did relate to the service of their Gods must be neglected and so a record of it was made nunciatum esse that it was reported not verum esse that it was true Yet we find in the same Livy that oftentimes upon just suspition that which was related did pass some kind of examination and if found defective not allowed But what shall we say to Plutarch's relation who not upon his own credit only and yet he acknowledged a grave and serious Author but upon the credit of many then living in his Treatise of the Soul not now extant but so much of it is preserved in Eusebius doth seriously relate of one very well known unto him and his familiar friend as I take it who died he said and his Soul after three hours remanded to his body because it was upon a mistake of the messenger that he was deprived of life by such a sickness when another man was intended and sent for After which restauration to life he lived many years and was then alive Plutarch saith when he wrote this of him This relation I must confess did somewhat trouble me when I first read in Eusebius and the rather because Eusebius doth barely relate it and excepts against nothing which some might interpret as an assent but is not there was no need if what he aimed at be considered But however so barely related did trouble me for a time But afterwards upon better consideration I thought and still think that both Plutarch and his friend might be very honest men and speak no more than what they believed to be very true and yet we not bound at all to believe them For first of all this departing of his soul was in a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarch saith that is a kind of unnatural deep sleep which by them that are not much acquainted with the proper terms of Physick and differences of every disease might easily be mistaken for an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Physicians define Soporem gravem quo qui tenentur c. that is A kâ—nd of sleep which they that labour of sleep profoundly and dream and afterwards when awakâ—ned what they did dream they think to be true and relate it unto others for very truth Or as Sennertus elsewhere They lie as though they were dead and frequently after they are awakened make report what strange things they have heard and seen NO wonder then if the man in such a distemper saw strange visions and it is probable he had read of some such thing that had hapned or commonly reported to have hapned unto some others whereof the learned Annotator in the last Paris Edition will give a further account to them that desire it But this granted it follows in Plutarch that the other who by right should have died for there was a mistake of men or souls as was said before upon the return of Antillus his soul that was his name when he heard what had hapned to Antillus and what report he had made of his visions that is that his soul should be returned indeed but the others first intended would be sent for he fell sick and died in very deed Truly I think according to the belief of the vulgar of those days it were a wonder a great wonder if he had not For he was not only told what this revived as was thought Antillus had reported of him as revealed unto him in that other world but people so goes the story were daily and hourly at his door to see the event which was enough to startle any man that had not a very great courage and knew nothing to the contrary but that what was reported of Antillus his death his miraculous reviving and what Antillus himself had since reported as revealed unto him where he had been was very true enough I say to startle him into an alienation of mind or a sudden death whereof there be many examples of men who surprized with a sudden great fear though without any other hurt or danger have fallen into some sickness which hath ended in death He therefore who upon this or like relation of Plutarch should censure him for a fabulous writer would do him wrong and bewray-either malignity or ignorance Yet many fables we may find in Plutarch which being delivered by him not credited nor to that end they should be credited but according to the Mythologie of those times which was no small part of their learning and is yet to all men for the understanding of ancient books without which no true learning can be purchased for such fables and the like delivered upon certain suppositions it were very ridiculous and injurious also to account him fabulous BUT because this is a profitable point to prevent rash judgment which commonly proceeds from ignorance or want of judgment or ingenuity the worst of the three among them that have lately written of Daemons and Spirits and their instruments men and women Witches and Sorcerers Bodinus and Remigius are most known I think and read Learned men both and who I think had no intention at all to impose upon their Readers but wrote as themselves believed Yet for all this I do not think my self bound to believe every thing that they believed and thought truth neither could I for the reasons before alledged ground upon any of their stories but as the authorities and circumstances of the story well pondered shall induce me Though learned yet men and as men liable to errors and mistakes and in some things perhance more credulous than I should be What either of them might think of the efficacy of washing of the hands of Salâ— and of a Vine-stick of the crowing of the Cock and the like I make no question but they had some plausible grounds the confessions of divers Witches first deluded by the Devil that they might delude others and by degrees draw them to other more superstitious observations for it besides what is objected to Bodinus particularly by the censors of his book if true Many men when they have got some such thing by the end that may accidentally prove false or it may be justly famed as superstitious they think they have enough to discredit a man and to blast his labours though otherwise never so worthy or profitable which as I said before is an argument of great either weakness or malice I know it is the manner of many incredulous men especially when they are pressed with any authority and cannot otherwise evade A very learned man in his books De Origine Idololat or rather De Theologia Gentili c. a far more proper Title except he had followed it otherwise which gave me encouragement to write of the same subject De orig Idololat long ago though never yet printed doth pass a harsh judgment against Bodinus as for some other things so particularly for his severity or rather as he makes it rash and injurious partiality in admitting all kind of witnesses against suspected
should be exempted and they only perish that have not the fear of God before their eyes known unto themselves and others for such by their lives and conversations They only but not all that are such for then the world would soon be destitute of inhabitants that is apparent Well they only but if not all would not this give ground to them that escape to think themselves though nothing less perchance righteous and godly and in the favour of God And so harden them in their wicked courses as justified by God himself in their preservation Certainly besides profest or secret Atheism and infidelity there is not among them that profess to believe there is not I say any greater cause of miscarrying than presumption so prone we are if we keep not a very strict watch and make it our daily business over our actions to think better of our selves than we are or God doth think and know What then would it be if we had this further inducement of presumption of our goodness and Gods favour that when others perished we escaped But again would it not if none but such perished give ground to them that are really godly and upright in their lives and conversations even to them to think better of themselves than they are and as men out of danger to grow proud and secure highly conceited of themselves despisers of others witness the late Saints as they did call themselves than which no greater misery can befal a godly man And then how can it stand with that grand mystery of our faith that we must be saved by faith if this present world apparently were a place of reward to good and evil Or a place where good and evil are discriminated and discerned by such apparent as I may call it partiality How can St. Paul's inference be justified and verified that the prosperity of wicked men in this world is a sure evidence unto us of a day of Judgment because we know which even ordinary reason doth prompt if we believe there is a God that God is just HAD these things been well considered of and much more though not able to give an account of we may think our selves in duty bound to believe some both ancient and late might have written more warily than they have done Of the Ancients I could name some that write suspitiously but none that I remember more peremptorily than Lactantius a profest Rhetoritian and an elegant writer but a raw Christian who maintaineth that it is not possible that either at Sea by tempest or at Land by war or Pestilence he intended also certainly though he doth not express it any just man should perish but that either God for his sake will preserve the rest or when all the rest perish that are not what he is he alone shall be preserved So he the more excusable because as I said before but a raw Christian I am much deceived if among the Protestant Commentators on the Psalms some one might not be found who doth maintain the very same opinion Bodinus I am sure whether a Protestant or a Papist saith little less concerning the power of Magicians and Witches when he saith that they cannot delude or blind the eyes an ordinary thing with them of them that fear God to represent things unto them as true and real which are not so but in appearance only which if true we may upon the same ground conclude they have no power at all upon their bodies to annoy them which indeed without Gods permission we know they have not but that is not to the purpose for neither have they upon the bodies of others till God permit and give them leave so that in that there is no difference But to believe that none are possessed or otherwise annoyed by the Devil but wicked men is a very uncharitable and erroneous opinion easily confuted by the Scriptures besides what hath been said before of Godly men being subject to publick calamities as well as other men They that desire further satisfaction in this point may if they please and be able read St. Chrysostome his large discourse in three several books to one of his time that was possest and had already been so when he wrote for the space of three years whom he accounted and so describeth as an exemplary man for his holy life and conversation THERE was a tradition anciently so ancient that Gregory Nazianzen and Prudentius were and many more since have been deceived by it that S. Cyprian had been a great Magician before he was converted to the Christian faith The occasion of his conversion some say was that being passionately in love of a chast Christian Virgin and out of all hopes to speed any other way he had recourse to his Master the Devil that by his means he might obtain his desire I find it in Vair that the Devil should presently reply unto him that against them that did truly and sincerely worship Jesus Christ no power or art he had could prevail at which Cyprian being surprised with great astonishment resolved presently to become a Christian But this part of the story I do not find either in Prudentius or Nazianzen but in Prudentius only this that whilest he was of that profession among other things he made use of Magick to compass his lustful desires and in Nazianzen thus that the Devil having done what he could to work upon the Virgin in vain at last he hath done so upon like occasions more than once as later stories bear witness did acknowledge so much to Cyprian and put him out of all hopes of obtaining his desire at which Cyprian was so troubled that he made bold to revile the Devil there be too many that will revile God himself when they miss of their ends who in revenge entered into him and grievously tormented him which forced him to apply himself to Christ for help which having found that so he became a Christian The best is if this be not true of our St. Cyprian whose learned and pious works are extant it may be sure and probably is very true of another somewhat later Cyprian who died a Martyr too so that it is probably but a mistake of the name BUT if Vair were mistaken in his account as to the particular we are upon grounded upon St. Cyprian's authority to prove that a good Christian is exempted from the stroak and smart of the Devil's persecution in general and personal possession particularly yet it may be supplied partly out of Celsus in Origen and partly out of Origen himself Out of Celsus in Origen lib. 6. pag. 312. where Celsus doth declare that he had learned from an Aegyptian Musician 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Printed and so translated Musicum by the Latin interpreter But I propose it to the consideration of them that are more at leisure whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be not the more likely word there being so much affinity between Macus and Aegyptius in
for the truth of them which I think is the main business I durst undertake For though I have many things out of my private Papers and Note-books or Adversaria which for the reasons before alledged I could not now revise in the Authors themselves out of which I had them yet out of the originals I had them I am sure and not out of other mens quotations which I never trusted so far as to enter them without examination If for want of the Originals I have taken any thing upon trust I have acquainted the Reader and so discharged my self So far I can undertake but that in perusing the Original Authors either formerly or now again I have mistaken in none this I dare not undertake who confess that in the reading of one passage sometimes once or twice when I made no question of the sense yet in a third reading I have found sometimes I say not very often perchance that I was in an error And if I might advise I would not have any man take upon him the name of a Scholar that will trust any quotations if he may go to the Originals nor trust any translation if he can understand the Authors in their own tongue which if more practised good books would be in more request That I had such a subject in my thoughts many years ago may appear by somewhat I did write in the Preface to Doctor Dee's book and then indeed I was big with it had time and opportunity served But after that I was once fixed upon other things or cares occasioned by that miraculous revolution of affairs in this Kingdom which soon after hapned I may sincerely protest that I never thought of it any more except some chance brought it into my mind but never as thinking I should ever meddle with it further than I had done Not that I ever promised any thing which I had not then when promised some probable hopes I should and always since a willingness to perform but because I have been always taken up so far as my health and other necessary occasions would give me leave with somewhat that I thought more seasonable or necessary And so I thought now of this subject as I have handled it For Credulity and Incredulity in general being my Theme which left me to a liberty of chusing fit instances where I would so that upon them I might but ground such rules and directions for either as might be proper to my undertaking I have endeavoured to pitch upon such as might afford somewhat against the crying evils of these times contempt of good learning and Atheism And whereas I mention sometimes three Parts as intended two only being here exhibited true it is that three were intended in case my health had afforded it But it did not And indeed I wonder it hath done so much the little time considered that hath been bestowed upon it Yet is not the work imperfect therefore which might have been