that wee did not meddle with them for their opinions otherwise then they had given us occasion by their owne Letters and free speeches amongstus for wee wrote to them about civill Controversies onely and gave them no occasion to vent their blasphemies and revilings against the Ordinances of Religion set up with us Thirdly for their title to the Indians lands wee had divers times desired them to make it appeare but they alwayes refused even to our Commissioners whom according to their owne motion wee sent last to them and since they were in prison wee offered them to send for any witnesses they would name to us for that end but this also they refused So that our title by the Indians surrender appeareth good and having regained possession we need not question them any further about that Their Letters being read and their Subscriptions acknowledged they were demanded severally if they would maintaine those things which were contained therein Their answer was that they would in that sense they wrote them and so were returned to prison The next day they were brought before the Court severally to be examined upon particulars many of the Elders being desired to bee present because they had said they could give a good interpretation of every part of their Letters But the interpretation they gave being contrary to the words they were demanded if they would then retract those words so plainely different from their pretended meanings But this they refused to doe saying that then they should deny the Truth for instance in one or two Their Letters were directed one of them To their Neighbours of the Massachusets and the other To the great honoured Idoll Generall of the Massachusets and by a messenger of their owne delivered to our Governour and many passages in both Letters particularly applyed to our Courts our Magistrates our Elders c. and yet upon their examinations about their meanings in their reproachfull passages they answered that they meant them of the corrupt estate of mankinde in generall and not of us So whereas in their Letter they charged it upon us as an errour that we teach That Christ dyed Actually onely when he suffered under Pontius Pilate and before onely in Types c. upon their examination they said that their meaning was that his death was actuall to the faith of the Fathers under the Law which is in effect the same which we hold Yet they would not retract their words they had written The Elders conferred many houres with them before the Court and by occasion there of they discovered divers blasphemous opinions which they maintained we will instance one which was mentioned before delivered by Gortâ—n viz. that the Image of God wherein Adam was created was Christ and Adams loosing that Image was the death of Christ and the restoring of that Image in the Regeneration was the resurrection of Christ and so the death of him that was borne of the Virgin Mary was but a manifestation of the former Master William Tompson one of the Elders had spent some time with them before in the prison about the opinions which they held forth and they had professed their agreement with him for substance in every point so as he came to the Court with a purpose to speak in their behalf but when he heard themselves discover thus upon their publique examinations he shewed how he had beene deluded by them For they excell the Iesuites in the art of equivocation and regard not how false they speake to all other mens apprehensions so they keepe to the rules of their owne secret intentions Being asked why they spake against the Ordinances of the Ministery Sacraments c. seeing the Scripture allowes them They answered that they were ordained onely for the time of Nonage but after the Revelation was written they were to cease because we finde no mention of them in that booke They were unlearned men the ablest of them could not write true english no not in common words yet they would take upon them to interpret the most difficult places of Scripture and wrest them any way to serve their owne turne As for instance Mr. Cotton pressing Gorton with that in Act. 10. Who can forbid water why these should not be baptised c. He interpreted thus who can deny but these hâ—ve beene baptised sâ—eing they have received the Holy Ghost c. so he allowed them to have beene baptised This shift he was put to that he might maintaine his opinion viz that such as have beene baptized with the Holy Ghost need not the baptisme of water Divers dayes were spent both by the Court and the Elders in labouring to bring them to repentance but all in vaine They continued obstinate Whereupon they agreed to sentence them but first they brought them in publique before a great Assembly and there out of their Letters and Speeches they laid upon them this charge viz. they were found to be blasphemous enemies of the true Religion of our Lord Jesus Christ and of all his holy Ordinances and likewise of all Civill Government among his people and particularly within this jurisdiction Then they were demanded if they did acknowledge this charge to be just and would submit to it or what exception they had against it They answered they did not acknowledge it to be just but they fell into some cavilling speeches so they were returned unto prison againe Being in prison they behaved themselves insolently towards their keeper and spake evill of the Magistrates so as the keeper was