Solemnities of the blessed Sacrament of which there is no constat in the Book of God that they were used at that time by our Saviour Christ And if they kept themselves to a prescript Form in celebration of the Eucharist as we shall shortly see they did then we may easily believe it was not long before they did the like in all the acts of publick Worship according as the Church increased and the Believers were disposed of into Congregations And first beginning with the Apostles it is delivered by the Ancients that in the Consecration of the Sacrament of Christs Body and Blood they used to say the Lords Prayer Hierom. adv Pelagium l. 3. There is a place in Hierome which may seem to intimate that this was done by Christs appointment Sic docuit Apostolos suos saith that Reverend Father ut quotidie in corporis illius sacrificio credentes audeant loqui Pater noster c. Whether his words will bear that meaning I can hardly say Certain I am they are alledged to this purpose by a late Learned writer Steph. Durantes de ritibus Ecelesiae Cathol l. 2. c. 46. who saying first Eam i. e. orationem Dominicam in Missae sacro dicendam Christus ipse Apostolos docuit that Christ instructed his Apostles to say the Lords Prayer in the Celebration of that Sacrament or in the Sacrifice of the Mass as he calls it there doth for the proof thereof vouch these words of Hierome But whether it were so or not most sure it is that the Apostles are reported to have used that Prayer as often as they Celebrated the Communion Mos fuit Apostolorum saith S. Gregory ut ad ipsam solummodo orationem Dominicam oblationis hostiam consecrarent It was Gregor M. Epist l. 7. Ep. 54. V. Bellarm. de Missa l. 2. c. 19. Durand Ration divinorum l. 4. saith he the use or custom of the Apostles to Consecrate the Host or Sacrament with reciting only the Lords Prayer Which passage if he took from that of Hierome as some think he did the one may not unfitly serve to explain the other The like saith Durand in his Rationale The Lord saith he did institute the Sacrament with no other words than those of Consecration only Quibus Apostoli adjecerunt orationem Dominicam to which the Apostles added the Lords Prayer And in this wise did Peter first say Mass you must understand him of the Sacrament in the Eastern parts Platina in vita Sixti Platina saith the like as to S. PETER Eum ubi consecraverit oratione Pater noster usum esse That in the Consecration of the Sacrament he used to say the Lords Prayer or the Pater noster See to this purpose Antonius tit 5. cap. 2. § 1. Martinus Polonus in his Chronicon and some later Writers By which as it is clear and evident that the Apostles used the Lords Prayer in the Celebration of the holy Mysteries which is a most strong argument that it was given them to be used or said not to be imitated only So it may seem by Gregories solummodo that they used the Lords Prayer and nothing else And therefore that of Gregory must be understood either that they used no other Prayer in the very act of Consecration or that they closed the Form of Consecration with that Prayer of Christs which may well be without excluding of the words of Consecration which our Saviour used or such preparatory Prayers as were devised by the Apostles for that great solemnity For certainly
dictates yet so that I will pray with the understanding that is saith he in etiam ab aliis intelligar alios instituam that I may be understood of others for their information And this might be I mean they might affect to pray in an unknown tongue although the Prayers themselves had been predetermined of both for Form and matter Chrysostom if I understand him rightly seems to say no less For writing on these following words Else when thou shalt bless with the spirit i. e. saith Beza in peregrima lingua 1 Cor. 14.16 in an unknown tongue how shall he which occupieth the room of the unlearned say Amen at thy giving of thanks seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest He thus gives the sense ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Chrysost In 1. ad Cor. Homil. 35. c. If thu blessest in a barbarous or unknown tongue the Laity for he had said before ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that by the unlearned there he meant the Laity not understanding what thou sayest nor being able to interpret cannot by Amen because not hearing this ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is to say world without end with which the prayer or blessing is concluded he cannot say Amen unto it Theophylact from him to the same effect ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. ibid. Theophyl in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For whilst thou sayest world without end obscurely in an unknown tongue he hears not what thou used in the Congregation were prescribed and known or else how could the close or end thereof be so known and certain Nor is this my collection only it is Peter Martyrs too as well as mine Chrysostomus hunc locum tractans P. Martyr in 1 ad Cor. c. 14. c. So Chrysostom on this place saith he tell us that if the people did not hear these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã they could by no means say Amen Ex quo loco habemus etiam primis illis temporibus preces publicas consuevisse per haec verba in secula seculorum absolvi And from this place we may perceive that world without end even in those first times was used in the close of their publick prayers So far Peter Martyr And this may yet appear more plainly by that other part of publick worship which S. Paul here speaks of viz. that of singing For if they did not sing at random as the spirit moved them but did confine themselves unto such Psalms or Hymns as were received in the Church it may the better be believed that they did hearken also to such prayers as their spiritual guides had provided for them Now that they did not sing at random every one as the spirit moved him needs no other argument but that confusion both of tune and matter especially if they used also Instruments of Musick whereof more anon which must needs follow thereupon more dreadful than the noise of Babel Nor is it evident that he to whom the spirit did first prompt such a Psalm or Hymn did like the Chanter in our Quires or any other of our Vicars Choral sign the verse alone and then the Congregation sing it after him as the Quire or Consort For though Paraeus seem to be of this question alios decantare hymnos sacros à spiritu dictatos vel meditatos Paraeus in 1. ad Corinth c. 14. That some according to their gifts did sing some holy Hymns which had been dictated by the spirit Yet I subscribe rather unto that of Calvin who thinks that it is meant of Davids Psalms which were accustomed to be sung in the Christian church even from the first beginnings of it according as before in that of Jewry Nec vero mihi dubium est as he states it there quin ritum Judaicae Ecclesiae statim ab initio in Psalmis fuerint imitati Calvin in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. Musculus is of this mind also save that to Davids Psalms he adds such other Hymns and spiritual songs sive Psalmos Davidis five alia quaedam cecinerint which were composed for the use of the Congregation Musculus in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. And certainly it is a matter past all question that these Coelestial songs of David and such others if more such there were who did contribute to the making up of the Book of Psalms have been a special part of Gods publick worship even from the cradle of the Church It had not else been grown to so considerable an esteem in the publick Liturgy in and before the time of Trajan and consequently of S. John as we find in Pliny who tells us of the Christians then that they did stato die ante lucent convenire Plin. Epist l. 10. Epist 97. carmenque Christo quasi deo dicere secum invicem Assemble before light on the days appointed and sing praise or Hymns to Christ as God with one another But we shall speak with Pliny more at large hereafter In the mean time if any question should be moved what the Apostle did dislike in the act of singing for somewhat he disliked most certain we answer as before in the case of prayer that he disliked their affectation in singing the accustomed Psalms in an unknown language Ambros in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. S. Ambrose toucheth on this string where he observeth homines Latinos Grace cant are that many of the Latines used to sing in Greek being taken only with the smooth cadence of the words nescientes tamen quid dicant but yet not knowing what they said But Musculus is more express and positive to the point in hand conceiving that the fault here found by the Apostle was that some of them used to sing Davids Psalms in the Hebrew tongue Musculus in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. which was not understood by the Corinthians being most part Grecians and that he therefore did admonish them sub sua persona as speaking of himself in his own person to sing the Psalms in such a Tongue as might be understood of the Congregation If any shall observe yet further from the present Text that besides the use of Psalms and Anthems in the Congregation they used also Instruments of Musick in those early times when and as often as they sung those Hymns or Psalms per me licet I will be no hinderance The word there used in the Orignial will bear it well Stephanus Constantin in verbo ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Musculus in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. P. Mart. ibid. Beza ibid. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Citharam pulsantes fidibus canentes and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã proprie de sonitu fidium dicitur say no mean Grammarians And this is noted also by as great Divines Psallere proprie est ad instrumentum canere as we read in Musculus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã apud Graecos non est canere simpliciter sed ad musicum instrumentum and from thence came the Instrument
ãâã ãâã Then doth the Bishop say the Prayers and give the peace or kiss of peace to all the company who having saluted one another with an holy kiss the Diptychs are forthwith recited After the Bishop and the Priests having washed their hands the Bishop standing against the middle of the Altar the Priests and Ministers being round about him and giving praise to God for all his works proceeds unto the Consecration of the Elements being then presented to the publick view Which being thus Sanctified and publickly set forth to view ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he first partakes thereof himself and then exhorteth others to do the like The blessed Sacrament being thus given and received ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he finally descends to the giving of thanks and so dismisseth the Assembly This is the Form of ministration laid down before us in the Books ascribed to this Dionysius in which I see not any thing which may advantage those of the Church of Rome unless it be the use of censing but I see much which makes against them viz. the giving of the whole Communion sub utraque specie For should you stumble at the Altar which is mentioned here Ignatius who lived in these very times Irenaeus who lived but little after S. Cyprian and almost who not amongst the Ancients will lend an helping hand for to raise you up And if you would sum up the Form which is described here at large we have the daily Service which I conceive to be those leading Prayers which the Bishop first said at the holy Altar the Psalms the reading of the Scriptures in a prescript order which possibly may be the Epistle and Gospel as we call them now then the dismission of all such who are not fitted to communicate the placing of the Bread and Wine on the holy Table the general confession of the peoples sins to Almighty God the kiss of peace and mutual salutation with the commemoration of the Righteous After all this the Prayer of Consecration and the participating of the blessed Sacrament and finally Thanksgiving for so great a blessing In all which there is nothing that I can see except it be the act of censing as before is said which savoureth not of primitive and Apostolical purity nothing but what is worthy of the name and piety of Dionysius nothing but what we may observe in other Worthies near about the time which is assigned unto this Author Finally if the Author be not Dionysius which I will not take upon me to determine yet doubtless he is very ancient and for the Books ascribed unto him Petr. Molinaeuâ in tract de Altar c. 7. they are acknowledged by Du Moulin to be utilia bonae frugis which is as much as need be said in the present case Let us next look upon the Form of Baptism which is another part of the publick Liturgy For howsoever the word Liturgy be used sometimes to signifie no more than the Ministration of the blessed Eucharist in which respect it is the same with ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and is expounded so by Balsamon Balsam in not is ad Concil Sardic yet doth it signifie most commonly the whole course And therefore Bellarmine was foully out when he made this note à patribus Graecis vix aliter accipi quam pro minifterio sacrificii Eucharistiae offerendi Bellarm. de Missa l. 1. c. 1. Dionys de Eccles Hierarch p. 77. edit gr lat ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that it was seldom used otherwise by the Greek Fathers then for the Celebrating of the Sacrifice of the holy Eucharist But let that pass cum caeteris errorbus and go we on unto our business to the Form of Baptism which we find thus described by the said Dionysius The day being come in which the party is to be Baptized and the Congregation being Assembled in the holy Church ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. The Bishop sings some Psalm contained in the Scripture the whole Assembly joyning with him then doing reverence towards the holy Table he turns unto the party offered unto Baptism and asks him for what cause he cometh who being taught by his Surety first making known his ignorance and want of God desires that he might be admitted to these things which pertain to godliness The Bishop next letting him know the rules of a Christian life demandeth if he will conform unto them ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the which when he hath promised to do his name together with his sureties are enrolled in the publick Registers This done ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the bishop saith the holy Prayer which when the whole Assembly have consented to by saying Amen the Deacon doth prepare himself to strip him and disrobe him of his Cloaths and placing him towards the West with his hands lift up requireth him to bid defiance unto Satan thrice ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and saying to him the set and solemn words of Abrenuntiation when he hath thrice repeated them he is turned towards the East and willeth him having both his hands and eyes heaved up to Heaven to joyn himself to Christ and Gods holy Word Which having promised and thrice made profession of his faith the Bishop layeth his hand upon him and prayeth over him Then being disrobed the Priests bring the Oyl or chrism wherewith the Bishop doth thrice sign him with the sign of the Cross and after delivereth him unto the Priests who carry him unto the Font where calling upon God to bless and sanctifie the waters and singing to the Lord one of the song or Psalms made by the inspiration of the Holy ghost the party is called by his Name and thrice dipped in water one of the persons of the blessed Trinity being particularly named and called upon at each several dipping or immersion This done they cloath him all in white and bring him back unto the Bishop who once more anointeth him with the Oyl or Chrism and so pronounceth him to be from that time forwards a meet partaker of the blessed Eucharist So far and to this purpose Dionysius But then withal you must observe that this was in baptismo Adultorum and that there was not so much ceremony in the Baptism of Infants although it was the same in both for the main and substance Now for the Form of Abrenuntiation we find it thus laid down in the Constitutions ascribed to Clemens of which it may be said as was before of Dionysius that though they be not his whose name they carry yet are they notwithstanding very ancient and do exceeding well set forth the Forms and usages of the primitive Church Clement Constitut l. y. c. 42. The Form is this ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. i. e. I forsake the Devil and all his works his pomps and service his Angels and inventions with all things under his command Which done he doth rehearse the Articles of his belief in this Form that followeth ãâã ãâã ãâã
ãâã ãâã I believe in one unbegotten and only true God Almighty Father of Christ maker of all things and in our Lord Jesus Christ his only begotten Son c. Next after followeth a set Form of prayer used by the Bishop in Consecrating of the Oyl or Chrism and sanctifying of the Water And finally this prayer to be said by them who were newly brought into the Church by Baptism Id. ibid. c. 47. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Almighty God Father of our Lord Jesus Christ give me a body undefiled a pure heart a watchful mind knowledge without error together with the presence of the holy Spirit that I may both attain and hold fast the truth without doubt or wavering through Christ our Lord with whom be glory unto thee in the Holy Ghost world without end Amen The sum of what is said before in these two last Authors Clemens I mean and Dionysius because the Writings attributed to them are by the Learned thought to be none of theirs we shall find presently confirmed in the words of those who lived shortly after and are of an unquestioned credit amongst all Divines both of the Protestant party and the Church of Rome In the mean time we will sit down and repose our selves concluding here so much of the present search as may be found in any of the Writings of the holy Apostles or such as claim the reputation of being Apostolical men the Scholars and Successors of the blessed spirits though now disclaimed for such by our choicer judgements And yet before I leave this Age I will see if any thing occur in St. Ignatius touching a Form of Common-prayer or Invocation used by the Christians of his time who being said to be that Child on whom our Saviour laid his hands saying Except ye receive the Kingdom of Heaven as a little Child c. But howsoever questionless the Apostles Scholar and Successor to S. Peter in the See of Antioch hath informed us thus in his Epistle to the Magnesians of which no scruple hath been raised amongst Learned men omnes ad orandum in idem loci convenite una sit communis precatio una mens una spes in charitate Ignat. Epist ad Magness c. By which it seemeth that as the Magnesians had a Church or meeting place to which they usually resorted as a House of Prayer of which more hereafter so they had also una Communis precatio one certain Form of Common-prayer in which they all concurred as if spirited by one soul and governed by one hope in charity and faith unblamable in the Lord Christ Jesus Which is as much as we could look for in those times and from a man whose writings are not many nor of any greatness his custom being to express himself as briefly as the nature of Epistles could invite him to That in this Age the day of worship was translated from the last day of the week to the first or to the Lords-day from the Sabbath will not here be doubted nor can it be much questioned amongst sober men but that the Chrisitans of these times did Celebrate the Feast of Easter together with that of Whitsontide as we call them now in honour of the Resurrection of their Lord and Saviour and of the coming down of the Holy Ghost according to the Annual Revolution of those great occasions That which hath most been doubted for this Time and Age is whether the Christians had their places of publique worship and whether those places of worship had the name of Churches both which I think may be concluded in the affirmative by convincing arguments And first it is affirmed for an old Tradition in the Church of Christ and proved so to be by Adricomius out of several Authors that the Coenaculum or upper Chamber in which the Apostles met together after Christs Ascension was by them used for a place of publick worship Luk. 22.12 this being said to be that Room in which our Saviour Instituted the blessed Sacrament of his Body and Blood the same in which the Apostles met for the choice of one in the place of Judas Act. 1.13 Act. 2.1 Act. 6.4 6. Act. 15.6 the same in which the Holy Ghost descended on them at the Feast of Pentecost the same in which they were Assembled to elect the seven And finally the same in which they held the first General Council for pacifying the disputes about Circumcision and other ceremonial parts of the Law of Moses This was called then by the name of Coenaculum Sion or the upper Chamber of Sion supposed by some to have been a part of the House of Simon the Leper but howsoever of some Disciple of rank and quality who willingly had devoted it to the use of the Church it being the custom of such men in those early days when they were not suffered to erect more magnificent Fabricks to dedicate some convenient part of their dwelling houses for the Assembling of Gods people and the acts of worship Thus find we in the Recognitions of Clemens that the House of Theophilus in the City of Antioch to whom S. Luke dedicated both his Gospel and Book of Acts was by him converted to a Church for the use of Christians and in the Acts of Pudens whom we find mentioned by S. Paul in the second to Timothy that he gave his House unto the Church for the same use also and such an House or such an upper Chamber rather so given and dedicated is that thought to be in which S. Paul preached at Troas and from a window whereof Eutychus fell down and was took up dead Act. 20.8 But to return again to the Coenaculum Sion before-mentioned certain it is that in relation to those duties of Religion which were there performed it was inclosed afterwards with a beautiful Church commonly called the Church of Sion and by S. Cyril a godly Bishop of Jerusalem ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Cyril Hier. catech 16. the upper Church of the Apostles in which the Holy Ghost is there said by him to have fallen upon them begirt in following times with the Cels or Lodgings of religious persons in the form of a Monastery of which Bede thus In superiori montis Sion planicie Beda Tom 3. de locis sanctis monachorum cellulae Ecclesiam magnam circundant illic ut perhibent ab Apostolis fundatam eo quod ibi spiritum sanctum accepere in qua etiam locus coenae Domini venerabilis ostenditur That is to say in the uppermost plain of Mount Sion the Cels of Monks begirt a fair and spacious Church there founded as it is affirmed by the holy Apostles because in that place they had received the Holy Ghost and where they shew the place in which the Lord did institute his holy Supper Where by the way this Church is said to have been founded by the Apostles not that they built it from the ground but because being
Apologet cap. 39. disciplinam nihilominus praeceptorum inculcationibus densamus We meet saith he in an Assembly or Congregation that we may besiege God in our prayers as with an Army Such violence is acceptable unto God We pray for Emperors and their Ministers and Potestates for the state of the whole world the quiet government of the affairs thereof and for the putting off of the last day We are assembled to commemorate or hear the holy Scriptures if the condition of our present state doth either need to be premonished or reviewed Assuredly by the repetition of those holy words our faith is nourished our hope assured our confidence confirmed yet so that the severity of discipline is strengthened by the frequent inculcating of Gods Commandments In which description of their meetings there is no mention of the Eucharist not that it was not Celebrated then in all publick Assemblies but because as Cassander well observeth ad Paganos nondum initiatos sermo haberetur he did address his whole discourse to Heathen-men such as were not yet initiated in the faith of Christ to whom the Christians of those times imparted not the knowledge of the holy Mysteries In other of his books especially in those entituled ad uxorem there 's enough of that Nor is it to be thought because Tertullian speaks not of the present place nor Justin Martyr in the passage produced before that they sung no Psalms nor gave that part of worship no convenient place in the performance of their Service We find that and the course of their publick worship thus pointed at unto us in another place Jam vero prout Scripturae leguntur aut Psalmi canuntur aut adlocutiones proferuntur Id. de Anima cap. 9. aut petitiones delegantur ita inde materae visionibus subministrantur Now saith he as the Scriptures are read or Psalms sung or Exhortations made or Prayers tendred so is matter ministred unto her visions Where we may see that singing of the Psalms was in use amongst them as well as any other part of publick worship of what sort soever Conceive by singing here as in other Books and Authors about this time such singing of the Psalms as is now in use in the Cathedrals of this Kingdom after a plain tune as it is directed in the Rubricks of the Common-prayer book and not the singing of the Psalms in Metre as hath been used and is still in Parochial Churches The singing in those times in use was little more than a melodious pronunciation though afterwards upon occasion of a Canon made in the Council of Laodicea it came to be more perfect and exact according to the rules of harmony and in St. Austins time was so full and absolute that he ascribes a great cause of his conversion to the powers thereof calling to mind those frequent tears quas fudi ad cantus Ecclesiae tuae which had been drawn from him by this sacred Musick by which his soul was humbled and his affections raised to the height of godliness But whatsoever was the Musick of these first times Musick assuredly they had in their publick service as Tertullian tells us whom we may credit in this point And if we please to look we may be also sure to find the same in that place of Pliny which before we touched at Which here take more at large in the Authors words The Christians on examination did acknowledge Plin. Ep. 97. l. 10. Euser hist Eccl. l. â c. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã quod soliti essent state die ante lucem convenire carmenque Christo tanquam Deo canere secum invicem seque sacramento non in scelus aliquod obstringere sed ne furta ne larocinia ne adulteria committerent ne fidem fallerent ne depositum appellati abnegarent His peractis morem sihi discedendi fuisse rursusque coeundi ad capiendum cibum promiscuum tamen innoxium They did confess saith he that they were accustomed to assemble on their appointed times before day-light and to sing Hymns or Songs of praise to Christ as to a god amongst themselves and to bind themselves by Oath or Sacrament not to the doing of any wickedness but not to commit Thefts Robberies or Adulteries demanded and this being done they used to depart and then meet again to eat together their meat being ordinary and the manner of their eating inoffensive Which last was added as I take it to clear them of the slander which was raised against them by their malicious Enemies who charged them with eating humane flesh and the blood of Infants as you may see in most of the Apologies which the Christians published in those times Note also that their meeting thus to eat together which is here last spoken of by Pliny was for their Love-feasts or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã described so fully by Tertullian in his Apologetick and by him also joyned to the description of their course or order at their publick meetings But here perhaps it will be said that the question is not at the present about a set order or Rubrick of Administrations but about set and imposed Forms of prayer Vindication of Smectymn p. 19 And that although Tertullian do describe a set course and order yet he is quite against a set From of prayer where he saith That the Christians of those times did in their publick Assemblies pray sine monitore quia de pectore without any prompter but their own hearts Smectym p. 7. And say they that it should be so the same Father as they call him proves in his Treatise de Oratione Sunt quae petuntur c. There are some things to be asked according to the occasions of every man the lawful and ordinary prayer that is the Lords prayer being laid as a foundation it is lawful to build upon that foundation other prayers according to every ones occasion So they and to them it may thus be answered that either those two passages of Tertullian are ill laid together or else they must be understood of private not of publick prayer For that the latter place is meant of those private prayers which every man may make for his own occasions is beyond all question And in their private Prayers it is not denied but men may use what words and what Forms they please so they consider as they ought what it is they ask and of whom they ask it And if this place be meant of private prayer as by the Authors drift and scope it appears to be then must the other passage be so understood or else they are ill laid together as before was said Now that the other place so insisted on is also meant of private not of publick Prayers will appear by this that there Tertullian speaks of the private carriage of the Christians and of their good affections to the Roman Emperors but medleth not with their behaviour as a publick body assembled and convened for a
or hidden from us when we do so fulfil and perform them all as they have been commended and delivered to us either by our great Bishop or his Sons Here then we have an evident proof that therer were several Rites and Ceremonies used by the Christians of this time in the officiating of divine Service several words and gestures used both in the celebration of the Eucharist and administration of baptism and divers Interrogatories with their prescribed Answers to be used therein Which Interrogatories doubtless are the same which we recited out of Clemens in the former Chapter and which this Author also doth recount in another place * Id in Numer cap. 21. Homil. 12. Recordetur unusquisque fidelium cum primum venit ad aquas Baptismi cum signacula fidei prima suscepit ad fontem salutaris accessit quibus ibi tunc usus sit verbis quid denunciaverit Diabolo non se usurum pompis ejus neque operibus ejus neque tellis omnino servitiis voluptatibus ejus pariturum Let every faithful Christian call to remembrance what words he used what he denounced against the Devil when first he came unto the waters of Baptism and received the first signs of Faith how he renounced all his pomps and works and did profess that he would never yield obedience to his lusts and pleasures So that a prescribed Form there was of abrenunciation in the Sacrament of holy Baptism and think we that there was not also a prescribed Form of Prayer in the time of Origen Himself shall tell you that there was and more than so shall give us such a fragment of a prescribed prayer as by that piece we may conjecture at the whole For thus saith he Frequenter in oratione dicimus Id in Hieremiam cap. 15. Homil. 11. Da omnipotens da partem cum Prophetis da cum Apostolis Christi tui tribue ut inveniamur ad vestigia unigeniti tui We say this often in our prayers Give us Almighty God give us our portion with thy Prophets and with the Apostles of thy Christ and grant that we may tread the footsteps of thine only Son In which saith he we ask we know not what for in effect we say no otherwise than make us to be hated as the Prophets were to fall into calamity and persecution as the Apostles did A prayer this was no question and a prescribed prayer said often by the people in their publick worship And what else think we were those prayers which in another place he calleth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã those solennes preces as the Latine hath it which he saith there they used ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id contra Celsum lib. 6. constantly and of duty both night and day that is at Morning and at Evening prayer Assuredly it is not likely that if there were prescribed prayers such as he calleth solennes preces in the times of Origen men should be left at liberty in Tertullians days being so small a time before to use extemporary prayers in Gods publick worship of their own fancies and devising The like we may affirm of S. Cyprian also in whom mention more than once is made of those Solennia which were used in the celebration of the blessed Eucharist Solennibus adimpletis calicem Diaconus offerre praesentibus coepit Cyprian Sermo de lapsis the solemn prayers and therefore a set Form of prayers being finished the Deacon began to offer the Cup or Chalice to such as were present And in another place speaking of the Cup he calleth it Calicem solenni benedictione sacratum the Cup which had been consecrated with a solemn or set Form of benediction Of which we may conclude as before we did that if the Forms were solemn or prescribed in S. Cyprians days they were not likely to be otherwise in Tertullians time whatever other fancies have been railed about it And that they used the solenn or set Form of words in the ministration of holy things in S. Cyprians days besides the general proof before produced appears most plainly in his book de Oratione where we have it thus Id de oratione Dominica Ideo Sacerdos ante Orationem Praefatione praemissa parat fratrum mentes dicendo Sursum corda ut dum respondet plebs Habemus ad Dominum admoneatur nihil aliud se quam Dominum cogitare debere Therefore saith he the Priest before the prayer that of consecration doth by a Preface readily prepare the minds of the Brethren saying Lift up your bearts that when the people make this answer We lift them up unto the Lord they may be put in mind that they must think of nothing but the Lord when they are pouring out their prayers This passage of the Preface as our and it is also to be found in those ancient Liturgies of Rome Hierusalem and Alexandria assigned unto SS Peter James and Mark as before was said Liturgia S. Petri in Biblioth SS Patrum That attributed to S. Peter thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to which the people make this answer ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The very same with that of Cyprian And so is also that of Mark or rather of the Church of Alexandria save that the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is left out and it runs simply thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In that ascribed to S. James there is some difference the Priest saying thus Liturgia S. Jacobi in Biblioth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. Let us lift up our minds and hearts to which the people answer there ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã It is meet and right so to do But this I take to be an error in the Copy that being the answer of the people to another invitation of the Priest viz. to that of Gratias agamus Domino Let us give thanks unto the Lord And so it seems to be by that which followeth of the Priest in S. James his Liturgy who on the peoples saying it is meet and right goeth forwards in the usual Form ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã it is very meet and right and our bounden duty c. But to return again unto S. Cyprian we may conjecture by this piece that in his time there was a whole and perfect Liturgie though it be not come unto our hands And there 's another passage in that very book de Oratione which points us to that Form of abrenuntiation which was then used by the Church in holy Baptism Cyprian de oratione Dominica Potest autem tualis abjecimus cibum nobis tantum petamus victum That passage in the Pater noster Give us this day our daily bread may be thus interpreted that we which have renounced the World the riches and the pomps thereof by the benefit of faith and grace spiritual should only crave of God our Meat and Victual In which we have the matter although not the Form but that a Form there was we were shewed