finished in the First but that as the Second hath afforded more instances and of another kind than are in the First Part so might the Third also than in either First or Second if I live to do that also It cannot be very soon I am sure because what spare time I have from sickness till this Summer be over is otherwise destinated And though I am much weaker already than I was when I began yet whilest I live I shall despair of nothing who have had so much experience what God can do beyond all expectation or in mans judgement credibility Farewel CANTERBURY 1. June 1668. ERRATA with some Additions at the end of the Book which they that read the Book are desired to be mindful of To which let this be added PAge 275. line 16. I believe allow it but a hundred thousand spectators a very small proportion for Vniversus Populus Rom. which we know hath been censed Citizens inhabitants of Rome at one time four millions and above at another time six millions and above could not therefore I believe yet with submission to better judgments inclose or cover less than fourscore or a hundred Acres of ground a thing nevertheless scarce credible I doubt to best Ingineers or Architects later ages have afforded However though we may be mistaken in the casting of particulars yet that Pliny could mistake in his report or the account he doth give us of a thing so publick and yet of fresh memory when he wrote no rational man can believe A man would think this could not c. OF CREDULITY AND INCREDULITY In things Natural and Civil The First Part. AMONG other errors of our Life to which that Caligo mentium or darkness of our understanding by some Ancient wise Heathens who knew not the true cause so much wondred at doth expose us there 's scarce any thing wherein men either more frequently erre or with more danger than in unadvised belâ—ef or unbelief IN Civil affairs as rash belief hath been and daily is the undoing of many so obstinate unbelief of as many if not of more Credere non Credere to believe and not to believe that Elegant fabulator who lived in Augustus his time and was a Servant of his well deserving to be better known unto good Schools than he is commonly hath made it the argument of one of his morals shewing by pregnant instances the danger of each as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belief and unbelief is the argument of two Orations in Dio Chrysostomus whose very sirname Chrysostome doth testifie what account the age he lived in made of his wit and language BUT again easie belief hath contaminated and obscured the History of Nature with many ridiculous fables and fictions but unbelief with no less prejudice to truth which according to Plato most properly nay only he saith doth belong unto such things and withal to mans nature hath bereav'd it of its more noble function the contemplation of things spiritual and eternal not discernable with bodily eyes but by the light of faith upon Divine revelation chiefly but upon sound reason and certain experience also A little portion of which knowledge and contemplation though but little is even by Aristotle that incomparable Naturalist preferr'd before the most perfect knowledge of nature that man is capable of De part anim lib. 1. cap. 5. FROM ungrounded belief gross superstition by which true Religion is not a little infected and adulterated hath proceeded but from the contrary right down Atheism whether openly professed or palliated as the fashion is by which all sense of piety all sense of immortality being taken away and nothing left to man but what is common unto bruits since that reason confined to things sensible and perishable is little better than sense and sense in bruits is by many deemed and called reason man may truly be said to be metamorphosed into another creature LASTLY if we appeal unto the Judgments of men on the one side
the Reader must excuse me where after I had been some days upon some information concerning a Gentlewoman that had some relation to the house though not then in the house who was said to live without meat I made bold to ask my friend a noble Knight the Master of the house what he knew of it His answer was that she had been his house-keeper one month he said as I remember and sat at his table every day but had never seen her eat This did set an edge upon my desire and curiosity to enquire further This Gentlewoman had married one of his Sons who lived and kept house by himself there also have I been kindly entertained more than once not many miles off He was a Scholar and a very ingenuous Gentleman and one who himself was as curious to understand as much of nature as by ordinary study and curiosity can be attained His answer was that ever since some years I am sure she had been his wife he never did observe her to eat otherwise than that sometimes once in a week perchance in handling of dishes she would seize hastily upon some one bit which her phancy more than her stomack was tempted with I make no question but if faithful observations were duly made which was the way in ancient times of all that hapneth extraordinarily in this one Country of England we should not need be beholding to strangers so much or at least would find less cause in many things to reject and contemn their relations as incredible and fabulous Sure I am in most books that I have read to understand what is not ordinary in the cause of nature I find England often named where I can find or hear of no English-man to attest In this very particular I am now upon I have read of some I am sure reported to have lived in England without either meat or drink I know not how long of whom I have read nothing in English Histories But I shall not trouble my self to find where having said enough to satisfie them who have not by some solemn vow or resolution made themselves impenetrable to reason Yet the story of an English-woman or maid that lived I think twenty years without eating written by Roger Bacon the Reader may find if he please in the Collection before mentioned for the truth whereof though I doubt not the possibility except otherwise confirmed I will not engage But whereas he doth fetch the cause from Heaven or Heavenly influences if he be in the right in that this example will not so properly concern us who pretend in this particular to nothing but natural causes I know there be also who ascribe it to the Devil neither will I deny the possibility of such a thing However when natural causes may clear the business except some unnatural circumstances as sometimes it doth happen perswade to the contrary much better it is to let the Devil alone than to fly to him for satisfaction BUT to return to our relations I have said it before and say it again No man I think that will take the pains to read the books I have mentioned with all the particulars which they contain but will what ever opinion he was of before acknowledge himself satisfied of the truth as to matter of fact As to possibility in point of nature I will not be so peremptory though I acknowledge my self very fully satisfied by those learned Tractates that have been set out about it that it may be Now that any women most to whom this hath happened should after long sickness fall to this and so continue dull heavy consumptive in their bodies and some without motion and so after some years die though strange even so yet I do not see much to admire but that it should so happen unto any who nevertheless for some years have continued fresh and vigorous with a good colour and without any abatement of flesh without or any other notable alteration and have returned in time to eating and drinking again as other folks as I think it happened to her that was kept by Maximilian's order is that I most wonder at and wherein we might with more probability suspect a supernatural cause though herein also I submit to better judgments and believe as they do that it may be naturally The matter is fully discussed by Sennertus also a man of so much authority with me and with all men I think whom new discoveries have not so besotted as to think nothing right but what is new that he alone might go a great way to perswade me Marcellus Donatus also De Med. Hist mirab lib. 4. c. 12. is very full upon it and hath many instances this among the rest That a certain Priest did live 40. years in Rome with Air only as by the keeping of Pope Leo and divers Princes and the Narration and Testimony of Hermol Barbarus is most certain HOWEVER I am not so addicted to any cause that I would allow of any indirect ways to maintain it To prove the possibility among other arguments and instances that are used I shall here take notice of one and what I have to except against it not hence to infer against the cause it self any thing for which there is no just reason this being but a remote and inconsiderable proof in comparison of so many more pregnant and direct evidences but to take this occasion by the way to shew how testimonies should be examined before we yield much to their authority It is alledged by more than one that there is a people in the North about Mascovia who constantly from such a day in November to such a day in April following hide in Caves of the Earth and continue all that time without any food but sleep Now that this was averr'd to Henry the III. King of France when in Polonia by men of great quality who lived in or about those Countries and might easily know the certainty with great asseveration this indeed I believe and is of great weight with me though I would not upon no greater evidence press or perswade any other to work somewhat towards a belief Sennertus I find dares not peremptorily affirm it for a truth or much trust to it for an evidence as having much greater and more wonderful things which no man he saith can question to prove the possibility of living without eating or drinking Yet it doth appear by his words though he feared it would multis fabulo sum videri by many be slighted as a fable yet that himself did much more incline to believe it than not And there be other relations of those Northern people believed I see by sundry grave and learned men which to be compared might seem every whit as strange and incredible But because I do not make it my business here to undertake for the truth of it as I before professed nor have any intention to entertain my Reader with strange relations more than shall be
of an inchanted Hare I have read by an excellent pen who doth acknowledge never to have seen it himself his hunting was after books he saith of himself not Hares it was mine too when I was able but doth set it out upon the credit of divers Huntsmen as a thing not at all to be doubted of I wish it were not true but I doubt not but there be too many in the world who would make no scruple to go to the Devil not for their profit only but also for their sport and meer divertisement and that others there be who to satisfie them who have more conscience will devise somewhat to make them believe it is lawful enough though done by the Devil being done but for sport or if that will not do it that such a thing may be contrived without the Devil Let a man but once begin to indulge against his conscience by degrees he will stick at nothing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is a just judgment of God whereof this age doth afford many sad examples My Author doth stile himself Praedicateur du Roy. Essay des merveilles de nature c. par Revé Francois Praedicateur du Roy à Rouan 1626. If so me thinks it would have become well a man of that profession to have said somewhat whereby it might have appeared unto the world that he did not allow of such practices as lawful Truly one great reason that hath moved me to take notice is to shew my detestation of what my Author doth leave without censure This that follows is more harmless I hope because I have read of strange things that dumb creatures even wild beasts are capable of by the industry of man I have read a relation whereof Julius Scaliger is the Author of a tame wild-Boar or if that sound too much of a contradiction of a wild Boar by art and industry so tamed and disciplin'd that he would hunt with the Dogs as skilful and obedient as the best of them and do his Master very good service This to some may seem incredible but to them that have not read what fiercest beasts by art and industry who therefore have been by many supposed not altogether destitute of reason have been brought unto Yet I would not warrant but that this fierce Boar by nature might return to his nature some time or other or at least do some acts of a fierce beast But for Agrippa's black Dog though denied by some who would have us to think well of him Agrippa I mean because they do as Wierius and some others yet upon the attestation of so many others of better credit I cannot but think of it as a creature of another nature NOTHING now remains and that too before promised but to consider of Galen's opinion and what may rationally be objected from his authority For that such a man as Galen a right ingenuous man a lover of truth as I always accounted him who lived to be a very old man and consequently not less experienced than he was learned that he should in all those books of his now extant as often as occasion offered it self declare himself as one who gave no credit at all to such things and made no better account of them than arrant jugling I look upon it I must confess as a weighty objection To this we might answer that though Galen was a man of great authority yet he was but one to whom the authority of many famous Physicians in his time or soon after not to speak of those before might be opposed It is the priviledge if not affected humor of some great men of real worth who also know themselves to be so in the opinion of the world to hold some Paradoxes and perchance being unadvisedly fallen upon them in their younger years they think it a great error against their credit to acknowledge it when they are old Besides what if Galen thought those things not altogether false perchance yet dishonourable to his profession and of evil consequence to mankind by reason of the increase of impostors and impostures if credit were given to the validity of inchantments in point of cures especially And that this may not appear a suspition without all ground doth he not in his books de Compos Medicum lib. 3. cap. 2. where he treats of the Cures of the Parotides reject Archiâ—enes his advice of anointing the place infected with the bloud of a mustela upon this very ground because such prescriptions if received would be prejudicial to the art as though so defective in those cases that without such helps it could not work a cure professing that for this very reason he had forborn to make trial and therefore could not tell whether it would or not The Reader may remember what was said of Valesius before But all this will not need if we stick to Trallianus who is conceived to have lived in Theodosius his time not many ages after Galen his answer which is that whatever his opinion hath been formerly yet in his latter years convinced by manifest and frequent experience he did recant and acknowledge his error Galen his words as he doth exhibit them out of his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that is There be I know who think of Charms no better than of old womens tales And so did I for a long time but at last by the evidence of those things that did clearly appear unto me I am perswaded that they are efficacious For in their case that are bitten by a Scorpion I have found them useful And and in their case who had bones that stuck in their throats which they did presently cast out by the help of Incantation And many noble atchievements in every kind of disease are wrought by it when it doth not misse of its end Or if you will with the Latine interpreter At multa praeclara singulae habent incantationes cum institutum consequuntur Either way Galen doth acknowledge that they are not always effectual which to believe or to maintain were very absurd and contrary to providence and to the course of nature in general But of that enough hath been said before Hereupon Trallianus doth conclude If then divine Galen and most of the ancients with him c. But where shall we find this in Galen or where this book of Galens In the Latine Edition indeed of his works there is a book of that subject to be found but not worthy Galen's name most are of opinion However though not extant at this time nor mentioned by Galen in the Catalogue of his books after which he might write many books as we know St. Austin did some which are not mentioned in his Retractations yet it is not likely that Trallianus whose love to the truth made him not to spare his so much admired Galen when he saw just cause as himself in his fifth book not to mention other places doth abundantly