forced to threaten them with Irons to keepe them quiet After all meanes used to reclaime them and not prevailing they were brought before the Court to receive their sentence which was this Gorton and six more of them were to be sent to severall townes there to bee kept to worke for their livings and to weare an Iron chaine upon one leg and not to depart the limits of the Towne nor by word or writing to maintaine any of their blasphemous or wicked errours upon paine of death except in conference with any of the Elders or any other allowed by some Magistrate to conferre with them and this to continue during the pleasure of the Court. Three of the Company because they had not their hands to the Letters were set at libertie two of them upon a small ransome as prisoners taken in warre and the other freely for that he was amongst them in his Masters house where they were taken a fourth being found to be a plaine ignorant young man was discharged also onely enjoyned to abide a time in one of our Townes but hee went away and returned no more contrary to his promise There were two other who were brought in after but not by force the one of them disclaiming to have any hand in the Letters was discharged presently the other was kept a while in prison and after upon his submission c. was released Gorâ—on and the other fix remained in the severall Townes all
themselves with their friends and such as will follow after them where they may use their liberty to live without order or controule and not to trouble us that have taken the same course as wee have done for our safety and peace which they doe not approve nor like of but rather like beasts in the shape of men to doe what they shall thinke fit in their owne eyes and will not bee governed by any State And seeing they doe but here linger out the time in hope to get the day to make up their penny-worths in advantage upon us we have just cause to heare the complaints of so many of our Neighbors that live in the Town orderly amongst us and have brought in their complaints with many reasons against them and not to admit them but answer them as unfit persons to bee received into our meane State c. Now if these Reasons and much more which have been truly said of them doe not satisfie you and the rest of our neighbours but that they must be received into our Towne-state even unto our utter overthrow c. then according to the order agreed upon by the Towne I doe first offer my house and land within the liberty of the Towne unto the Towne to buy it of mee or else I may and shall take liberty to sell it to whom I may for mine advantage c. William Arnold A PARTICVLAR ANSWER TO THE Manifold Slanders and abominable Falsehoods contained in a Book called Simplicities defence against Seven-headed Policy Wherein Samuel Gorton is proved a disturber of Civill Societies desperately dangerous to his Country-men the English in New-Engl and notoriously slanderous in what he hath Printed of them WHEN first I entertained the desires of the Countrey to come over to answer the complaints of Samuel Gorton c. and to render a reason of the just and righteous proceedings of the Countrey of New-Engl in the severall parts of it against him being a common disturber of the peace of all Societies where hee came witnes New-Plymouth 2 Roade-Island 3 Providence and lastly the Massachusets being the most eminent I little thought then to have appeared in print but comming into England and finding a Booke written by Mr. Gorton called Simpliâ—ities defence against Seven-headed policy or A true complaint of a peaceable people being part of the English in New-Engl made unto the State of Old-England against cruell persecutors united in Church-Government in those parts I then conceived my selfe bound in duty to take off the many grosse and publike scandalls held forth therein to the great amazement of many tender consciences in the Kingdom who are not acquainted with his proud and turbulent carriage nor see the Lion under his Lambe-skinne coate of simplicity and peace The Lord knowes how unwilling I was personally to engage and I trust hee will also guide mee in answering his booke as I shall bee farre from bitternesse t is true time was when his person was precious in mine eies and therefore I hope and desire onely to make a righteous and just defence to the many unworthy things by him boldly ignorantly proudly and falsly published to the great dishonour of God in wronging and scandalizing his Churches which the Lord Jesus Christ will not leave unpunished I know the world is full of controversies and t is my great griefe to see my dear native Country so engaged in them especially one godly person against another 'T is my present comfort I come not to accuse any but to defend New-England against the injurious complaints of Samuel Gorton c. but as it comes to passe oftentimes that men wound others unavoidably in defending their persons from the violent assaults of such as draw upon them which otherwise they would never have done so if Mr. Gorton receive any such hurt which is unavoidable hee becomes an accessary thereunto by forcing mee to defend the Country without which I should bee unfaithfull I know the world is too full of bookes of this kinde and therefore however I am unfitted of many things I have and could procure at home would well become a relation of the late and present state of New England yet I shall