before out of the Constitutions ascribed to Clemens and will now further prove it by Tertullian also who thus brings it home Aquam ingressi Christianam fidem in suae legis verba profitemur Tertullian de spectaculis c. 1. renunciare nos Diabolo pompis ejus ejus ore nostro contestamur Entring saith he into the water we make profession of the Christian faith in the very words of his own law and with our own mouth do contest that we renounce the Devil and his pomps and Angels Compare these words with those of Clemens formerly delivered and tell me if you can where the difference lieth And there 's another passage in that book of Cyprians which points us to the hours of prayer at that time in use viz. The third the sixth the ninth Which having shewed to have been formerly in use with Daniel and other holy men of God he addeth that besides those hours observed of old Orandi spatia sacramenta creverunt Cyprian de orat Dominica the times and the occasions of prayer were both increased Nam mane orandum est ut resurrectio Domini matutina oratione celebretur recedente item sole ac die cessante necessario orandum est c. For in the morning we must pray that the Lords resurrection may be celebrated by our Morning prayer and when the Sun is down and the day determined we must needs pray also that praying for the returning of the light we may desire of God our Saviours coming who will conduct us all unto light eternal So great assurance have we of the point in hand both for the Form and hours of prayer from this book of Cyprians that any further search were almost unecessary Now lest it may be said as I know some say that this is none of Cyprians true and genuine writings but thrust upon him by some Sciolist of a later standing S. Austin shall come in for witness who very frequently doth attest unto it as viz. Epist 47. 107. lib. de gratia libero arbitrio cap. 13. lib. 1. contra Julianum de bono perseverantiae cap. 2. Finally to dismiss S. Cyprian the Magdeburgians though no great Friends unto the antient usages of the Church were so convinced or satisifed to say the least with this book of his that they resolve it for a certainty past all peradventure that anciently there were set Forms of publick prayer Histor Ecclesiast Cent. 3. cap. 6. Formulas denique precationum absque dubio habuernunt as they state it there and for the proof thereof refer us to this book of Cyprians This being thus proved IX we may affirm with grief as some do with scorn that great must be our loss who are so unhappily deprived of the best improvement the Church made of her peace and happiness Smectymn p. 9. during the first three hundred years No question but the Liturgies which were then composed did savour strongly both of the piety and affectionof those blessed times Whether the blessed Constantine was herein as unhappy as our selves or whether he needed not have composed a Form of Prayer for his Guard to be used by them on the Lords day but rather might and would have taken them out of the former Liturgies if there had been any will prove a very easie Quaere with whatsoever confidence it be made a difficulty For certainly there might be former Liturgies and yet no Form of prayer found in them for that use and purpose for whch that prayer was made by blessed Constantine For we have now a Liturgie in the Church of England and 't is my prayer we may long have it naugre the machinations of unquiet Men in which are many Forms of prayer for Gods publick worship yet not so many nor so sutable to all occasions but that some Men make bold to set forth their own Besides the Emperours Army did consist as the time then were Eusebius de vita constant l. 4. c. 18. partly of Christians and partly of the Gentiles and possibly it had not proved such an easie matter to bring the Gentiles to the use of a Form of prayer the Christian Souldiers being suffered to repair unto the Church upon Sundays and there to make their prayers to the Lord their God which had been wholly taken from the Liturgies of the Christian Church But for the prayer enjoyned by the blessed Constantine Ibid. cap. 20. it was as followeth Te solum Deum agnoscimus te Regem profitemur te adjutorem invocamus per te victorias consecuti sumus per te hostes superavimus à te praesentem felicitatem consecutos fatemur futuram adepturos speramus tui omnes supplices sumus à te petimus ut Constantinum Imperatorem nostrum una cum piis ejus liberis quam diutissime salvum victorem conserves In English thus We do acknowledg thee for the only God we confess thee to be the King we call upon thee as our helper and defender by thee alone it is that we have got the victory and subdued our Enemies to thee as we do refer all our present happiness so from thee also we expect our future Thee therefore we beseech that thou wouldst-keep in health and safety our noble Emperour Constantine with his hopeful progeny This was the very Form imposed And I believe the blessed Constantine would never have troubled himself to compose this Form had he not though that set and prescribed Forms of prayer had been very necessary and more to be considered of than the extemporary prayers of his ablest Ministers For doubtless in a CAmp wherein there were so many of the Gentiles there must be some Priests to offer sacrifice unto the Gods whom those Gentiles worshipped And it is told us by Eusebius Id. that he had always in his Camp for divine Offices divers Priest and Bishops Chaplains in ordinary to his Majesty and it were hard if none of them could have made a shift to vent some short extemporary prayers for the use of the Army The blessed Constantine had been most unhappy if it had been so and pity 't was that some of those who are so vehemently bent against all set Forms had not been Preachers to his Army Assuredly they would have eased him of that needless trouble Especially since we are told what liberty every Man might take unto himself in praying both what and how he listed For as they say this liberty in Prayer was not taken away nor set and imposed Forms introduced Smeclymn until the time that the Arian and Pelagian Heresies did invade the Church and then because those Hereticks did convey and spread their poyson in their Forms of Prayer and Hymns the Church thought it convenient to restrain the liberty of making and using publick forms A piece of Learning not more new than strange to us who never heard of the like before and such as in conclusion doth destroy it self
For if upon the spreading of the Heresies before remembred the Church thought it convenient to restrain the liberty of making and using publick Forms there must be publick Forms before both made and used in the Church and therefore sure they came not in upon that occasion And if the Arians and Pelagians had a mind to disperse their poysons and do it with the greater freedom they might have done more to purpose a thing which we observe by too sad experience in arbitrary and extemporary prayers of each Mans devising than being tied and limited by a prescript Form how well soever fitted and contrived to advance their ends That which they mean if they mean any thing is this that in the time when Chrisostom was Bishop of Constantinople the Arians held their Congregations without the City But grew at last unto that boldness that when the Orthodox Professors held their publick meetings as on all Saturdays and Sundays they used to do the Arians got within the gates ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Socrat. hist Eccl. 6. c. 8. Sozomen hist Eccl. l. 8. c. 8. and there sung certain Hymns and Anthems Quire-wise or alternatim answering one another which they had fitted to their lewd and impious tenets This they continued for the greatest part of the Night and at day-break singing thee Hymns of Songs even in the middle of the City they went out again to their own places of Assembly This when it was observed by Chrysostom to allure many simple Men to that wicked faction he called out some of his own flock ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who falling on the same course and being intent on this Night-musick might both suppress the insolency of the Arian party and confirm his own people in the faith This is the story which they aim at and this makes nothing to the purpose For what hath this to do with set Forms of prayer so long in use before the time of Chrysostom Or if it had yet all that Chrysostom did on this occasion was not to take away or restrain the liberty of making and using publick Forms but rather to increase those Forms which were made before For 't is said plainly in the story ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that he increased the wonted prayers by adding those Night-anthems to the publick service But they say still that some restrain there was of a former liberty Socrat. hist Eccl. l. 6. c. 8.3 and such as was brought in upon occasion of those Heresis of which before we spake it being first ordained say they in the Council of Laodicea that none should pray pro arbitrio sed semper eaedem preces that none should use liberty to vary in Prayer but use always the same Form Somewhat indeed was done in that ancient Synod Smectym p. 7. and somewhat also to this purpose but neither so as is delivered nor on that occasion Not upon that occasion doubtless For if Baronius rightly calculate the times as I think he doth the Council of Laodicea with those of Arles Ancyra V. Baron Annal Eccl. To. 3. 5. and Neocaesarea was holden in the year 314. the Arian Heresie began not till the next year after and the Pelagian near an hundred years from that An. 413. Chrysostom not being Bishop of Constantinople until the year 397. or thereabouts So that the Fathers in this Council must needs be all inspired with the spirit of Prophecie seeing they could provide such a certain remedy so many years before the mischief Now as this Council did not any thing on this occasion so whatsoever it was they did it was not so as is delivered The Canon pointed to is this Concil Laodicen Can. 18. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã That the same Office of Prayers should be always used both in the Morning and the Evening at nine and night for so I take it we must render ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã rather than post off both services till the afternoon These are the words which though they serve most evidently for set Forms of pryaer composed by men of eminency for the Churches use and then imposed upon the Clergy by the Churches power yet we are told that the Forms herein spoken of were of every several mans own composing and that the meaning of the Council was no more than this viz. To forbid men from varying their own prayers as they listed Smectymn p. 7. nd to enjoyn them still to use the same By what Authority the Canon may be thus perverted from its proper meaning Vindication p. 20. I am yet to seek But sure I am that never was the mind or meaning of that ancient Synod or if it had they would have put it in such terms whereby their mind and meaning might have been discovered in the former times But Zonaras whose glosses and interpretations I find sometimes approved by these later Scholiasts gives us another meaning of the Canon and no doubt a truere sure I am more agreeable to truth of story and the condition of those times And he expounds the same directly contrary to that which is by them intended and makes the meaning to be this That no man should have liberty to compose Forms of prayer or to recite them in the Congregation but only to adhere to those in Gods publick Service which had been countenanced and confirmed by long proscription Zonaras Comment in Concil Laodicen ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So his own words are And this is quite against set Forms of ones own devising Nor could a worser choice in all antiquity have been pitch'd upon to countenance set Forms of ones own devising than was this notable Synod of Laodicea wherein there is so much determined for setling the received Forms and abrogating such abuses as had been crept into the same as in no other publick monument of this time and age Three of which Canons I shall here produce and those three which immediately precede that now in question By that we may perceive most manifestly how little hope is to be found from Laodicea how cold the wind blows from those Eastern parts The first takes care to regulate that part of publick Worship which did consist in singing Hymns or Psalms to the praise of God determining that none besides the ordinary and appointed Singers should go up into the Desk or Pulpit and sing out of the Parchments in the Congregation ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Cancil Laodicen Can. 15. That is the substance of the Canon And that as it excludes all other persons from singing in the Church but the publick Singers such as were called unto that Office so it excludes all other Books of that condition from being brought into the Church but the publick Parchments such as were framed and authorized for that very service Yet so that I conceive with Balsaman that is to be understood no otherwise than that it was not lawful unto every man to go into the Pulpit Balsam in
Concil Laodicen ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to name the Psalm and to begin it as some about this time had presumed to do it being permitted as he noteth after the Psalm was so begun ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that Lay-men of what rank soever if they had tuneable voices or could sing their parts might then joyn with them asin consort to make up the Harmony The next care taken by this Council was that the Gospels and other parts of the holy Scripture might be read upon the Saturday or the old Jewish Sabbath ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Whereof the reason is thus given by Balsamon Concil Ladoic Can. 15. because that day had been formerly spent in Feasting ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and that the people used not to assemble on it Balsamon in Can. 16. Laodicen for religious offices which to redress it was determined by this Canon that on that day as well as others ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã all sorts of Ecclesiastical ministrations were to be performed The last was for the ordering of the Psalms concerning which it was ordained that between every portion of the Psalms for they divided the whole Psalter ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. in Canon 17. Concil Laodic Can. 17. into several portions ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã some part of holy Scripture should be intermingled lest else the people might be tyred with continual singing Here then we have certain prescribed Rules and Orders for the officiating of Gods publick Service the Palms divided into Portions those Portions intermingled with the reading of the holy Scripture a prescribed office ordered for the Saturday and finaly a punctual direction not only who should name or begin the Psalm but from what Book it should be read But there 's another Canon of this Council which looks more backward and did not so much introduce any new Orders into the Church as confirm the old and doth indeed give as full a view of the several parts and Offices of the publick Service as any other of that time whatever The first part of the Service we have seen before in Justin Martyr that which he calleth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Common-prayers of the Church at which all sorts of people were and might be present This ended with the Sernion as we saw before And we shall see now more particularly what they had to do after that was done For howsoever it may seem in that place of Justin that presently upon the conclusion of the Sermon they went unto the Celebration of the blessed Eucharist yet that is on a supposition that there were none present but Believers only and such as were prepared to Communicate But being that in those severe Ages of the Church they had not only Catechumeni such as desired to be admitted into the bosom of the Church and had not yet received that Sacrament of Baptism but such as having been Baptized were for their lapses and offences put to open Penance as well as godly and religious persons against whom no bar could be pretended the Offices of the Church were to be so fitted that every one of these conditions might not want his part And this is that which we find described in this Canon thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Concil Laodicen Can. 19. c. After the Bishop hath done his Sermon let first the prayer be said for the Catechumeni they being gone the prayers for such who are under penance are to be dispatched and when they have received Imposition of hands and are also gone then let the prayers for the faithful be thrice made thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. the first softly every man secretly to himself the second and the third aloud which done the Peace or kiss of peace is to be given and so they are to go to the Oblation And let none but such as be in Orders enter within the rail ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or come within the place where the Altar stands to receive the Sacrament So far the Canon of the Council by which it is apparent that each sort of Auditors had a peculiar course or Office besides that part of publick Service in which they joyned all together as before was said But whether the prayers here spoken of were left at liberty to the discretion of the Minister or in a prescribed and determinate Form we must see elsewhere And in my mind we cannot see it at a fuller view than in the Constitutions ascribed to Clemens undoubtedly more ancient than the times we speak of where we find it thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. All rising up let the Deacon go into some eminent place and say Constitut Apost lib. 8. c. 5. None of the hearers none of the unbelievers depart the place And silence being made he saith ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Pray ye hearers And all the faithful shall pray for them with a good devotion saying ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Lord have mercy upon them Then let the Dacon thus proceed Id. cap. 6. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Let us all pray to God for the Catechumeni that our good God of his abundant love to man-kind would graciously hear their prayers and give them help minate their understandings instruct them in knowledge and teach them his Commandments c. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Moreover let us beseech God for them that having obtained remission of their sins by Baptism they may be meet partakers of the holy Eucharist and dwell for ever with the Saints c. Now unto every point or period contained in this solemn prayer the people answered ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Lod have mercy on them after the manner of the Litany and the whole prayer being ended they bowed their heads under the Bishops hands by whom they were dismissed with a Benediction conform unto the Canon of the Laodicean Council which before we spake of Which done the Deacon standing as before said thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Depart ye Catechumeni in peace The Ite missa est in the Western Churches is the same with this Then follow prayers for the Engergumeni or such as were possessed with unclean spirits And that being ended together with another for the Baptized or Illuminati the Deacon said ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Pray ye devoutly which be under Penance and then goeth on Id. ibid. cap. 8. Pray we for those which be under Penance that God would shew them the way of repentance accept their Recantation and Confession and finally beat down Satan under their feet c. the people still subjoyning unto every clause ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Lord have mercy on them Thus much and more unto this purpose in the Constitutions And I the rather am inclined to admit these Forms or to resolve it at the least that set Forms they had for these several Offices because the Minister by whom they were performed was of no higher Order than a Deacon For had the
one to whom that charge or Office appertained began some other Psalm or Hymn and all sung together after him by which variety of singing ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã some Prayers being interserted or mingled with it they past over the night and on the dawning of the day all of them joyned together ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as if they had but one heart and one mouth amongst them and sung unto God a Psalm of Confession most likely one of the seven penitential Psalms and after every one made in his own words a profession of his penitence and so all returned Where note that howsoever this Form of Service was fitted only for a company of private Men who had embraced the Monastick life and to be used only by them in their private Oratories yet the most part thereof was borrowed from the publick Forms at that time extant in the Church Of the which Rites or Forms retained amongst them were the beginning of their service with a confession of their sins then p rayers to God and then the singing of the Psalms That which was singular herein and needed the Apology was that they met together before day and spent more time upon the Psalmody than in reading or preaching of the Word or in Common-prayer or any of the other parts of publick Worship Basil could tell as well as any wherein the Form of Service used amongst his Monks agreed with that which was received and used in publick Churches and wherein it differed as having took the pains to compose a Liturgie or rather to compleat and polish and fit unto the publick use such as had formerly been extant And though that Copy of it which occurs in the Bibliotheca and in the writings of Cassander have some things in it which are found to be of a latter date yet we shall clear that doubt anon when we come to Chrysostom against whose Liturgy I find the like Objections Mean time take this of Basil for a pregnant Argument that in his time and long before it the Service of the Chruch was not only ordered by Rules and Rubricks but put into set Forms of Worship which we have noted in his Books De spiritu sancto and is this that followeth For speaking there touching those publick Usages which came into the Church from the tradition of the Apostles Easil de sancto spiritu c. 27. he instanceth in these particulars ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. The signing with the sign of the Cross all those who place their hopes in Christ what writing teacheth that in our prayers we should turn towards the East where is it taught us in the Scripture And then ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Those words of invocation wherewithal in the holy Eucharist we consecrate the Bread and Cup of Benediction which of those blessed Saints have left in writing For not content with those things which the Apostles or the Gospel have committed to us many things have been added since both in the way of preface and of conclusion which are derived from unwritten Tradition And not long after thus of Baptism having first spoke of consecrating the Water of the Chrism or Oyl and the three Dippings then in use Those other things saith he which are done in Baptism viz. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Abrenuntiation which is made to Satan and to all his Angels out of what Scripture is it brought Next for S. Cyrsostom the evidence we have from him is beyond exception ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Chrysost in 2. ad Corinth hom 18. It is no now saith he as in the old Testament wherein the Priests eat this and the people that it being unlawful for the people to eat those things which were permitted to the Priest It is now otherwise with us For unto all is the same Body and the same Cup presented And in our very prayers it is easily seen how much we attribute unto the people ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. For both those who are possessed with the devil the Energumeni and those who yet are under penance both by the People and Priest ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã common Prayers are made and we say all one and the self same Prayer even that which is so full of mercy Where by the way though in the Greek it be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã they say all one Prayer yet in the Latin it runs thus omnes unam eandemque precem concipiunt which would make well for unpremeditated and extemporary Prayers if it were possible that all the Congregation both Priest and people should fall upon the same conception But to go on ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Again saith he ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã when we repell all such from the holy Rayls which cannot be partakers of the holy Table there is another Prayer to be said and we all lie alike upon the ground and all rise together Then when the Peace or sign of peace is mutually to be given and taken we do all equally salute or kiss each other Thus also in the celebration of the sacred Mysteries as the Priest prayeth for the people so do they for him these usual words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã And with thy Spirit importing nothing else but this And finally Et cum spirtu tuo Gratlas agamus Deo that Prayer wherein we give thanks to the Lord our God is common unto both alike the Priest not only giving thanks to God but the whole Assembly For when he hath demanded their suffrage first and they acknowledg thereupon ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Dignum est justum that it is meet and right so to do then he begins the holy Eucharist Nor is it strange nor should it seem so unto any that the people should thus hold conference with the Priest o Minister considering that they sing those holy Hymns together with the Cherubins and the powers of Heaven So he And all this out of question Ideo cum Angelis Archangelis must needs be understood of prescribed Forms such as the people said by heart or could read in Books that either lay before them or were brought with them such as they were so throughly versed in as to make answer to the Minister upon all occasions For what else were those common Prayers those ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which he speaks of what else that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that one self-same Prayer that Prayer so full of mercy in which all did joyn were they not so determinate the prescribed that all could say them with the Minister And were not those returns and Answers so prescribed and set that all the people knew their Q. and were not ignorant of their turn when they were to speak Several other passages of the antient Liturgies might here and there be gathered from this Fathers writings if one would take the pains to seek them But I shall save that pains at present and indeed well may For what
Kalendar we shall find them thus disposed of in their several Moneths Jan. 11. Carmentalia Juturnae aedes dicata in Campo Martio 16. Concordiae Templum à Camillo ex voto positum Febru 1. Sospite Templi dicatio May 25. Templum Fortunae datum Jun. 1. Monetae aedis Dedicatio 4. Herculis aedes in Circo 5. Templum fidei sponsori Jovis 6. Vestae Templum dicatum 7. Mentis Templum dicatum 28. Quirini Templum in colle Quirino August 1. consecratio Templi Martis Sept. 14. Capitolii Dedicatio ab Horatio This was before the rebuilding of it by Vespasian These Dedication Feasts are specified as before is said in the Roman Kalendar as being generally observed And others questionless there were of inferiour none peculiar only unto certain Provinces and Cities and not so universally received as the former were And here we must observe withal that all the Dedications mentioned in the Kalendar are put down as Festivals and not as memorable actions hapning on such and such a day as some may possibly conceive For Dempster in his Comment upon the Kalendar reckoneth them every one as Annual Festivals and gives this Title to the Months in their seeral order De Januario ejus diebus Festis de Februario ejus diebus Festis sic de caeteris Besides that all of them are accompted such by Ovid in his Book de Fastis So frequent were those Festivals amongst the Romans and so Religiously observed both by Jews and Gentiles And being thus Religiously observed by the Jews and Gentiles it is the less to be admired if the Christians being a Church made up of both did observe them also grounding themselves especially upon the practice of the Jews countenanced by our blessed Saviour to which the observation of them is ascribed by Isidore as before was noted or had not Isidore given it for the ground thereof in the way of Position we might have found it well enough by the first example of this kind in the way of practice The first Anniversary Feast of this nature which we find in Ecclesiastical History is that of the 14. of September held Annually in Jerusalem as before was told us from Nicephorus in memory of the Dedication of the Church of the Holy Martyrs so solemnly Celebrated by the Emperour Constantine and held by them eight days together without intermission which was as much as had been done in the Encaenia of the Jews before remembred proposed no question for their patter in that Annual Festival The like occurreth in Greg. Nazianz. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. De Encaeniis honorandis lex vetus est eaque praeclare constituta vel potius de Templis and not de rebus novis as it is foolishly translated per Encaenia honore complectendis Not once for all but every year by way of Annual remembrance For so it followeth in the Author ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Orat. 43. in initio Idque non semel tantum verum saepius nimirum qualibet anni conversione diem eundem advehente where we may see that as they kept these Feasts Annually on the same day of the year so they pretended to that Institution of the Maccabees for the ground thereof The Father addeth a further reason Ne alioqui res pulchrae progressu temporis evanescant atque oblivionis gurgite obscuratae dilabantur lest otherwise such famous things might be forgotten in long tract of time and be at last quite buried in the grave of oblivion There are also two Sermons of St. Austins entituled in Anniversario Dedicationis Ecclesiae being the 152 and 153. of those De tempore And howsoever that these Sermons inscribed De Tempore have been suspected by the Learned Criticks of this Age not to be St. Austins yet Perkins running them over in particular makes no exception against them or either of them neither do any other of the Protestant Doctors as appeareth by Rivet in his Specimen Critici Sacri lib. 4. c. 16. This makes it clear and evident that these Anniversary Feasts were not taken up on the Authority of Pope Felix the fourth as some untruly have suggested who came not to the See of Rome until the year 520. many years after the decease of Gregory Nazianzen and some years also after the death of S. Augustine though true it is that by the Authority of that Pope they became more frequent than they had been formerly there being a Decretal to that purpose published by him in the words ensuing Solennitates dedicationum Ecclesiarum sacerdotum solenniter sunt per singulos annos celebrandae ipso Domino exemplum dante c. The Feass of the Dedication of Churches and Consecration of Bishops for so we understand by Sacerdotes in that place and time are to be Celebrated yearly according to the Lords example who went up to Jerusalem with the rest of the people to solemnize the Feast of the Dedication as the Scripture telleth us Where we may see that the Pope builds not this injunction on his own sole power but as that power was countenanced by our Saviours practice And now I am gone a little beyond my bounds that is to say the death of St. Augustine to which I had limited my self I shall make bold to pursue this Argument so far till I have brought these Dedication-Feasts to our present times For Felix having made the Decretal before remembred found such conformity thereunto in the Western Churches that in the Council of Mentz An. 8 13. there was made a Catalogue of the Festival days which generally were then observed as Easter the Ascension Whitsontide c. and in the close of all similiter etiam Dedicatio Templi where plainly the Encaenia or Dedication-Feasts of particular Churches is placed in no lower rank as it relates to the solemnity of the same than Easter Whitsontide or any other of the greater and more eminent Festivals The like was also done in the Council of Lons An. 1244. where we shall find a larger Catalogue of Holy-days than we had before there being many added since the Council of Mentz And in that Catalogue of the Feasts of Festival days the Dedication Feasts of particular Churches stand in the same terms as before they did whereof see the Decretal de Consecratione Dist 3. c. 1. Now to come nearer to our selves that I may give some satisfaction in this point to those who desire it of me there was a Council held at Oxon Lindwood An. 1222. where amongst other Ordinances tending to the good Government of the Church the Festivals were divided into three several ranks In the first rank whereof were those quae omni veneratione servanda erant which were to be observed with all reverence and solemnity Of the which sort were omnes dies Dominici and all the other Festivals yet observed amongst us together with many Festivals of the Blessed Virgin which we keep not now and in conclusion Festum Dedicationis Ecclesiae
and Ministers shall move the people to joyn with them in Prayer in this Form or to this effect as briefly as conveniently they may Ye shall pray for Christs holy Catholick Church that is for the whole Congregation of Christian people dispersed through the whole world and especially for the Churches of England Scotland and Ireland And herein I require you most especially to pray for the Kings most excellent Majesty our Sovereign Lord James King of England Scotland France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and Supreme Governour in these his Realms and all other his Dominions and Countreys over all Persons in all causes as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal Ye shall also pray for our gracious Queen Ann the noble Prince Henry and the rest of the Kings and Queens Royal Issue Ye shall also pray for the Ministers of Gods holy Word and Sacraments as well Archbishops and Bishops as other Pastors and Curats Ye shall also pray for the Kings most honourable Council and for all the Nobility and Magistrates of this Realm that all and every of those in their several callings may serve truly and painfully to the Glory of God and the edifying and well-governing of his people remembring the accompt they must make Also ye shall pray for the whole Commons of this Realm that they may live in true Faith and fear of God and humble obedience to the King and Brotherly Charity one to another Finally let us praise God for all those that are already departed out of this life in the Faith of Christ and pray unto God that we may have grace to direct our lives after their good examples that this life ended we may be made partakers with them of the glorious Resurrection in the life everlasting Always concluding with the Lords Prayer So far the Letter of the Canon in which there was not any purpose nor in the makers of the same to introduce into the Church any Form of Prayer or Invocation save those which were laid down in the Common prayer Book nor indeed could they if they would the Statute 1 Eliz. being still in force but to reduce her Ministers to the antient usage of this Church which had been much neglected if not laid aside The Canons then established were no late Invention as some give it out but a Collection of such Ordinances and pious Customs as had been formerly in use since the Reformation which being scattered and diffused in several Injunctions Orders and Advertisements published by K. Henry VIII K. Edward VI. and Q. Eliz. or in the Canons of particular Convocations in those times assembled or otherwise retained in continual practice was by the care and wisdom of the Clergy in the Synod at London An. 1603. drawn up together into one body and by his Majesty then being Authorized in due form of Law And being so Authorized by his Majesty the Canons then made had the force of Laws and were of power to bind the Subjects of all sorts according to their several and respective concernments as fully and effectually as any Statute or Act of Parliament can bind the Subject of this Realm in their goods and properties For which consult the Statute 25. H. 8. cap. 19. and the practice since Which as it may be said of all so more particularly of the Canon now in question of which it is to be considered that the main body of the same had been delivered formerly almost verbatim in the Queens Injunctions published by her Royal and Supream Authority in the first year of her Reign Anno 1559. which I will therefore here put down that by comparing both together we may the better see the true intention of that Canon and what is further to be said in the present business The Queens Injunction is as followeth The title this The Form of bidding the Prayers to be used generally in this uniform sort and then the body of it is this Ye shall pray for Christs holy Catholick Church that is for the whole Congregation of Christian people dispersed throughout the whole world and especially for the Churches of England and Ireland and herein I require you most especially to pray for the Queens most excellent Majesty our Soveraign Lady Eliz. Queen of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and supream Governour of this Realm as well in causes Ecclesiastical as Temporal You shall also pray for the Ministers of Gods holy Word and Sacraments as well Archbishops and Bishops as other Pastors and Curats Ye shall also pray for the Queens most honourable Council and for all the Nobility of this Realm That all and every of these in their callings may serve truly and painfully to the glory of God and edifying of his people remembring the accompt they must make Also you shall pray for the whole Commons of this Realm that they may live in true faith and fear of God in humble Obedience and brotherly Charity one to another Finally let us praise God for all those that are departed out of this life in the faith of Christ and pray unto God that we may have grace to direct our lives after their good example that after this life we may be made partakers of the glorious resurrection in the life everlasting These are the very words of the Injunction wherein it is to be observed that as the Canon hath relation to this Injunction so neither this Injunction nor any thing therein enjoyned was of new erection but a Reviver only of the usual Form which had been formerly enjoyned and constantly observed in King Edwards days as we shall see by looking over the Injunction published and the practice following thereupon in the said Kings Reign Now the Injunction of King Edward the 6. is in this Form following The Title thus The Form of bidding the Common prayers and then the Form it self You shall pray for the whole Congregation of Christs Church and especially for this Congregation of England and Ireland wherein first I commend to your devout prayers the Kings most excellent Majesty supreme Head immediately under God of the Spiritualty and Temporalty of the same Church And for Queen Katharine Dowager and also for my Lady Mary and my Lady Elizabeth the Kings Sisters Secondly you shall pray for my Lord Protectors grace with all the rest of the Kings Majesties Council for all the Lords of this Realm and for the Clergy and Commons of the same Beseeching Almighty God to give every one of them in his degree Grace to use themselves in such wise as may be to Gods glory the Kings honour and the weal of this Realm Thirdly you shall pray for all them that be departed out of this world in the faith of Christ that they with us and we with them at the day of Judgment may rest both Body and Soul with Abraham Isaac and Jacob in the Kingdom of Heaven This was the Form first published in the beginning of the Reign of King Edward VI. and it continued all