declare durst mention such a book except such a one had been then extant in Galen's name or could be mistaken in his judgment concerning the Author whom he had read so diligently as by his writings doth appear So that even Valesius though he doth write against the opinion maintained by Trallianus yet he doth upon his authority yield it as unquestionable that such a book was then extant written by Galen As he so Fererius who hath written a Chapter of that argument and entituled it as Galen had his Treatise NOW because in those times most incantations used not only by the Jews but by Gentiles also as by Trallianus by Lucian by Origen and by others may appear had the name of Dominus Sabaoth as a chief ingredient it is observable that some godly Fathers who knew Christians had more right to that name than either Gentiles or Jews of those times had thought it no superstition to commend unto them the nomination of the Lord of Sabaoth upon such occasions not as an inchantment but a lawful prayer So doth Cyrillus Alexandrinus in his book De Adoratione Spirituali lib. 6. whose words perchance some might interpret as though he allowed those words to them that have faith as a lawful charm But what he writes in that very place against all kind of inchantments as unlawful and forbidden by God may sufficiently acquit him from any such intention But I cannot acquit Origen neither is it much material except I could acquit him of so many other pestilent errors wherewith he stands charged in the Ecclesiastical story and his books yet extant though much purged by Ruffinus the Latine interpreter proclaim him guilty of In his 20. Homily upon Josuah part of which in Greek is preserved in that Philocalia collected out of his works he doth very erroniously ascribe power to the very words and letters of ordinary charms for which he doth appeal to common experience and consequently would have the very letters or words of the Scripture in any language though not understood if but read and pronounced to be of great power and efficacy which as it is against the very principles of Natural Philosophy so against the determination of all sober Philosophers Physicians and Divines YET as there is nothing so uncouth or absurd but shall meet with a Patron so hath this opinion of the efficacy of bare sounds and letters met with some in our age as Thomas Bartholinus for one This Thomas Bartholinus one of the King of Denmarks Physicians the Author of many curious pieces if he be not either too credulous sometimes or too ambitious to be the reporter of strange things in his Centuriae Historiarum Anatomicarum rariorum upon the experience of some to whom he doth give credit doth maintain that the Epilepsie may be cured by charms and those charms upon a natural account of the causes not unlawful His reason I will not stand to examine I think they will not perswade very many besides those who think well enough of charms in general whatever it be that makes them effectual but would be glad to find a plausible pretence THIS mention of Bartholinus puts me in mind of a strange story I profess again seriously as I have done before this Discourse was never undertaken by me to tell the Reader strange stories though true which might have made it much more both easie and voluminous Yet the use that may be made of this in point of Credulity or Incredulity in case any such report as very probably may occur of any other place or Country besides what inferences or experiments may be made upon it for the publick good if this be true makes me take notice of it and the rather because having enquired of divers Travellers into those parts whom I have had the opportunity to consult about it I have not as yet met with any that could give me any account Now the story is this In Italy not above twelve leagues they reckon there by miles ordinarily but he saith 12. leucis near a Town or Village vulgarly known he saith by the name of Il Sasso in Latin Braccianum there is a Cave commonly called the Cave of Serpents Serpents at all times it seems but at some time of the year more certainly and solemnly frequent it in great number And then if any troubled and afflicted with any ordinary disease proceeding from a cold cause as the Palsie Leprosie Dropsie c come and lie down immovable which the better to do some take Opium beforehand Serpents will come about him and suck him or lick him till he be well He tells of more but of one Cardinal among the rest particularly who being desperately ill there recovered Many other things he tells of it which it seems with other company he went of purpose to see This upon the report of the Country people he more delivers of it which sounds somewhat of a fable that one of the Serpents Coronâ insignitus adorned with a kind of Crown as the governor of the rest useth to come out of his hole first and after diligent search if he finds all things safe gives notice unto the rest This if true may give light to some other story which as I said before made me the more willing to take notice of it BY this I hope yea and before this as I have said before but that I had some consideration of the good use that might be made of what did offer it self over above but now again by this I hope it will be granted by all that do not profess wilful incredulity and contradiction that many things happen supernaturally which are above the sphere and activity of the believed and beloved atomes and can be referred to no other cause but the operations of Daemons or evil Spirits which once secured Atheism hath lost its greatest prop and the mockers and scoffers of the time the chiefest object of their confidence and boasting which though not our immediate subject yet of purpose as before said did we make choice of such instances of Credulity and Incredulity that we might una fidelia as they say duos parietes and yet still according to my Title in this First Part have I kept within the bounds of things Natural which by many according to the genius of the times are laid for a foundation of Atheism or at least for the undermining of Christianity which they that profess yet secretly endeavour to undermine deserve to be accounted the worst of Atheists I have now but a word or two concerning Divination and Prodigies in general because in all ages a main object of Credulity and Incredulity to add and then we shall see what observations more we can draw from the premised instances and so conclude which I begin to be weary of as much as any Reader can be this first Part. DIVINATION as it belongs unto God more properly nay unto God only if it be true divination that is such as
and tranquillity of either Church or Estates is disturbed and infested And so in Epicurus his case Atque his fine sentences of Epicurus and his Mates capiuntur imperiti propter hujusmodi sententias istorum hominum est multitudo Cicero's true judgment and observation in a place NEITHER is it impossible or improbable that Epicurus and others of his company either by fits through meer mutability of mind which is observed of many or of certain deliberation and purpose after great debauches and surfeitings of pleasures did betake themselves to more than ordinary temperance and frugality for a-while not out of any love to vertue which he doth absolutely deny in his writings to have any real being or existence but that they might return to their wallowing more fresh and vigorous and as before said that they might hold out the longer So that as his writings observed by some Ancients were full of contradictions so might Epicurus his life be and thence proceed that variety of judgments concerning it which Gassendus but very partially hath set out To this purpose Lactantius his words De Div. Inst lib. 3. c. 17. having first proved the effect of them by sundry particulars of Epicurus his doctrine are very pertinent Hic homo aestutus ex variis diversisque moribus circulum colligit dum studet placere omnibus majore discordia secum ipse pugnavit quam inter se universi that is Epicurus being crafty out of several and different manners or dispositions of men he did gather unto himself the Congregational way as I take it a number or company and whilest he doth endeavour to please all men he did dissent from himself no less or more than his promiscuous company did from one another THERE is a Letter of one of his whores yet extant which doth set out his abominable leachery and jealousie withal even in his old age What saith Gassendus to that That certainly if Laertius had seen it he would have said of that also that it was a counterfeit Letter So he takes it for granted that whatsoever Laertius the Epicuraean hath said or might have said as he doth surmise to defend Epicurus must be true and indeed deny him that and all his book doth come to nothing But to do him no wrong he saith moreover that that whore was dead before Epicurus died What is this to the purpose Might not she write as she doth of him and yet die before him But she makes Epicurus eighty years old when she wrote and he was not so old true or not I do not enquire at this time I need not when he died As though it were not ordinary in such exprobrations of unnatural lust to make a man somewhat elder than naturally and in exactness of computation he is But the style of the Letter is affected and studied The more likely to be hers For she was Epicurus not his whore only one of them but also disciple and mentioned by others as a piece of a Philosopher Let any man read it it is a prety long Letter If he find so much affectation in the whole Letter as may be found in three or four lines of Epicurus acknowledged to be his I must acknowledge that my judgment in such things is very small However this Letter though acknowledged for a true Letter by two learned men who have written upon Diogenes Laertius yet were it the worst thing that can be objected to Epicurus I should not speak of him with so much confidence as I do because I do not remember any thing of it in Cicero nor any other Ancient which to me is a greater argument to suspect it than any thing that Gassendus doth object against it But though I remember nothing of this particular Letter in any ancient Author however he that shall read what Plutarch that incomparable man as Gassendus doth style him out of Epicurus his own books doth record of ways devised and commended by Epicurus to prolong and maintain lust and leachery that is happiness in their sense in old age when nature is spent he will either believe this Letter probably a true Letter or that they that made that strumpet of Epicurus as she doth did Epicurus no great wrong Plut. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. as before not very far from the beginning Edit Gr. in 8. pag. 2008. BUT that which in my judgment is beyond all exaggeration of words wicked and impious is that not content to clear Epicurus so well as he could from the imputation of an Atheist he doth endeavour to make him a very religious man yea so religious as I doubt few Christians were it true as it is most false can be compared unto him For saith he ordinary men serve God either for fear or for a reward which is a servile worship But Epicurus did not fear God that is believe that God could or would do him any hurt nor yet expect any reward at his hands if therefore he did nevertheless honour and worship God meerly for the excellency of his nature as he would have us to believe it doth follow that his service did proceed from meer filial love and affection which is the truest and noblest worship But before we speak of the impiety let us observe a little the absurdity and incongruity of this assertion Was not Epicurus the man who peremptorily maintained that a wise man loved no body but himself did nothing but for his own sake his own profit and interest What more frequent than that in his writings Insomuch that he would not allow of any love or friendship between man and man but such as was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Laertius hath it that is such as is grounded upon meer profit and utility How probable then nay possible that he should love God for his bare conceited excellency who professed to love nothing and so taught others but for his profit He that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen how should he love God whom he hath not seen He that could not believe that God could be so good as to take any care of men because men could not do any thing for God by way of requital witness Lucretius that perfect Epicuraean and such an admirer of his doctrine Quid enim immortalibus atque beatis Gratia nostra queat largirier emolumenti Vt tantum nostra causa gerere aggrediantur could he be so good and ingenuous himself as to honour love and serve God for nothing This therefore was a great over-sight in a learned man a great soloecism as I may call it or incongruity And whereas he doth quote some words of Seneca and is very proud of them and well he might in so uncouth hidious and paradoxical an opinion as though Seneca had been of the same opinion let the whole passage be read and if the contrary do not appear that what Seneca saith of Epicurus his piety or voluntary worship he speaks it ironically in derision both