now onely with as great brevity as may bee give answer to such injurious complaints as hee maketh of us And however his Title Preface and every leafe of his booke may bee justly found fault with I shall clearely answer to matters of fact such as hee chargeth the severall Governments withall so as any indifferent Reader may easily discerne how grosly wee are abused and how just and righteous censures were against him for disturbing the civill peace of all societies where hee came in such a manner as no Government could possibly beare and for the blasphemies for which hee was proceeded against at Massachusets they fell in occasionally by his owne meanes without any circumstance leading thereunto And first whereas hee accuseth us in the first page of his booke to goe over to suppresse hereticks 'T is well knowne we went thither for no such end laid downe by us but to enjoy those liberties the Lord Jesus Christ had left unto his Church to avoid the Episcopall tyranny and the heavy burthens they imposed to which sufferings the kingdome by this ever to bee honoured Parliament have and doe beare witnesse to as religious and just And that wee might also hold forth that truth and ancient way of God wherein wee walke which Mr. Gorton cals heresie Next in the same Pag. hee chargeth us with affection of Titles c. To which I answer either we must live without Government or if wee have Governours wee must give them wee call such Titles as are sutable to their offices and places they beare in Church and Common-wealth as Governours and Assistants Pastors Teachers Rulers Deacons c. these are our highest Titles we give In his second pag. hee chargeth the Massachusets to unite with other Colenies to the end they might bathe themselves in bloud and feed themselves fat with the lives of their brethren c. This is a notorious slander 'T is true that the Massachusets new Plimouth Coneâ—â—â—â—ut and New-haven I meane the severall Colonies there entred into a civill combination and are called by the name of the Vnited Colonies and this was occasioned by a generall conspiracy of the Indians against the body of the English there seated together with the distracted condition of England from whom we could expect no helpe at that time But Mr. Gortan and his company fell at that time into more then ordinary familiarity with the Nanohigganset Indians who were the principal contrivers of the Villany who where they could not draw others to them by forâ—e or flattery they did it by large gifts c. as I could prove by many testimonies of the Indians many hundred miles asunder from each other in which designe had not the finger of God in much mercy prevented I had beene the
I told you before how the Commissioners for the United Colonies meeting at Hartford by course whose meeting alwayes begins the first Thursday in Septemb. sent for both the Nanohiggansets and vncus who appeared and a league agreed on but the Nanohiggansets broke againe and warred upon vncus needlesly The United Colonies admonished them againe and againe and after no admonition nor perswasions would serve wee were then forced to call the Commissioners together at an extraordinary season on purpose who finding it meet to take up Armes in the behalfe of vncus our Confederate whom by the agreement of the Nanohiggansets sundry times at divers meetings wee were bound and it was made lawfull to doe Hereupon the Commissioners agreeing as before sent out their Warrants to their severall and speciall Governments and accordingly Forces were raised at a dayes warning But before this in stead of hearkening to righteous Counsell they threatened also the English saying they would make heapes of our dead bodies and cattle as high as their houses burne our habitations make spoile of our goods and used our Messengers very discurteously c. And for Captaine Standish this I heard him relate that being at the place of Rendezvouze before the Massachusets Forces came observing that some of the Inhabitants of Providence received the Indians into their houses familiarly who had put themselves also into a posture of Armes and the place within a mile of Secunck or Rhehoboth where Captaine Standish lay hee sent to Providence and required them to lay aside their neutrality and either declare themselves on the one side or other For the warre being once begun hee would not beare with their carriage in entertaining furnishing and relieving the common enemy but would disarm them c. And whether necessity put him not upon this course or no let the Reader judge And for the five hundred pound 't is true their hearts fayled to see Plymouth Forces appeare and Massachus both Horse and Foot upon their march on the one side their Countrey under Mr. Edw. Gibbons who was chosen Generall of the United Colonies with the help of Woâ—samequisâ— whose constancy to Plymouth is wel known and Pumham and Secononoco with reference to Massachusets with all their men attending the English word of command And on the other side their Countrey the forces of Coneâ—tacut Neâ—haven with all the strength of Vncus waiting but for the word from the Commissioners to fall on Now I say they were daunâ—ed especially because it came so suddenly upon them wanting Mr. Gorton and his friends who were not yet come Hereupon they resolved to go to the Commissioners to Massachus and compound and did signe new Articles to observe the peace not onely