used it or else between the Text and Sermon as others no less eminent than he have been accustomed to do Or if it must needs be interpreted to be before them both as the most would have it we must then think the Church was pleased to yield a little unto the current of the time in which that fashion generally had been taken up And that the Church regarded not so much the circumstance as the main and substance which was to lay before the people some heads of prayer and thereby to cut of those long and tedious prayers so much used of late under pretence whereof so many Widows houses had been devoured and all the publick service of the Church neglected Thirdly it may be pleaded that the old Form of Bidding prayers is more agreeable to the Law than their new Form of Invocation which is expresly and directly against the same For in the Statute 2. and 3. of King Edward VI. Cap. 1. as afterwards in the first of Queen Elizabeth Cap. 20. whereas afterwards in the first of Queen Elizabeth Cap. 20. wherein the Common-prayer-book now in use was confirmed and established It is enacted That if any manner of Parson Vicar or whatsoever Minister that ought or should sing or say Common prayers c. shall wilfully or obstinately standing on the same use any other Rite Cermony Order Form or manner of celebrating the Lords Supper openly or privily or Mattens Even-song administration of the Sacraments or other open prayer N. B. than is mentioned and set forth in the said Book He shall lose and forfeit to the Queens Highness her Heirs and Successours for his first offence the profits of all his spiritual Benefices and Promotions coming and arising in one whole year next after his conviction and also for the same offence shall suffer imprisonment by the space of nine Months without bayl or mainprise c. and so from one punishment unto another until at last they come on the third offence to Deprivation and imprisonment perpetual Now lest there should be any doubt what is here meant by Open prayer The said two Statutes thus expound it Open prayer in and throughout this Act is meant that prayer which is for others to come unto and hear either in common Churches or private Chappels and Oratories commonly called the service of the Church so as it seemeth by this Statute that whosoever useth in the Church any open prayer i. e. such prayer as is made for other Men to come unto or hear which is not mentioned or set forth in the Common-prayer book makes himself subject unto all the penalties in the same conteined which thing considered as it ought it is not to be thought that in the Convocation of 1603. the Church did order or permit by the aforesaid Canon any Form of prayer or Invocation which was repugnant to the Statutes standing still in force but only purposed to continue the usual Form of Bidding prayer or exhortation unto Prayers which was agreeable thereto In the 4th rank the very place it self comes to be considered in which this Prayer of theirs is made which of all places else is most improper for that action and least intended to it by the Church Pulpits were made of old for publick speeches to the people and not for Prayers unto the Gods the Pulpit for Orations being often mentioned in Heathen Writers call it Suggestum rostrum pulpitum or what else you will but never any mentioned in them as a place for Prayer And so in sacred matters also the Pulpit hath been used for publishing the Law in reference to Mount Sinai whence it first was published Neh. v. 4. Matth. 5.6 7. Deut. 27.13 and for the preaching of the Gospel in reference to the Mount where it was first preached and for the denouncing of Gods Judgments on the Disobedient in reference to Mount Ebal whence the Curse was threatned But that the Pulpit should be used as a place to pray in when there are other places destinate to that holy Use was never heard of as I think till these later Ages when all things seemed to tend to Innovation Sure I am in the Church of England there was no such meaning for in the 83. Canon it is ordained that the Parishioners shall provide a comely and decent Pulpit to be set in a convenient place and to be there seemly kept for the preaching of Gods Word Nothing else in the Canon is expressed but only preaching of Gods Word and therefore I may safely say nothing else was meant especially there being another seat appointed for the publick prayers Can. 82. For further proof of which let us but look unto the Rubrick before the Commination where is said as followeth After Morning prayer the people being called together by the tolling of a Bell and assembled in the Church the English Letany shall be said after the accustomed manner which ended the Priest shall go into the Pulpit and say thus Here seems to be another Use of the Pulpit besides that of preaching but indeed it is not The threatnings of Gods Judgments being many times as necessary to and for Gods people as the endearments of his mercies and both the preaching of his Word Now whereas after the said Commination there are some certain reconciliatory Psalms or Prayers that follow after those are not to be said within the Pulpit but where the Letany had been said before for so it is declared in the next Rubrick Then shall they all kneel upon their knees the Priest and Clerk kneeling where they are accustomed to say the Letany shall say this Psalm which plainly shews that in the intention of the Church the Pulpit was not made for a place for the Priest to pray in but rather for a place wherein to teach the people how they were to pray which is the Bidding prayers in the Canon meant The same may be concluded also even from the posture of the Preacher being in the Pulpit for Pulpits being made as before was said for Speeches Sermons and Orations unto the people the Speaker Orator or Preacher was of necessity or ordinary Course to turn himself unto the people that so they might the better both see and hear him as in such things is still accustomed whereas in times of Prayer the Priest or Minister ought to turn his face to the upper end of the Church looking towards the East and so his back to be towards the people I say that so he ought to do at least if he intend to follow either the prescript of this Church or most true antiquity The Christians of Tertullians time were generally accused for worshipping the Sun because that in their prayers they turned their faces to the East Inde suspicio quod innotuerit nos ad Orientis regionem precari Apol. p. 16. as he there informs us where nos no question was not meant of the people only but of Priest and people And for the Church of England
Rubr. after the Psal it is appointed in her Rubrick that at the reading of the Lessons the Minister which reads shall stand and turn him so as he may be best heard of all such as be present which shews plainly he was to look another way when he said the Prayers And lest it may be said that the other way was not directly from the people but askew upon them which yet would ill become the Preacher we find it among other things objected by the Puritan faction in Queen Elizabeths time not only that the Ministers did say some part of Divine Service within the Chancel where he must needs look askew upon them but that at other times his face was turned away from them altogether whereof see Hooker l. 5. Sect. 30. which makes me wonder by the way that all or most part of our Reading-pews should be of late so placed that contrary both to the Churches Order and the antient practice the Minister when he readeth the Prayers looks downwards towards the lower end of the Church and not unto the East as he ought to do so then the Preacher in the Pulpit turning himself unto the people and making himself the object of their Eyes as he of their attentions cannot be thought to pray to God but if he pray at all to the people rather and on the other side the Form of Bidding prayers being by way of Exhortation and so purposed doth fit as well the posture of the Preacher as it doth the place Lastly the Form of Bidding prayers stands more with the intention of the Church than that of Invocation because it doth avoid some inconveniences and absurdities which do arise upon the other For first whereas the Church prescribes a set Form of prayer in her publick Liturgy from which it is not lawful for any of her Ministers either to vary or recede she did it principally to avoid all unadvised effusions of gross and undigested prayers as little capable of piety as they are utterly void of Order and this she did upon the reason given in the Milevitan Council viz. lest else through ignorance or want of Care any thing should be uttered contrary to the Rule of Faith ne forte aliquid contra fidem vel per ignorantiam vel per minus studium sit compositum as the Canon hath it But were men suffered to enjoy a liberty of Praying and saying what they listed before their Sermons in vain had the Church bound us to set Forms of prayer in the common Liturgy upon several penalties when men might afterwards run riot how they pleased in their particular prayers before their Sermons without blame or censure And though perhaps in some Churches of the Reformation in which there is no publick Liturgy or set Form of Divine Service to which both Priest and people are obliged to conform themselves it may be lawful for the Preacher to use such prayers both before and after Sermon as the consideration of that great work and the necessities of the people may invite him to yet it is otherwise with us in the Church of England where all these points are carefully provided for in the Book of Common-prayers which in these other Churches are made the Subject of the Preachers Now where some men conceive they obey the Canon in case they pray in that Form or to that effect those who do so conceive it shew in their deeds that they as little care for the effect as for the Form we plainly see by the effects what that effect of theirs would tend to what is the issue of that liberty which most Men have taken too many of that sort who most stand upon it using such passages in their prayers before their Sermons that even their prayers in the Psalmists language are turned into Sin And for the brevity therein required as briefly as conveniently they may they neglect that also and study to spin out their prayers to a tedious length against all convenience Besides whereas the Church intendeth nothing more in her publick Canons than an uniformity in Devotion this leaving men to themselves in such a special part of Gods publick Service as that now is made would bring in a Confusion at the least a Dissonancie and so destroy that blessed Concord which the Church most aims at Both which absurdities or inconveniences call them what you will are happily avoided by that Order of Bidding prayers by the Church intended A third and greater inconvenience than the other two which would and doth arise from that Form of Prayer by way of Invocation is that it doth accuse the publick Liturgy as insufficient and defective For were it thought that the Confession in the Service-book and those particular Prayers Collects Hymns Thanksgivings and Ejaculations which are therein used were either perfect in themselves or acceptable unto God to what end should we add a prayer of our own devising that were to light a Candle before the Sun and therefore they that stand upon it do in effect as much as if a man should say my Friends and Brethren make no account of any thing which you hear from the common-prayer-Common-prayer-book in which is nothing to be found but the voice of Man but hearken unto me and by me what the Churches say to the Spirit or as a Puritan Tradesman once served my old Chamber-fellow Mr. L. D. meeting one time by chance at Dinner my Chamber-fellow being the only Scholar in the Company was requested to say Grace which he did accordingly and having done the Tradesman whom before I spake of lifting up both his hands and whites to Heaven calls upon them saying Dearly beloved Brethren let us praise God better And thereupon began a long Grace of his own conceiving The case is just the same in the present business Nor had those Men who first invented those new Forms of Prayer obtruded them so easily upon the Church but that withal they laboured to persuade weak Men and did persuade them at the last that questionless such prayers were better and more powerful far than any by the Church appointed Now all this fear of bringing down the reputation of the Liturgy and practising to advance our private prayers above the publick are easily avoided by that Bidding of prayers enjoyed by Queen Elizabeth and King Edward VI. and before that in use in the Church of England as doth appear most plainly in King Henries time and therefore questionless it was the meaning of the Canon that it should continue And being it was the meaning of the Canon of them that made it that the said Form of Bidding prayers for avoiding the inconveniences and mischiefs before recited should be still continued the Prelates of the present times have greater reason to see it carefully and duly put in execution by how much the mischiefs and inconveniences arising from neglect thereof and from the liberty which some Men take unto themselves of praying what and how they list in the
themselves had seen the Twelve had a preheminence above the rest of the Disciples in those three particulars first in their nearness of access unto him when he was alive Secondly in the latitude of their commission when he was to leave them And thirdly in the height of their authority after his departure For first the twelve Apostles and no others were the continual constant and domestical Auditors of all his Sermons the diligent beholders and observers of all his Miracles With them did he discourse familiarly propounding questions answering their demands and satifying all their scruples The Twelve and none but they were present with him when he did institute his holy Supper and they alone participated of those Prayers and Promises which he made to them from himself or for them to his heavenly Father Many there were of his retinue of his Court not few the Twelve were only of his Council and of those too some more especially admitted to his privacies and of his Cabinet-council as it were than others whereof see Matth. 17.1 Mark 14.33 Luke 8.51 And on this ground doth Clemens tell us Clemens Alex. ap Euseb l. 2. c. 1. that Christ imparted many things unto these three after his Ascension which they communicated ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã unto the rest of the Apostles the rest of the Apostles to the 70. As they were nearer in access so were they furnished with a more liberal Commission Mark 16. when he was to leave them Ite in universum mundum He said unto them Go into all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature No such commission granted to any others who had their several precincts and bounds a limited Commission when it was at best To the Eleven for unto them alone did he give that charge the whole World went but for a Diocess Chrys Tom. 8. p. 110. edit Savill For this cause Chrysostom doth honour them with the stile of Princes and Princes of a great command over all the Universe ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. The Apostles were ordained Princes by the hand of God Princes which have not only under them some Towns and Nations ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but such unto whose care the whole World was trusted So far that Father And if we doubt that their authority fell short in any thing of their Commission the same good Father in the same place will inform us otherwise For making a comparison between Spiritual and Civil Dignities Chrys ibid. he calleth the Office of an Apostle ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a spiritual Consulship ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the most spiritual of all Powers or Governments and finally ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the head the root nay the foundation of all spiritual Dignities of what sort soever Doubtless the Father had good reason for so high an Eulogie When Christ affirmed Sicut misit me Pater John 20.21 that as his Father sent him so sent he them He said enough to intimate that supreme authority which he had given them in the Church whether it were in preaching of the Gospel in founding Churches constituting and ordaining Pastors or whatsoever else was necessary for the advancement of his Kingdom For by these words as Cyril hath right well observed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he did ordain them for to be Guides and Teachers unto all the World Chrys in Joh. Evang. l. 12. and the dispensers of his holy Mysteries commanding them not only to enlighten the land of Jewrie but all the people of the Universe as also giving them to understand that it was their duty ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to call the sinners to repentance to heal all those that were afflicted either in body or in soul in the dispensing of Gods blessings not to follow their own will but his that sent them and in a word as much as in them was ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to save the World by wholsom dictrines for to that purpose was he sent by his Heavenly Father And so we are to understand Saint Chrysostom when he tells us this ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Hom in Joh. c. 20.21 Calv. in Job that Christ invested his Apostles with the like authority as he received from his Father Calvin affirms as much or more upon those words of our Redeemer Quare non abs re Christus cum Apostolis suis communicat quam à Patre autoritatem acoeperat c. But this authority of theirs will be seen more clearly when we behold it in the practice and execution Five things then of necessity were to concur in the making or constituting of an Apostle truly and properly so called first an immediate Call from Christ himself secondly an Autopsie or Eye-witnessing of those things which they were afterwards to preach or publish of him thirdly their nearness of access fourthly the latitude of their Commission fifthly and finally the eminence of their authority Of these the first were common with them unto the rest of the Disciples save that the calling of the Apostles to that charge and function doth seem to be more solemn and immediate But in the rest which are indeed the special or specifical differences they had no co-partners This made them every way superiour unto the rest of the Disciples although all equal in themselves Though in the calling of those blessed Spirits to that great imployment there was a prius and posterius yet in regard of power and authority there was neither Summum nor Subalternum And howsoever Peter be first named in that sacred Catalogue yet this entitleth him to no more authority above the rest of the Apostles than Stephen might challenge in that regard above the residue of the Seven Saint Cyprian did resolve this cause many hundreds since assigning unto all the twelve a parity of power and honour Cyprian lib. de unitate Eccles Hoc erant utique caeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus pari consortio praediti honoris potestatis sed exordium ab unitate proficiscitur Where clearly there is nothing given to Peter but a priority of Order a primacy if you will but no supremacy Neither doth Barlaam give him more though he inscribe his book de Papae Principatu ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. The Apostles all of them saith he Barlaam de Papae principatu in matter which concerned the Church were of equal honour If Peter had preheminence in any thing it was that in their sacred meetings he first brake the business ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and peradventure also had the upper place in the assemblies of that goodly fellowship But what need Cyprian or Barlaam come in for evidence when as we find this parity so clearly evidenced in holy Scripture In the immediateness of their Calling and their access unto our Lord and Saviour they were all alike He that called Peter from his Nets called also Matthew from the receit of custom If only Peter and the sons of Zebedee
Judaic l. 12. as Josephus hath it which cometh to seventy two in all But both the seventy two Elders are generally called the Seventy as the Translators of the Bible are called the Septuagint both of them ad rotundationem numeri even as the Magistrates in Rome were called Centumviri though being three for every Tribe they came unto an hundred and five in all Calvin in harm Evang. ut supra And this is that which Calvin hath observed in the present business viz. that the Consistory of the Jewish Judges to which the number of the Disciples is by him proportioned consisted of no less than 72 though for the most part ut fieri solet in talibus numeris they are called the Seventy So then to reconcile the Latin with the Greek Original there were in all 72 Disciples according to the truth of the calculation and yet but seventy in account according to the estimation which was then in use And therefore possibly the Church of England the better to comply with both computations though it have seventy in the new Translations yet still retains the number of seventy two in the Gospel appointed for Saint Lukes day in the book of Common-prayer confirmed by Parliament This being the number of the Disciples it will then fall out that as there were six Elders for every Tribes so here will be six Presbyters or Elders for every one of the Apostles For those which have compared the Church of Christ which was first planted by the Apostles with that which was first founded by the Lord himself resemble the Bishops in the Church to the twelve Apostles the Presbyters or Priests unto the Seventy Which parallel how well it holdeth and whether it will hold or not we shall see hereafter Mean while it cannot be denied but that the Apostles were superiour to these Seventy both in place and power The Fathers have so generally affirmed the same that he must needs run cross unto all antiquity that makes question of it The Council of Neocaesarea which was convened some years before that of Nice Leo Ep. 88. declareth that the Chorepiscopi which were but Presbyters in fact though in Title Bishops ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Concil Neocasar 1. Can. 13. were instituted according to the pattern of the Seventy Saint Hierom in his Tractate ad Fabiolam speaking of the twelve fountains of Elim and the seventy Psalms that grew thereby doth resolve it thus Nec dubium quin de duodeeim Apostolis sermo sit c. It is not to be doubted but that the Scripture speaketh here of the twelve Apostles the waters issuing from whose fountains have moistned the barren driness of the whole World and that the seventy Psalms that grew thereby are the Teachers of the second rank or order Luca testante duodecim fuisse Apostolos septuaginta Discipulos minoris gradus Saint Luke affirming that there were twelve Apostles and seventy Disciples of a lower order whom the Lord sent two and two before him In this conceit Saint Ambrose led the way before him likening unto those Psalms the Seventy qui secundo ab Apostolis gradu who in a second rank from the Apostles were by the Lord sent forth for the salvation of mankind Serm. 24. Damasus their co-temporary doth affirm as much viz. non amplius quam duos ordines Epist 5. that there were but two Orders amongst the Disciples of Christ viz. that of the twelve Apostles and the Seventy Theophylact concurrs with Hierom in his conceit about the twelve Fountains and the seventy Palm-trees and then concludes Theoph. in Luc. 10. that howsoever they were chosen by Christ ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã yet were they inferiour to the twelve and afterwards their followers and Scholars Add hereunto the testimony and consent of Calvin who giving the preheminence unto the Apostles Calvin in Institut l. 4. c. 3. § 4. as the chief builders of the Church adds in the next place the Evangelists such as were Timothy and Titus fortassis etiam septuaginta Discipuli quos secundo ab Apostolis loco Dominus designavit and peradventure also the seventy Disciples whom Christ appointed in the second place after his Apostles Besides S. Hierom giveth it for a Maxim Qui provehitur Ep. ad Oceanum de minore ad majus provehitur that he which is promoted is promoted from a lower rank unto an higher Matthias therefore having been formerly of the Seventy and afterwards advanced into the rank and number of the Twelve in the place of Judas it must needs follow that the twelve Apostles shined in an higher sphere than these lesser luminaries Now that Matthias had before been one of the seventy appeareth by the concurrent testimonies of Euseb l. 1. Eccles Hist c. 12. l. 2. cap. 1. and of Epiphanius contr haeres 20. n. 4. to whom for brevity sake I refer the Reader And this the rather because the Scripture is so full and pregnant in it it being a condition or qualification if you will required by S. Peter in those that were the Candidates for so high a Dignity Acts 1. v. 21. that they accompanied the Apostles all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out amongst them And that we know none did but the Seventy only So then it is most clear and manifest both by authority of Scripture and consent of Fathers that our Saviour instituted in his Church two ranks of Ministers the one subordinate unto the other and consequently laid the first foundations of it in such a Fatherly and moderate imparity as bound all following times and ages that would not willingly oppose so Divine an Ordinance to observe the like And yet it is not to be thought that this superiority thus by him established doth contradict those other passages of holy Scripture wherein he doth prohibit all dominion over one another They much mistake the business who conceive it so The Jews in general and all the followers of Christ particularly expected that the promised Messiah should come with power restore again the lustre of the Jewish Kingdom and free them from that yoke and bondage which by the Romans had been laid upon them We thought said Cleophas that this had been he that should have delivered Israel Acts 24.21 And what he thought was solemnly expected by all the rest Acts 1.6 Domine si in tempore hoc restitues regnum Israel Lord say they even in the very moment of his Ascension wilt thou at this time restore again the Kingdom unto Israel Upon which fancy and imagination no marvail if they harboured some ambitious thought every one hoping for the nearest places both of power and trust about his person This was the greatness which they aimed at and this our Saviour laboured to divery them from by interdicting all such power and Empire as Princes and the favourites of Princes have upon their Vassals Ye know saith he that the Princes of the
their hands for none but they were ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the present business the whole election of these Presbyters must be given to them But indeed it was neither so nor so Neither the Apostle nor the People had any hand in the elections of those times but the Spirit of God which evidently did design and mark out those men whom God intended to imploy in his holy Ministery The words of Paul to Timothy make this clear enough where it is said Neglect not the gift that is in thee which was given thee by Prophesie 1 Tim. 4.14 1 Tim. 1.18 c. and that there went some Prophesies before concerning Timothy the same Saint Paul hath told us in the first Chapter of that first Epistle Hom. 5. in 1. ad Tim. c. 1. Chrysostom notes upon these words that in those times ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Priests and Ministers of God were made by Prophesie that is saith he ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by the Holy Ghost And this he proves by the selection of Paul and Barnabas to the work of God which was done by Prophesie and by the Spirit And finally glossing on those words Noli negligere gratiam c. he doth thus express it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã God saith he did elect thee to this weighty charge he hath committed no small part of his Church unto thee ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã no mortal man had any hand in that designation and therefore take thou beed that thou disgrace not nor dishonour so Divine a calling More might be said both from Theodoret and Oecumenius to confirm this Truth Theodor. Oecum in locum but that I think it is sufficiently confirmed already So then the Presbyters of these times being of Gods special choice his own designation and those upon the laying on of such holy hands furnished by the Spirit with such gifts and graces as might enable them sufficiently to discharge their calling The marvel is the less if in those early days at the first dawning as it were of Christianity we find so little speech of Bishops In the ordaining of these Presbyters as also of the like in other places the Apostles might and did no question communicate unto them such and so much Authority as might invest them with a power of government during the times of their own necessary absence from those several Churches So that however they were Presbyters in degree and order yet they both were and might be trusted with an Episcopal jurisdiction in their several Cities even as some Deans although but simply Presbyters are with us in England And of this rank I take it were the Presbyters in the Church of Ephesus Act. 20.28 whom the Apostle calleth by the name of Bishops that is to say Presbyters by their Order and Degree but Bishops in regard of their jurisdiction Such also those ordained by Saint Paul in the Church of Philippos Phil. 1.1 whom the Apostle mentioneth in the very entrance of his Epistle to that people Which as it may be some occasion why Bishops properly so called were not ordained by the Apostles in the first planting of some Churches so there are other reasons alledged for it and are briefly these For first although the Presbyters in those times were by the Holy Ghost endued with many excellent gifts and graces requisite to the Preaching of the Word yet the Apostles might not think fit to trust them with the chief government till they had fully seen and perfectly made tryal of their abilities and parts that way Epiphan adv haeres 75. n. 5. And this is that which Epiphanius meaneth in his dispute against Aerius saying ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. that where there were no fit men to discharge that Office the place remained without a Bishop but where necessity required and that there wanted not fit men to supply the place there Bishops forthwith were appointed But that which I conceive to be the principal reason was this that the Apostle did reserve unto himself the chief Authority in all the Churches of his planting so long as he continued in or about those places And this he exercised either by personal Visitations mention whereof is made in the 14.21 and 15.36 of the Book of Acts or else by his rescripts and mandates as in his sentencing of the incestuous Corinthian although absent thence But when he was resolved to take a journey to Hierusalem Act. 19.21 and from thence to Rome not knowing when he should return to those Eastern parts and knowing well that multitude of governours do oft breed confusions and that equality of Ministers did oft end in factions he then resolved to give them Bishops to place a Chief in and above each several Presbytery over every City committing unto them that power aswell of Ordinations as inflicting censures which he had formerly reserved to himself alone This great Apostle as for some space of time he taught the Church without help of Presbyters so for another while he did rule the same without help of Bishops A time there was wherein there were no Bishops but the Apostles only to direct the Church and so there was a time wherein there were no Presbyters but they to instruct the same However it must be confessed that there was a time in which some Churches had no Bishops And this Hieron in Tit. c. 1. if any was the time that Saint Hierom speaks of Cum communi Presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae gubernabantur when as the Churches were governed by the common counsel of the Presbyters But sure it was so short a time that had not the good Father taken a distaste against Episcopacy by reason of some differences which he had with John the Bishop of Hierusalem he could not easily have observed it For whether Bishops were ordained Id. ad Evagrium In Schismatis remedium as he saith elsewhere for the preventing of those Schisms and factions which were then risen in the Church or that they were appointed by the Apostles to supply their absence when they withdrew themselves unto further Countreys This government of the Church in common by the Presbyters will prove of very short continuance For from the first planting of the Church in Corinth Baronius so computes it Annal. Hieron in Titâm c. 1. which was in Anno 53. unto the writing of his first Epistle to that Church and people in which he doth complain of the Schisms amongst them was but four whole years And yet it doth appear by that place in Hierom for ought can see that the divisions of the people in Religion some saying I am of Paul and I of Apollo and I of Cephas every one cleaving unto him by whom he had received Baptism were the occasion that it was decreed throughout the world as that Father saith Vt unus de Presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris that one of the Presbyters should be set over the rest to whom
Eccles l. 4.21 ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Five books he writ as both Eusebius and Saint Hierom tell us touching the Acts and Monuments of the Church of God this last affirming of the work that it contained many things ad utilitatem legentium pertinentia exceeding profitable to the Reader De scriptor Eccles though written in a plain and familiar stile Some fragments of his cited by Eusebius we have seen before the body of his Works being eaten by the teeth of Time and one we are to look on now being the remainder of a most accurate and full confession of his Faith Euseb ut supra which he left behind him There he relates ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that in a Journey towards Rome he did confer with many Bishops and that he found amongst them all the same Form of Doctrine there being no City where he came no Episcopal succession wherein he found not all things so confirmed and setled as they were prescribed by the Word taught by the Prophets and Preached by our Lord and Saviour Particularly he tells us of the Church of Corinth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that it continued constantly in the Orthodox Faith till the time that Primus was there Bishop with whom he had much conference as he sailed towards Rome staying with him many days at Corinth and being much delighted with his Conversation Of Rome he only doth inform us that he abode there till the time of Anicetus whose Deacon Eleutherus at that time was who not long after did succeed in his Pastors Chair Soter succeeding Anicetus Eleutherus succeeding Soter Where by the way De viris ill in Egesip I wonder how Saint Hierom came to place the coming of Egesippus unto Rome sub Aniceto when Anicetus was there Bishop considering that Egesippus tells us he was there before and that he there continued ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã until the time of Anicetus as before was said Discoursing of the Errours of the Jews his Countrey-men he sheweth that after James the Just was martyred in defence of Christs Truth and Gospel Simeon the son of Cleophas and Uncle to our Saviour was erected Bishop all the Disciples giving their voices unto him as being of their Masters kindred He addeth that Hierusalem whereof he speaketh was called for long time the Virgin Church as being undefiled with the filth of Heresies and that Thebulis was the first who broached strange Doctrine in the same the man being discontented as it seemed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã because he was not made a Bishop So far the pieces of this Journal or Itinerary direct us in this present search as to discern how strong a bulwark the Episcopal succession hath been and been accounted also of Gods sacred Truths how strong a Pillar for support of that blessed building At the same time with Egesippus lived Dionysius the learned and renowned Bishop of the Church of Corinth Euseb Eccles hist l. 4. c. 22. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã De scriptor Ecc. successor to that Primus whom before we spoke of A man as both Eusebius and Saint Hierom say of such both industry and Eloquence ut non solum suae Civitatis Provinciae populos that he instructed not alone by his Epistles the people of his own City and Province but also those of other Churches One writ he saith Eusebius to the Lacedemonians at once confirming them in faith and love another unto the Athenians about the time that Publius their Bishop suffered Martyrdom exhorting them to live according to the prescript of Christs holy Gospel In that Epistle he makes mention of Quadratus also who succeeded Publius in that charge declaring also that Dionysius the Areopagite being converted by Saint Paul was made the first Bishop of that City Of which three Bishops of Athens Quadratus is much celebrated by Eusebius for an Apologie by him written Euseb l. 4. c. 3. and tendred unto Adrian the Emperour in the behalf of Christians being the first piece of that kind that was ever written in the World and written as it seems with such power and efficacy Id. ibid. c. 9. that shortly after Adrian desisted from his persecuting of the Church of God making a Law or Edict for their future safety But to go on with Dionysius A third he writ unto the Nicomedians opposing in the same the Heresies of Marcion a fourth unto the Gortynaeans in which he much commended their Bishop Philip in that the Church committed to his care and governance ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã had been made famous by so many tryals both for faith and constancy He writ unto the Church of Amastris also and the rest in Pontus speaking by name of Palma the Bishop there as also to the Church of Gnossus in the Isle of Crete in which he did persuade Pintus Bishop of the same ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not to impose that grievous yoke of Chastity upon his brethren as a matter necessary but to consider rather the infirmity and weakness of them Finally there was extant in Eusebius's time another Epistle of this Dionysius to the Church of Rome wherein he magnifieth their abundant charity towards all the Brethren which were in want or persecution not only of their own but of other Cities highly commending Soter who was then their Bishop who did not only study to preserve them in so good a way ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but also did encourage them to improve their bounties So much remains of Dionysius and his publick Acts by which we may perceive that though the Bishops of those times as since had their particular Sees and Cities yet did their care extend unto others also maintaining a continual intercourse betwixt one another not only for their mutual comfort in those dangerous times but also for the better government of the Church it self the Unity whereof was then best preserved by that correspondence which the Bishops in the name of their several Churches had with one another For other Bishops of those times not to say any thing of Melito or Polycarpus whom before we spake of nor of the Bishops of the four Patriarchal Sees which we shall have occasion to remember shortly those of most fame were Papias and Apollinarius Euseb Hist l. 3. c 23. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Bishops successively of Hierapolis a City of Phrygia Pothinus Bishop of Lyons in France Id. l. 4. c. 25. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. l. 5. c. 6. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. c. 21. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. c. 25. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Ibid. c. 18. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea Cassius Bishop of Tyre Clarius Bishop of Ptolomais all three in Palestine Publius Julius Bishop of Debelto a Colony in Thrace with many others of great eminency whereof consult Euseb Hist Eccles 5. c. 18. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã cap. 21. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã By this that hath been said of Dionysius and other Bishops