the many revolutions of the world the sad chances and alterations which publick Estates and private persons and families are subject unto producing commonly as in Salomon and Aurelius Antoninus another Salomon for this kind of wisdom a right apprehension of the vanity and contemptibleness of the world and all worldly things without a reference to God and immortality they that make this good use of it though they die young yet may be said to have lived longer than any Epicuraean Sectary though he should live two hundred years who can give no other account of his life but that he hath eaten and drunk and enjoyed bodily pleasure with perfect we will suppose it so contentedness so long which things have nothing at all of a rational soul in them but of a beast of a dog or a swine much more than of a man They therefore that despise History upon that account might as well deprive themselves of the light of the Sun because it is subject to some Eclipses BUT we must add that many of these contradictions which we charge upon Historians proceed not from the Historians but our ignorance our ignorance I say either of the tongue not perfectly known wherein many are deceived as they that think themselves very good Grecians because they have read and can understand two or three Greek Authors or of the times or of the thing it self which is spoken of which may have reference to some of the Sciences or some secret of Nature or for want perchance of that light which a diligent comparing and consulting with good books of ancient or later times would afford That it is so so many once thought apparent contradictions both in the Scriptures and other good Authors besides Historians now by the labour of learned men happily cleared and reconciled are sufficient evidences I think there is not a book of any age or profession extant but ancient especially but may give some light to a judicious Reader towards the clearing of some obscurity either in matter of fact or science or work of nature Two Vniversities in one Kingdom are little enough for such a work if a man go the right way to work But many run where one only carrieth the prize And if but one in a hundred or two hundred that run happen to speed as God be thanked the Universities have always been stored with able men in this kind who have been a great ornament to the whole Nation the cost is not ill bestowed upon one or two hundred that do not so that it be not for want of labour and industry for that ones sake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Er. p. 1668. Quà m pauci qui capiunt magnitudinem literarum was a speech very frequent in the mouth of one whom I knew very well and I might have been the better for it but for frequent sicknesses and the loss of twenty years during these late troubles and confusions BUT besides many contradictions proceed also from a humour in some men or a malignity rather to contradict others So Ctesias of old was known to set himself to contradict Herodotus To make him fabulous and himself a considerable man he pretended because he had lived in Assyria and served one of those great Kings to sacred records But it fell out much otherwise than he expected for Herodotus in most things wherein he dissents from him is followed and he generally accounted a fabulous foolish Historian From what humour it proceeded I know not But I knew a Gentleman of great worth who would very stifly argue that Constantine the Great never was a Christian I do not remember I ever heard him alledge any thing for it which I thought of any force But this he might as well as Pomponius Laetus a late Italian compiler of History suspected by some to have had more affection for old Heathenism than he had for Christianity made bold to write that Constantius one of Constantine's Sons died a Heathen OTHERS again though they have no humour to contradict yet they will hardly believe any thing that doth contradict or not well sute with their humour and proper temper So that a man had need if possible to know somewhat of the temper of his Historian before he know what to think of his relations such especially as have somewhat of incredibleness in them We heard a learned Physician of our times in our First Part deny that there are Witches One great argument is because he did not believe that any woman could be so cruel or wicked so that he doth not stick absolutely to profess that should he see with his own eyes any woman commit any of those horrible things that are laid to their charge he would not believe his eyes that it is so truly and really but believe it a delusion Yet this the man that doth tell as horrible stories of men-Sorcerers and Conjurers without any scruple of believing as any I have read in any books of that argument OF all women I have read of ancient or late I know not of any that stands upon the records of History for cruelty and all manner of wickedness more infamous or indeed comparable than two women that lived at one time in France better than a thousand years ago Fredegonde and Brunichild Queens both but the one a Kings daughter also the other ascended to that height by her baseness first and then cruelty Medea of old was nothing to either of these as set out by some of those times If I were to judge I should be much put to it which was the worse of the two For he that reads the acts of either by themselves will find so much that he cannot but think that either of them went to the height of what can be thought possible But however though for their lives never so well matched yet in their deaths great inequality may be observed Providentia apud imperitos laborante saith one that writes of them that is To the no small prejudice or reproach of Gods providence but apud imperitos well added that is with men that must know all the secrets of God and the reasons of all his dispensations or else they will not believe that there is a God if men such blind wretches even the wisest that are in comparison acknowledged by divine Aristotle but not by the wits and wise men of our time could understand the reasons of all he doth It is enough that he hath been pleased to arm us against this kind of temptation by his Revealed Word so that to judge of men by what hapneth unto them in this world is little better than absolute apostacy from the right faith But as the story goes Fredegonde of whose wickedness we have more pregnant testimonies than of the others died in peace and was happy in her Son who made all France happy as even any King did Brunichild died much after the manner of Ravailack's death being tied to the tail of a wild Horse who soon
IMPRIMATUR THO. TOMKYNS R. R mo in Christo Patri ac Domino D no. GILBERTO Divina Providentia Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi à Sacris Domesticis Ex Aedibus Lambethan Julii 9. 1668. A TREATISE PROVING Spirits Witches AND Supernatural Operations BY PREGNANT INSTANCES AND EVIDENCES Together with other Things worthy of Note By Meric Casaubon D. D. LONDON Printed for Brabazon Aylmer at the Three Pigeons in Cornhill 1672. TO THE READER CHristian Reader what ever thou art otherwise thou art not a true Christian or so good as thou shouldest be if thou doest not account that of a Christian thy best title though it doth concern thee no further perchance than I shall tell thee by and by yet it doth me very much in thankfulness to God and to acquit my self of wilful negligence in some particulars of this ensuing Treatise to acquaint thee with the occasion and in what condition I was when I wrote it I will not go back so far as to tell thee what I have suffered since I have been in the world by sicknesses and some other accidents the relation whereof though very true yet I am sure would be incredible unto many There may be a time for that if God please It shall now suffice to tell thee that about three years ago and somewhat better being in London I was seized upon with a cold and shortness of breath which was so troublesome that I went to an intimate friend and learned Physician for help who made no question but in few days he would cure me and to that end prescribed some things But before many days were over himself ended his life in whose death good learning ancient I mean had a great loss But the comfort is which I can witness he died a Christian After him the cause still continuing I had recourse unto another of the same profession whom though I knew not before yet I found him very friendly and so far as I could judge very rational in his prescriptions But notwithstanding such help the disease increasing rather than abating I at last resolved with Gods help for Canterbury again which I did think many times I should never see more Where for eight or nine moneths I continued much in the same case till at last that disease ended in some nephritical fits which I did not expect to out-live But I did till April 1666. when I was freshly assaulted with new fits which more remisly or sharply continued some moneths till at last divers other evil symptomes concurring I lost sleep and so lost it that for the space of four moneths and upwards I may truly to the best of my knowledge say I had not one hour of natural sleep but such as was by the advice of my Physicians procured by Drugs the strongest that are to that end which sleep so procured left me always in such a hatred and detestation of life that nothing but obligation of conscience could have prevailed with me or any body else I think in my case to preserve life at so dear a rate What I was unto others I know not I was unto my self I am sure a wonder nay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prodigium a monster our old translation that I did hold out so long And yet when I did most despair of life or rather comfort my self that the time of my deliverance was now surely come so it pleased God I began to recover sleep and not long after amended to such a degree of chearfulness 〈◊〉 for many weeks after I did ever and anon 〈◊〉 whether I was not in a dream But 〈◊〉 the continuance of my chearfulness though 〈…〉 other weakness I think any Christian 〈◊〉 if he do not think me worse than an ordiâ—â—â—y Heathen or Infidel will easily believe â—hat I had some thoughts how I might employ a â—â—fe so much of it as was yet to come so strangely prolonged to do Him some service whom I loâ—â—ed upon as the only Author First I resolved my most immediate profession to preach as often as I could And for the first time being an Easter-day a very proper day after such a reviving I thought as to bodily strength I came off well enough But when I attempted it a second time though till the Evening before I thought my self in very good case yet I found my self suddenly so disabled and brought so low again which continued for three days that since that time my opinion hath been I should but tempt God to think of any such thing any more After this my chearfulness and vigour of spirits still continuing I began to think of writing a trade which I began very young and of which I thank God for it I have had comfort at home and abroad as much and more than I did ever promise my self I did pitch upon a subject which I did think most convenient for me as having more immediate relation to devotion and not unseasonable in these ungodly times It was not long before I had all my materials out of several papers and Note-books together and ready But when I thought to put them into a form by coherence of matter and stile I found my self so unable that I did absolutely conclude I had no other business in this world and to no other end God had prolonged my life than by continued earnest repentance a greater work I doubt than many imagine to fit my self for a better How I have acquitted my self I must leave to God But time passing moneth after moneth and I still continuing in as good vigour of mind I thought as when at the best it troubled me not a little that I should live profitable unto my self only At last this subject once before thought upon but since forgotten came into my mind again I will not be so bold without better warrant with God Almighty to say that he put it into my head either before when it first offered it self or now when I remembred it But this I may truly say since I have been a writer I never proceeded in any subject for the time that was bestowed upon it with more expedition and alacrity For it hath been my case ever since I came out of that languishing extremity which affected my Spirits most that my body hath continued very weak ever since so that it is but some part of the day when at best that I can converse with books seldom so well that I can walk or stand upon my legs and when once set in my Study to write or to meditate it is irksome to me to rise upon any occasion and therefore I avoid it without there be some great necessity much more tedious and irksome and not without danger to reach books which I cannot reach a great part of my books without climbing nor always find very readily though ranged and ordered with care when I seek them This is the cause that my quotations are not always so full or so punctual as otherwise they might have been But
stands the credit and authority of so many ages which commend that of Epicharmus unto us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 translated by Cicero Nervi atque artus sapientiae non temere credere that is Not easily to trust or to believe are the very nerves and sinews of wisdom On the other Non satis credere want of faith or belief so Seneca a wise man too though not so ancient is the original of all misery and one of no less credit and antiquity some few years abated than Epicharmus hath told us long ago that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 infidelity or want of faith his very words recorded by Plutarch cited by Clemens Alexandrinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the cause that God and his works are not better known unto men WHICH contrariety not of opinions only but of events also upon which those opinions were grounded and which occasioned that contrariety makes me think sometimes the better of those ancient Philosophers who maintained and argued it at large that nothing could be certain unto men and that peremptorily to conclude of anything as either true or false was great rashness and ignorance since that of all those things controverted among men some boldly affirming and others as peremptorily denying there was not any thing for which and against which probable reasons and arguments might not be produced which might if not amount to an absolute aequilibrium in the ballance yet induce a rational man to suspend his assent To make this good how far they proceeded there be Books both Greek and Latine yet extant that will shew which though written by Heathens and by many both Heathens and Christians opposed yet have they not wanted some able Champions even in our age BUT since this is not our business here and that a perfect Sceptick what ever they may pretend in words is an impossibility in nature as by more than one but St. Augustine for one is well observed we may certainly conclude that neither to believe or unbelieve in things Natural or Civil is absolutely good or bad but as either are guided and regulated more or less by reason and discretion which though they cannot secure any man the wisest that is such is the condition of mortal man upon earth that he shall never be deceived yet may secure him that his error shall not be without comfort that he was not deceived as a fool for want of wit and consideration which is the comfort that Divine Hippocrates doth propose unto them that miscarry a thing he thought very possible in a right course that they miscarry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is according to or for no want of reason and bids us keep to that still though again and again crossed by ill success NOW because a well grounded belief or unbelief in things Natural or Civil as before are for the most part the effects of much observation and long experience which many for want of years though supplied in many by natural pregnancy have not yet attained unto that such as have not may if they please reap the benefit of others observation is one main end and purpose of this present undertaking And to prevent all mistakes which our title might occasion and the Readers may the better be satisfied what to expect First whereas we say in things natural by natural I do not only understand such things which apparently have some ground in nature and whereof a probable reason may be given which is the more ordinary notion But also as by Trallianus an ancient Physician not to name others by some very eminent in that art once to me much commended the word is usually taken as when he distributeth which he doth in every disease almost his remedies and receipts into methodical and natural by methodical understanding rational that is such of which or for which a reason may be given 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as he speaks in one place by natural those which are supposed to work by some natural efficacy though the reason or true cause be as yet secret and unknown Of which nature he doth make all amulets to be which therefore he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or naturalia Of this notion of the word natural St. Austin takes notice in his eleventh book De Doctrina Christiana Chap. the 20. as ordinary in his days For having spoken of Ligatures and Characters he doth add quae mitieri nomine Physica in some Editions Physicam falsly vocant non quasi superstitione sed natura prodesse videantur If therefore we say somewhat of such also we do not extend the notion of the word beyond its bounds For as Trallianus so other Physicians of his time and of our time also as by name Sennertus do also use the word Specifica and Naturalia for the same thing But again if under the same title we speak of some things acted or effected by spirits though the authors or actors themselves according to the common opinion contradicted by many ancients as incorporeal and immaterial essences do not so properly fall within the cognizance of ordinary nature yet their operations upon corporeal essences being effected and brought to pass for the most part at least as both ancient and late that have written of these things are of opinion by means natural though to us unknown may very well be termed natural in the latitude of the notion before explained though to us unknown I say as who know yet of nature in comparison of what we do not know but very little as they that have taken most pains in the study of it acknowledge and lament Had we added the word supernatural in this place natural and supernatural it might have been too general and comprehended miracles also for which we have a more proper place under the title of things Divine And the word Diabolical or Demoniacal since there was no need of it I was willing to forbear SECONDLY I desire the Reader to take notice that whereas some who have written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of belief and unbelief have chiefly under that title insisted upon trust or trusting between man and man in point of friendship and ordinary conversation in contracts and promises and the like I meddle not at all with it in this sense by thinâ—s Civil understanding only relations or histories of things done or pretended to be done by men to be seen or known in the world not ordinary and to all men credible AGAIN Credulity oppos'd to Incredulity may be understood two ways either as a vertue for so the word is taken sometimes by Christian writers especially or both Credulity the most warrantable and ordinary sense of the word and Incredulity may be taken as two vicious extreams of what we may call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in general taken for a rational belief or belief grounded either upon ordinary grounds of reason and probability which begets a moral belief or upon such pregnant pressing reasons as produce a firm assent answerable