with the United Colonies but with Vncus Woosamequin Pumham and Socononoco and other our Confederates including all the English in the land to make satisfaction for wrongs to Vncus and to pay five hundred pounds to the united Colonies for the charge they put us to which indeed would not neare make it good if they had paid it but as at other times so now not with standing their Hostages they abused us grosly first sending â—alâ—e personsâ— secondly breaking all other their Covenants and came at last to a resolution they would rather give the money which is a Beade as current as coin in all that part of America of their owne making to the Mowhakes at once to cut us off then to pay it according to Covenant And thus contrary to my resolution I see a necessity of more large answers then I intended and indeed other wife I should speak riddles and not satisfie the Reader Although were it an History I have many remarkable passages which here for brevity sake I must omit And if any think wee doe needlesly ingage in the troubles betweene the Indians â— Let them know if wee should not here and there keepe correspondency with some of them they would soone joyne all together against us 2. The quarrall betweene Vncus and Nanohigganset arose upon his cleaving to us For the great Sachim Myantonimo would have marryed Vncus daughter and since Pessachus that succeeded him would have marryed Woosamequins daughter and all in policy to take them off from us so that indeed wee are necessitated to it And 3. we are not out of hope in time to bring them to the knowledge of Jesus Christ as will appeare by a small Treatâ—se of that kinde But this one thing I desire the Reader to take notice of that when that great Prince Myantonimo hee so much admires had offered violence to Woosamequin who was under the protection of Plymouth and missing his person returned onely with the plunder of his goods Upon Woosamequins complaint to Plymouth that Government alone it being before the Union sent Captain Standish with a few men not above 20. who sent a message over the Bay of Salt water which parts Woosamequin from them Either to make restitution of his goods so injuriously taken or else to expect him to fetch them with a vengeance to their coâ—t Hereupon they sent over every particular that could bee demanded even to a woodden dish and salved up all againe but this was before any malignant English sate down so neare them and held counsell with them before they had violated our persons to them reported us to bee base and low out of favour with the King and State c. things very unworthy abominable to be named but that in defending the abused Governments of the Country I am forced to dang such strokes at these proud and turbulent enemies of the Countrey Next in pag. 94. that hee relateth of Mr. Williams viz the messengers taking him with them that were sent to the Nanohiggansets in that troublesome time viz. being one cast out of the Church Mr. Cotton should preach It was all one to take counsell of a witch and that those that did it were worthy to die Upon which Mr. Wilbour one of the messengers was ready to die saith hee for feare hee should have been hanged This I cannot beleeve for these two Reasons 1. Because all men that know Mr. Cotton know his moderation wisdome and piety to bee such as such an expression was not like to drop from him 2. The strictest Government in New-Engl that I know takes no advantage in the law at a mans person for being excommunicated insomuch as if he have an office he holds it neverthelesse and this I know practised and therefore his relation unlike But that the Messengers were directed to another for their interpreter I know and that some took offence at theirâ— practise I know also but upon different grounds which I forbeare to mention being now to answer Mr. Gorton and not Mr. Williams In pag. 93. which is the last page in his Booke that I shall need to make answer to and the thing hee there brings against us is an answer to a doctrine one of their wives should heare delivered at Massachusets
Secondly they that went should freely offer themselves Thirdly if the major part went the Pastor to goe with them if not the Elder onely Fourthly if the Lord should srowne upon our proceedings then those that went to returne and the Brethren that remained still there to assist and bee helpfull to them but if God should bee pleased to favour them that went then they also should endeavour to helpe over such as were poore and ancient and willing to come these things being agreed the major part stayed and the Pastor with them for the present but all intended except a very few who had rather wee would have stayed to follow after The minor part with Mr. Brewsâ—er their Elder resolved to enter upon this great work but take notice the difference of number was not great And when the Ship was ready to carry us away the Brethren that stayed having againe solemnly sought the Lord with us and for us and we further engaging our selves mutually as before they I say that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to goe at our Pastors house being large where wee refreshed our selves after our teares with singing of Psalmes making joyfull melody in our hearts as well as with the voice there being many of the Congregation very expert in Musick and indeed it was the sweetest melody that ever mine eares heard After this they accompanyed