was a very pregnant evidence that they had neither verity nor antiquity to defend their Doctrins nor could with any shew of Justice challenge to themselves the name and honour of a Church Id. ibid. ca. 36. And such and none but such were those other Churches which he after speaketh of viz. of Corinth Philippi Thessalonica Ephesus and the rest planted by the Apostles apud quas ipsae Cathedrae Apostolorum suis locis praesidentur in which the Chairs of the Apostles to that time were sate in being possessed not by themselves but by their Successors By the same argument Optatus first and after him St. Austin did confound the Donatists that mighty faction in the Church St. Austin thus Numerate Sacerdotes vel ab ipsa sede Petri August contr Petil. l. 2. in illo ordine quis cui successerit videte Number the Bishops which have sate but in Peters Chair and mark who have succeeded one another in the same A Catalogue of which he gives us in another place Id. Epist 165. lest else he might be thought to prescribe that to others on which he would not trust himself Nay so far he relyed on the authority of this Episcopal Succession in the Church of Christ as that he makes it one of the special motives quae eum in gremio Ecclesiae justissimè teneant which did continue him in the bosom of the Catholick Church Id. contr Epist Manichaei c. 4. As for Optatus having laid down a Catalogue of the Bishops in the Church of Rome till his own times He makes a challenge to the Donatists to present the like Optat. de schis Donat. l. 2. Vestrae Cathedrae originem edite shew us saith he the first original of your Bishops and then you have done somewhat to advance your cause In which it is to be observed that though the instance be made only in the Episcopal succession of the Church of Rome Irt. adv haere lib. 3. cap. 3. the argument holds good in all others also it being too troublesome a labour as Irenaeus well observed omnium Ecclesiarum enumerare successiones to run through the succession of all particular Churches and therefore that made choyce of as the chief or principal But to return again unto Tertullian whom I account amongst the Writers of this Age though he lived partly in the other besides the use he made of this Episcopal succession to convince the Heretick he shews us also what authority the Bishops of the Church did severally enjoy and exercise in their successions which we will take according to the proper and most natural course of Christianity First for the Sacrament of Baptism which is the door or entrance into the Church Tertul. lib. de Baptism c. 17. Dandi quidem jus habet summus sacerdos i. e. Episcopus The Right saith he of giving Baptism hath the High-Priest which is the Bishop and then the Presbyters and Deacons non tamen sine Episcopi antoritate yet not without the Bishops licence and authority for the Churches honour which if it be preserved then is Peace maintained Nay so far he appropriates it unto the Bishop as that he calleth it dictatum Episcopi officium Episcopatus a work most proper to the Bishop in regard of his Episcopacy or particular Office Which howsoever it may seem to ascribe too much unto the Bishop in the administration of this Sacrament is no more verily than what was after affirmed by Hierom Hieron adver Lucifer shewing that in his time sine Episcopi jussione without the warrant of the Bishop neither the Presbyters nor the Deacons had any authority to Baptize not that I think that in the days of Hierom before whose time Parishes were assigned to Presbyters throughout the Church the Bishops special consent and warrant was requisite to the baptizing of each several Infant but that the Presbyters and Deacons did receive from him some general faculty for their enabling in and to those Ministrations Next for the Sacrament of the blessed Eucharist that which is a chief part of that heavenly nourishment by which a Christian is brought up in the assured hopes of Eternal life he tells us in another place non de aliorum manu quam Praesidentium sumimus Tertul. de Corona Militis that they received it only from their Bishops hand the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or President of the Presbytery as Justin Martyr seconded by Beza did before call him Which Exposition or construction lest it should be quarrelled as being injurious to the Presbyters who are thereby excluded from the honour and name of Presidents I shall desire the Reader to consult those other places of Tertullian in which the word Prefident is used as viz. Prescriptio Apostoll Bigames non sinit praesidere Tert. ad axor lib. ad uxorem and lib. de Monogamia in both of which the man that had a second Wife is said to be disabled from Presiding in the Church of God and on consideration to determine of it whether it be more probable that Presbyters or Bishops be here meant by Presidents Besides the Church not being yet divided generally into Parishes but only in some greater Cities the Presbyter had not got the stile of Rector and therefore much less might be called a President that being a word of Power and Government which at that time the Presbyters enjoyed not in the Congregation And here Pope Leo will come in to help us if occasion be assuring us that in his time it was not lawful for the Presbyter in the Bishops presence nisi illo jubente Leo Epist 88. unless it were by his appointment conficere Sacramentum corporis sanguinis Christi to consecrate the Sacrament of Christs body and blood The author of the Tract ascribed to Hierom entituled de Septem Ecclesiae ordinibus doth affirm as much but being the author of it is uncertain though it be placed by Erasinus amongst the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã docta we will pass it by From the Administration of the Sacraments which do belong ad potestatem ordinis to the power of Order proceed we on to those which do appertain ad potestatem jurisdictionis unto the power of Jurisdiction And the first thing we meet with is the appointing of the publick Fasts used often in the Church as occasion was A priviledg not granted to the common Presbyter and much less to the common people but in those times wherein the Supream Magistrate was not within the pale or bosom of the Church entrusted to the Bishop only This noted also by Tertullian in his book entituled de jejuniis which though he writ after his falling from the Church and so not to be trusted in a point of Doctrine may very well be credited in a point of custom Quod Episcopi universae plebi mandare jejunia assolent non dico de industria stipium conferendarum sed ex aliqua sollicitudinis Ecclesiae causa
of the affairs of the Christian Church cannot but be displeasing unto them which are not Christianly affected Our former Book we destinated to the Jewish part of this enquiry wherein though long it was before we found it yet at the last we found a Sabbath A Sabbath which began with that state and Church and ended also when they were no longer to be called a Nation but a dispersed and scattered ruin of what once they were In that which followeth our Enquiry must be more diffused of the same latitude with the Church a Church not limited and confined to some Tribes and Kindreds but generally spreading over all the World We may affirm it of the Gospel what Florus sometimes said of the state of Rome Ita late per orbem terrarum arma circumtulit ut qui res ejus legunt non unius populi sed generis humani facta discunt The history of the Church and of the World are of like extent So that the search herein as unto me it was more painful in the doing so unto thee will it be more pleasing being done because of that variety which it will afford thee And this Part we have called the History of the Sabbath too although the institution of the Lords Day and entertainment of the same in all times and Ages since that institution be the chief thing whereof it treateth For being it is said by some that the Lords Day succeeded by the Lords appointment into the place and rights of the Jewish Sabbath so to be called and so to be observed as the Sabbath was this Book was wholly to be spent in the search thereof whether in all or any Ages of the Church either such doctrine had been preached or such practice pressed upon the Conscience of Gods people And search indeed we did with all care and diligence to see if we could find a Sabbath in any evidence of Scripture or writings of the holy Fathers or Edicts of Emperours or Decrees of Councils or finally in any of the publick Acts and Monuments of the Christian Church But after several searches made upon the alias and the pluries we still return Non est inventus and thereupon resolve in the Poets language Et quod non invenis usquam esse putes nosquam that which is no where to be found may very strongly be concluded not to be at all Buxdorfius in the 11th Chapter of his Synagoga Judaica out of Antonius Margarita tells us of the Jews quod die sabbatino praeter animam consuetam praediti sunt alia that on the Sabbath day they have an extraordinary soul infused into them which doth enlarge their hearts and rouze up their spirits Ut Sabbatum multo honorabilius peragere possint that they may celebrate the Sabbath with the greater bonour And though this sabbatarie soul may by a Pythagorical ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã seem to have transmigrated from the Jews into the Bodies of some Christians in these later days yet I am apt to give my self good hopes that by presenting to their view the constant practice of Gods Church in all times before and the consent of all Gods Churches at this present they may be dispossessed thereof without great difficulty It is but anima superflua is Buxdorfius calls it and may be better spared than kept because superfluous However I shall easily persuade my self that by this general representation of the estate and practice of the Church of Christ I may confirm the wavering in a right persuasion and assure such as are already well affected by shewing them the perfect harmony and agreement which is between this Church and the purest times It is our constant prayer to Almighty God as well that he would strengthen such as do stand and confirm the weak as to raise up those men which are fallen into sin and errour As are our prayers such should be also our endeavours as universal to all sorts of men as charitable to them in their several cases and distresses Happy those men who do aright discharge their Duties both in their prayers and their performance The blessing of our labours we must leave to him who is all in all without whom all Pauls planting and Apollo's watering will yield poor encrease In which of these three states soever thou art good Christian Reader let me beseech thee kindly to accept his pains which for thy sake were undertaken that so he might in some poor measure be an instrument to strengthen or confirm or raise thee as thy case requires This is the most that I desire and less than this thou couldst not do did I not desire it And so fare thee well THE HISTORY OF THE SABBATH The Second Book CHAP. I. That there is nothing found in Scripture touching the keeping of the Lords Day 1. The Sabbath not intended for a perpetual Ordinance 2. Preparatives unto the dissolution of the Sabbath by our Saviour Christ 3. The Lords day not enjoyned in the place thereof either by Christ or his Apostles but instituted by the Authority of the Church 4. Our Saviours Resurrection on the first day of the week and apparitions on the same make it not a Sabbath 5. The coming down of the Holy Ghost upon the first day of the week makes it not a Sabbath 6. The first day of the week not made a Sabbath more than others by Saint Peter Saint Paul or any other of the Apostles 7. Saint Paul frequents the Synagogue on the Jewish Sabbath and upon what reasons 8. What was concluded against the Sabbath in the Council holden in Hierusalem 9. The preaching of Saint Paul at Troas upon the first day of the week no argument that then that day was set apart by the Apostles for religious exercises 10. Collections on the first day of the week 1 Cor. 16. conclude as little for that purpose 11. Those places of Saint Paul Galat. 4.10 Colos 2.16 do prove invincibly that there is no Sabbath to be looked for 12. The first day of the week not called the Lords day until the end of this first Age and what that title adds unto it WE shewed you in the former Book what did occur about the Sabbath from the Creation of the World to the destruction of the Temple which comprehended the full time of 4000 years and upwards in the opinion of the most and best Chronologers Now for five parts of eight of the time computed from the Creation to the Law being in all 2540 years and somewhat more there was no Sabbath known at all And for the fifteen hundred being the remainder it was not so observed by the Jews themselves as if it had been any part of the Law of Nature but sometimes kept and sometimes broken either according as mens private businesses or the affairs of the republick would give way unto it Never such conscience made thereof as of Adultery Murder Blasphemy or Idolatry no not when as the Scribes and Pharisees had most made it
his Book adv Psychicos About the middle of this Century did Saint Cyprian live another African and he hath left us somewhat although not much which concerns this business Aurelius one of excellent parts Lib. 2. Epist 5. was made a Reader in the Church I think of Carthage which being very welcome news to the common People Saint Cyprian makes it known unto them and withal lets them understand that Sunday was the day appointed for him to begin his Ministery Et quoniam semper gaudium properat nec mora ferre potest laetitia dominico legit So that as Sunday was a day which they used to meet on so reading of the Scripture was a special part of the Sundays exercise Not as an exercise to spend the time when one doth wait for anothers coming till the Assembly be compleat and that without or choice or stint appointed by determinate order as is now used both in the French and Belgick Churches for what need such an eminent man as Aurelius was be taken out with so much expectation to exercise the Clerks or the Sextons duty But it was used amongst them then as a chief portion of the service which they did to God in hearkening reverently unto his voice It being so ordered in the Church Preface to the Common Prayer that the whole Bible or the greatest part thereof should be read over once a year And this that so the Ministers of the Congregation by often reading and meditation of Gods Word be stirred up to godliness themselves and be the more able to exhort others by wholesome doctrine and to confute them that were Adversaries to the truth as that the People by daily hearing of the Scriptures should profit more and more in the knowledge of God and be the more inflamed with the love of his true Religion Now for the duties of the people on this day in the Congregation as they used formerly to hear the Word and receive the Sacraments Dâeru l. 5. c. 7. and to pour forth their souls to God in affectionate prayers So much about these times viz. in Ann. 237. it had been appointed by Pope Fabian that every man and woman should on the Lords day bring a quantity of bread and wine first to be offered on the Altar and then distributed in the Sacrament A thing that had been done before as of common course but now exacted as a duty for the neglect whereof Saint Cyprian chides with a rich Widdow of his time who neither brought her offering nor otherwise gave any thing to the Poor-mans Box and therefore did not keep the Lords day as she should have done De pietat Eleemos Locuples dives dominicum celebrare te credis quae Corbonam omnino non respicis quae in Dominicum here he means the Church sine sacrificio venis quae partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit sumis In after times this custom went away by little and little instead of which it was appointed by the Church and retained in ours that Bread and Wine for the Communion shall be provided by the Churchwardens at the charge of the Parish I should now leave Saint Cyprian here V. l. 3. Epi. 8. but that I am to tell you first that he conceives the Lords day to have been prefigured in the eighth day destinate to Circumcision Which being but a private opinion of his own I rather shall refer the Reader unto the place than repeat the words And this is all this Age affords me in the present search For other Holy-days instituted by the Church for Gods publick service in those three Centuries precedent besides the Lords day or the Sunday which came every week Origen names the Good Friday as we call it now the Parasceve as he calls it there Cont. Cels l. 8. the Feast of Easter and of Pentecost Of Easter we have spoken already For Pentecost or Whitsontide as it began with the Apostles so it continues till this present but not in that solemnity which before it had For antiently not that day only which we call Whitsunday or Pentecost ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but all the fifty days from Easter forwards were accounted holy and solemnized with no less observation than the Sundays were no kneeling on the one nor upon the other no fasting on the one nor upon the other Of which days that of the Ascension or Holy-Thursday being one became in little time to be more highly reckoned of than all the rest as we shall prove hereafter out of S. Austin But for these 50 days aforesaid Tertullian tells us of them thus De Coron milit ca. 3. Die Dominico jejunium nefas ducimus vel de geniculis adorare Eadem immunitate à die Paschae in Pentecosten gaudemus which makes both alike Which words if any think too short to reach the point he tells us in another place that all the Festivals of the Gentiles contained not so many days as did that one Excerpe singulas solennitates nationum in ordinem texe De Ido l. c. 14. Pentecosten implere non poterunt The like he hath also in his Book adv Psychicos The like Saint Hierom. ad Lucinum the like Saint Ambrose or Maximus Taurinens which of the two soever it was that made those Sermons Serm. 60.61 In which last it is said expresly of those fifty days that every one of them was instar Dominicae and qualis est Dominica in all respects nothing inferior to the Lords day And in the Comment on Saint Luke which questionless was writ by Ambrose cap. 17. l. 8. it is said expresly Et sunt omnes dies tanquam Dominica That every day of all the fifty was to be reckoned of no otherwise in that regard especially than the Sunday was Some footsteps of this custom yet remain amongst us in that we fast not either on S. Marks Eve or on the Eve of Philip and Jacob happening within the time The fast of the Rogation week was after instituted on a particular and extraordinary occasion Now as these Festivals of Easter and of Whitsontide were instituted in the first Age or Century and with them those two days attendant which we still retain whereof see Austin de Civit. Dei li. 22. ca. 8. Nyssen in his first Hom. de Paschate where Easter is expresly called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or the three-days-feast So was the Feast of Christs Nativity ordained or instituted in the second that of his Incarnation in the third For this we have an Homily of Gregory surnamed Thaumaturgus who lived in An. 230. entituled De annunciatione B. Virginis as we call it now But being it is questionable among the Learned whether that Homily be his or not there is an Homily of Athanasius on the self same argument he lived in the beginning of the following Century whereof there is no question to be made at all That of the Lords Nativity began if not before in the
ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in his own Language Catech. orat 7. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the morrow after the Lords day Cat. 14. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Catech. Mystag 2. The like is very frequent in Saint Ambrose also Hesterno die de fonte disputavimus De Sacram lib. 3. cap. 1. Hesternus noster sermo ad sancti altaris sacramentum deductus est lib. 5. cap. 1. and in other places The like in Chrysostom as in many other places too many to be pointed at in this place and time so in his 18. Hom. on the 3d of Gen. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. But this perhaps was only in respect of Lectures or Expositions of the Scriptures such as were often used in the greater Cities where there was much people and but little business for I conceive not that they met every day in these times to receive the Sacraments Epl. 289. Of Wednesday and of Friday it is plain they did not to say any thing of the Saturday till the next Section Saint Basil names them all together ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. It is saith he a profitable and pious thing every day to communicate and to participate of the blessed Body and Blood of Christ our Saviour he having told us in plain terms that Whosoever eateth his flesh and drinketh his blood hath eternal life We notwithstanding do communicate but four times weekly ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã viz. on the Lords day the Wednesday the Friday and the Saturday unless on any other days the memory of some Martyr be perhaps observed Expos fid Cath. 21.22 Epiphanius goeth a little farther andn he deriveth the Wednesdays and the Fridays Service even from the Apostles ranking them in the same Antiquity and grounding them upon the same Authority that he doth the Sunday ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Only it seems the difference was that whereas formerly it had been the custom not to administer the Sacrament on these two days being both of them fasting-days and so accounted long before until towards Evening It had been changed of late and they did celebrate in the Mornings ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as on the Lords day was accustomed Whether the meeting on these days were of such Antiquity as Epiphanius saith they were I will not meddle Certain it is that they were very antient in the Church of God as may appear by that of Origen and Tertullian before remembred So that if we consider either the preaching of the Word the ministration of the Sacraments or the publick Prayers the Sunday in the Eastern Churches had no great prerogative above other days especially above the Wednesday and Friday save that the meetings were more solemn and the concourse of people greater than at other times as it is most likely The footsteps of this ancient custom are yet to be observed in this Church of England by which it is appointed that on Wednesdays and Fridays weekly Can. 15. though they be not holy days the Minister at the accustomed hours of Service shall resort to Church and say the Letany prescribed in the Book of Common-prayer As for the Saturday that retained its wonted credit in the Eastern Church little inferiour to the Lords day if not plainly equal not as a Sabbath think not so but as a day designed unto sacred meetings The Constitutions of the Apostles said to be writ by Clemens one of Saint Peters first successours in the Church of Rome appoint both days to be observed as solemn Festivals both of them to be days of rest that so the servant might have time to repair unto the Church Lib. 8. c. 33. for this Edification ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So the Constitution Not that they should devote them wholly unto rest from labour but only those set times of both which were appointed for the meetings of the Congregation Yet this had an exception too the Saturday before Easter day Lib. 1. cap. 19. whereupon Christ rested in the Grave being exempt from these Assemblies and destinated only unto grief and fasting And though these Constitutions in all likelihood were not writ by Clemens there being many things therein which could not be in use of a long time after yet ancient sure they were as being mentioned in Epiphanius De Scrip. Ecc. in Clemente and as the Cardinal confesseth à Graecis veteribus magni factos much made of by the ancient Grecians though not of such authority in the Church of Rome How their authority in this point is countenanced by Ignatius we have seen already and we shall see the same more fully throughout all this Age. Can. 16. And first beginning with the Synod held in Laodicea a Town of Phrygia Anno 314. there passed a Canon ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã touching the reading of the Gospels with the other Scriptures upon the Saturday or Sabbath Canon 49. that in the time of Lent there should be no oblation made ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but on the Saturday and the Lords day only neither that any Festival should be then observed in memory of any Martyrs Canon 51. but that their names only should be commemorated ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã upon the Lords day and the Sabbaths Nor was this only the particular will of those two and thirty Prelates that there assembled it was the practice too of the Alexandrians S. Athanasius Patriarch there affirms that they assembled on the Sabbath days not that they were infected any whit with Judaism which was far from them Homil de Semente but that they came together on the Sabbath day to worship Jesus Christ the Lord of the Sabbath ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as the Father hath it So for the Church of Millain which as before I said in some certain things followed the Churches of the East it seems the Saturday was held in a fair esteem and joyned together with the Sunday Crastino die Sabbato De Sacrament Lib. 4. cap. 6. dominice de orationis ordine dicemus as S. Ambrose hath it And probably his often mention of hesternus dies remembred in the former Section may have relation to the joynt observance of these two days and so may that which is reported then out of S. Chrysostom and S. Cyril Eastern Doctors both Hist Eccles Lib. 6. cap. 8. Sure I am Socrates counts both days for weekly Festivals ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that on them both the Congregation used to be assembled and the whole Liturgy performed Which plainly shews that in the practice of those Churches they were both regarded both alike observed Gregory Nyssen speaks more home and unto the purpose Some of the People had neglected to come unto the Church upon the Saturday and on the Sunday he thus chides and rebukes them for it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. With what face saith the Father wilt thou look upon the lords day De Castigatione which hast dishonoured the
Musick used in the Congregation it grew more exquisite in these times than it had been formerly that which before was only a melodious kind of pronunciation being now ordered into a more exact and artificial Harmony This change was principally occasioned by a Canon of the Council of Laodicea in the first entrance of this Age. For where before it was permitted unto all promiscuously to sing in the Church it was observed that in such dissonancy of Voices and most of them unskilful in the notes of Musick there was no small jarring and unpleasant sounds This Council thereupon ordained Conc. Laodic Can. 15. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that none should sing hereafter in the Congregation but such as were Canonically appointed to it and skilful in it By means whereof before the shutting up of this fourth Century the Musick of the Church became very perfect and harmonious suavi artificiosa voce cantata Confess l. 10. cap. 33. as St. Austin tells us So perfect and harmonious that it did work exceedingly on the affections of the Hearers and did movere animos ardentius in flammam pietatis inflame their minds with a more lively flame of Piety taking them Prisoners by the ears and so conducting them unto the glories of Gods Kingdom Ibid. Saint Austin attributes a great cause of Conversion to the power thereof calling to mind those frequent tears quas fudi ad cantus Ecclesiae tuae which had been drawn from him by this sacred Musick by which his soul was humbled and his affections raised to an height of godliness The like he also tells us in his ninth Book of Confessions and sixth Chapter Nor doubt we but it did produce the same effect on divers others who coming to the Churches as he then did to be partakers of the Musick return'd prepared in mind and well disposed in their intentions to be converted unto God Now that the Church might be frequented at the times appointed and so all secret Conventicles stopped in these divided times wherein so many Heresies did domineer and that the itching ears of men might not persuade them to such Churches where God had not placed them so to discourage their own proper Minister it pleased the Fathers in the Council of Saragossa Anno 368. âan 2. or thereabouts to decree it thus First Ne latibulis cubiculorum montium habitent qui in suspicionibus perseverent that none who were suspected of Priscillianism which was the humour that then reigned should lurk in secret corners either in Houses or in Hills but follow the example and direction of the Priests of God And secondly ad alienas villas agendorum conventuum causa non conveniant that none should go to other places under pretence of joyning there to the Assembly but keep themselves unto their own Which prudent Constitutions upon the self-same pious grounds are still preserved amongst us in the Church of England Thus do we see upon what grounds the Lords day stands on custom first and voluntary consecration of it to religious Meetings that custom countenanced by the Authority of the Church of God which tacitely approved the same and finally confirmed and ratified by Christian Princes throughout their Empires And as the day so rest from Labours and restraint from Business upon that day received its greatest strength from the supream Magistrate as long as he reteined that Power which to him belonged as after from the Canons and decrees of Councils the Decretals of Popes and Orders of particular Prelates when the sole managing of Ecclesiastical affairs was committed to them I hope it was not so with the former Sabbath which neither took original from custom that people being not so forward to give God a day nor required any countenance or authority from the Kings of Israel to confirm and ratifie it The Lord had spoken the word that he would have one day in seven precisely the seventh day from the Worlds Creation to be a day of rest unto all his people which said there was no more to do but gladly to submit and obey his pleasure nec quicquam reliquum erat praeter obsequii gloriam in the greatest Prince And this done all at once not by degrees by little and little as he could see the people affected to it or as he found it fittest for them like a probation Law made to continue till the next Session and then on further liking to hold good for ever but by a plain and peremptory Order that it should be so without further trial But thus it was not done in our present Business The Lords day had no such command that it should be sanctified but was left plainly to Gods people to pitch on this or any other for the publick use And being taken up amongst them and made a day of meeting in the Congregation for religious Exercises yet for 300 years there was neither Law to bind them to it nor any rest from labour or from worldly businesses required upon it And when it seemed good unto Christian Princes the nursing Fathers of Gods Church to lay restraints upon their people yet at the first they were not general but only thus that certain men in cetrain places should lay aside their ordinary and daily works to attend Gods service in the Church those whose employments were most toilsome and most repugnant to the true nature of a Sabbath being allowed to follow and pursue their labours because most necessary to the Common-wealth And in following times when as the Prince and Prelate in their several places indeavoured to restrain them from that also which formerly they had permitted and interdicted almost all kind of bodily labour upon that day it was not brought about without much strugling and on opposition of the People more than a thousand years being past after Christs Ascension before the Lords day had attained that state in which now it standeth as will appear at full in the following story And being brought unto that state wherein now it stands it doth not stand so firmly and on such sure grounds but that those powers which raised it up may take it lower if they please yea take it quite away as unto the time and settle it on any other day as to them seems best which is the doctrine of some School-men and divers Protestant Writers of great name and credit in the world A power which no man will presume to say was ever challenged by the Jews over the Sabbath Besides all things are plainly contrary in these two days as to the purpose and intent of the Institution For in the Sabbath that which was principally aimed at was rest from labour that neither they nor any that belonged unto them should do any manner of work upon that day but sit still and rest themselves Their meditating on Gods Word or on his goodness manifested in the worlds Creation was to that an accessory and as for reading of
especially appointed for the same are called Holy days Rot for the matter or the nature either of the time or day c. for to all days and times are of like holiness but for the nature and condition of such holy works c. whereunto such times and days are sanctified and hallowed that is to say separated from all prophane uses and dedicated not unto any Saint or Creature but only unto God and his true worship Neither is it to be thought that there is any certain time or definitive number of days prescribed in holy Scripture but the appointment both of the time and also of the number of days is left by the authority of Gods Word unto the liberty of Christs Church to be determined and assigned orderly in every Countrey by the discretion of the Rulers and Ministers thereof as they shall judg most expedient to the true setting forth of Gods glory and edification of their people Nor is it to be thought that all this Preamble was made in reference to the Holy days or Saints days only whose being left to the authority of the Church was never questioned but in relation to the Lords day also as by the Act it self doth at full appear for so it followeth in the Act Be it therefore enacted c. That all the days hereafter mentioned shall be kept and commanded to be kept Holy days and none other that is to say all Sundays in the Year the Feasts of the Circumcision of our Lord Jesus Christ of the Epiphanie of the Purification with all the rest now kept and there named particularly and that none other day shall be kept and commanded to be kept holy day and to abstain from lawful bodily labour Nay which is more there is a further Clause in the self-same Act which plainly shews that they had no such thought of the Lords day as that it was a Sabbath or so to be observed as the Sabbath was and therefore did provide it and enact by the Authority aforesaid a bat it shall be lawful to every Husbandman Labourer Fisherman and to all and every other person or persons of what estate degree or condition be or they he upon the holy days aforesaid in Harvest or at any other times in the year when necessity shall so require to labour ride fish or work any kind of work at their free-wills and pleasure any thing in this Act unto the contrary notwithstanding This is the total of this Act which if examined well as it ought to be will yield us all those propositions or conclusions before remembred which we collected from the writings of those three particular Martyrs Nor is it to be said that it is repealed and of no Authority Repealed indeed it was in the first year of Queen Mary and stood repealed in Law though otherwise in use and practice all the long Reign of Queen Elizabeth but in the first year of King James was revived again Note here that in the self-same Parliament the Common prayer-Prayer-Book now in use being reviewed by many godly Prelates was confirmed and authorized wherein so much of the said Act as doth concern the Names and Number of the Holy days is expressed and as it were incorporate into the same Which makes it manifest that in the purpose of the Church the Sunday was no otherwise esteemed of than another Holy day This Statute as before we said was made in Anno 5. 6. of Edward the sixth And in that very Parliament as before we said the Common-Prayer-Book was confirmed which still remains in use amongst us save that there was an alteration or addition of certain Lessons to be used on every Sunday of the Year 1 Eliz. cap. 2. the form of the Letany altered and corrected and two Sentences added in the delivery of the Sacrament unto the Communicants Now in this Common Prayer-Book thus confirmed in the fifth and sixth years of King Edward the sixth Cap. 1. it pleased those that had the altering and revising of it that the Commandments which were not in the former Liturgy allowed of in the second of the said Kings Reign should now be added and accounted as a part of this the people being willed to say after the end of each Commandment Lord have mercy upon us and incline our hearts to keep this Law Which being used accordingly as well upon the hearing of the fourth Commandment as of any others hath given some men a colour to persuade themselves that certainly it was the meaning of the Church that we should keep a Sabbath still though the day be changed and that we are obliged to do it by the fourth Commandment Assuredly they who so conclude conclude against the meaning of the Book and of them that made it Against the meaning of the Book for if the Book had so intended that that Ejaculation was to be understood in a literal sence according as the words are laid down in terminis it then must be the meaning of the Book that we should pray unto the Lord to keep the Sabbath of the Jews even the seventh day precisely from the Worlds Creation and keep it in the self-same manner as the Jews once did which no man I presume will say was the meaning of it For of the changing of the day there is nothing said nor nothing intimated but the whole Law laid down in terminis as the Lord delivered it Against the meaning also of them that made it for they that made the Book and reviewed it afterwards and caused these Passages and Prayers to be added to it Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury Ridley Bishop of London and certain others of the Prelates then and there assembled were the same men by whose advice and counsel the Act before remembred about keeping Holy days was in the self-same Parliament drawn up and perfected And is it possible we should conceive so ill of those reverend persons as that they would erect a Sabbath in the one Act and beat it down so totally in the other to tell us in the Service-Book that we are bound to keep a Sabbath and that the time and day of Gods publick Worship is either pointed out in the fourth Commandment or otherwise ordained by Divine Authority and in the self-same breath to tell us that there is neither certain time nor definite number of days prescribed in Scripture but all this left unto the liberty of the Church I say as formerly I said it is impossible we should think so ill of such Reverend persons nor do I think that any will so think hereafter when they have once considered the non sequitur of their own Conclusions As for the Prayer there used we may thus expound it according to the doctrine and the practice both of those very times viz. that their intent and meaning was to teach the people to pray unto the Lord to incline their hearts to keep that Law as far as it contained the Law of Nature and had been