chains and gold which stood at a certain piller in the Cellar the place it seems chiefly haunted having a Torch in her hand Hereupon the Portugal's advice to the Physician was he should have the ground digged just in that place for that certainly there was some treasure there The Physician had so much faith it seems as to believe him and presently takes care for the execution But when they were even come to the treasure as they thought or whatever it was a sudden whirle-wind puts out the Candles and going out of the Chimney spiraculum cellae the Latine Translation calls it which may be understood of a Store-house in any part of the House or a Cellar or Vault I live in a House built upon a Vault which once had a Chimney battered some 14 foot of battlement in the next house whereof part fell upon the porch of the house part upon the said Chimney and part upon a stone-pitcher or water-pot that was carried by a woman and brake it From that time all annoyance of Spirits ceased in that house When the Portugal was told what had happened he said The Devil had carried away the treasure and that he wondred the Physician had no hurt Bodinus my Author saith The Physician himself told him the story two days after who presently after Bodinus I mean went to see the ruines and found it as he was told And this saith he happened in a very clear calm day as at the best time of the year though it was the 15 December 1558. By the Dedicatory Epistle in my Edition Bodinus first set out his book 1579 Augerius died 1588. There arose some difference it seems between Bodinus and this Augerius before he died as Thuanus doth tell us But whether friends or foes though here Augerius is stiled by him Medicus Doctissimus and a little before where he speaks of his opinion vir doctus no man I think can rationally have the least suspition that Bodinus upon the very place where the thing happened which could not be long concealed from publick knowledge durst or could relate it in any particular otherwise than as it was generally known in all the Town to have happened and Augerius himself had made relation to him And this was the man who not able otherwise to avoid Spirits and supernatural operations which as to the matter of fact he doth acknowledge and thinks it a kind of madness to deny them did take upon him to devise and maintain that all men naturally learned and unlearned were in a capacity to do miracles by their faith I wish the Reader would take the pains to peruse that whole Chapter of his De Homerica Curatione as he doth call it to see how that learned man doth labour miserably to come off with any probability with his mad project which yet he professeth he did not hastily or unadvisedly fall upon but cùm toto animo ac studio omni in eam cogitationem incumberem as himself speaketh A good caveat I think to others how they entertain new opinions Yet I cannot absolutely say that he was the first Author of this mad device The Enthusiastick Arabs long before we have given an account of them elsewhere did broach some such thing which by Cornelius Agrippa is largely explained and maintained in his books De occulta Philosophia but neither by the Arabs nor by Cornelius is this power given to all men in general learned and unlearned but to them only who by constant study and speculation in these mystical arts in very truth Diabolical and so acknowledged in effect by Cornelius himself in his solemn recantation in his books De Vanitate Scientiarum though not believed by all men to have been so sincere as it should have been have refined their Souls to such a degree of perfection as much exceeds the bounds of ordinary humanity But neither were these ever famed for wonders or miracles done by them that I remember whether Arabs or others Ancient Magicians as Porphyrius Iamblicus and the rest did profess to deal by Spirits So later Magicians Agrippa and others and Trithemius in his answers to the questions proposed unto him as the man then in Europe best able to resolve him by Maximilian the Emperor concerning the power of Witches c. doth much inveigh against the malice wickedness and fraudulency of those Spirits And those few set aside as Agrippa Trithemius and some others of whose great acts nevertheless I find but little recorded it is well known that such as we call supernatural not Divine operations have in all ages since those ancienter Magicians been wrought by men and women who were altogether illiterate and for their lives most infamous AS for them who allow and acknowledge supernatural operations by Devils and Spirits as Wierius who tells as many strange stories of them and as incredible as are to be found in any book but stick at the business of Witches only whom they would not have thought the Authors of those mischiefs that are usually laid to their charge but the Devil only though this opinion may seem to some to have more of charity than Incredulity yet the contrary will easily appear to them that shall look into it more carefully as by that little we shall say of it afterwards any indifferent man may be satisfied And though it is much that he doth grant and no small part of what we drive at when he doth acknowledge supernatural operations by Devils and Spririts as we said before and that he had not the confidence though his project of acquitting Witches from all crime might tempt him to oppose himself to the belief grounded upon daily experience of all ages of all men some few excepted nevertheless I cannot but look upon the opinion he doth maintain as gross and notorious incredulity and of very pernicious consequence and therefore think my self bound to enquire into it a little further before I proceed to other matter MY first argument or observation shall be concensus generis humani For that some few here and there dissent if any should object them against the universal consent of men he may as well object that the earth is not round because there be many hills and valleys in most part of the world Now this reason from the generality of mens belief all the world over must be of great weight to engage ours except there be manifest reason to the contrary Aristotle doth acknowledge it a man otherwise not over-credulous or addicted to popular opinions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he What all men believe we may say is truth And what use hath been made by ancient Heathens and others of this general consent of mankind to prove that there is a God is well known It is very usual with many when they have some strange opinion to broach to tell us of some erroneous perswasion which hath long prevailed among men as that thread bare example of the Antipodes which once to
know what times we live in we may thank these late confusions the fruit of Rebellion and a pretended Reformation for a great part of it But they that are true Christians need no other proof I am sure Others if rational and not too far ingaged into Atheism have somewhat also to consider of if they please I THINK I have spoken of most of those general heads under the Mathematicks as by the rest many particulars which I do not mention comprehending the Opticks and all manner of glasses by which strange things are performed most of those general heads I say natural and supernatural which usually cause admiration among men and thereby become objects of credulity and incredulity Civil and Divine only which we refer to their proper places excepted I shall now in the next place give some Instances first in things meerly natural as generally understood then in things supernatural or in Trallianus and other ancient Physicians their sense and notion which we have followed in the Title natural too but as natural is opposed to rational which things intended for instances shall be such which I upon grounds of reason as I conceive profess to believe though by many who suspect the relations not credited or thought impossible After which instances I shall annex some directions or observations with some examples of some things which but lately generally credited have proved false which I think may be useful MY first Instance shall be concerning those men and women who have been reported to have lived some years without either meat or drink except air should be accounted meat as to Chamelions and some other creatures it is generally though denied by some I know supposed to be The truth is that having had occasion sometimes not otherwise very forward to tell strange things though never so true in ordinary discourse yet upon occasion supposing this to be no such strange thing because I had read so much of it but might be believed I did once adventure in very good company a learned Physician being then present to mention such a thing but I perceived it was entertained as a thing not credible especially after the Physician in very deed an able man whom I did not desire to oppose in a thing more properly belonging to his cognizance had passed his verdict upon it that it could not be Yet now I will say upon the credit of so many good Authors and the particular relations of so many examples delivered with so many circumstances wherein no mistake or imposture can rationally be suspected that I do believe it that divers men and women but more women than men have lived divers years some to their lives end others for some years only and then returned to eating without any bodily food ordinary or extraordinary liquid or solid yea I believe it as I believe that I my self with ordinary food and Gods blessing have so many years above 60. lived hitherto BUT here before I proceed lest any now that mocking and scoffing at Religion and the Scriptures is so much in fashion should take any advantage to slight and deride Religious or miraculous fasts such as are recorded in the Scripture I must profess and declare in the first place that I never met with any relation true or false of any man or woman that ever did or could by any art or study though by the Devil I think such a thing might God permitting without any prejudice to religious and miraculous fasts bring their bodies to any such thing But so many as I have read of were such who either after some great and tedious disease or some natural operation of a proper temperament or constitution of body not voluntarily but against their wills came to this strange pass The want of which right information might make some whom Joubertus doth mention and stile men for their simplicity and piety except he speak it ironically venerable to discredit what otherwise upon such evidences they would have believed I remember well that when I was a young Student in the University of Oxford I had often a book in Quarto as we call them in my hands which also had the picture of the party cut to the life which did contain a very particular relation of one of these which because I never did meet with since it was in one of the Booksellers shops not in any Library I make this mention of it here so far as I can remember But divers others have written of it among others Joubertus before mentioned a French Physician against whom one Harvy appeared to shew the impossibility in point of nature who by more than one I believe for Raphael Thorius Doctor of Physick whom I may not mention without honour both for his worth and for particular obligations lent me a little French book in defence of this subject which he accounted a very solid piece by which this secret of nature came first to my knowledge by more therefore than one I believe but by one who was most taken notice of Franciscus Citesius the then French King and Cardinal Richelâ—w's Physician a very learned man was answered who also wrote the story of one of these foodless or if we may so call them Aerial Spiritual creatures which he calls Abstinans Consolontanea the book Printed in Paris 1639. But besides him I have also one Paulus Lentulus a learned Professor he was then Bernae Helvetiorum who hath written the History of one himself and collected several relations most by men of note as Langius Hildanus and others not omitting Citesius before spoken of but contracted concerning others not a few in other Countries This book hath the attestation and Encomium's of many learned men prefixed and hath the picture of one of them also yet I cannot believe that it is the book I saw in Oxford which as I remember gave account of one only and was I think a thicker book Truly it would be hard if not proud and insolent Saint Augustine in the like case saith impudent to question the faith or judgment of so many credible men some of eminent fame of divers Nations and professions But that which makes the case indisputable is that some of these whose story is exhibited have been long or long enough to find the truth kept and observed by Divines Physicians Magistrates one by Maximilian the Emperor his great care and particular appointment whose story is written by more than one to see whether there could be any fraud or imposture And besides the very sight of some of them might have converted or silenced at least the most incredulous obstinate creature in the world their stomack and bellies whereof nature had no further use being found so shrunk that it was impossible to think that meat and drink could there find a receptacle I WAS once kindly entertained at a place in England but where or by whom except I had the consent of them to whom I profess to owe much respect for their kindness