us to Delphs Haven where wee were to imbarque and there feasted us againe and after prayer performed by our Pastor where a â—â—ood of teares was poured out they accompanyed us to the Ship but were not able to speake one to another for the abundance of sorrow to part but wee onely going aboard the Ship lying to the Key and ready to set sayle the winde being faire wee gave them a vâ—lley of small shot and three peeces of Ordinance and so lifting up our hands to each other and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God we departed and found his presence with us in the midst of our manifold straits hee carryed us thorow And if any doubt this relation the Dutch as I heare at Delphs Haven preserve the memory of it to this day and will inform them But falling with Cape Cod which is in New-England and standing to the Southward for the place wee intended wee met with many dangers and the Mariners put back into the Harbouâ— of the Cape which was the 11. of November 1620 where considering Winter was come the Seas dangerous the season cold the winds high and being well furnished for a Plantation we entered upon discovery and setled at Plymouth where God being pleased to preserve and enable us wee that went were at a Thousand pounds charge in sending for our Brethren that were behinde and in providing there for them till they could reape a crop of their owne labours And so good Reader I have given thee a true and faithfull account though very briefe of our proceedings wherein thou seest how a late Writer and those that informed himâ— have wronged our enterprise And truly what I have written is far short of what it was omitting for brevity sake many circumstances as the large offerâ— the Dutch offered us either to have removed into Zealand and there lived with them or if we would go on such adventures to goe under them to Hudsons River where they have since a great plantation c. and how they would freely have transported us and furnished every family with cattle c. Also the English Merchants that joyned with us in this expedition whom wee since bought out which is fitter for an History then an answer to such an Objection I trust will be accomplished in good time By all which the Reader may see there was no breach between us that went and the brethren that stayed but such love as indeed is seldome found on earth And for the many plantations that come â—ver to us upon notice of Gods blessing upon us whereas 't is falsly said they tooke Plimouth for their president as fast as they came 'T is true I conâ—esse that some of the chiefe of them advised with us comming over to be freed from the burthen some ceremonies then imposed in England how they should doe to fall upon a right platforme of worship and desired to that end since God had honoured us to lay the foundation of a Common-weale and to settle a Church in it 〈◊〉 shew them whereupon our practice was grounded and if they found upon due search it was built upon the Word they should be willing to take up what was of God We accordingly shewed them the Primitive practice for our warrant taken out of the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles written to the severall Churches by the said Apostles together with the Commandements of Christ the Lord in the Gospell and other our warrants for every particular wee did from the booke of God Which being by them well weighed and considered they also entred into Covenant with God and one with another to walke in all his wayes revealed or as they should bee made knowne unto them and to worship him according to his will revealed in his written word onely c. So that here also thou maist see they set not the Church at Plimouth before them for example but the Primitive Churches were and are their and our mutuall patternes and examples which are onely worthy to be â—ollowed having the blessed Apostles amongst them which were sent immediately by Christ himselfe and enabled and guided by the unerring Spirit of God And truly this is a patternesit to bâ—e followed of all that feare God and no man or men to bee followed further then they follow Christ and them Having thus briefly shewed that the foundation of our New-England Plantations was not laid upon Schisme division or Separation but upon love peace and holinesse yea such love and mutuall care of the Church of Leyden for the spreading of the Gospel the welfare of each other and their posterities to succeeding generations as is seldome found on earth And having shewed also that the Primitive Churches are the onely pattern which the Churches of Christ in New-England have in their eye not following Luther Calvin Knoxe Aiâ—worth Robinson Amies or any other further then they follow Christ and his Apostles I am earnestly requested to cleare up another grosse mistake which caused many and still doth to judge the harder of New-England and the Churches there because say they The Church of Plymouth which went first from Leyden were Schismaticks Bromnists rigid Separatists c. having Mr. Robinson for their Pastor who-made and to the last prosessed separation from other the Churches of Christ c. And the rest of the Churches in New-England holding communion with that Church are to bee reputed such as they are For anâ—were to this aspersion First he that knew Mr. Robinson either by his Doctâ—ine daily taught or hath read his Apology published not long before his death or