entertained in the Christian Church as also to have mercy on them for the neglect thereof in those Holy days which by the wisdom and authority of the Church had been set apart for Gods publick Service Besides this Prayer was then conceived when there was no suspition that any would make use thereof to introduce a Jewish Sabbath but when men rather were inclined to the contrary errour to take away those certain and appointed times Lords days and other Holy days which by the wisdom of the Church had been retained in the Reformation The Anabaptists were strongly bent that way as before we shewed and if we look into the Articles of our Church See Art 26.37 38 39. we shall then find what special care was taken to suppress their errours in other points which had taken footing as it seems in this Church and Kingdom Therefore the more likely it is that this Cluse was added to crush their furious fancies in this particular of not hallowing certain days and times to Gods publick Service Yet I conceive withal that had those Reverend Prelates foreseen how much their pious purpose would have been abused by wresting it to introduce a Sabbath which they never meant they would have cast their meaning in another mould Proceed we to the Reign of Queen Elizabeth that so much celebrated Princess and in the first place we shall meet with her Injunctions published the first year of her Empire in which the Sunday is not only counted with the other Holy days but labour at some times permitted and which is more enjoyn'd upon it For thus it pleased her to declare her will and pleasure Injunct 20. All the Queens faithful and loving Subjects shall from henceforth celebrate and keep their holy day according to Gods holy will and pleasure that is in hearing the Word of God read and taught in private and publick Prayers in knowledging their offences unto God and amendment of the same in reconciling of themselves charitably to their Neighbours where displeasure hath been in oftentimes receiving the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ in bistting the Poor and Sick using all soberness and godly conversation This seems to be severe enough but what followeth next Yet notwithstanding all Parsons Vicars and Curats shall teach and declare to their Parishioners that they may with a safe and quiet conscience after their Common Prayer in the time of Harvest labour upon the boly and Festival days and save that thing which God hath sent And if for any scrupulosity or grudg of Conscience men should superstitiously abstain from working on these days that then they should grievously offend and displease God This makes it evident that Qu. Elizabeth in her own particular took not the Lords day for a Sabbath or to be of a different nature from the other Holy days nor was it taken so by the whole Body of our Church and State in the first Parliament of her Reign 1 Eliz. c. 2. what time it was enacted That all and every person and persons inhabiting within this Realm and any other the Queens Dominious shall diligently and faithfully having no lawful or reasonable excuse to be absent endeavour themselves to resort to their Parish Church or Chappel accustomed or upon reasonable let thereof to some usual place where Common Prayer shall be used in such time of let upon every Sunday and other days ordained and used to be kept as Holy day and then and there to abide orderly and soverly During the time of Common Prayer Preaching or other Service of God upon pain of punishment c. This Law is still in force and still like to be and by this Law the Sundays and the Holy days are alike regarded Nor by the Law only but by the purpose and intent of holy Church who in her publick Liturgy is as full and large for every one of the Holy days as for the Sunday the Letany excepted only For otherwise by the rule and prescript thereof the same Religious Offices are designed for both the same devout attendance required for both and whatsoever else may make both equal And therefore by this Statute and the Common prayer-Prayer-Book we are to keep more Sabbaths than the Lords Day Sabbath or else none at all Next look we on the Homilies part of the publick Monuments of the Church of England set forth and authorized Anno 1562. being the fourth of that Queens Reign In that entituled Of the place and time of Prayer we shall find it thus As concerning the Time in which God hath appointed his people to assemble together solemnly it doth appear by the fourth Commandment c. And Albeit this Commandment of God doth noâ hind Christian people so straitly to observe and keep the utter ceremonies of the Sabbath day as it did the Jews as touching the forbearing of work and labour in the time of great necessity and as thouching the precise keeping of the seventh Day after the manner of the Jews for we keep now the first day which is our Sunday and make that our Sabbath that is our day of rest in honour of our Saviour Christ who as upon that day he rose from death conquering the same most triumphantly Yet notwithstanding whatsoever is found in the Comandment appertaining to the Law of Nature as a thing most godly most just and needful for the setting forth of Gods glory ought to be retained and kept of all good Christian people And therefore by this Commandment we ought to have a time as one day in the week wherein we ought to rest yea from our lawful and needful words For like as it appeareth by this Commandment that no man in the six days ought to be slothful and idle but diligently to labour in that state wherein God hath set him even so God hath given express charge to all men that upon the Sabbath day which is now our Sunday they should cease from all weekly and work-day labour to the intent that like as God ãâã wrought six days and rested the seventh and blessed and sanctified it and consecrated it to quietness and rest from labour even so Gods obedient people should use the Sunday Holily and rest from their common and daily business and aisa give themselves wholly to Heavenly exercises of Gods true religion and service âo that God doth not only command the observation of this holy day but also by his own example doth stir and provoke us to the diligent keeping of the same c. Thus it may plainly appear that Gods will and Commandment was to have a solemn time and standing day in the week Wherein the people should come together and have in remembrance his wonderful benefits and to render him thank 's for them an appertaineth to loving kind and obedient people This example and Commandment of God the godly Christian people began to follow imâediately after the Ascension of our Lord Christ and began to choose them a standing day of
appointed by the Church for the assembly of Gods people we should lay by our daily business and all worldly thoughts and wholly give our selves to the heavenly exercises of Gods true Religion and Service But to encounter them at their own weapon it is expresly said in the Act of Parliament about keeping Holy-days that on the days and times appointed as well the other Holy days as the Sunday Christians should cease from all kind of labour and only and wholly apply themselves to such holy works as appertain to true Religion the very same with that delivered in the Homily If wholly in the Homily must be applied unto the day then it must be there and then the Saints days and the other Holy-days must be wholly spent in religious exercises When once we see them do the one we will bethink our selves of doing the other As for the residue of that Homily which consists in popular reproofs and exhortations that concerns not us in reference to the point in hand The Homilies those parts thereof especially which tend to the correction of manners and reformation of abuses were made agreeable to those times wherein they were first published If in those times men made no difference between the Working-day and Holy-day ãâã kept their Fairs and Markets and bought and sold and rowed and ferried and drow and carried and rode and journeyed and did their other business on the Sunday as well as on the other days when there was no such need but that they might have tarried longer they were the more to blame no doubt in trespassing so wilfully against the Canons of the Church and Acts of Parliament which had restrained many of the things there specified The Homily did well to reprove them for it If on the other side they spent the day in ungodliness and filthiness in gluttony and drunkenness and such like other crying sins as are there particularly noted the Prelates of the Church had very ill discharged their duty had they not taken some course to have told them of it But what is that to us who do not spend the Lords day in such filthy fleshliness whatever one malicious sycophant hath affirmed therein or what is that to dancing shooting leaping vaulting may-games and meetings of good Neighbourhood or any other Recreation not by Law prohibited being no such ungodly and filthy acts as are therein mentioned Thus upon due search made and full examination of all parties we find no Lords day Sabbath in the book of Homilies no nor in any writings of particular men in more than 33 years after the Homilies were published I find indeed that in the year 1580 the Magistrates of the City of London obtained from Queen Elizabeth that Plays and Enterludes should no more be acted on the Sabbath-day within the liberties of their City As also that in 83. on the 14th of January being Sunday many were hurt and eight killed outright by the sudden falling of the Scaffolds in Paris-garden This shews that Enterludes and Bear-baitings were then permitted on the Sunday and so they were a long time after though not within the City of London which certainly had not been suffered had it been then conceived that Sunday was to be accounted for a Sabbath But in the year 1595. some of that faction which before had laboured with small profit to overthrow the Hierarchy and government of this Church of England now set themselves on work to ruinate all the orders of it to beat down at one blow all days and times which by the wisdom and authority of the Church had been appointed for Gods service and in the stead thereof to erect a Sabbath of their own devising These Sabbath speculations and Presbyterian directions as mine Author calls them they had been hammering more than ten years before thought they produced them not till now and in producing of them now they introduced saith he a more than cither Jewish or Popish superstition into the Land Rogers in preface to the Articles to the no small blemish of our Christian profession and scandal of the true servants of God and therewith doctrine most erroneous dangerous and Antichristian Of these the principal was one Dr. Bound who published first his Sabbath Doctrins Anno 1595. and after with additions to it and enlargements of it Anno 1606. Wherein he hath affirmed in general over all the book that the Commandment of sanctifying every seventh day as in the Mosaical decalogue is natural moral and perpetual That where all other things in the Jewish Church were so changed that they were clean taken away as the Priesthood the Sacrifices and the Sacraments this day the Sabbath was so changed that it still remaineth p. 91. that there is great reason why we Christians should take our selves as straitly bound to rest upon the Lords day as the Jews were upon their Sabbath for being one of the moral Commandments it bindeth us as well as them being all of equal authority p. 247. And for the Rest upon this day that it must be a notable and singular Rest and most careful exact and precise Rest after another manner than men were accustomed p. 124. Then for particulars no buying of Victuals Flesh or Fish Bread or Drink 158. no Carriers to travel on that day 160. nor Parkmen or Drovers 162. Scholars not to study the liberal Arts nor Lawyers to consult the Case and peruse mens Evidences 163. Sergeants Apparitours and Sumners to be restrained from executing their Offices 164. Justices not to examine Causes for preservation of the Peace 166. no man to travel on that day 192. that ringing of more Bells than one that day is not to be justified p. 202. No solemn Feasts to be made on it 206 nor Wedding Dinners 209. with a permission notwithstanding to Lords Knights and Gentlemen he hoped to find good welcome for this dispensation p. 211. all lawful Pleasures and honest Recreations as Shooting Fencing Bowling but Bowling by his leave is no lawful pleasure for all sorts of people which are permitted on other days were on this day to be forborne 202. no man to speak or talk of pleasures p. 272. or any other worldly matter 275. Most Magisterially determined indeed more like a Jewish Rabbin than a Christian Doctor Yet Jewish and Rabbinical though his Doctrin were it carried a fair face and shew of Piety at the least in the opinion of the common people and such who stood not to examine the true grounds thereof but took it up on the appearance such who did judge thereof not by the workmanship of the stuff but the gloss and colour In which it is most strange to see how âuddenly men were induced not only to give way unto it but without more ado to abett the same till in the end and that in very little time it grew the most bewitching Errour the most popular Deceit that ever had been set on foot in the Church of England And verily I persuade my self
that many an honest and well-meaning man both of the Clergy and the Laity either because of the appearance of the thing it self or out of some opinion of those men who first endeavoured to promote it became exceedingly affected towards the same as taking it to be a Doctrin sent down from Heaven for encrease of Piety So easily did they believe it and grew at last so strongly possessed therewith that in the end they would not willingly be persuaded to conceive otherwise thereof than at first they did or think they swallowed down the hook when they took the bait An hook indeed which had so fastned them to those men who love to fish in troubled waters that by this Artifice there was no small hope conceived amongst them to fortifie their side and make good that cause which till this trim Deceit was thought of was almost grown desperate Once I am sure that by this means the Brethren who before endeavoured to bring all Christian Kings and Princes under the yoke of their Presbyteries made little doubt to bring them under the command of their Sabbath Doctrines And though they failed of that applauded parity which they so much aimed at in the advancing of their Elderships yet hoped they without more ado to bring all higher Powers whatever into an equal rank with the common people in the observance of their Jewish Sabbatarian rigours So Doctor Bound declares himself pag. 171. The Magistrate saith he and Governours in authority how High soever cannot take any priviledg to himself whereby he might be occupied about worldly business when other men should rest from labour It seems they hoped to see the greatest Kings and Princes make suit unto their Consistory for a Dispensation as often as the great Affairs of State or what cause soever induced them otherwise to spend that Day or any part or parcel of it than by the new Sabbath Doctrine had been permitted For the endearing of the which as formerly to endear their Elderships they spared no place or Text of Scripture where the word Elder did occur and without going to the Heralds had framed a Pedigree thereof from Jethro from Noahs Ark and from Adam finally so did these men proceed in their new devices publishing out of holy Writ both the antiquity and authority of their Sabbath day No passage of Gods Book unransacked where there was mention of a Sabbath whether the legal Sabbath charged on the Jews or the spiritual Sabbath of the Soul from sin which was not fitted and applied to the present purpose though if examined as it ought with no better reason than Paveant illi non paveam ego was by an ignorant Priest alledged from Scripture to prove that his Parishioners ought to pave the Chancel Yet upon confidence of these proofs they did already begin to sing Victoria especially by reason of the enterteinment which the said Doctrines found with the common people For thus the Doctor boasts himself in his second Edition Anno 606. as before was said Many godly learned both in their Preachings Writings and Disputations did concur with him in that Argument and that the lives of many Christians in many places of the Kingdom were framed according to his Doctrine p. 61. Particularly in the Epistle to the Reader that within few years three several profitable Treatises successively were written by three godly learned Preachers Greenhams was one whoseever were the other two that in the mouth of two or three witnesses the Doctrine of the Sabbath might be established Egregiam verò laudem spolia ampla But whatsoever cause he had thus to boast himself in the success of his new Doctrines the Church I am sure had little cause to rejoyce thereat For what did follow hereupon but such monstrous Paradoxes and those delivered in the Pulpit as would make every good man tremble at the hearing of them First as my Author tells me it was preached at a Market Town in Oxfordshire that to do any servile work or business on the Lords day was as great a sin as to kill a man or commit adultery Secondly preached in Somersetshire that to throw a Bowl on the Lords day was as great a sin as to kill a man Thirdly in Norfolk that to make a Feast or dress a Wedding Dinner on the Lords day was as great a sin as for a Father to take a knife and cut his childs throat Fourthly in Suffolk that to ring more Bells than one on the Lords day was as great a sin as to commit Murder I add what once I heard my self at Sergeants Inn in Fleetstreet about five years since that temporal death was at this day to be inflicted by the Law of God on the Sabbath-breaker on him that on the Lords day did the works of his daily calling with a grave application unto my Masters of the Law that if they did their ordinary works on the Sabbath day in taking Fees and giving Counsel they should consider what they did deserve by the Law of God And certainly these and the like conclusions cannot but follow most directly on the former Principles For that the fourth Commandment be plainly moral obliging us as straitly as it did the Jews and that the Lords day be to be observed according to the prescript of that Commandment it must needs be that every wilful breach thereof is of no lower nature than Idolatry or blaspheming of the Name of GOD or any other deadly sin against the first Table and therefore questionless as great as Murder or Adultery or any sin against the second But to go forwards where I left my Author whom before I spake of being present when the Suffolk Minister was convented for his so lewd and impious Doctrine was the occasion that those Sabbatarian errours and impieties were first brought to light and to the knowledg of the State On which discovery as he tells us this good ensued that the said books of the Sabbath were called in and forbidden to be printed and made common Archbishop Whitguift by his Letters and Visitations did the one Anno 1599. and Sir John Popham Lord Chief Justice did the other Anno 1600. at Bury in Suffolk Good remedies indeed had they been soon enough applyed yet not so good as those which formerly were applied to Thacker and his fellow in the aforesaid Town of Bury for publishing the books of Brown against the service of the Church Nor was this all the fruit of so bad a Doctrine For by inculcating to the people these new Sabbath speculations teaching that that day only was of Gods appointment and all the rest observed in the Church of England a remnant of the will-worship in the Church of Rome the other holy days in this Church established were so shrewdly shaken that till this day they are not well recovered of the blow then given Nor came this on the by or besides their purpose but as a thing that specially was intended from the first beginning from
prescribed by the Church of England shewed plainly their dislike of those Sabbath Doctrines which had been lately set on foot to the dithonour of the Church and diminution of her authority in destinating other days to the service of God than their new Saint-Sabbath Yet did not this the Churches care either so satisfie their desires or restrain the follies of those men who had embraced the New Sabbath Doctrines but that they still went forwards to advance that business which was now made a part of the common cause no book being published by that party either by way of Catechism or Comment on the Ten Commandments or moral Piety or systematical Divinity of all which these last times have produced too many wherein the Sabbath was not pressed upon the consciences of Gods people with as much violence as formerly with authority upon the Jews And hereunto they were encouraged a great deal the rather because in Ireland what time his Majesties Commissioners were employed about the setling of that Church Anno 1615. there passed an Article which much confirmed them in their Courses and hath been often since alledged to justifie both them and their proceedings Art 56. The Article is this The first day of the week which is the Lords day is wholly to be dedicated to the service of God and therefore we are bound therein to rest from our common and daily business and to bestow that leisure upon holy Exercises both private and publick What moved his Majesties Commissioners to this strict austcrity that I cannot say but sure I am that till that time the Lords day never had attained such credit as to be thought an Article of the Faith though of some mens fancies Nor was it like to be of long continuance it was so violently followed the whole Book being now called in and in the place thereof the Articles of the Church of England confirmed by Parliament in that Kingdom Anno 1634. Nor was this all the fruit neither of such dangerous Doctrines that the Lords day was grown into the reputation of the Jewish Sabbath but some that built on their foundations and ploughed with no other than their Heifers endeavoured to bring back again the Jewish Sabbath as that which is expresly mentioned in the fourth Commandment and abrogate the Lords day for altogether as having no foundation in it nor warrant by it Of these one Thraske declared himself for such in King James his time and therewithal took up another Jewish Doctrine about Meats and Drinks as in the time of our dread Soveraign now being Theophilus Braborne grounding himself on the so much applauded Doctrine of the morality of the Sabbath maintained that the Jewish Sabbath ought to be observed and wrote a large Book in defence thereof which came into the World 1632. For which their Jewish doctrines the first received his censure in the Star-Chamber and what became of him I know not the other had his doom in the High-Commission and hath since altered his opinion being misguided only by the principles of some noted men to which he thought he might have trusted Of these I have here spoken together because the ground of their opinions so far as it concerned the Sabbath were the very same they only make the conclusions which of necessity must follow from the former premisses just as the Brownists did befoe when they abominated on the Communion of the Church of England on the Puritan principles But to proceed This of it self had been sufficient to bring all to ruin but this was not all Not only Judaism did begin but Popery took great occasion of increase by the preciseness of some Magistrates and Ministers in several places of this Kingdom in bindring people from their Recreations on the Sunday the Papists in this Realm being thereby persuaded that no honest Mirth or Recreation was tolerable in our Religion Which being noted by King James in his progress through Lancashire King James's Declarat it pleased his Majesty to set out his Declaration May 24. Anno 1618. the Court being then at Greenwich to this effect that for his good peoples lawful Recreations his pleasure was that after the end of Divine Service they should not be disturbed letted or discouraged from any lawful Recreations such as Dancing either Men or Women Archery for Men Leaping Vaulting or any other such harmless Recreations nor from having of May-games Whitsun-Ales or Morrice-dances and setting up of May-poles or other sports therewith used so as the same be had in due and cenvenient time without impediment or let of Divine Service and that Women should have leave to carry Rushes to the Church for the decoring of it atcording to their old custom withal prohibiting all unlawful Games to be used on the Sundays only as Bear-baiting Bull-baiting Enterludes and at all times in the meaner sort of people by Law prohibited Bowling A Declaration which occasioned much noise and clamour and many scandals spread abroad as if these Counsels had been put into that Princes head by some great Prelates which were then of most power about him But in that point they might have satisfied themselves that this was no Court-doctrine no New-divinity which that learned Prince had been taught in England He had declared himself before when he was King of the Scots only to the self-same purpose as may appear in his Basilicon Doron published Anno 1598. This was the first Blow in effect which had been given in all his time to the new Lords day Sabbath then so much applauded For howsoever as I said those who had entertained these Sabbatarian Principles spared neither care nor pains to advance the business by being instant in season and out of season by publick Writings private Preachings and clandestine insinuations or whatsoever other means might tend to the promotion of this Catholick Cause yet find we none that did oppose it in a publick way though there were many that disliked it only one Mr. Loe of the Church of Exeter declared himself in his Effigiatio veri Sabbatismi Anno 1606. to be of different judgment from them and did lay down indeed the truest and most justifiable Doctrine of the Sabbath of any Writer in that time But being written in the Latin Tongue it came not to the peoples hands many of those which understood it never meaning to let the people know the Contents thereof And whereas in the year 1603 at the Commencement held in Cambridg this Thesis or Proposition Dies Dominicus nititur Verbo Dei was publickly maintained by a Doctor there and by the then Vice-Chancellour so determined neither the following Doctors there or any in the other University that I can hear of did ever put up any Antithesis in opposition thereunto At last some four years after his Majesties Declaration before remembred Anno 1622. Doctor Prideaux his Majesties Professour for the University of Oxon did in the publick Act declare his judgment in this point de Sabbato
free him yet by his Doctrine of Predestination he hath laid such grounds as have involved his followers in the same guilt also For not content to travel a known and beaten way he must needs find out a way by himself which either the Dominicans nor any other of the followers of S. Augustine's rigors had found out before in making God to lay on Adam an unavoidable necessity of falling into sin and misery that so he might have opportunity to manifest his mercy in the electing of some few of his Posterity and his justice in the absolute rejecting of all the rest In which as he can find no Countenance from any of the Ancient Writers so he pretendeth not to any ground for it in the holy Scriptures For whereas some objected on Gods behalf De certis verbis non extare That the Decree of Adams Fall and consequently the involving of his whole Posterity in sin and misery had no foundation in the express words of Holy Writ Institut l. 3. c. 23. Sect. 7. he makes no other Answer to it than a quasi vero as if saith he God made and created man the most exact Piece of his Heavenly Workmanship without determining of his end And on this Point he was so resolutely bent that nothing but an absolute Decree for Adams Fall seconded by the like for the involving of all his Race in the same prediction would either serve his turn or preserve his Credit For whereas others had objected on Gods behalf that no such unavoidable necessity was laid upon man-kind by the will of God but rather that he was Created by God unto such a perishing estate because he foresaw to what his own perversness at the last would bring him He answereth that this Objection proves nothing at all or at least nothing to the purpose Calv. Institut lib. 3. cap. 23. sect 6. which said he tells us further out of Valla though otherwise not much versed as he there affirmeth in the holy Scriptures That this question seems to be superfluous because both Life and Death are rather the Acts of Gods Will than of his Prescience or fore-knowledge And then he adds as of his own that if God did but fore-see the successes of men and did not also dispose and order them by his Will then this Question should not without cause be moved Whether his fore-seeing any thing availed to the necessity of them âaâm ââ sect 7. But since saith he he doth no otherwise fore-see the things that shall come to pass than because he hath decreed that they should so come to pass it is in vain to move any Controversy about Gods fore-knowledge where it is certain that all things do happen rather by divine Ordinance and appointment Yet notwithstanding all these shifts he is forced to acknowledge the Decree of Adams Fall to be Horribile decretum a cruel and horrible Decree as indeed it is a cruel and horrible Decree to pre-ordain so many Millions to destruction and consequently unto sin that he might destroy them And then what can the wicked and impenitent do but ascribe all their sins to God by whose inevitable Will they are lost in Adam by whom they were particularly and personally necessitated to death and so by consequence to sin A Doctrine so injurious to God so destructive of Piety of such reproach amongst the Papists and so offensive to the Lutherans of what sort soever that they profess a greater readiness to fall back to Popery than to give way to this Predestinarian Pestilence by which name they call it to come in amongst them But howsoever having so great a Founder as Calvin was it came to be generally entertained in all the Churches of his Plat-form strongly opposed by Sebastian Castellino in Geneva it self but the poor man so despightfully handled both by him and Beza who followed him in all and went beyond him in some of his Devises that they never left pursuing him with complaints and clamours till they had first cast him out of the City and at the last brought him to his Grave The terrour of which example and the great name which Calvin had attained unto not only by his diligent Preaching but also by his laborious Writings in the eye of the World As it confirmed his power at home so did it make his Doctrines the more acceptable and esteemed abroad More generally diffused and more pertinaciously adhered unto in all those Churches which either had received the Genevian Discipline or whose Divines did most industriously labour to advance the same By means whereof it came to pass as one well observeth That of what account the Master of the Sentences was in the Church of Rome Hooker in eccle Pol. Pres p. 9. the same and more amongst the Preachers of the Reformed Churches Calvin had purchased so that they were deemed to be the most perfect Divines who were most skilful in his Writings His Books almost the very Canon by which both Doctrine and Discipline were to be judged The French Churches both under others abroad or at home in their own Country all cast according to the Mold which he had made The Church of Scotland in erecting the Fabrick of their own Reformation took the self same pattern Receive not long after in the Palatine Churches and in those of the Netherlands In all which as his Doctrine made way to bring in the Discipline so was it no hard matter for the Discipline to support the Doctrine and crush all those who durst oppose it Only it was permitted unto Beza and his Disciples to be somewhat wilder than the rest in placing the Decree of Predestination before the Fall which Calvin himself had more rightly placed in Massa corrupta in the corrupted Mass of Man-kind and the more moderate Calvinians as rightly presuppose for a matter necessary before there could be any place for the Election or Reprobation of particular persons But being they concurred with the rest as to the personal Election or Reprobation of particular persons the restraining of the Benefit of our Saviours sufferings to those few particulars whom only they had honoured with the glorious name of the Elect the working on them by the irresistible powers of Grace in the Act of Conversion and bringing them infallibly by the continual assistance of the said Grace unto life everlasting there was hardly any notice taken of thier Deviation they being scarce beheld in the condition of erring brethren though they differed from them in the main fountain which they built upon but passing under the name of Calvinists as they thus did And though such of the Divines of the Belgick Churches as were of the old Lutheran stock were better affected unto the Melancthonian Doctrine of Predestination than to that of Calvin yet knowing how pretious the name and memory of Calvin was held amongst them or being unwilling to fall foul upon one another they suffered his Opinions to prevail without opposition And so