us of a storm in Italy by which besides many other wonders I have not the original Italian Tecta quae templis inaedificata erant the roofs of Churches he names two integrâ compagine ultra milliare inde consedere were removed whole and entire above an Italian mile l. 6. p. 3478. He doth indeed leave it free to the Reader whether he will impute this strange accident to a natural or supernatural cause and to us and our purpose whether natural or supernatural is indifferent So much to give some light to that part of Seneca that mentioneth according to the phrase of the XII Tables the inchanting of grounds or fruits of the ground NOW to return where we begun Extraordinary storms of Hail very prejudicial to the fruits of the Earth which seemed supernatural in these days Seneca speaketh of happening very frequently I am much deceived if Geneva which in Calvins time was much infested with Witches hath not formerly known such accidents Country people sought for remedy to such as did deal in those things by whom they were taught Rites and Sacrifices as also Spells and Charms which proved very helpful and therefore used very frequently In so much as they that did write of agriculture or De re rustica in those days did not think they did acquit themselves of what they promised sufficiently if silent in these things as particularly may appear by Columella not to mention others not inferior unto any that hath written of that subject either ancient or late in his Tenth book whereof he hath some receipts not much unlike this in Seneca Certain it is that Spells and Charms were in such credit in those days for such uses that even Constantine the Great a Christian Emperor when he made Laws against inchantments he doth except those that were for the preservation of the fruits of the Earth and those that were made or used against Hail particularly Cod. l. 9. tit 18. inscribed De Malesicis Mathematicis which according to the stile of those days was as much as magis In the fourth Chapter or Paragraph De magia these words are Nullis vero criminationibus implicanda sunt remedia humanis quaesita corporibus aut in agrestibus locis innocenter adhibita suffragia Some might by that word perchance understand Ecclesiastical prayers but here of necessity Magical Spells and Charms must be understood which he doth excuse only for the good that they do ne maturis vindemiis metuerentur imbres aut venti grandinisque lapidatione quaterentur quibus non cujusquam salus aut aestimatio laederetur sed quorum proficerent actus ne divina munera labores hominum sternerentur I think I shall not need to English this because the substance of it is already expressed Neither did this Law die with Constantine for it was renewed by some Emperors after him though at last as it well deserved repealed and abrogated And God forbid any such thing should ever be allowed in any place that pretends to Christianity For besides that we must not do evil that good may come of it where such wicked practices are suffered though some present benefit may be reaped for a while yet the curse of God will be found sooner or later to light upon the place and for some benefit unjustly purchased many mischiefs if not utter destruction through Gods just judgment will ensue However that the opinion of mischief done by Witches and Magicians by storms of Hail particularly did continue long after Constantine's law was repealed may appear by laws made against them in after ages as particularly by Lodovicus King of France and Emperor of Germany his Additions to the Capitula made by him and his father Charles the Great Add. II. c. 18. de diversis malorum so printed but Magorum certainly is the right flagitiis I THINK by this that hath been said it will not seem strange that any Town in those Heathenish times should have such officers as from their office should be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Hail observers especially when Seneca doth in a manner appeal to publick records But that such a device the bloud of a Lamb of a Chick or a prickt-finger should have such operation as to prevent the danger may be a wonder indeed yea an incredible thing to them that do not know or believe there be such creatures as Devils and Spirits in the world whose delight is to abuse mankind with such fopperies that whilest men ascribe the efficacy to some outward things they may less suspect themselves or be suspected by others to work by unlawful means and get an ill name if no other punishment for it LEONARD Vair in his book of Charms hath a relation of a strange custom in some places very well known to him it seems for he speaks of it with much indignation in Spain or Italy we may be sure which custom is when Country-people will drive Grashoppers or any such hurtful Vermin frequent in that Country probably out of their grounds they hire a Conjurer for Judge and two Advocates the one to plead the cause of the Vermin the other of the people which solemnly performed at last sentence of Excommunication is pronounced against the Vermin Thus the Devil by his instruments Conjurers and Sectaries doth endeavour to bring the most solemn Ceremonies of the Church even the Sacraments whereof examples in books of this argument are very obvious into contempt Vair doth not tell us with what success but by what we shall observe in due place as occasion doth offer it self the Reader will yield it very probable that it is not sometimes at least without success and how little reason any man hath to be scandalized at such things shall be fully argued before we end this first part But it would please some better perchance to hear of somewhat meerly natural that should have or be reported to have the same effect which we ascribe to the power of Devils and Spirits I have some Authors for it but believe it who will though I profess to believe much of the vertues of Plants and Minerals if Coral may be reckoned among them that red Corals have the same property and that in Germany many husbandmen upon approved experience will after sowing here and there but especially in the borders of their grounds scatter some little broken pieces of red Coral and by that means preserve their own from all hurt when their neighbours grounds round about are much annoyed by the violence of either Hail or Thunder My Author as I take it is a German himself he might easily have known the truth He makes himself a great peregrinator to satisfie his Curiosity or improve his knowledge in natural things Such a thing as this me-thinks had he had any hopes to find it true might have been worth his labour though he had rode many miles and he might have had the thanks and blessings of many for such a discovery had it been
is no easie thing such is the infirmity even of the best of men to get him out of it But Valesius hath been and his reasons fully answered and confuted by more it may be but by one I know very learned and judicious and with so much respect and moderation as that Valesius I think himself would have thought himself had he read him rather beholding to him than otherwise of whom also I should not be afraid or think it any discredit such an opinion I have of his real worth and learning to borrow some instances in such a case more to be resolved by instances that is experience than any thing else But that my curiosity hath been such in this particular that I think without pride or bragging be it spoken I could have furnished him Which I may say also of what he hath written of and upon Josephus his place before examined very accurately and learnedly let the Reader upon comparing judge as he shall please But I have not yet though before I have upon another occasion named the man It is Doctor Reynolds Royal Professor in Oxford when he lived and the book his learned Praelectiones before named also A pity it is as he doth complain himself more than once that the condition of those Praelectiones was such that he was forced oftentimes to repeat the same things which is able to make those that have not patience nor know how to value such ware to be soon weary His chiefest instances besides Fernelius and Matthiolus their opinions in the case upon certain proof and experience are the first Baptista Mantuanus a known Physician in his notes or observations upon Avicen which he doth call Lectiones whose words are Ego mihi credite vidi meis oculis c. that is My self with mine eyes you may believe me have seen it a certain man who when he had made a circle cumque signaret and drawn some characters about it and uttered some words he did call together above a hundred Serpents So he This indeed Montanus doth not relate to the same end that I do to prove that there be supernatural operations by the intervention of Devils and Spirits but he to prove the strength of imagination For he was it seems of the opinion of some Enthusiasts Arabs as Avicenna and some others embraced by some professing Christianity also who did ascribe so much to the strength of imagination as if Rain and Thunder and even Earthquakes might be caused by it Certainly they that did believe this really had a very strong imagination How comes it to pass they never did none of those miracles But for a further resolution or refutation of this if any desire it I refer them to learned Fyenus his excellent Treatise De viribus Imaginationis well worth the reading written in the old Aristotelean way though he do Aristotle some wrong unwillingly I believe when he doth say that Aristotle he believeth did write of the strength of the imagination no were but Problem l. 10. c. 12. a great mistake But to our purpose Remigius his relation which is not in Reynolds is more strange and not less credible I think I have seen a man saith he who from all the neighbourhood or confines would draw Serpents into the fire which was inclosed within a Magical Circle and when one of them bigger than the rest would not be brought in upon repetition of the Charms before used he was forced and so into the fire he did yield himself with the rest and with it was compassed So Remigius By this what Pliny meant by his cogique in poenas may be understood But I must conceal nothing from my Reader They that should see my Remigius would easily believe that I have read him over more than once by my noting and scribling in most pages of it Yet at this time I must confess I could not find this passage where I thought it most probable it would be found And that which makes me somewhat suspitious is that I find much of this relation set out with more florish as acted elsewhere which I confess is very possible that what the Devil hath done in one place he may do in another And this I find in an Author who professeth to have travelled the greatest part of Europe to satisfie his curiosity and to speak truth for the bigness I have not read stranger things in all kinds in any book but this of Serpents he doth relate from others of what credit I know not he doth not say he did see them himself And therefore the Reader may suspend his belief as to this particular relation if he please till he or I have found it in Remigius Yet withal I must say that the same Author but now spoken of though he doth not attest this relation of Serpents as a thing seen by himself yet another he doth Vidimus his word which in point of the creatures charmed is as different as Serpents are from Flies in all other things have much affinity Hercules 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the title of the book one Joh. Exnestus Burggravius the Author these two particulars of Serpents and Flies page 68. and 77. My Author for Remigius is one that calls himself Philippus Ludwigus Elich in his Daemonomagia who is very full of quotations out of good books I confess but otherwise whether sober or no when he wrote he is so full of extravagancies I do not know But again Remigius and Burggravius their relations agree very well but that they do not agree in the place which is no argument against the truth some may think it a confirmation of their relations because as I said before it is very possible the same thing in substance might be acted as most other things are in different places But Delrio in whom though diligent and copious enough I find none of these nor a word of Valesius he hath an example which he calls celebre exemplum as known unto all men that seek after these things and uncontrollable so I understand him but of a quite contrary event for there the Magician was kill'd by the Serpent who last appeared who probably might be the Devil himself but enough of this MY next instance in Reynolds also or testimony is of Andreas Masius that excellent Commentator and learned Divine who being intreated by Wierius to explain unto him the true notions of the Hebrew words wherewith all kind of Witchcraft is expressed in the Scriptures when he comes to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which properly signifieth incantare or to inchant he doth add Et ego vidi c. I also have seen them who with words or charms could stop wild beasts and force them to await the stroak of the dart who also could force that domestick beastly creature which we call a Rat as soon as seen amazed and astonished to stand still as it were immovable until not by any deceit or ambushes but only stretching their hands
objection let me first answer it lest I forget it It is very true that this age beyond former ages hath brought forth such things which they that have seen and believe may in a manner think nothing incredible But first all men are not of one temper And then what we have seen posterity must believe upon relation and there will be a time when what we know to be true because we have seen it to many may seem so strange that they will if not deny yet doubt the truth of it In a word therefore whatever our luck may be it is our desire that more than one age or some that are not yet born may reap the benefit of what we write Now to Epicurus FIRST for his life of which more afterwards But we will suppose him for a time to have been a sober temperate man or rather his life to have been sober and temperate externally For it is a true observation both of Philosophers and Divines that not the outward actions barely is that that can denominate a man truly sober and temperate or just and righteous and the like but the opinions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from which those actions do proceed So nevertheless that we who do not see the hearts of others judge charitably of all men by their actions which we see except themselves reveal their hearts and make open profession of their opinions Epicurus his opinion did very much engage him to a sober temperate life who as he did acknowledge no humane felicity I know what I say and shall make it good before I have done present or future but in bodily pleasure so knew well enough and to that end hath many specious profitable memento's and advices to others of his crew that the right and sober management of such pleasures was the way to enjoy them long and to make them more pleasing at the very time Besides I would ask if the Devil have a design to infect men with some impious execrable doctrine will he chuse if he have choice an open riotous lend man to be his instrument or a sober man in shew at least if he can have him Which makes me remember what I find in the Margents of a Lucretius which once belonged to a very learned and judicious man Over against those words at the beginning of the fourth book Deus ille fuit Deus inclute Memmi c. he writes Epicurus Deus judicio Lucretii meo Diaboli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nequissimus that is Epicurus in Lucretius his judgment a God in my judgment a wicked Proctor or Minister of the Devil Let us therefore in the first place look into his opinions out of his own writings whereof no question can be made First that the world Heaven and Earth came to what it is not by any Providence but by a casual jumbling of atomes I need not comment upon that some men I believe would be well pleased to have them in childrens Catechisms instead of somewhat else that doth not so well please them that Sun and Moon were not intended either for light or for any other use for the benefit of men nor the eyes made to see or the ear to hear or the feet for motion but all by chance without any fore-cast of providence This is horrible and there is more of it But by the way that the Sun and Moon were but just so big and every Star as they appeared unto us and our eyes There is no impiety in this perchance some will say but I pray hath not this man well deserved that his Philosophy should be inquired into with so much care and diligence But we go on That what men call right and wrong justice and injustice vertue and vice were but fancies and empty sounds nothing truly real and worthy our pursuit but what was pleasant and delightful which also was profitable Is not this impious can any thing be more Was he a man or a monster a Devil that could harbour such thoughts and take such pains to seduce others to the same perswasion But I know it will be said Did not the same man explain himself that by pleasure he did understand chiefly a vertuous life without which there could be no true pleasure And again Doth not the same though he acknowledged no Divine Providence yet acknowledge and profess to believe that there is a God and that he thought it very convenient that God whether one or more for the excellency of his nature should be reverenced and worshipped by men But I beseech you can any man be so foolish so sottish himself or so far presume upon the ignorance and simplicity of others as to plead this for Epicurus in good earnest What is before objected to him is written and maintained by him very positively without any exception or qualification in divers of his writings as shall be more fully declared afterwards But Epicurus knew what had hapned to other professed Atheists before him it did concern him no less than his life not to deny positively the being of a God or Gods But what Gods I pray did he acknowledge How doth he describe them Homunculis similes lineamentis duntaxat extremis non habitu solido c. that is Like men and no men having all the members of a mans body but not the use of any in the shape and outward appearance but not substance of a body So Cicero out of him who though he liked not his Philosophy yet did much favour his person and never or seldom speaks of him but very tenderly not so much for his sake I believe as for theirs some of his best friends that were of that Sect. Neither could he mistake him or misreport him than whom no man of those times was better versed in the writings of Greek Philosophers Seneca also who did study to the utmost of his power to acquit Epicurus and to advance the credit of his sentences not without some respect to himself probably whereof more afterwards yet when he speaks of his God what a creature doth he make of it Epicurus saith he did disarm his God as from all manner of weapons so from all kind of power too and that no man might have any cause to fear him he hath thrown him far out of the world Extra mundum for which some Editions metum others motum which Lipsius would have metam but mundum the right certainly confirmed by what followeth In medio intervallo hujus alterius coeli desertus sine animali sine homine sine re ruinas mundorum c. as also by the same expression in another place Alius illos extra mundum suum projicit out of the world both Terrestrial and Celestial as he doth explain himself afterwards Nulla illi nec tribuendi nec nocendi materia est Non exaudiens vota nec nostri curiosus c. De benef 4. cap. 18. Any man that reads that whole passage may easily see that Seneca doth but make
himself sport with Epicurus his God and thereby doth give us to understand plainly enough what Epicurus his true intention was by making such a God And yet strange though that whole fourth book of Seneca be written against Epicurus his brutish opinion that no man should be kind or loving to any other but for his own sake and that the only end of all friendship among men and that he speak very roundly of his and their sensuality that were of that Sect in some places as in the second and thirteenth Chapters particularly yet some of his late Patrons are so shameless as to produce some words out of this book as spoken in good earnest by Seneca to commend him and his admirable piety than which nothing can be more senseless and impudent and more contrary to the drift of the whole book And so when he would seem to explain himself sometimes that by pleasure he did chiefly intend such as did proceed from a vertuous life what sober man that hath read his other writings or such passages out of them in best Authors whereof no question can be made where he doth so punctually so expresly deliver himself and argue the case but must think except he had formally recanted and disowned those writings that he did but basely and impudently abuse the world by such palliating glosses and explications Might not he fear here also that they we call them Heathens I wish there were no worse Christians who were once ready as Seneca doth somewhere record to tear an Actor upon the Stage in pieces for extolling the happiness of wealth or money so much as to make it Summum humani generis bonum that is The thing wherein mans happiness doth chiefly consist would meet with him some time or other in the streets for setting up pleasure and voluptuousness as the only good the only God unto men And such an enemy to God and Providence was this wicked man that in his writings now extant when his atomes could not help him and he doth acknowledge himself at a stand and doth beg of others that they would study and find somewhat that hath any shew of probability to help him out yet he makes it always his condition that they would not fly to God and a Providence he had no patience to hear of that And so much for the Doctrine of the new Saint Now for his Life WHAT was laid to his charge whilest he lived even by some of his own disciples who professed they left him meerly for the leudness of his conversation and by others after his death Diog. Laertius who hath written his life doth in part at the very beginning of it declare But then he tells you they were all lyes and that such and such Epistles and other writings evidences of his wicked life were but fictitious writings and this Gassendus his friend the great reviver and abettor of Epicurism in this unhappy age doth take for a very sufficient refutation But I pray you what was Diog. Laertius that his authority so many ages after Epicurus his death when all the world almost had consented in their judgments against him should be opposed to the authority of so many worthy men of all professions Philosophers Historians Mathematicians Poets of his and some precedent ages Of which numbers some were so far from being Stoicke that they wrote against them Was he not himself this Diogenes not to 〈◊〉 of his defects otherwise which have been observed 〈◊〉 learned men a professed Epicuraean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not therefore among indifferent impartial men in reason to be admitted as a witness or if admitted to speak yet not so to be trusted as Gassendus doth him in every thing though there be never so many witnesses of far better worth and credit to the contrary And yet we may observe how Gassendus doth stretch his words sometimes to make them serve his turn beyond all reason and equity For example Where Laertius after that he hath related the accusations of many of several heads or crimes against Epicurus he concludes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Gassendus page 140.163 would have to belong to all that went before whereas it will appear to say nothing of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which may be here a pregnant word opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is those before spoken of including a tacit concession that it belongs to the last accusation only though that also most true by the attestation of more ancient and considerable witnesses than ten such as Laertius as Cicero Plutarch c. whereby Epicurus is censured as one that despised all men but himself even those to whom he did owe what he was and whose writings he had usurped and substituted for his own To which Laertius doth oppose many things to prove his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his Parents his Friends his Disciples his Country and then goes on to the refutation of other crimes And indeed how could Laertius say that all the former accusations were false when some were taken out of his own books and writings acknowledged by Laertius and whereof no question was ever made but that that they were his As for example that he should write in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or of mans felicity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that is For what to call good if you take away the pleasure of taste and of the ear and those pleasures which arise from beauty and carnal copulation I know not Which words to be Epicurus's is attested by divers Ancients whose attestation we shall not need because not denied by Laertius but especially by Cicero very particularly first in his II. De finibus where he translates him thus Qui testificatur ne intelligere quidem se posse quid sit aut ubi sit ullum bonum praeter illud quod cibo potione aurium delectatione obscaena voluptate capiatur but more fully in his third Tusculan where he hath a long Comment upon the words taken out of that book of Epicurus De summo bono of which Cicero saith that it doth fully comprehend their discipline or doctrine and is full he saith of such sayings in commendation of voluptuousness and carnal pleasures Durst Cicero oppose these things to his Epicuraean friends who were many and of the best he had had there been any ground at all in those days of suspition for that which Gassendus would have us to believe that those were spurious writings or interpolated and corrupted by the Stoicks Epicurus his enemies If we take that liberty we shall not know what to say of any man what he believed or maintained by his writings What Plato what Aristotle what any Fathers or Hereticks if it will serve to say those writings are spurious or adulterated and corrupted But observe I pray how earnestly how ingenuously Cicero doth express himself and appeal to the consciences if they had any of those men Num fingo num mentior
cupio ref c. Do I feign or forge Do I lye I rather wish I could be confuted For what do I labour but that the truth O Christians hear this in every controversie may prevail or be understood and come to light Here Gassendus should have fixed could he have found or devised any thing to help his friend out of the mire But such convincing passages not to be eluded by any art or sophistication of wit he wisely passeth over but with all possible diligence ransacks all kind of Authors to see what he can find that may with the help of his sophistry and false dealing have a shew of somewhat to make that beastly swine to appear in the shape of a rational man Were it my business now or could I stand so long upon it without trespassing too much either against my Readers patience or my present weakness of body as to examine all his allegations I am very confident there is scarce any thing considerable in his whole book but would be found either impertinent or false as if it had been the priviledge of that cause as indeed it is the necessity because not otherwise pleadable and for which he hoped no man would blame him I should say so too could any necessity oblige an honest man to undertake so wicked a cause However that I may give a taste to the Reader I will take one of the most considerable Chapters in the whole book the seventh of the third book where he doth examine Plutarch's authority or testimony concerning Epicurus a Chapter one of the most considerable I say because of that high Elogium which he doth give unto Plutarch Nullum authorem omni memoria extare quem cum viro illo eximio comparandum existimem That no age without exception hath born any Author whom he can for true worth compare with him I have a very great opinion of Plutarch too and if instead of so many foolish Romances Stage-plays and the like such a serious Author who hath variety enough to please every palate were read it is not likely that the Gentry and Nobility could degenerate so much every where as they are generally reported But except he were read in his own tongue which to do were he the only Greek Author now extant I think three or four years study to learn that tongue would not be mis-spent I wish he were better translated But I must except the French translation of the Lives which is excellent Such an opinion I have of Plutarch yet I should hardly go so far as Gassendus doth Now let us see how he doth deal with this worthy man and how with his Reader That Plutarch doth generally always I might say speak of Epicurus as an infamous and senseless man that is not denied Such a lover of reason and vertue could not but heartily compassionate the phrenzy of so many men who in all ages have been glad to find a patron of their sensuality Though divers books he wrote against him are not now extant yet there be enough to satisfie any man what he thought of Epicurus and his doctrine This could not but grievously pinch Gassendus and deeply wound the cause that he had undertaken But what if he can shew from Plutarch himself that he rather followed the common opinion in what he wrote of Epicurus than his own judgment or the truth I must needs say that in my judgment he had done much and more than any ten or twenty Chapters of his book if well examined will amount unto though very strange if not incredible that so grave a man so serious would not only occasionally speak of him as others did generally whether right or wrong but would write books of him and against him of purpose which nothing did oblige him to do only to countenance a publick false fame But let us hear Plutarch saith he in one place after he hath mentioned what those crimes are which made Epicurus and his followers infamous to the vulgar to wit want of friends that is to admit of no friendship among men but such as is grounded upon present profit or gain and selfishness if I may so speak which to have been Epicurus his opinion Laertius himself doth not deny an idle life Atheism voluptuousness neglect of all things but pleasures or sensuality well what then Then saith he Plutarch doth object to himself but these things unjustly perchance are objected or laid to their charge to which he doth answer yea but it is not truth but opinion that we look after And so concludes that Plutarch by his own confession in those things he did write of Epicurus was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a follower or lover of opinion and not of truth And if Plutarch so grave so serious why not we as elsewhere he doth argue believe it of others also Is not this enough think we to make Epicurus victorious in despight of all testimonies and evidences For if Plutarch who was no Stoick the common exception as if all Stoicks had been Epicurus his sworn enemies which is most false nor friend to Stoicks he hath written against them it is well known But if Plutarch also was carried with the general fame though he knew the contrary to be true what may we expect from others though very numerous yet with Gassendus not of equal credit and authority as Plutarch according to that judgement which he made before of him But now look upon Plutarch and we shall see for he was too learned and diligent that we should think it a mistake what conscience this man made of lying for Epicurus Among other books that Plutarch did write against Epicurus one is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is That in following Epicurus and his doctrine though pleasure the only thing that he did seek a man cannot live with pleasure This to prove he doth use many arguments and doth alledge divers passages out of Epicurus his own writings All this while nothing as doubting or following the common opinion but very positively and peremptorily At last two or three parts of the book already spent still pursuing his purpose that according to Epicurus men cannot live with pleasure he proceeds to another proof or argument which is this Epicurus did believe that from a good report or name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some pleasure was to be reaped Himself as Plutarch out of his own writings doth prove a vain-glorious man if ever man was and covetous of praise and reputation But so it is saith Plutarch that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that Atheism voluptuousness c. which things all men I desire the Reader to observe but they that profess it ascribe to that Sect are things generally odious and infamous in the highest degree whence it must of necessity follow that from this consideration also Epicurus doth not go the right way to pleasure This to make yet stronger and to prevent all subterfuges or evasions