Among which those of the Calvinian party would fain hook in Wicklif together with Fryth Barns and Tyndal which can by no means be brought under that account though some of them deserved well of the Churches for the times they lived in They that desire to hook in Wicklif do first confess that he stands accused by those of the Church of Rome for bringing in Fatal Necessity and making God the Author of sin and then conclude that therefore it may be made a probable guess that there was no disagreement between him and Calvin The cause of which Argument stands thus That there being an agreement in these points betwixt Wicklif and Calvin and the Reformers of our Church embracing the Doctrines of Wicklif therefore they must embrace the Doctrines of Calvin also But first it cannot be made good that our Reformers embraced the Doctrines of Wicklif or had any eye upon the man who though he held many points against those of Rome yet had his field more Tares than Wheat his Books more Heterodoxies than sound Catholick Doctrine And secondly admitting this Argument to be of any force in the present case it will as warrantably serve for all the Sects and Heresies which now swarm amongst us as well as for that of Calvin Wicklif affording them the grounds of their several dotages though possibly they are not so well studied in their own concernments For they who consult the works of Thomas Waldensis or the Historia Wicklifiana writ by Harpsfield will tell us that Wicklif amongst many other errours maintained these that follow 1. That the Sacrament of the Altar is nothing else but a piece of Bread 2. That Priests have no more Authority to minister Sacraments than Lay-men have 3. That all things ought to be common 4. That it is as lawful to Christen a Child in a Tub of water at home or in a Ditch by the way as in a Font-stone in the Churches 5. That it is as lawful at all times to confess unto a Lay-man as to a Priest 6. That it is not necessary or profitable to have any Church or Chappel to pray in or to do any Divine Service in 7. That burying in Church-yards is unprofitable and in vain 8. That Holy-days ordained and instituted by the Church and taking the Lords day in for one are not to be observed and kept in reverence inasmuch as all days are alike 9. That it is sufficient and enough to believe though a man do no good works at all 10. That no Humane Laws or Constitutions do oblige a Christian 11. And finally That God never gave grace nor knowledge to a great person or rich man and that they in no wise follow the same What Anabaptists Brownists Ranters Quakers may not as well pretend that our first Reformers were of their Religion as the Calivinsts can if Wicklifs Doctrine be the rule of our Reformation Which because possibly it may obtain the less belief if they were found only in the works of Harpsfield and Waldensis before remembred the Reader may look for them in the Catalogue of those Mala Dogmata complained of by the Prolocutor in the Convocation Anno 1536. to have been publickly preached printed and professed by some of Wicklifs Followers for which consult the Church History lib. 4. fol. 208. and there he shall be sure to find them It is alledged in the next place that the Calvinistical Doctrines in these points may be found in the Writings of John Frith William Tyndal and Dr. Barns collected into one Volume and printed by John Day 1563. of which the first suffered-death for his conscience Anno 1533. the second Anno 1536. and the third Anno 1540 called therefore by Mr. Fox in a Preface of his before the Book the Ring-leaders of the Church of England And thereupon it is inferred that the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination must be the same with that which was embraced and countenanced by the first Reformers But first admitting that they speak as much in honour of Calvins Doctrine as can be possibly desired yet being of different judgments in the points disputed and not so Orthodox in all others as might make them any way considerable in the Reformation it is not to be thought that either their Writings or Opinions should be looked on by us for our direction in this case Barns was directly a Dominican in point of Doctrine Frith soared so high upon the Wing and quite out-flew the mark that Tyndal thought it not unfit to call him down and lure him back unto his pearch and as for Tyndal he declares himself with such care and caution excepting one of his fllyings out against Free-will that nothing to their purpose can be gathered from him Secondly I do not look on Mr. Fox as a competent Judge in matters which concern the Church of England the Articles of whose Confession he refused to subscribe he being thereunto required by Archbishop Parker and therefore Tyndal Frith and Barns not to be hearkned to the more for his commendation Thirdly if the testimony of Frith and Tyndal be of any force for defence of the Calvinists the Anti-Sabbatarians any more justly make use of of it in defence of themselves against the new Sabbath speculations of Dr. Bond and his Adherents embraced more passionately of late than any Article of Religion here by Law established Of which the first declares the Lords day to be no other than an Ecclesiastical Institution or Church Ordinance the last that it is still changeable from one day to another if the Church so please For which consult the Hist of Sab. l. 2. c. 8. Let Frith and Tyndal be admitted as sufficient Witnesses when they speak against the new Sabbath Doctrines or not admitted when they speak in behalf of Calvins and then I am sure his followers will lose more on the one side than they gained on the other and will prove one of the crossest bargains to them which they over made And then it is in the fourth place to be observed that the greatest Treasury of Learning which those and the Famerlines could boast of was lock'd up in the Cloisters of the Begging Fryers of which the Franciscans were accounted the most nimble Disputants the Dominicans the most diligent and painful Preachers the Augustinians for the most part siding wit the one and the Carmelites or White Fryers joyning with the other so that admitting Frith and Tyndal to maintain the same Doctrine in these points which afterwards was held forth by Calvin yet possibly they maintained them not as any points of Protestant Doctrine in opposition to the errours of the Church of Rome which had not then declared it self on either side but as the received Opinion of the Dominican Fryers in opposition to the Franciscans The Doctrine of which Dominican Fryers by reason of their diligent preaching had met with more plausible entertainment not only amongst the inferiour fort of people but also amongst many others of parts and
Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Ridley Bishop Hooper c. 9. The Doctrine delivered in the Book of Articles touching the five controverted points 10. An answer to the Objection against these Articles for the supposed want of Authority in the making of them 11. An Objection against King Edwards Catechism mistaken for an Objection against the Articles refelled as that Catechism by John Philpot Martyr and of the delegating of some powers by that Convocation to a choice Committee 12. The Articles not drawn up in comprehensive or ambiguous terms to please all parties but to be understood in the respective literal and Grammatical sense and the Reasons why I Have the longer stood upon the answering of this Objection to satisfie and prevent all others of the like condition in case it should be found on a further search that any of our godly Martyrs or learned Writers who either suffered death before the Reign of Edward VI. or had no hand in the carrying on of the Reformation embraced any opinions in Doctrine or Discipline contrary to the established Rules of the Church of England For otherwise as we must admit all Tyndals Heterodoxies and Friths high flying conceits of Predestination which before we touch'd at so must we also allow a Parity or an Identity rather in Priests and Bishops because John Lambert another of our Godly Martyrs did conceive so of it In the primitive Church saith he there were no more Officers in the Church of God than Bishops and Deacons that is to say Ministers as witnesseth beside Scripture S. Hierom in his Commentaries on the Epistles of S. Paul Whereas saith he that those whom we now call Priests were all one and no other but Bishops and the Bishops no other but Priests men ancient both in age and learning so near as could be chosen nor were they instituted and chosen as they be now a days the Bishop and his Officer only opposing them whether they can construe a Collect but they were chosen also with the consent of the people amongst whom they were to have their living as sheweth S. Cyprian But alack for pity such elections are banished and new fashions brought in By which opinion if it might have served or a Rule to the Reformation our Bishops must have been reduced to the rank of Priests and the right of Presentation put into the hands of the people to the Destruction of all the Patrons in the Kingdom If then the question should be asked as perhaps it may On whom or on whose judgment the hrst Reformers most relied in the weighty business I answer negatively First That they had no respect of Calvin no more than to the judgement of Wicklef Tyndal Barns or Frith whose offered assistance they refused when they went about it of which he sensibly complained unto some of his friends as appears by one of his Epistles I answer next affirmatively in the words of an Act of Parliament 2. 3. Edw. 6. where it is said That they had an eye in the first place to the more pure and sincere Christian Religion taught in the Scriptures and in the next place to the usages of the Primitive Church Being satisfied in both which ways they had thirdly a more particular respect to the Lutheran Plat-forms the English Confession or Book of Articles being taken in many places word for word out of that of Ausberg and a conformity maintained with the Lutheran Churches in Rites and Ceremonies as namely in kneeling at the Communion the Cross in Baptism the retaining of all the ancient Festivals the reading of the Epistles and Gospels on Sundays and Holy-days and generally in the whole Form of External Worship Fourthy in reference to the points disputed they ascribed much to the Authority of Melancthon not undeservedly called the Phoenix of Germany whose assistance they earnestly desired whose coming over they expected who was as graciously invited hither by King Edward the Sixth Regiis literis in Angliam vocari as himself affirms in an Epistle to Camerarius His coming laid aside upon the fall of the Duke of Sommerset and therefore since they could not have his company they made use of his writings for their direction in such points of Doctrine in which they though it necessary for the Church to declare her judgment I observe finally That as they attributed much to the particulars to the Authority of Melancthon so they ascribe no less therein unto that of Erasmus once Reader of the Greek Tongue in Cambridge and afterwards one of the Professors of Divinity there whose Paraphrases on the four Evangelists being translated into English were ordered to be kept in Churches for the use of the People and that they owned the Epistles to be studied by all such as had cure of souls Concerning which it was commanded by the injunctions of King Edward VI. published by the advice of the Lord Protector Somerset and the Privy Council Acts and Mon. fol. 1181. in the first year of the said Kings Reign 1. That they should see provided in some most convenient and open place of every Church one great Bible in English with the Paraphrase of Erasmus in English that the People might reverently without any let read and hear the same at such time as they listed and not to be inhibited therefrom by the Parson or Curate but rather to be the more encouraged and provoked thereunto And 2. That every Priest under the degree of a Batchellour of Divinity should have of his own one New Testament in English and Latine with the Paraphrases of Erasmus upon the same and should diligently read and study thereupon and should collect and keep in memory all such comfortable places of the Scripture as do set forth the Mercy Benefits and Goodness of Almighty God towards all penitent and believing persons that they might thereby comfort their flock in all danger of death despair or trouble of Conscience and that therefore every Bishop in their Institution should from time to time try and examine them how they have profited in their studies A course and care not likely to have entred into the thoughts of the Lord Protector or any of the Lords of the Council if it had not been advised by some of the Bishops who then began to have an eye on the Reformation which soon after followed and as unlikely to be counselled and advised by them had they intended to advance any other Doctrine than what was countenanced in the Writings of that Learned man Whereupon I conclude the Doctrine of the points disputed to be the true and genuine Doctrine of the Church of England which comes most near to the plain sense of holy Scripture the general current of the Fathers in the Primitive times the famous Augustane Confession the Writings of Melancthon and the Works of Erasmus To which Conclusion I shall stand till I find my self encountred by some stronger Argument to remove me from it The ground thus laid I shall proceed unto the Reformation
which was built upon it first taking in my way some necessary preparations made unto it by H. 8. by whom it had been ordered in the year 1536. That the Creed the Lords Prayer and the Ten Commandments should be recited publickly by the Parish Priest in the English Tongue and all the Sundays and other Holidays throughout the year And that the people might the better understand the duties contained in them it pleased him to assemble his Bishops and Clergy in the year next following requiring them Vpon the diligent search and perusing of Holy Scripture to set forth a plain and sincere Doctrine concerning the whole sum of all those things which appertain unto the Profession of a Christian man Which work being finished with very great care and moderation they published by the name of an Institution of a Christian man containing the Exposition or Interpretation of the common Creed the seven Sacraments the Ten Commandments Epls Dedit the Lords Prayer c. and dedicated to the Kings Majesty Submitting to his most excellent Wisdom and exact Judgment to be by him recognized overseen and corrected if he found any word or sentence in it amiss to be qualified changed or further expounded in the plain setting forth of his most vertuous desire and purpose in that behalf A Dedication publickly subscribed in the name of the rest by all the Bishops then being eight Archdeacons and seventeen Doctors of chief note in their several faculties Amongst which I find seven by name who had a hand in drawing up the first Liturgy of King Edward VI. that is to say Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury Goodrich Bishop of Ely Hebeach then Bishop of Rochester and of Lincoln afterwards Skip then Archdeacon of Dorset after Bishop of Hereford Roberson afterwards Dean of Durham as Mayo was afterwards of S. Pauls and Cox of Westminster And I find many others amongst them also who had a principal hand in making the first Book of Homilies and passing the Articles of Religion in the Convocation of the year 1552. and so it rested till the year 1643. when the King making use of the submission of the Book which was tendred to him corrected it in many places with his own hand as appeareth by the Book it self remaining in the famous Library of Sir Robert Cotton Which having done he sends it so corrected to Archbishop Cranmer who causing it to be reviewed by the Bishops and Clergy in Convocation drew up some Annotations on it And that he did for this intent as I find exprest in one of his Letters bearing date June 25. of this present year because the Book being to be set forth by his Graces censure and judgment he would have nothing therein that Momos himself could reprehend referring notwithstanding all his Annotations to his Majesties exacter judgment Nor staid it here but being committed by the King to both Houses of Parliament and by them very well approved of as appears by the Statutes of this year Cap. 1. concerning the advancing of true Religion and the abolition of the contrary it was published again by the Kings command under the title of Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian man And it was published with an Epistle of the Kings before it directed to all his faithful and loving Subjects wherein it is affirmed To be a true Declaration of the true knowledge of God and his Word with the principal Articles of Religion whereby men may uniformly be led and taught the true understanding of that which is necessary for every Christian man to know for the ordering of himself in this life agreeable unto the will and pleasure of Almighty God Now from these Books the Doctrine of Predestination may be gathered into these particulars which I desire the Reader to take notice of Institut of a Christian that he may judge the better of the Conformity which it hath with the established Doctrine of the Church of England 1. That man by his own nature was born in sin and in the indignation and displeasure of God and was the very child of Wrath condemned to everlasting death subject and thrall to the power of the Devil and sin having all the principal parts or portions of his soul as reason and understanding and free-will and all other powers of his soul and body not only so destituted and deprived of the gifts of God wherewith they were first endued but also so blinded corrupted and poysoned with errour ignorance and carnal concupiscence that neither his said powers could exercise the natural function and office for which they were ordained by God at the first Creation nor could he by them do any thing which might be acceptable to God 2. That Jesus Christ the only begotten Son of God the Father was eternally preordained and appointed by the Decree of the Holy Trinity to be our Lord that is to say to be the only Redeemer and Saviour of Man-kind and to reduce and bring the same from under the Dominion of the Devil and sin unto his only Dominion Kingdom Lordship and Governance 3. That when the time was come in the which it was before ordained and appointed by the Decree of the Holy Trinity That Man-kind should be saved and redeemed Necessary prayer than the Son of God the second Person in the Trinity and very God descended from Heaven into the world to take upon him the very habit form and nature of man and in the same nature of suffer his glorious Passion for the Redemption and Salvation of all Man-kind 4. That by this Passion and Death of our Saviour Jesus Christ not only Corporal death is so destroyed that it shall never hurt us but rather that it is made wholesome and profitable unto us but also that all our sins and the sins also of all them that do believe in him and follow him be mortified and dead that is to say all the guilt and offence thereof as also the damnation and pains due for the same is clearly extincted abolished and washed away so that the same shall never afterwards be imputed and inflicted on us 5. That this Redemption and Justification of Man-kind could not have been wrought or brought to pass by any other means in the world but by the means of this Jesus Christ Gods only Son and that never man could yet nor never shall be able to come unto God the Father or to believe in him or to attain his favour by his own wit and reason or by his own science and learning or by any of his own works or by whatsoever may be named in Heaven or Earth but by faith in the Name and Power of Jesus Christ and by the gifts and graces of his Holy Spirit But to proceed the way to the ensuing Reformation being thus laid open The first great work which was accomplished in pursuance of it was the compiling of that famous Liturgy of the year 1549 commanded by King Edward VI. that is to
beginning of the World hath Predestinated in Christ unto Eternal life Thus do I wade in Predestination in such sort ' as God hath patesied and opened it Though to God it be the first yet to us it is the last opened and therefore I begin with Creation from whence I come to Redemption so to Justification so to Election On this sort I am sure that warily and wisely a man may walk it easily by the light of Gods Spirit in and by his Word seeing this faith is not to be given to all men 2 Thes 3. but to such as are born of God Predestinated before the World was made after the purpose and good will of God c. Which judgment of this holy man comes up so close to that of the former Martyrs and is so plainly cross to that of the Calvinistical party that Mr. Fox was fain to make some Scholia's on it to reconcile a gloss like that of Orleance which corrupts the Text and therefore to have no place here however it may be disposed of at another time But besides the Epistle above mentioned there is extant a Discourse of the said godly Martyr entituled The sum of the Doctrine of Predestination and Reprobation in which is affirmed That our own wilfulness sin and contemning of Christ are the cause of Reprobation as is confessed by the Author of the Anti-Arminianism p. 103. though afterwards he puts such a gloss upon it as he doth also on the like passages in Bishop Hooper as makes the sin of man to be the cause only of the execution and not of the decree of Reprobation But it is said That any one that reads the Common-Prayer-book with an unprejudiced mind Justifi Fatââs cannot chuse but observe divers passages that make for a Personal Eternal Election So it is said of late and till of late never so said by any that ever I heard of the whole frame and fabrick of the Publique Liturgy being directly opposite to this new conceit For in the general Confession we beseech the Lord to spare them that confess their faults and restore them that be penitent according to his promises declared unto mankind in Christ Jesus our Lord In the Te Deum it is said that Christ our Saviour having overcome the sharpness of death did open the Kingdom of Heaven to all believers In the Prayer for the first day of Lent That God hateth nothing which he hath made but doth forgive the sins of all them that be penitent In the Prayer at the end of the Commination That God hath compassion of all men that he hateth nothing which he hath made that he would not the death of a sinner but rather that he should turn from sin and repent In the Absolution before the Communion That God of his great mercy hath promised forgiveness of sins to all them which with hearty repentance and true faith turn unto him Can any one which comes with an unprejudiced mind to the Common-Prayer book observe any thing that favoureth of a Personal Election in all these passages or can he hope to find them in any other Look then upon the last Exhortation before the Communion in which we are required above all things To give most humble and hearty thanks to God the Father and the Holy Ghost for the Redemption of the World by the death and passion of our Saviour Christ both God and man who did humble himself even to the death upon the Cross for us miserable sinners which lay in darkness and the shadow of death More of which nature we shall find in the second Article Look on the Collect in the form of publique Baptism in which we pray That whosoever is here dedicated unto God by our Office and Ministry may also be endued with Heavenly vertues and everlastingly rewarded through Gods mercy O blessed Lord God c. And in the Rubrick before Confirmation where it is said expr sly That it is certain by Gods Word that Children being baptized have all things necessary to their salvation and be undoubtedly saved Look on these passages and the rest and tell me any one that can whether the publique Liturgy of the Church of England speak any thing in favour of such a Personal and Eternal Election that is to say such an absolute irrespective and irreversible Decree of Predestination and that of some few only unto life Eternal as is maintained and taught in the Schools of Calvin Some passages I grant there are which speak of Gods People and his chosen People and yet intend not any such Personal and Eternal Election as these men conceit unto themselves Of which sort these viz. To declare and pronounce to his People being penitent O Lord save thy People and bless thy Heritage that it would please thee to keep and bless all thy People and make thy chosen People joyful with many others intersâers'd in several places But then I must affirm withal that those passages are no otherwise to be understood than of the whole bo y of the Church the Congregation of the faithful called to the publique participation of the Word and Sacraments Which appears plainly by the Prayer for the Church Militant here on earth where having called upon the Lord and said To all thy People give thy Heavenly grace we are taught presently to add especially to this Congregation here present that is to say the members of that particular Church which there pour forth their prayers for the Church in general More to their purpose is that passage in the Collect for the Feast of All-Saints where it is said That Almighty God hath knit together his Elect in one communion and fellowship in the mystical body of his Son Jesus Christ though it doth signifie no more but that inseparable bond of Charity that Love and Unity that Holy Communion and Correspondency which is between the Saints in Glory in the Church Triumphant and those who are still exercised under the cares and miseries of this present life in the Church here Militant But it makes most unto their purpose if any thing could make unto their purpose in the Common-Prayer book that at the burial of the dead we are taught to pray That God would please of his gracious goodness shortly to accomplish the number of his elect and to hasten his Kingdom From whence as possibly some may raise this inference That by the Doctrine of the Church of England there is a predestinated and certain number of Elect which can neither be increased nor diminished according to the third of the nine Articles which were agreed upon at Lambeth So others may perhaps conclude That this number is made up out of such Elections such Personal and Eternal Elections as they have fancied to themselves But there is nothing in the Prayer which can be useful to the countenancing of any such fancy the number of the Elect and the certainty of that number being known only unto God in the way of his
to say to receive the grace offered consent to the promise and not to impugn the God that calleth More fully but to the same purpose also speaks Bishop Latimer Gods salvation saith he is sufficient to save all man-kind But we are so wicked of our selves that we refuse the same Serm. on Septu fol. 214. and we will not take it when 't is offered unto us and therefore he saith pauci vero electi few are chosen that is few have pleasure and delight in it for the most part are weary of it cannot abide it and there are some that hear it but they will abide no danger for it And in few lines after thus Such men are cause of their own damnation for God would have them saved but they refuse it like Judas the Traytor whom Christ would have had to be saved but he refused his salvation he refused to follow the Doctrine of his Master Christ The like occurs in another place of the same Sermon where we find That seeing the preaching of the Gospel is universal it appeareth that God would have all man-kind saved and that the fault is not in him if they be damned For thus it is written Deus vult omnes homines falvos fieri God would have all men to be saved but we are so wicked of our selves that we refuse the same and will not take notice of it when 't is offered And here for strength and confirmation unto all the rest we are to know that these two godly Martyrs have delivered no other Doctrine than what is positively expressed or may be rationally inferred both from the tenth Article of King Edwards book and the book of Homilies And first for the tenth Article of King Edwards book it is this that followeth viz. Gratia Christi sive Spiritus Sanctus qui per eundem datur cor lapideum aufert dat cor carneum Atque licet ex nolentibus quae recta sunt volentes faciat ex volentibus prava nolentes reddat Voluntati tamen nullam violentiam infert nemo hac de causa cum peccaverit ut eam ob causam accusari nonmereatur aut damnari That is to say The Grace of Christ or the Holy Ghost which is given by him doth take from man the heart of stone and giveth him a heart of flesh And though it rendreth us willing to do those goed worke which before we were unwilling to do and unwilling to do those evil works which before we did yet is no violence offered by it to the will of man so that no man when he hath sinned can excuse himself as if he had sinned against his will or upon constraint and therefore that he ought not to be accused or condemned upon that account The composition of which Article doth most clearly shew that our first Reformers did as little countenance that Doctrine of the Irresistibility of Gods grace in its workings on the will of man which the Calvinians now contend for as they did the Dreams and Dotages of some zuinglian Gospellers into whose writings if we look we shall easily find that Gods divine Predestination is by them made the cause of sin by which men are necessitated and compelled to those acts of wickedness which they so frequently commit By the vertue of Gods will saith one all things are done yea even those things which are evil and excerable By Gods Predestination saith another we are compelled to do those things for which we are damned as will appear more fully in the sixtecnth Chapter when the extravagancies of the Predestinarians come to be considered And it is probable enough that to encounter with these monstrous Paradoxes of the Zuinglian Gospellers this Article was first composed in which Provision seems to have been made against all those who taught that men sinned against their wills or upon constraint or that men might excuse themselves from the blame thereof upon that consideration If any of the Calvinian factions can find any thing in this Article against Arminianism as they call it or in defence of the determining of the will by converting grace or the consistency of the freedom or liberty of the will much good may it do them But then they should think themselves obliged to give a better reason than I think they can why this article is not to be found in the Book as now it is Printed Either this Article was not made in favour of Calvinism when it was published with the rest in King Edwards time or the Reformers of the Church under Queen Elizabeth were no friends to Calvinism in cansing it to be left out in the second Book Anno 1562. to which subscription is required by the Laws of the Land Proceed we next unto the book of Homilies in the one of which we find this passage Hom. of the Mis of Man p. 10. that few of the proud learned wise perfect and holy Pharisees was saved by Christ because they justified themselves by their counterfeit holiness before men And in another thus But the corrupt inclination of man was so much given to follow his own fancies and as you would say to favour his own bird Hom. of good works p. 33. that he worships himself that all the admonitions exhortations benefits and the precepts of God could not keep him from their intention More clearly and expresly in another place where after the recitation of some pious duties by God commended to the Jews the Homily proceeds in this manner following But these things they passed not of they turned their backs and went their way they stopped their ears that they might not hear 1. p. of the Ser. of felling from God p. 53. and they hardned their hearts as an Adamant stone that they might not listen to the Law and the words that the Lord had sent through his holy Spirit Wherefore the Lord shewed his great indignation upon them It came to pass saith the Prophet even as I told them and they would not hear so when they cried they were not heard but were scattered into all Kingdoms which they never knew and their Land was made desolate And to be short all they that may not abide the Word of God but following the persuasions and stubbornness of their own hearts go backward and not forward as is said in Jeremy they go and turn away from God Nor is this spoken only of such a temporary resistance as may be overcome at last by the unconquerable power of the Spirit of God but even of such an obstinate and perverse resistance as in the end will lead the way to a final Apostacy an unrecoverable forsaking of God and being as irrecoverably forsaken by him Of which we shall speak more at large in the fifth and last Article concerning the uncertainty of perseverance CHAP. XII The Doctrine of Freewill agreed upon by the Clergy in their Convocation Anno 1543. 1. Of the Convocation holden in the year 1543. in order to
Falling from the grace of God according to the Doctrine of the Church of England And hereunto I must needs say that I never met with any satisfactory and sufficient Answer how much soever some have slighted the authority of it or the strength rather of the Argument which is taken from it for Mr. Yetes of Ipswitch from whose Candle most of them that followed borrow all their light in his book intituled Ibis ad Caesarem written against Mountagues Appeal can find no better Answers to it or evasions from it than they four that follow viz. 1. That the Homily speaks of the visible Church and therefore it is not to be construed in the same sense of all whereas the Homily speaketh of Gods chosen people Ibid. ad Cas p. 2. c. 3. p. 139. his chosen Vineyard are the words and consequently not only of the mixed multitude in a visible Church He answers secondly That it speaks with limitation and distinction some beholding the face of Gods mercy aright other not as they ought to do the one of which may fall quite away the other being transformed can never be wholly deformed by Satan but this is such a pitiful shift as could not save the man from the scorn of laughter had he been deal with in his kind the Homily speaking largely of those men which having beheld Gods face of mercy in Jesus Christ as they ought to do do afterwards neglect the same prove unthankful to him and order not their lives according to his Example and Doctrine c. For which consult the place at large in the former Church He answers thirdly that the Homily speaks conditionally if they afterwards c. that is to say if afterwards they neglect the same prove unthankful to him and order not their lives according to his Example and Doctrine c. and so concludes nothing positively and determinately which is a sorrier shift than that which you had before for if such conditional Propositions conclude nothing positively what will become of all those Propositions in the Scriptures by which we are assured That if a sinner do repent him of his sins wickednesses he shall find mercy from the Lord Do they conclude nothing positively neither most miserable were the state of man if these conditional Propositions should conclude nothing to the comfort of a troubled conscience And finally he answereth thus that the Homily speaks of Gods dreadful countenance appearing in Plagues Sword Famine and such like temporal punishments wherewith the Elect may be chastened as well as others that they may not for ever be condemned with the wicked the first part of which Allegation I confess to be true Gods judgments falling promiscuously on all sorts of people but the addition is unknown and is not to be found in the words of the Homily And secondly the Homily speaks not only of Gods temporal judgments with which the Elect be chastened as well as others that they may not for ever be condemned with the wicked but positively and determinately of taking from them his Kingdom and holy Word as in the former so that they shall be no longer in his Kingdom governed no longer by his holy Spirit put from the Grace and benefit which they had c. But Master Yates intends not so to leave the matter we must first see that he is as good at raising an Objection as at the making of an Answer and he objecteth out of another of he Homilies that though the godly do fall yet they walk not on purposely in sin they stand not still to continue and tarry in sin they sit not down like careless men Hom. of certain places of Scripture fol. 150. without all fear of Gods just punishment for sin through Gods great grace and infinite mercy they rise again and fight against sin c. But first it may be hoped that Master Yates could not be ignorant how great a difference there is betwixt such passages as fall occasionally and on the by from the pen of a Writer discoursing on another Argument and those which do occur in such Discourses Sermons and other Tractates as purposely are made and fitted to the point in hand And secondly though it be affirmed in the said Homily that the godly man which shall add sin to sin by Gods great grace and infinite mercy may arise again and fight against sin Yet can it not be gathered thence that it is so at all times and in all such cases that is to say that neither the great grace nor his infinite mercy shall be wanting at any time unto such as are fallen from God or that man shall not be wanting to himself in making a right use of it to his rising again And then this passage in the Homily will affirm no more to this purpose than the Article doth Art 16. where it is said that after we have received the Holy Ghost we may depart from grace given and fall into sin and by the grace of God we may arise again and amend our lives Now to these testimonies from the Homilies the publick Liturgy and the writings of the Learned men and Godly Martyrs before remembred it will not be amiss to add one more that is to say Master Lancelot Ridley Arch-Deacon of Canterbury who by his name seems to have had relation to Doctor Nicholas Ridley Bishop of London and by his office to Doctor Cranmer Arch-bishop of Canterbury the two chief Agents in the work of the Reformation This man had published some Expositions on Saint Pauls Epistles to the Ephesians and Philippians as he did afterwards on that to the Collossians also which last was printed by Richard Grafton 1548. At which time both the first Liturgy and the first book of Homilies were in force and practice and therefore was not like to contain any point of Doctrine repugnant unto either of them And if we look upon him in his Comment upon the Epistle we shall find him thus declare himself in the points disputed which I will lay all together according to the method formerly observed in setting down the Articles sor points themselves For first in reference to Election unto life eternal he telleth us That all fulness of the Father is said to dwell in Christ Ridley in Colâs cap. 1 6. that all men should know all the goodness they have to come of God by Christ to them and all that believe in Christ should not perish but be saved and should have life everlasting by Christ with the Fâther Liââ in cap. 2. P. 1. And afterwards speaking on those vertues which St. Paul commends in the Elect he tells us That those vertues do shew unto us who be elected of God and who not as far as man can judge of outward things and that those men may be concluded to be elected of God who hate all vice and sin that love vertue and godly living and in it do walk all their life-time by true faith and
upon so plain a Revelation of Gods secret Will than take up Arms against the Queen depose her from her Throne expel her out of her native Kingdom and finally prosecute her to the very death The Ladder which Constantine the great commended to Assesius a Novatian Bishop for his safer climbing up to Heaven was never more made use of than by Knox and Calvin for mounting them to the sight of Gods secret Council which St. Paul calls ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or things unspeakable such as are neither possible nor lawful for a man to utter But of all Knox's followers none followed so close upon his heels as Ro. Crowly a fugitive for Religion in Q. Maries days and the Author of a Book called a Confutation of 13 Articles Ibid. p. 18. c. In which he lays the sin of Adam and consequently all mens sins from that time to this upon the Absolute Decree of Predestination for seeing saith he that Adam was so perfect a Creature that there was in him no lust to sin and yet withal so weak of himself that he was not able to withstand the assault of the subtile Serpent no remedy the only cause of his fall must needs be the Predestination of God In other places of this book he makes it to be a common saying of the Free-will men as in contempt and scorn he calls them that Cain was not Predestinate to slay his Brother Ibid. p. 2. â which makes it plain that he was otherwise persuaded in his own opinion That the most wicked persons that have been whereof God appointed to be even as wicked as they were that if God do predestinate a man to do things rashly and without any deliberation he shall not deliberate at all but run headlong upon it Ibid. p. 2. 6. be it good or evil That we are compelled by Gods predestination to do those things for which we are damned Ibid. 2.7 Ibid. 46. And finally finding this Doctrine to be charged with making God more cruel and unmerciful than the greatest Tyrant and pressed therewith by some of the contrary persuasion he returns his answer in this wise If God saith he were an inferiour to any superiour power to the which he ought to render an account of his doing or if any of us were not his Creatures but of another Creation besides his workmanship then might we charge him with Tyranny because he condemneth us and appointed us to be punished for the things we do by compulsion through the necessity of his Predestination For a Catholicon or general Antidote to which dangerous Doctrines a new distinction was devised Ibid. p. 4. 47. by which in all abominations God was expresly said to be the Author of the fact or deed but not of the crime which subtilty appeareth amongst many others in a brief Treatise of Election and Reprobation published by one John Veron in the English tongue Ibid. p. 32. about the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth which subtilty Campneys not unfitly calls a marvellous sophistication a strange Paradox and a cautelous Riddle and he seems to have good reason for it For by this Doctrine as he noteth it must follow that God is the Author of the very fact and deed of Adultery Theft Murder c. but not the Author of the sin Sin having as they say no positive entity but being a meer nothing as it were and therefore not to be ascribed to Almighty God And thereup on he doth infer that when a Malefactor is hanged for any of the facts before said he is hanged for nothing because the fact or deed is ascribed to God and the sin only charged on him which sin being nothing in it self it must be nothing that the Malefactor is condemned or hanged for By all the Books it doth appear what method of Predestination these new Gospellers drive at how close they followed at the heels of their Master Calvin in case they did not go beyond him Certain it is that they all speak more plainly than their Master doth as to the making of God to be the Author of sin though none of them speak any thing else than what may Logically be inferred from his ground and principles And by this book it appeareth also now contrary these Doctrins are to the establish'd by the first Reformers in the Church of England how contrary the whole method of Predestination out of which they flow is to that delivered in the Articles the Homilies and the publick Liturgy and witnessed too by so many learned men and godly Martyrs Which manifest deviation from the rules of the Church as it gave just offence to all moderate and sober men so amongst others unto Campneys before remembred who could not but express his dislike thereof and for so doing was traduced for a Pelagian and a Papist or a Popish Pelagian For which being charged by way of Letter he was necessitated to return an Answer to it which he published in the second or third year of Queen Elizabeth In which Answer he not only clears himself from favouring the Pelagian Errours in the Doctrine of Freewill Justification by Works c. but solidly and learnedly refuteth the Opinions of certain English Writers and Preachers whom he accuseth for teaching of false and scandalous Doctrine under the name of Predestination Ibid. p. 10. Rom. 5. for his preparation whereunto he states the point of Universal Redemption by the death of Christ out of the parallel which St. Paul hath made between Christ and Adam that by the comparison of condemnation in Adam and redemption in Christ it might more plainly be perceived that Christ was not inferiour to Adam nor grace to sin And that as all the generation of man is condemned in Adam so is all the generation of man redeemed in Christ and as general a Saviour is Christ by Redemption as Adam is a condemner by transgression Which ground so laid he shews how inconsistent their Opinions are to the truth of Scripture who found the Doctrine of Election and Reprobation on Gods absolute pleasure by which infinitely the greatest part of all mankind is precedaniously excluded from having any part or interess in this Redemption reprobated to eternal death both in body and soul as the examples of his vengeance and consequently preordained unto sin as the means unto it that so his vengeance might appear with the face of Justice Which preordaining unto sin as it doth necessarily infer the laying of a necessity upon all mens actions whether good or bad according to that predeterminate Counsel and Will of God so these good men the Authors of the books before remembred do expresly grant it acknowledging that God doth not only move men to sin but compel them to it by the inevitable rules of Predestination But against this it is thus discoursed by the said Campneys that if Gods Predestination be the only cause of Adams fall and filthy sin Ibid. p. 51. And
consequenty the only cause and worker of all evil yea even with compulsion and force as they shamefully and plainly affirm then will no man deny but that on the other side Gods Predestination worketh as violently in all things that are good so then if Gods Predestination work all without all exception both in evil and good then all other things whatsoever they be although they all appear to work and do some things yet do they indeed utterly nothing So that the Devil doth nothing Man doth nothing Laws do nothing Doctrine doth nothing Prayer doth nothing but Gods Predestination doth all together and is the efficient cause yea and the only cause of all things He further proves that according unto this position August Retrac l. a. c. 9. 11. they hold the Errour both of the Stoicks as also of the Manicheans that is to say Ibid. p. 26. as St. Augustine declareth that evil hath his original of Gods Ordinance and not of mans freewill for if Murtherers Adulterers Thieves Traitors and Rebels be of God predestinated and appointed to be wicked even as they are cannot chuse but of meer necessity by the Ordinance of God commit all such wickedness even as they do then what is our life but a meer destiny All our doing Gods Ordinances and all our imaginations branches of Gods Predestination And then we must have Thieves by Predestination Whoremasters and Adulterers by Predestination Murderers and Traitors by Predestination and indeed what not if all mens actions are necessitated by the Will of God and so necessitated that they can neither do less evil nor more good than they do though they should never so much endeavour it as some of our Calvinians teach us which Opinion as Campneys hath observed Ibid. p. 45. is condemned by Prosper of Aquitane in his defence of St. Augustine in these following words Predestinationem dei sive ad malum sive ad bonum c. Prosp 1. Resp ad Object Gal. 6. That the predestination of God saith he doth work in all men either into good or into evil is most foolishly said As though a certain necessity should drive men unto both seeing in good things the evil is not to be understood wthout grace and in evil things the evil is to be understood without grace And so much touching Campneys and his performance in the points against the Gospellers some passages having before been borrowed from him concerning Lambert Gynnel and his Adherents For which see Chap. 6. Numb 11. No sooner was this book come out but it gave a very strong alarum to those of the Calvinian party within this Realm which had been very much encreased by the retiring of so many of our learned men to the Zuinglian and Genevian Churches in Queen Maries days amongst which none more eager because more concerned than Veron Crowly above mentioned The first of these being reader of the Divinity Lecture in the Church of St. Pauls and one of the Chaplains to the Queen published his Answer shortly after called An Apology or Defence of the Doctrine of predestination and dedicated to the Queen in which Answer he gives his Adversary no better Titles than the blind guide of the free-will men p. 37. A very Pelagian and consequently a Rank Papist p. 40. Suffering the Devil by such sectaries as Campneys to sow his lyes abroad c. and 41. The Standard-bearer of the free-will men His book he calls a venomous and Railing book upbraids him with his bearing of a faggot in King Edwards days and challenging him that if he be able to maintain his own Doctrine and oppose that in the answer to it let him come forth and play the man Nor was it long before another Answer came out by the name of Crowly called an Apology or defence of the English Writers and Preachers with Cerberus the three headed dog of Hell Chargeth with false Doctrine under the name of Predestination printed at London in the year 1566. And by the Title of this Book as we may see with what a strange Genius the Gospellers or Calvinians were possessed from the first beginning we may well conjecture at the Gentle usage which the poor man was like to find in the whole Discourse But if it be objected in favour of these two books that they were published by Authority and according to Order when that of Campneys seems to have been published by stealth without the Name of Author or of Printer as is affirmed in Verons book before remembred It may be since answered that the Doctrine of the Church was then unsetled the Articles of King Edwards time being generally conceived to be out of force and no new established in their place when Veron first entred on the cause And secondly it may be answered that though Crowlyes Apology came not out till the year 1566 when the new Articles were agreed upon yet his Treatice called a Confutation of thirteen Articles which gave occasion to the Quarrel had been written many years before And he conceived himself obliged to defend his Doctrine and get as good countenance to it as he could within a time especially intent on suppressing Popery might be no hard matter for him to do And as to that part of the Objections which relate to Campneys and his suppessing of his Name I look upon it as a high part of wisdom in him in regard of the great sway which the Calvinians had at their first coming over the prejudice conceived against him for his slips and sufferings in the Reign of K. Edward and the Authority of the men against whom he writ Veron a Chaplain to the Queen Crowly of great esteem in London for his diligent preaching and Knox the great Directer of the Kirk of Scotland CHAP. XVII Of the Disputes among the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries days and the Resetling of the Church on her former Principles under Queen Elizabeth 1. The Doctrine of Predestination disputed amongst the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries days 2. The Examination of John Carelese before Dr. Martin in reference to the said Disputes 3. Considerations on some passages in the Conference betwixt Dr. Martin and the said John Carelese 4. Review made of the publick Liturgy by the command of Queen Elizabeth and the Paraphrases of Erasmus commended to the reading both of Priest and People 5. The second book of Homilies how provided for and of the liberty taken by the Gospellers and Zuinglian Sectaries before the reviewing and confirming of the Book of Articles by the Queens Authority 6. Of the reviewing and authority of the Book of Articles Anno 1562. and what may be from thence inferred 7. An answer from the Agreement drawn from the omitting the ninth Article of King Edwards Book the necessity of giving some content to the Zuinglian Gospellers and difficulty wherewith they were induced to subscribe the Book at the first passing of the same 8. The Argument taken from some passages in
was then so generally received and taught in the Reformed Church of England as not to be known to Artificers Tradesmen and Mechanicks and that they were so well instructed in the niceties of it as to believe that though Christ died effectually for all yet the benefit thereof should be effectually applied to none but those who do effectually repent Fourthly I consider that if the Popish Clergy of those times did believe no otherwise of Predestination than that men be elected in respect of good works and so long elected as they do them and no longer as Carelese hath reported of them the Doctrine of the Church hath been somewhat altered since those times there being now no such Doctrine taught in the Schools of Rome as that a man continues no longer in the state of Election than whilst he is exercised in good works And finally I consider the unfortunate estate of those who living under no certain rule of Doctrine or Discipline lie open to the practices of cunning and malicious men by whom they are many times drawn aside from the true Religion For witnesses whereof we have Trew and Carelese above mentioned the one being wrought on by the Papists the other endangered by the Gospellers or Zuinglian Sectaries For that Carelese had been tampered with by the Gospellers or Zuinglian Sectaries doth appear most clearly first by the confidence which he had of his own salvation and of the final perseverance of all others also which are the chosen members of the Church of Christ and secondly but more especially for giving the scornful title of a Free-will man to one of his fellow Prisoners who was it seems of different persuasion from him For which consult his Letter to Henry Adlington in the Act. and Mon. Fol. 1749. which happened unto him as to many others when that Doctrine of the Church wanted the countenance of Law and the Doctors of the Church here scattered and dispersed abroad not being able to assist them In which condition the affairs of the holy Church remained till the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and for some years after But no sooner had that gracious Lady attained the Crown when she took order for the reviewing of the publick Liturgy formerly Authorized by Act of Parliament in the fifth and sixth years of King Edward VI. The men appointed for which work were Dr. Parker after Archbishop of Canterbury Dr. Grindal after Bishop of London Dr. Pilkington after Bishop of Durham Dr. Cox after Bishop of Elie Dr. May Dean of Pauls Dr. Bill Provost of Eaton after Dean of Westminster Mr. Whitehead sometimes Chaplain to Queen Anne Bullen designed to be the first Archbishp of this new Plantation and finally Sir Thomas Smith a man of great esteem with King Edw. VI. and the Queen now Reigning By thesE men was the Liturgy reviewed approved and passed without any sensible alteration in any of the Rubricks Prayers and Contents thereof but only the giving of some contentment to the Papists and all moderate Protestants in two particulars the first whereof was the taking away of a clause in the Letany in which the People had been taught to pray to Almighty God to deliver them from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome and all his detestable enormities The second was the adding of the sentences in the distribution of the Sacrament viz. The Body of our Lord Jesus which was given for thee preserve thy body and soul to everlasting life The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee c. which sentences exclusive of the now following words of participation as they were only in the first so were they totally left out of the second Liturgy of King Edward VI. Other alterations I find none mentioned in the Act of Parliament 1 Eliz. c. 2. but the appointing of certain Lessons for every Sunday in the year which made no change at all in the publick Doctrine before contained in that book and that the People might be the better trained up in the same Religion which had been taught and preacht unto them in the time of King Edward VI. She gave command by her Injunctions published in the first year of her Reign Ann. 1559. that the Paraphrases of Erasmus should be diligently studied both by Priest and People And to that end it was required as formerly in the Injunctions of the said King Edward 1. That the Paraphrases of the said Erasmus Injunct 6. and on the Gospel in the English tongue should be provided at the joynt charges of the Parson and Parishioners and being so provided should be set up in some convenient place of every Church so as the Parishioners may most commodiously resort unto the same and read the same out of the time of common service And secondly Injunct 16. that every Parson Vicar Curate and Stipendary Priest shall provide and have of his own within the time therein limitted the New Testament in Latine and English with the Paraphrases on the same conferring the one with the other And the Bishops by themselves and other Ordinaries and their Officers in Synods and Visitations shall examine the said Ecclesiastical Priests how they have profited in the study of holy Scripture Evident Arguments that there was no intent of setling any other Doctrine in the Church of England than such as was agreeable to the Judgment of that Learned man The next care was for making and perfecting those Homilies of which we find mention at the end of King Edwards book for the necessary edifying of Christian People and the increase of godly living both books sufficiently provided for besides the confirmation of that first Article of the year 1552. in the Rubrick of the second Liturgy where it is said that after the Creed if there be no Sermon shall follow one of the Homilies already set forth or to be set forth by common authority which Rubrick being revised with the rest of the Liturgy put the said books of Homilies as well the second as first part of them into the service of the Church and thereby made them no small part of the publick doctrine But who they were which laboured in this second book whether they were the same that drew up the first or those who in Queen Elizabeths time reviewed the Liturgy or whether they were made by the one and reviewed by the other I have no where found though I have taken no small pains in the search thereof But those few doctrinals which were contained in the Book of Common Prayer or deducible from it not being much taken notice of and the Homilies not confirm'd by that common Authority which was required in the Rubrick the Zuinglians or Gospellers took the opportunity to disperse their doctrines before the door of utterance should be shut against them or any publick course be taken to suppress their practices And this they did with so much diligence and cunning that they encreased exceedingly both in power and numbers of
which more hereafter Notice whereof being taken of those which were of most Authority in the Government of the Church it was thought necessary for the preventing of the mischief which might thence ensue that the Articles of Religion published in King Edwards time 1552. should be brought under a Review accommodated to the use of the Church and made to be the standing rule by which all persons were to regulate and confirm their Doctrines And to this end a Convocation was assembled on the 13. of January Ann. 1562. which continued till the 14th day of April the main business which was acted in it being the canvasing and debating of the Articles of King Edwards book and passing them in the form and manner in which now they stood which business as they took first into consideration on the 19th of January and diligently prosecuted from day to day by the Bishops and Clergy in their several houses they came to an agreement on the 29th of the same month on which the said Articles were publickly recited generally approved and subscribed by the greatest part of the Clergy which were then assembled And being so subscribed presented to the Queen and ratified by her Royal Authority were forthwith published to the same end for which they were made that is to say For the avoiding of diversities of opinions and for the stablishing of consent touching true Religion as in the title is declared In the composing of which book though a clause was added to the twentieth Article and another taken from the third though some Articles of King Edwards were totally omitted and some new made as that amongst the rest for confirmation of the second Book of Homilies which were not in the book before yet the five Articles touching the Doctrine of the Church in the points disputed as they stand in the eighth Chapter of this book were left in that same state in which they found them And being left in the same state in which they found them were to be taken in the same sense in which they had been understood at the first making of them according to such illustrations as occur in the book of Common Prayer such explanations as are found in the book of Homilies and the judgment of those Learned men and godly Martyrs which had a principal hand in the Reformation so that the Articles being the same as to these particulars the paraphrases of Erasmus state the same the publick Liturgy and the first book of Homilies in all points the same and the second book of Homilies agreeing exactly with the first in the present controversies as appears by the three first Sections of the seventh Chapter of this book and that which follows in the next there is no question to be made but that the doctrine was the same in the said five points which had been publickly allowed of in the time of King Edward But against this it may be said that one of the material Articles of King Edwards book in reference to the points disputed was totally left out of this and therefore that there was some alteration of the Churches judgment as to the sense and meaning of the present Articles which Article being the tenth in number as it stands in that book is there delivered in these words viz. Gratia Christi seu spiritus sanctus qui per eundem datur c. The grace of Christ or the Holy Ghost which is given by him doth take from man the heart of stone and giveth him a heart of flesh And though by the influences thereof it rendreth us willing to do those good works which before we were unwilling to do and unwilling to do those evil works which before we did voluntati tamen nullam violentiam infert yet is no violence offered by it to the will of man nor can any man when he hath sinned excuse himself quasi volens aut coactus peccaverit as if he had finned against his will or upon constraint and therefore that he ought not to be accused or condemned upon that account For answer whereunto it may first be said that the Composers of that Book thought ir not fit to clog it with any unnecessary points in which the peace and safety of the Church seemeth not much concerned and therefore as they left out the present Article so they omitted the sixteenth touching the blasphemy against the Holy Chost together with the four last of King Edwards Book touching the general Resurrection the state of means souls after death the Doctrine of the Millinaries and of a general salvation to be given to the wicked also after they had endured the pains of Hell for a certain time Secondly they considered that the doctrine of mans free Co-operation with the grace of God had been sufficiently expressed and provided for by the tenth Article of this Book and the ninth of which illustrated by divers passages in the publick Liturgy accommodated and applied to the most encrease of piety in the book of Homilies therefore that there was no great need to contend about it or to retain it in the Book And somewhat also must be done the point being so secured and provided for as before was said to content the Zuinglians or Calvinians by which last name they were afterwards more generally called who were grown strong and numerous in most parts of the Realm Insomuch that many of them did not refuse to subscribe the book and were complained of for that cause by the Prolocutor to the House of Bishops desiring that an order might be presently made to cause them to subscribe their names to the said Article either in their own house or before their Lordships which order being made on the fifth of February the Prolocutor signified to the Archbishop and Bishops in the name of the lower House of Convocation that some of the Refusers had subscribed and that others still persisted in their former obstinacy And thereupon the Bishops ordered the same day the tenth of February quod nomina eorum qui hactenus non subscripserant presententur coram iis in proxima sessione that is to say that the names of such who still refused to subscribe should be presented to their Lordships at the next Session which put an end to the dispute for after this I hear no more of their refusals the subscription of the book being universal as appears by this memorial in the journal of the Convocation viz. universus clerus eosdem etiam unanimiter recepit professus est ut ex manuum suarum subscriptionibus patet that is to say that all the Clergy did unanimously approve the said Articles and testified their consent therein as by the subscription of their hands doth and may appear so difficult a thing it was from the first beginning to bring that violent and head-strong faction unto any conformity In the next place it is objected that Mr. Alexander Nowel Dean of Saint Pauls who was Prolocutor in this Convocation
us and to banish him violently out of our souls And instead of him in whom is all grace and vertue to receive the ungracious spirit of the Devil the founder of all naughtiness and mischief than which there can be nothing more direct and positive to the point in hand And as for the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God either in accepting or resisting it when once offered to him besides what may be gathered from the former passages it is to be presumed as a thing past question in the very nature of the book for what else are those Homilies but so many proofs and arguments to evince that point For to what purpose were they made but to stir up the minds of all men to the works of piety And what hopes could the Authors of them give unto themselves of effecting that which they endeavoured had they not presupposed and taught that there was such a freedom in the will of man such an assistance of Gods grace as might enable them to perform these works of piety as in all and every one of the said Homilies are commended to them More for the proof of which points might be gathered from the said second book of Homilies established by the Articles of Queen Elizabeth's time as before is said were not these sufficient Proceed we therefore from the Homilies and the publick Monuments of the Church to the judgment of particular persons men of renown and eminent in their several places amongst which we find incomparable Jewel then Bishop of Salsbury thus clearly speaking in behalf of Universal Redemption viz. Ceerto animis nostris persuademus c. We do assuredly persuade our minds saith he that Christ is the obtainer of forgiveness for our sins Bishop Jewels Defân Apolog c. 18. Devis 1. and that by his bloud all our spots of sins be washed clean that he hath pacified and set at one all things by the bloud of his Cross that he by the same one only Sacrifice which he once offered upon the Cross hath brought to effect and fulfilled all things and that for the cause he said it is finished By which word saith he he plainly signified persolutum jam esse pretium pro peccato humani generis that the price or ransom was now fully paid for the sin of mankind Now as Bishop Jewel was a principal member of the House of Bishops so Mr. Nowel was the Prolocutor for the House of the Clergy in which the Articles were debated and agreed upon In which respect his favour is much sought by those of the Calvinian party as before was shewn But finding no comfort for them in his larger Catechism let us see what may be found in his Latin Catechism authorized to be taught in Schools and published by his consent in the English Tongue Anno 1572. And first he sheweth that as God is said to be our Father for some other reasons Catec Edition c. 1â54 p. 19 so most specially for this quod nos divine per spiritum sanctum generavit per fidem in verum suum atque naturalem filium Jesum Christum nos elegit sibique Filios regni Coelestis atque sempiternae vitae heredes per eundem instituit that is to say because he hath divinely regenerated us or begotten us again by the Holy Ghost and hath elected us by Faith in his true and natural Son Christ Jesus and through the same Christ hath adopted us to be his Children and Heirs of his heavenly Kingdom and of life everlasting And if Election come by our faith in Christ as he saith it doth enither a Supra-lapsarian nor a Sub-lapsarian can find any comfort from this man in favour of that absolute and irrespective decree of Predestination which they would gladly father on him in his larger Catechism and then as for the method of Predestination he thus sets it forth viz. Deus Adamum illis honoris insignibus ornavit Ibid. 22. ut ea cum sibi tum suis id est toto humano generi aut servaret aut amitteret c. God saith he indued Adam with those Ornaments that is to say those Ornaments of Grace and Nature which before we spake of that he might have them or lose them for himself and his that is to say for all mankind And it could not otherwise be but that as of an evil Tree evil fruits do spring so that Adam being corrupted with sin all the issue that came of him must also be corrupted with that original sin For delivery from the which there remained no remedy in our selves and therefore God was pleased to proise that the seed of the Woman which is Jesus Christ should break the head of the Serpent that is of the Devil who deceived our first Parents and so should deliver them and their posterity that believed the same Where first we have mans fall Secondly Gods mercy in his restitution Thirdly This restitution to be made by Jesus Christ and fourthly to be made to all which believe the same Proceed we next to a Lermon preached at St. Pauls Cross Octob. 27. 1854. by Samuel Harsnet then fellow of Pembrook Hall in Cambridg and afterwards Master of the same preferred from thence to the See of Chichester from thence translated unto Norwich and finally to the Archiepiscopal See of York For the Text or subject of his Sermon he made choice of those words in the Prophet Ezekiel viz. As I live saith the Lord I delight not in the death of the wicked Chap. 33. v. 11. In his Discourse upon which Text he first dischargeth God from laying any necessity of sinning on the sons of men and then delighting in their punishment because they have sinned he thus breaks out against the absolute decree of Reprobation which by that time had been made a part of the Zuinglian Gospel Mr. Harnets Sermon at Pauls Cross bound up at the end of Dr. Stewards three Sermons printed 1â58 p. 1â3 c. and generally spread abroad both from Press and Puipit There is a conceit in the World saith he speak little better of our gracious God than this and that is that God shoould design many thousands of souls to Hell before they were not in eye to their faults but to his own absolute will and power and to get him glory in their damnation This Opinion is grown high and monstrous and like a Goliah and men do shake and tremble at it yet never a man reacheth to Davids sing to cast it down In the name of the Lord of Hosts we will encounter it for it hath reviled not the Host of the living God but the Lord of Hosts First That it is directly in opposition to this Text of holy Scripture and so turns the truth of God into a lye For whereas God in this Text doth say and swear that he doth not delight in the death of man this Opinion saith that not one or two but millions of men should
not only a strong interruption for the present to the proceeding of the Church but an occasion also of great discord and dissention in it for the time to come For many of our Divines who had fled beyond the Sea of avoid the hurry of her Reign though otherwise men of good abilities in most parts of Learning returned so altered in their principals as to points of Doctrine so disaffected to the Government Forms of worship here by Law established that they seem'd not to be the same men at their coming home as they had been at their going hence yet such was the necessity which the Church was under of filling up the vacant places and preferments which had been made void either by the voluntary discession or positive deprivation of the Popish Cleergy that they wer fain to take in all of any condition which were able to do the publick service without relation to their private opinions in doctrine or discipline nothing so much regarded in the chice of men for Bishopricks Deanries Dignities in Cathedral Churches the richest Benefices in the Countrey and places of most command and trust in the Universities as their known zeal against the Papists together with such a sufficiency of learning as might enable them for writing and preaching against the Popes Supremacy the carnal presence of Christ in the blessed Sacrament the superstitions of the Mass the half Communion the celebrating of Divine service in a tongue not known unto the People the inforced single life of Priests the worshipping of Images and other the like points of Popery which had given most offence and were the principal causes of that separation On this account we find Mr. Pilkington preferred to the See of Durham and Whittingham to the rich Deanry of the Church of which the one proved a grear favourer of the Non-conformists as is confessed by one who challengeth a relation to his blood and family the other associated himself with Goodman as after Goodman did with Knox for lanting Puritanism and sedition in the Kirk of Scotland On this account Dr. Lawrence Humphrey a professed Calvinian in point of doctrine and a Non-conformist but qualified with the title of a moderate one is made the Queens Professor for Divinity in the University of Oxon Thomas Cartwright that great Incendiary of this Church preferred to be the Lady Margarets Professor in the University of Cambridge Sampson made Dean of Christ-church and presently propter Puritanismum Exacutoratus Godw. in Catal Episc Oxon. turned out again for Puritanism as my Author hath it Hardiman made one of the first Prebends of Westminister of the Queens foundation and not long after deprived of it by the high Commissioners for breaking down the Altar there and defacing the ancient utepsils and ornaments which belonged to the Church And finally upon this account as Whitehead who had been Chaplain to Queen Anne Bullain refused the Archbishoprick of Canterbury before it was offered unto Parker and Coverdale to be restored to the See of Exon which he had chearfully accepted in the time of K. Edward so Mr. John Fox of great esteem for his painful and laborious work of Acts and Monuments commonly called the Book of Martyrs would not accept of any preferment in the Church but a Prebends place in Salisbury which tied him not to any residence in the same And this he did especially as it after proved to avoid subscription shewing a greater willingness to leave his place than to subscribe unto the Articles of Religion then by Law established when he was legally required to do it by Arch-bishop Parker Of this man there remains a short discourse in his Acts and Monuments of Predestination occasioned by a Letter of Mr. Bradfords before remembred whose Orthodox doctrine in that point he feared might create some danger unto that of Calvin which then began to find a more general entertainment than could be rationally expected in so short a time And therefore as a counter-ballance he annexeth this discourse of his own with this following title viz. Notes on the same Epistle and the manner of Election thereunto appertaining As touching the Doctrine of Election whereof this Letter of Mr. Bradford and many other of his Letters more do much intreat three things must be considered Fox in Acts and Mon. fol. 1505. 1. What Gods Election is and what the cause thereof 2. How Gods Election proceedeth in working our salvation 3. To whom Gods Election pertaineth and how a Man may be certain thereof Between Predestination and Election this difference there is Predestination is as well to the Reprobate as to the Elect Election pertaineth only to them that be saved Predestination in that it respecteth the Rebate is called Reprobation in that it respected the saved is called Election and is thus defined Predestination is the eternal decreement of God purposed before in himself what shall befal all men either to salvation or damnation Election is the free mercy and grace of God in his own will through faith in Christ his Son choosing and preferring to life such as pleaseth him In this definition of Election first goeth before the mercy and grace of God as the causes thereof whereby are excluded all works of the Law and merits of deserving whether they go before faith or come after so was Jacob chosen and Esau refused before either of them began to work c. Secondly in that the mercy of God in this Definition is said to be free thereby is to be noted the proceeding and working of God not to be bound to any ordinary place or to any succession of choice nor to state and dignity of person nor to worthiness of blood c. but all goeth by the meer will of his own purpose as it is written spiritus ubi vult spirat c. And thus was the outward race and stock of Abraham after flesh refused which seemed to have the preheminence and another seed after the Spirit raised by Abraham of the stones that is of the Gentiles So was the outward Temple of Jerusalem and Chair of Moses which seem'd to be of price forsaken and Gods Chair advanced in other Nations So was tall Saul refused and little David accepted the Rich the Proud and the Wise of this world rejected and the word of salvation daily opened to the poor and miserable abjects the high Mountains cast under and the low valleys exalted c. And in the next place it is added in his own will by this falleth down the free will and purpose of man with all his actions counsels and strength of nature according as it is written non est volentis neque currentis sed miserentis Dei c. It is not him that willeth nor in him that runneth but in God that sheweth mercy So we see how Israel ran long and yet got nothing The Gentile runneth began to set out late and yet got the game So they which came at the first which did labour more
touching the divine Decrees upon occasion of Gods denounced Judgment against the Ninevites 5. His constant opposition to the Predestinarians and the great increase of his Adherents 6. The Articles collected out of Barrets Sermon derogatory to the Doctrine and persons of the chief Calvinians 7. Barret convented for the same and the proceedings had against him at his first conventing 8. A form of Recantation delivered to him but not the same which doth occur in the Anti-Arminianism to be found in the Records of the Vniversity 9. Several Arguments to prove that Barret never published the Recantation imposed upon him 10. The rest of Barrets story related in his own Letter to Dr. Goad being then Vice-Chancellor 11. The sentencing of Barret to a Recantatation no argument that his Doctrine was repugnant to the Church of England and that the body of the same Vniversity differed from the heads in that particular THIS great breach being thus made by Fox in his Acts and Monuments was afterwards open'd wider by William Perkins an eminent Divine of Cambridge of great esteem amongst the Puritans for his zeal and piety but more for his dislike of the Rites and Ceremonies here by Law established of no less fame among those of the Calvinian party both at home and abroad for a Treatise of Predestination published in the year 1592. entituled Armilla Aurea or the Golden Chain containing the order of the causes of salvation and damnation according to Gods Word First written by the Author in Larin for the use of Students and in the same year translated into English at his Request by one Robert Hill who afterwards was Dr. of Divinity and Rector of St. Bartholomews Church near the Royal Exchange In the Preface unto which discourse the Author telleth us that there was at that day four several Opinions of the order of Gods Predestination The first was of the old and new Pelagians who placed the cause of Gods Predestination in than in that they hold that God did ordain men to life or death according as he did foresee that they would by their natural free-will either reject or receive Grace offered The second of them who of some are termed Lutherans which taught that God foreseeing that all man-kind being shut under unbelief would therefore reject Grace offered did hereupon purpose to choose some to salvation of his meer mercy without any respect of their faith or good works and the rest to reject being moved to do this because he did eternally fore-see that they would reject his Grace offered them in the Gospel The third of Semi-palagian Papists which ascribe Gods Predestination partly to mercy and partly to mens foreseen Preparations and meritorious works The fourth of such as teach that the cause of the execution of Gods Predestination is his mercy in Christ in them which are saved and in them which perish the fall and corruption of man yet so as that the Decree and Eternal Counsel of God concerning them both hath not any cause besides his will and pleasure In which Preface whether he hath stated the opinions of the parties right may be discerned by that which hath been said in the former Chapters and whether the last of these opinions ascribe so much to Gods mercy in Christ in them that are saved and to mans natural Corruption in them that perish will best be seen by taking a brief view of the opinion it self The Author taking on him to oppugn the three first as erroneous and only to maintain the last as being a truth which will bear weight in the ballance of the Sanctuary as in his Preface he assures us Now in this book Predestination is defined to be the Decree of God by the which he hath ordained all men to a certain and everlasting Estate that is Golden chain either to salvation or condemnation to his own Glory He tells us secondly that the means for putting this decree in execution were the creation and the fall 3. Ibid. p. 52. That mans fall was neither by chance or by Gods not knowing it or by his bare permission or against his will but rather miraculously not without the Will of God but yet without all approbation of it Which passage being somewhat obscure may be explained by another some leases before In which the Question being asked Whether all things and actions were subject unto Gods Decree He answereth Yes surely and therefore the Lord according to his good pleasure hath most certainly decreed every both thing and action whether past present or to come together with their circumstances of place time means and end And then the Question being prest to this particular what even the wickedness of the wicked The answer is affirmative Yes he hath most justly decreed the wicked works of the wicked Ibid. 29. For if it had not pleased him they had never been at all And albeit they of their own natures are and remain wicked yet in respect of Gods decree they are to be accounted good Which Doctrine though it be no other than that which had before been taught by Beza yet being published more copiously insisted on and put into a more methodical way it became wondrous acceptable amongst those of the Calvinian party both at home and abroad as before was said Insomuch that it was Printed several times after the Latin edition with the general approbation of the French and Belgick Churches and no less than 15. times within the space of twenty years in the English tongue At the end of which term in the year 1612. the English book was turned by the Translator into Questions and Answers but without any alteration of the words of the Author as he informs us in the last page of his Preface after which it might have sundry other impressions that which I follow being of the year 1621. And though the Supra-lapsarians or rigid Calvinists or Supra-creatarians rather as a late judicious Writer calls them differ exceedingly in these points from many of their more moderate Brethren distiguished from them by the name of Sub-lapsarians yet in all points touching the specifying of their several supposed Degrees they agree well enough together and therefore wink at one another as before was noted Notwithstanding the esteem wherewith both sorts of Calvinists entertained the book it found not the like welcome in all places ãâã Dedi nor from all mens hands Amongst other Parsons the Jesuite gives this censure of him viz. That by the deep humour of fancy he hath published and written many books with strange Titles which neither he nor his Reader do understand as namely about the Concatenation or laying together of the causes of mans Predestination and Reprobation c. Jacob van Harmine afterwards better known by the name of Arminius being then Preacher of the Church of Amsterdam not only censured in brief as Parsons did but wrote a full discourse against it entituled Examen Predestinationis Perkinsanae which gave the first
tres solum inventi fuere qui edicto resisterint that is to say the Word of God is not made the weaker by my sole appearing in defence thereof no more than when there were but three he means the three Hebrew Children in the Book of Daniel which durst make open opposition to the Kings Edict Liberius thought himself sufficient to keep possession of a truth in the Church of Christ till God should please to raise up more Champions in all places to defend the same not thinking it necessary to return any other answer or to produce the names of any others of his time who turned Athanasius as much as he which brings into my mind a passage in the conference betwixt Dr. Ban Featly and Sweat the Jesuite in which the Jesuite much insisted on that thred-bare question viz. where was your Church before Luther which when the Doctor went to shew out of Scriptures and Fathers some of the Papists standing by cried out for names those which stood further of ingeminating nothing but Names Names whereupon the Dr. merily asked them if nothing would content them but a Buttery book And such an Answer I must make in the present case to such as take up testimony by tale not weight and think no truth is fairly proved except it come attended with a cloud of witnesses But what we want in number now he shall find hereafter when we shall come to take a view of King James his Reign to which now we hasten CHAP. XXII Of the Conference at Hampton Court and the several encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of King James 1. The occasion of the conference at Hampton Court and the chief persons there assembled 2. The nine Articles of Lambeth rejected by King James 3. Those of the Church being left in their former condition 4. The Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination decryed by Bishop Bancroft and disliked by King James and the reasons of it 5. Bishop Bancroft and his Chaplain both abused the inserting the Lambeth Articles into the confession of Ireland no argument of King James his approbation of them by whom they were inserted and for what cause allowed of in the said Confession 6. A pious fraud of the Calvinians in clapping their predestinarian Doctrines at the end of the Old Testament An. 1607. discovered censured and rejected with the reasons for it 7. The great incouragement given by King James to the Anti-calvinians and the increasing of that party both in power and number by the stirs in Holland 8. The offence taken by King James at Conradus Vorstius animateth the Oxon. Calvinists to suspend Dr. Houson and to preach publickly against Dr. Laud. 9. The like proceedings at Cambridge against Mr. Simpson first prosecuted by King James and on what account that the King was more incensed against the party of Arminius than against their persuasions 10. Instructions published by King James in order to the diminishing of Calvins Authority the defence of universal Redemption and the suppressing of his Doctrines in the other points and why the last proved so unuseful in the case of Gabriel Bridges 11. The publishing of Mountagues answer to the Gagger the information made against it the Author and his Doctrine taken by King James into his protection and his appeal licensed by the Kings appointment 12. The conclusion of the whole discourse and the submission of it to the Church of England NOw we come unto the Reign of King James of happy memory whose breeding in the kirk of Scotland had given some hopes of seeing better days to the English Puritans than those which they enjoyed under Queen Elizabeth Upon which hopes they presented him at his first coming to the Crown with a supplication no less tedious than it was impertinent given out to be subscribed with a thousand hands though it wanted many of that number and aiming at an alteration in many points both of Doctrine and Discipline But they soon found themselves deceived For first the King commanded by publick Proclamation that the divine service of the Church should be diligently officiated and frequented as in former times under pain of suffering the severest penalties by the Laws provided in that case And that being done instead of giving such a favourable answer to their supplication as they had flattered themselves withal he commended the answering of it to the Vice-Chancellour Heads and other Learned men of the University of Oxon from whom there was nothing to be looked for toward their contentment But being thirdly a just Prince and willing to give satisfaction to the just desires of such as did apply themselves unto him as also to inform himself in all such particulars as were in difference betwixt the Petitioners and the Prelates he appointed a solemn Conference to be held before him at Hampton Court on Thursday the 12th of January Anno 1603. being within less than ten moneths after his entrance on the Kingdom To which Conference were called by several Letters on the Churches part the most Reverend and right renowned Fathers in God Dr. John Whitgift Arch-bishop of Canterbury Dr. Richard Bancroft Bishop of London Dr. Tobie Matthews Bishop of Durham Dr. Thomas Bilson Bishop of Winchester Dr. Gervase Babbinton Bishop of Worchester Dr. Anthony Rudd Bishop of Davids Dr. Anthony Walson Bishop of Chichester Dr. Henry Robbinson Bishop of Carlile and Dr. Thomas Dove Bishop of Peterborough as also Dr. James Mountague Dean of the Chappel Dr. Thomas Ravis Dean of Christ Church Dr. John Bridges Dean of Sarum Dr. Lancelot Andrews Dean of Westminster Dr. John Overald Dean of Saint Pauls Dr. William Barlaw Dean of Chester Dr. Giles Tompson Dean of Windsor together with Dr. Joh King Arch-Deacon of Nottingham and Dr. Richard Field after Dean of Glocester all of them habited and attired according to their several ranks and stations in the Church of England And on the other side there appeared for the Plantiff or Petitioner Dr. Reynolds Dr. Spark Mr. Knewstubs and Mr. Chatterton the two first being of Oxon and the other of Cambridge Con. at H. C. p. 27. apparelled in their Turky Gowns to shew as Bishop Bancroft tartly noted they desired rather to conform themselves in outward Ceremonies with the Turks than they did with the Papists The first day of the Conference being spent betwixt the King and the Bishops the second which was the 16th of the same moneth was given to the Plantiffs to present their grievances and to remonstrate their desires amongst which it was named by Dr. Reynolds Con. at H. C. p. 24. as the mouth of the rest That the nine Assertions Orthodoxal as he termed them concluded upon at Lambeth might be inserted into the Book of Articles which when King James seemed not to understand as having never heard before of those nine Assertions Pag. 40. c. He was informed that by reason of some Controversies arising in Cambridge about certain points of Divinity my Lords Grace
and approbation published the Exposition or Analysis of our Articles in which he gives the Calvinist as fair quarter as can be wished But first beginning with the last so much of the Objection as concerns Bishop Bancrost is extreamly false not agreeing to the Lambeth Articles not being Bishop of London when those Articles were agreed unto as is mistakingly affirmed and that Analysis of Explication of our English Articles related to in the Objection being published in the year 1585. which was ten years before the making of the Lambeth articles and eighteen years before Bancroft had been made Archbishop And secondly It is not very true that King James liked that is to say was well pleased with the putting of those Articles into the confession of the Church of Ireland though the said Confession was subscribed in his name by the Lord Deputy Chichester is plainly enough not without his consent for many other things were in the Confession to which the Lord Deputy subscribed and the King consented as affairs then stood which afterwards he declared no great liking to either of the Tenor or effect thereof For the truth is that the drawing up of that Confession being committed principally to the care of Dr. Vsher and afterwards Lord Primate of Ireland a professed Calvinian he did not only thrust into it all the Lambeth Articles but also many others of his own Opinions as namely That the Pope was Antichrist or that man of sin that the power of sacerdotal Absolution is no more than declaratory as also touching the morality of the Lords day Sabbath and the total spending of it in religious Exercises Which last how contrary it is to King Jame's Judgment how little cause he had to like it or rather how much reason he had to dislike it his declaration about lawful Sports which he published within three years after doth express sufficiently so that the King might give confent to the confirming of these Articles amongst the rest though he liked as little of the one as he did of the other And he might do it on these Reasons For first The Irish Nation at that time were most tenaciously addicted to Errors and corruptions of the Church of Rome and therefore must be bended to the other extream before they could be sireight and Orthodox in these points of doctrine Secondly It was an usual practice with the King in the whole course of his Government to ballance one extream by the other countenancing the Papist against the Puritan and the Puritan sometimes against the Papist that betwixt both the true Religion and Professors of it might be kept in safety With greater Artifice but less Authority have some of our Calvinians framed unto themselves another Argument derived from certain Questions and answers printed at the end of the Bible published by Rob. Barker his Majesties own Printer in the year 1607. from whence it is inferred by the Author of the Anti-Arminianism Anti-Armin p. 54. and from him by others that the said Questions and Answers do contain a punctual Declaration of the received doctrine of this Church in the points disputed But the worst is they signifie nothing to the purpose for which they were produced For I would fain know by what Authority those Questions and Answers were added to the end of the Bible If by Authority and that such Authority can be produced the Argument will be of force which it takes from them and then no question but the same Authority by which they were placed there at first would have preserved them in that place for a longer time than during the sale of that Edition The not retaining them in such Editions as have followed since the sale of that shews plainly that they were of no anthority in themselves nor intended by the Church for a rule to others and being of no older standing than the year 1607. for ought appears by Mr. Prin who first made the Objection they must needs seem as destitute of antiquity as they are of authority so that upon the whole matter the Author of the Book hath furnished those of different Judgment with a very strong argument that they wrre foisted in by the fraud and practice of some of the Emissaries of the Puritan Faction who hoped in time to have them pass as currant amongst the people as any part of Canonical Scripture Such Piae fraudes as these are we should have too many were they once allowed of Some prayers were also added to the end of the Bible in some Editions and others at the end of the publick Liturgy Which being neglected at the first and afterwards beheld as the authorized prayers of the Church were by command left out of those Books and Bibles as being the compositions of private men not the publick acts of the Church and never since added as before But to return unto King James we find not so much countenance given to the Calvinians by the fraud of his Printer as their opposites received by his grace and favour by which they were invested in the chief preferments of the Church of England conferred as openly and freely upon the Anti-Calvinians as those who had been bread up in the other persuasions Tros Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine habentur as we know who said For presently upon the end of the Conference he prefers Bishop Bancroft to the Chair of Canterbury and not long after Dr. Barlow to the See of Rochester On whose translation unto Lincoln Dr. Richard Neil then Dean of westminster succeeds at Rochester and leaves Dr. Buckridge there for his successour at his removal unto Lichfield in the year 1609. Dr. Samuel Harsnet is advanced to the See of Chichester and about ten years after unto that of Norwich In the beginning of the year 1614. Dr. Overald succeeds Neil then translated to Lincoln in the See of Coventry and Lichfield Dr. George Mountein succeeded the said Neil then translated to Durham in the Church of Lincoln In the year 1619. Dr. John Houson one of the Canons of Christs Church a professed Anti-Calvinist is made Bishop of Oxon. And in the year 1621. Dr. Valentine Cary Successor unto Overald in the Deanry of St. Paul is made Bishop of Exon and on the same day Dr. William Laud who had been Pupil unto Buckridge as before said is consecrated Bishop of St. Davids By which encouragements the Anti-Calvinians or old English Protestants took heart again and more openly declared themselves than they had done formerly the several Bishops above-named finding so gracious a Patron of the learned King are as being themselves as bountiful Patrons respect being had to the performants in their nomination to their Friends and followers By means whereof though they found many a Rub in the way and were sometimes brought under censure by the adverse party yet in the end they surmounted all difficulties and came at last to be altogether as considerable both for power and number as the Calvinists were Towards which
thirty sixth Canon Directions to the Vice-Chancellor Heads c. Jan. 18. 1616. that no man in the Pulpit or Schools be suffered to maintain Dogmatically any point of doctrine that is not allowed by the Church of England that none be suffered to preach or lecture in the Towns of Oxon or Cambridg but such as were every way conformable to the Church hoth in doctrine and discipline and finally which most apparently conduced to the ruin of Calvinism that young Students in Divinity be directed to study such books as be most agreeable in doctrine and discipline to the Church of England and excited to bestow their time in the fathers and Councils Schoolmen Histories and Controversies and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and abbreviations making them the grounds of their study in Divinity This seemed sufficient to bruite these doctrines in the shell as indeed it was had these directions been as carefully followed as they were piously prescribed But little or nothing being done in pursuance of them the Predestinarian doctrines came to be the ordinary Theam of all Sermons Lectures and Disputations partly in regard that Dr. Prideaux who had then newly succeeded Dr. Rob. Abbot in the Chair at Oxon had very passionately exposed the Calvinian Interest and partly in regard of the Kings declared aversness from the Belgick Remonstrants whom for the reasons before mentioned he laboured to suppress to his utmost power And yet being careful that the Truth should not fear the worse for the men that taught it he gave command to such Divines as were commissionated by him to attend in the Synod of Dort An. 1618. not to recede from the doctrine of the Church of England in the point of Vniversal Redemption by the death of Christ A point so inconsistent with that of the absolute and irrespective decree of Reprobation and generally of the whole Machina of Predestination and the points depending thereupon as they are commonly maintained in the Schools of Calvin that fire and water cannot be at greater difference But this together with the rest being condemned in the Synod of Dort and that Synod highly magnified by the English Calvinists they took confidence of making those disputes the Subject of their common discourses both from the Pulpit and Press without stint or measure and thereupon it pleased his Majesty having now no further fear of any dangers from beyond the Seas to put some water into their Wine or rather a Bridle into their mouths by publishing certain Orders and directions touching Preachers and preaching bearing date the 4th of August 1622. In which it was enjoyned amongst other things Directions of preaching and Preachers That no Preacher of what Title soever under the degree of a bishop or Dean at least do from henceforth presume to teach in any popular Auditory the deep points of Predestination Election Reprobation or of the Vniversality Efficacy Resistability or Irresistability of Gods Grace but rather leave those Theams to be handled by learned men and that modestly and moderately by use and application rather than by way of positive Doctrine as being fitter for Schools and Vniversities than for simple Auditors The violating of which Order by Mr Gabriel Bridges of Corpus Christi Colledg in Oxon by preaching on the 19. of January then next following against the absolute decree in maintenance of universal Grace and the co-operation of mans free-will prevented by it though in the publick Church of the University laid him more open to the prosecution of Dr. Prideaux and to the censure of the Vice-Chancellor and the rest of the Heads than any preaching on those points or any of them could possibly have done at mother time Much was the noise which those of the Calvinian party were observed to make on the publishing of this last Order as if their mouths were stopped thereby from preaching the most necessary doctrines tending towards mans salvation But a far greater noise was raised upon the coming out of Mountagues answer to the Gagger in which he asserted the Church to her primitive and genuine doctrines disclaimed all the Calvinian Tenents as disowned by her and left them to be countenanced and maintained by those to whom they properly belonged Which book being published at a time when a Session of Parliament was expected in the year 1624. The opportunity was taken by Mr. Yates and Mr. Ward two of the Lecturers or Preachers of Ipswich to prepare an Information against him with an intent to prosecute the same in the following Session A Copy whereof being come into Mountagues hands he flies for shelter to King James who had a very great estimation of him for his parts and learning in which he had over-mastred they then though much less Selden at his own Philologie The King had already served his own turn against the Remonstrants by the Synod of Dort and thereby freed the Prince of Orange his most dear Confederate from the danger of Barnevelt and his faction Archbishop Abbot came not at him since the late deplorable misfortune which befell him at Branzil and the death of Dr. James Mountague Bishop of Winton left him at liberty from many importunities and sollicitations with which before he had been troubled so that being now master of himself and governed by the light of his own most clear and excellent Judgment he took both Mountague and his dectrines into his Protection gave him a full discharge or quietus est from all those Calumnies of Popery or Arminianism which by the said Informers were laid upon him iucouraged him to proceed in finishing his just Appeal which he was in hand with commanded Dr. Francis White then lately preferred by him to the Deanry of Carlisle and generally magnified not long before for his zeal against Popery to see it licensed for the Press and finally gave order unto Mountague to dedicate the book when printed to his Royal self In obedience unto whose Command the Dean of Carlisle licensed the book with this approbation That there was nothing contained in the same but what was agreeable to the publick Faith Doctrine and Discipline established in the Church of England But King James dying before the book was fully finished at the Press it was published by the name of Appello Caesarem and dedicated to King Charles as the Son and Successor to whom it properly belonged the Author touching in the Epistle Dedicatory all the former passages but more at large than they are here discoursed of in this short Summary And thus far we have prosecuted our Discourse concerning the Five Points disputed between the English Protestants the Belgick Remonstrants the Melancthonian Lutherans together with the Jesuits and Franciscans on the one side the English Calvinists the Contra Remonstrants the Rigid Lutherans and the Dominican Fryers on the other side In the last part whereof we may observe how difficult a thing it is to recover an old doctrinal Truth when overborn and almost lost by the
intermitting their own studies to ingage themselves in the determining of such secular causes as were brought before them for the contentation of the People and the diseharge of their own duty both to God and man And this is that which both S. Ambrose and S. Austin tell us in their several writings viz. that they did undergoe this trouble for no other reason than out of a conformity and obedience to the words and imitation of S. Paul 1 Cor. cap. 6. touching the ending of such suits and differences as did arise amongst the Faithful S. Austin saying Constituisse Apostolum talibus causis Ecclesiasticos cognitores Id. in Psal 110. serm 174. Id. de opere Monach. 29. Amb. Epist 24. and iisdem molestiis eos affixisse Apostolos S. Ambrose that he had undertook the businesses which were brought before him Secundum sacrae formam praeceptionis qua eum Apostolus induebat which did impose such a necessity upon him that he was not able to decline it Both of them do agree in this and Posidonius doth agree with both in the same particular that they were not only warranted but obliged by S. Pauls injunction Posidon in vita August c. 19. to undertake the cognizance of such secular causes as were from time to time committed to their care and trust and that they had not done their duty had they made any scruple of the undertaking But these being only private matters let us next see whether their service was not used in affairs of State and we shall find that Constantine did always take some Bishops with him when he went to War not only for their ghostly counsel in spiritual matters but for advise in matters which concerned the occasion the prosecution of the War which was then in hand Euseb in vita Constant l. 4. c. 54. that Ambrose was twice sent Ambassador from Valentinian the younger to the Tyrant Maximus which he performed to the great contentment of his Prince and the preservation of the Empire whereof he gives us an accompt in an express unto the Emperor that when Firmus had rebelled in Africk Amb. Epist 27. lib. 5. and saw himself too weak to resist the Forces which were raised against him under Theodosius Antistites ritus Christiani pacem oraturos misit he sent the African Prelates his Ambassadors to treat of peace Ammian Marcel hist l. 29. Socrat. Eccles hist l. 7. c. 8. that Marutha Bishop of Mesapotamia was in like nature sent to the Court of Persia in the time of the Emperour Honorius I. as after that Epiphanius Bishop of Ticinum which we now call Pavie employed from the Ligurians to Athalaricus King of the Gothes in Italy from him unto the Court of Burgundy as Cassiodorus and Ennodius do describe at large that James the godly Bishop of Nisibis a frontier Town against the Persians was also ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã both Governour of the place and Captain of the Souldiers which were there in Garrison Theodoret. hist Eccl. l. 2. c. 30. and did most manfully defend it against all the force and fury of the Persian Armies An. 338. or thereabouts and finally which was an argument of great power and trust that the Bishops in Justinians time were by him appointed to oversee the Civil Magistrates and to give notice to the Emperour if they failed in any thing which did concern the Government of the Estate in their several places Novel 56. in Append. ad Novel 8. of which the very Edicts are still extant in the Book of Novels The Prelates being grown into this esteem for their integrity and wisdom with the Roman Emperours it is no wonder if they were imployed in the greatest Offices of trust and counsel after the Empire was dismembred and shared betwixt such several Princes as grew up in the place of those mighty Monarchs And this they did on so good motives and with such success that in short time the Prelates were not only used for advice and counsel but the inferiour Clergy also were called unto imployments of the highest nature and in conclusion with the Prelates made up the third Estate in most Christian Kingdoms For being that the study of Divinity is diffused and large and that the knowledge of Philosophy and the Art and Histories is but attendant on the same and subservient to it there was no question made at all in the times we speak of but that a Church-man so accomplished might be as useful in the service of the Common-wealth as those who wanted many opportunities to be so versed in Books the best guides to business especially when to those helps in poin of Learning were joyned a suddenness of apprehension a perspicacity of judgment and which swayed most of all integrity of life and conversation These when they met together as they often did in men admitted by the Church unto holy Orders it was not either thought or found and indeed how could it that their admittance into Orders did take off from any of those natural or acquired indowments of which before they were possessed or that it was a disabling to them to make use thereof in any matter of debate or action which concerned the publick And that it hath been so of old in all Christian Kingdoms besides that it is intimated by our Author here we shall clearly see by looking over such particulars as have most influence and power in the affairs of Christendom And first beginning as of right with the German Empire August Thuan. hist lib. 2. Thuanus gives this note in general Imperium in tria omnino membra dividi that that Emire is divided into three Estates over all which the Emperour is the Head or the Supream Prince Of these the first Estate is ex sacro Ordine of the holy Hierarchy composed of the three spiritual Electors together with the residue of the Archbishops and Bishops and many Abbots Priors and other Prelates The second is of the Nobility consisting of the three temporal Electors the Dukes Marquesses Lantgraves Burgraves Earls and Barons of which there is no determinate number the Emperour having power to add daily to them as he sees occasion The third Estate is of the free or Imperial Cities in number 60. or thereabouts who represent themselves at the General Diets by such Commissioners or Deputies as are authorized to that purpose Now for these Diets for by that name they call their Conventus Ordinum or Assembly of the three Estates they are summoned at the will and pleasure of the Emperour only and at such place and time as to him seems meetest Id. ibid. Where being met as all the three Estates must meet either in person or by their Ambassadors they use to treat of Peace and War of raising Subsidies and Taxes to support the State of leagues and confederacies of raising and decrying moneys of making abrogating and expounding laws and of such other points and matters as do pertain unto the
c. convenit ut per consilium testimonium ejus omne legis scitum Burgi mensura omne pondus sit secundum dictionem ejus institutum that is to say it belongeth of right unto the Bishop to promote Justifice in matters which concern both the Church and State and unto him it appertaineth that by his counsel and award all Laws and Weights and Measures be ordained throughout the Kingdom 2. Next we will have recourse to the old Record entituled Modus tenendi Parliamentum In which it is affirmed ad Parliamentum summoneri venire debere Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates Priores alios majores cleri qui tenent per Comitatum aut Baroniam ratione hujusmodi tenurae Modus tenendi Parliament that all the Archbishops Bishops Abbats Priors and other Prelates of the Church who hold their Lands either by an Earls fee or a Barons fee were to be summoned and to come to Parliament in regard of their Tenure 3. Next look we on the chartularies of King Henry the first recognized in full Parliament at Clarendon under Henry the 2d where they are called avitas consuetudines which declare it thus Archiepiscopi Episcopi universae personae qui de Rege tenent in Capite habeant possessiones suas de Rege sicut Baroniam c. sicut caeteri Barones debent interesse juditiis Curiae Regis cum Baronibus quousque perveniatur ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem Matth. Paris in Hen. 2. The meaning is in brief that Archbishops Bishops and all other Ecclesiastical persons which hold in Capite of the King are to have and hold their Lands in Barony and that they ought as Barons to be present in all Judgments with the other Barons in the Court of Parliament until the very sentence of death or mutilation which was very common in those times was to be pronounced And then they commonly did use to withdraw themselves not out of any incapacity supposed to be in them by the Law of England but out of a restraint imposed upon them by the Canons of the Church of Rome 4. In the great Charter made by King John in the last of his Reign we have the Form of summoning a Parliament and calling those together who have Votes therein thus expressed at large Ad habendum commune consilium Regni de auxilio assidendo c. de scutagiis assidendis faciemus summoneri Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates Comites Majores Barones Regni sigillatim per literas nostras Et praeterea summoneri faciemus in generali per Vice Comites Ballivos nostros omnes alios qui in Capite tenent ad certum diem Id. in Joh. sc ad terminum 40. dierum ad minus ad certum locum c. In which we have not only a most evident proof that the Bishops are of right to be called to Parliament for granting Subsidies and Escuago and treating of the great Affairs which concern the Kingdom but that they are to be summoned by particular Letters as well as the Earls and Barons or either of them A Form or copy of which summons issued in the time of the said King John is extant on Record and put in print of late in the Titles of Honour Pr. 2. c. 5. And we have here I note this only by the way a brief intimation touching the Form of summoning the Commons to attend in Parliament and the time of 40 days expresly specified to intervene between the summons and the beginning of the Parliament Which Commons being such as anciently did hold in Capite and either having a Knights fee or the degree of Knighthood did first promiscuously attend in these publick meetings and after were reduced to four quatuor discretos milites de Comitatu tuo Id. ibid. as the Writ ran unto the Sheriff and at last to two as they continue to this day 5. We have it thus in the Magna Charta of King Henry the 3d. the birth-right of the English Subject according as it stands translated in the book of Statutes First we have granted to God and by this our present charter have confirmed for us and our heirs for ever that the Church of England shall be free Magna Charta ca. 1. and shall enjoy all her whole Rights and Liberties inviolable But it was a known Right and Liberty of the Church of England that all the Bishops and many of the greater Clergy and peradventure also the inferiour Clergy whereof more anon had their Votes in Parliament and therefore is to be preserved inviolable by the Kings of England their heirs and Successors for ever Which Charter as it was confirmed by a solemn Curse denounced on all the Infringers of it by Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury Matth. Paris in Henr. 3. and ratified in no fewer than 30 succeeding Parliaments so was it enacted in the reign of Edward the first that it should be sent under the great Seal of England to all the Cathedral Churches of the Kingdom to be read twice a year before the people 25 Edw. 1. c. 2. 28 Edw. 1. c. 1. 25 Edw. 1. c. 3. that they should be read four times every year in a full County-Court and finally that all judgments given against it should be void 6. We have the Protestation of John Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury in the time of King Edward the 3d. who being in disfavour with the King and denied entrance into the House of Peers ââllenged his place and suffrage there as the first Peer of the Realm and one that ought to have the first Voice in Parliament in right of his See But hear him speak his own words which are these that follow Amici for he spake to those who took witness of it Rex me ad hoc Parliamentum scripto suo vocavit ego tanquam major Par Regni post Regem primam vocem habere debens in Parliamento jura Ecclesiae meae Cantuariensis vendico Antiqu. Britan. in Joh. Stratford ideo ingressum in Parliamentum peto which is full and plain 7. And lastly there is the Protestation on Record of all the Bishops in the reign of King Richard the 2d at what time William Courtney was Arch-bishop of Canterbury who being to withdraw themselves from the House of Peers at the pronouncing of the sentence of death on some guilty Lords first made their Procurators to supply their rooms and then put up their Protestation to preserve their Rights the sum whereof for as much as doth concern this business in their own words thus De jure consuetudine regni Angliae ad Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem qui pro tempore fuerit necnon caeteros Suffraganeos confratres compatres Abbates Priores aliosque Prelatos quoscunque per Baroniam de domino Rege tenentes pertinet in Parliamentis Regis quibuscunque ut Pares regni praedicti personaliter interesse ibidemque de