some particular end or meerly to shew his wit which I know hath been done by more than one should attempt such a thing but that so many professing Christianity should entertain the attempt with so ready an assent and applause an argument to me with many others of the inclination of the age God avert the event SINCE this written I bethought my self that Gassendus happily in those large Comments and Animadversions upon Epicurus his Philosophy if we may so call it which deserveth better to be called dotage and madness set out some years after in three Tomes might retract some of those notorious mistakes if any man can think them so I have searched but I find that instead of retracting he doth repeat and endeavour to confirm and that especially by the addition of two testimonies which I shall take notice of The first of St. Jeromes out of his second book against Jovinian Chap. 8. where he doth say with this Preface Quod mirandum sit a thing to be wondred at because assertor voluptatis an assertor or patron of pleasure bodily certainly else it had been no wonder that Epicurus did fill his bocks with the commendations of a spare diet That Epicurus did it all the wonder is that the man should be so inconstant to himself if in so doing he doth make any mention of vertue or seems to have any regard unto it it being sure enough that in this he doth but abuse the credulity of his Readers But if he commend a sober life in general and highly extol it before a riotous and leud this he might well enough without any repugnancy to his doctrine in placing the happiness of man in bodily pleasures Though the practice of it a rare thing in men of that profession yet the commendation of it might as well become a professed Epicuraean as any other Besides it should be considered that St. Jerome his purpose there being to collect out of all profane Authors whatsoever he had read in any of them tending to the commendation of a spare diet which he doth very copiously as a very learned man and excellently versed in all ancient Authors any man may see that he doth relate many things as in such a case is ordinary which it is not probable that he believed or did expect his Readers should I could instance in many particulars but only to serve his present subject upon a supposition nevertheless that many things though not so probable yet might be true the truth whereof he doth not stand to examine which every Reader as he should find himself concerned might do better at leisure Not therefore to add any credit to Epicurus but more forcibly to shame them that lived riotously or discommend a spare diet or spake slightly of it is that passage of Epicurus produced by St. Jerome And let me add that Gassendus doth make that quotation by adding some of St. Jerome's words to it as may easily appear somewhat longer than in it self it is or can well be but I make no great matter of it HIS other long quotation is out of Porphyrius his excellent book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of abstinence c. Porphyrius a Magician it is well known and as great an enemy to Christianity as ever it had any yet Porphyrius of abstinence c. an excellent book as I think ever was written of that argument I wish we had the old translation of it more common than it is out of which many corrupt places in the Author might be corrected at least understood Well Porphyrius in that book just as St. Jerome upon the same occasion and to the same purpose A wonder saith he that even they that make pleasure to be the end the Epicuraeans even they c. It is a long passage and it will appear if well examined that here also Gassendus doth ascribe somewhat to the Epicuraeans which doth in Porphyrius his Text belong unto them And which is worse so unlucky shall I say or so bold is Gassendus such confidence he had in himself when he saw how currently every thing did pass that he had written in that wicked cause that he doth deprave as excellent a passage in the Text of that long quotation as any is extant in any Heathen writer I will not say because it hath too much Christianity nor yet can I say because it is very obscure but truly as he doth in Epicurus his life many through unadvised rashness and temerity The Author there doth say very piously if sincerely whoever he was that we should not first provide for the world and he gives an excellent reason for it afterwards and then make Philosophy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the very word used by Christ upon the same occasion if the Greek be authentick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an addition or an accessory according to that of the Poet O Cives Cives quaerenda pecunia primo est Virtus post nummos but first provide by good instruction I suppose and Philosophy for a generous confidence in God and then content our selves with what every day doth afford This Gassendus by correcting or corrupting rather the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is in the Gospel also or the effect of it well expressed in the English But seek ye first c. into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 turns it quite into another sense I shall not proceed to any further examination But if any body will make it his business he will without much trouble find matter enough CIVIL affairs and actions the proper object of Credulity and Incredulity which we propose to our selves in this Part come to be known to us either by our own experience or by the relation of others private as Friends and Travellers or publick as the Historians of present or past ages Our aim is by some instances and observations it is an ordinary thing for men to forget their Text this often repetition may help to prevent it to direct them that may want such help in point of Credulity and Incredulity Wherein our first observation for a caution to some how they take upon them to judge before they be throughly versed in the world shall be that old saying with little alteration appliable to many occasions Homine imperito nunquam quicquam injustius Qui nisi quod ipse fecit nihil rectum putat we say Qui nisi quod ipse credit or vidit if you will nihil verum putat It is a sad thing to converse with men who neither by their own experience nor by the relation of others Historians and Travellers are acquainted with the world How they will stare and startle at things as impossible and incredible which they that are better acquainted with it know to be very true or judge by what they have known in like cases to be very possible and credible It were great wisdom in such who are so happy as to know their defects though they suspend their belief yet to be very
wary how they contradict or oppose and as much wisdom in men that are better acquainted with the world when they meet with such to be very sparing of their stories which have any thing of strangeness nor yet to be very peremptory or forward to contest lest that besides the offence that unseasonable pertinaciousness may give they wrong their own reputation and be accounted lyars or wonder-mongers though unjustly Others there be who because they have seen somewhat themselves or are not altogether unacquainted with Histories or the travels of others ground upon that somewhat so much that they will not believe or acknowledge to be true whatsoever is beyond their knowledge or hear-say when God knows a man had need to be almost as old as the Devil before he can take upon him to know or peremptorily to determine what the world doth afford Though not born yet I have lived a long time in England a very small portion of the world for extent of ground sometimes in one place sometimes but necessitated partly by the late troubles in another always studious to observe or to learn from others what every place afforded worthy the knowledge besides what might be learned by printed books without much pains Yet to this day I think my self but a stranger in it daily meeting with many things that I never heard of before But I have often admired at the confidence of some Travellers who if they have been but six moneths abroad it may be less say France or Italy they think and talk of it as though they knew it as perfectly as the Country or Parish where they were born and bred a great part of their life Nay some be so simple and ignorant that whatsoever they have observed in an Inne or single house as they passed by they will tell you confidently that so and so such is the fashion in France or Italy when it may be that they that have lived in either Country all their lives long never met or heard of any such thing Doth not every Country as England particularly consist of several Shires and Provinces or Counties and hath not every County their particular rites and customs not only different but even contrary He therefore that shall ascribe the particular customs of any one County as Yorkshire or Devonshire to England in general doth he not expose himself to the just censure and indignation of those that shall believe him when they shall come to know their error and make themselves ridiculous to others that have better knowledge of the Countrie Hence proceed variety of reports and relations even in printed books which may be true perchance of such a place at such a time particularly but generally for want of wit and more experience delivered are most false and happily ridiculous In a great fight ordinarily men think their relations very creditable that can say if honest civil men they were at it Whereas it is very possible and I have known such a thing in my time more than once that one man of the same fight shall report a flight and the other both present and actors a victory and both truly enough but not so wisely because what they have seen in one part of the Army they rashly or ignorantly apply unto the whole and perchance call that a victory so for the time perchance which before the day be over may be the occasion of a total rout It is the observation of learned Cambden Ita in pugnarum ratione qui rebus gerendis adfuerunt c. Englished by Bishop Carleton Thus it is in Bateel they who are present and actors report not always the same thing each reporting what himself observed This is very appliable to the relations of Travellers concerning the same places or Countries A man therefore had need to consider well if truth be his end and aim whom he doth believe in such things or how he speaks himself upon the credit of others honest men perchance â—â—d such as have no intention to deceive but of what judgment what experience yea and moderation that also must be taken into consideration or we may miss our end I add moderation because some men naturally passionate are so swayed by their interest whether of profit or meer affection that they think they speak truth sometimes when they speak that which to others of the same judgment as to the cause but without passion doth appear notoriously false These things observed many seeming contradictions in Histories may be reconciled and we the better prepared when we read or hear strange things to judge and discern what upon grounds of probability we may believe and what not I rather say so than what credible or incredible because as in the First Part hath been declared I allow not of many things besides what is against the faith as absolutely incredible because what is really impossible is beyond our skill absolutely to determine WHAT may be required of an Historian in general to deserve credit many have treated of it Of late writers among others that offer now themselves to my remembrance Bodinus in his Methodus Historiae a book well deserving to be read and by Melchior Canus sufficiently known in his Common Places are two But I have nothing to do with History or Historians here in general but only as they relate strange things which in their own nature may be thought by some incredible Of which nature every man knows Herodotus the Greek Historian so much admired for the sweetness of his style and the ancientest Historian now extant in the judgment of many to be Insomuch that of all Historians whereof any account is made he hath got the name of a fabulous writer Indeed he had not the luck to write of things of his own time or Country for the most part as Thucydides did except it be in the last books and what is worse not of things which many others now extant have written of so that most things must be believed upon his credit if we see cause or may be rejected as fabulous or incredible if we think fit because not confirmed by any other But they do him great wrong that ascribe all that he tells of that nature generally accounted fabulous or incredible as though he were the Author or inventer of such things or did deliver them unto us for things which himself believed or did expect that others should For for the first there is no probability that he who to satisfie himself of the truth of those things which he had heard would take such pains to travel into Aegypt yea all Aegypt in person with so much diligence as himself tells us in many places and not Aegypt only but some other more remote places as Syria Palestina and the like would make so bad use of his travels though some have done it I must confess Thovetus of late for one as to abuse his Readers with stories of his own devising when his own travels could furnish him
The second is of a people called Neurii who are reported once in the year to turn into Wolves not into their shape I believe or but in part at least but into their conditions and qualities absolutely and very literally But Herodotus though affirmed by many with great asseverations yea execration or oaths he saith did not believe it But what shall we say to some of our time both learned and grave who write of it and commend it unto us for a truth So doth Gasper Peucerus a learned Physician I am sure whom we have spoken of in our First Part who describes the manner and the time and a very learned man once Prebend of this Church who though dead many years yet lives in his learned Son one of the Prebends of this Church likewise in a book of his inscribed Vates seems to ascribe much faith to Peucerus Delrio the Jesuit in his laborious Disquisitiones Magicae writing of the same thing doth absolutely determine it that the Devil cannot really change substances or forms to whom I willingly subscribe but that he may so qualifie the bodies even of men as that they shall produce the same effects as if they were Wolves or Lions or the like and transform or transfigure rather the bodies into the shapes or appearances of such brutes And it is St. Augustin's determination also De Civitate Dei lib. 18. cap. 18. Delrio doth quote Herodotus and with Herodotus Cambden Et hodie ex vulgi opinione quidam Hiberniti in altera parte Hiberniae THE third relation of Herodotus is of a certain people whom he doth call acephali that is headless because their heads and eyes are in their breasts or upper parts of their breasts I take no notice of the other reading in Herodotus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because not acknowledged by divers ancient Manuscripts though both Pliny and Aulus Gellius and St. Augustin and some others mention them also among the strange Nations of the North. Whether any such people or no as these acephali Herodotus doth not affirm nor deny but delivers it upon the report of the Country in the description of Lybia If I be not mistaken Munsterus in his Cosmography some where for I have not the book at this time doth deliver it for a truth Sir Walter Rawleigh I am sure in his reports concerning Guiana set out in Latin with Notes at Norimberg Anno Dom. 1599. by Levinus Hulsius with divers Maps and brass-Cuts doth deliver it for a truth St. Augustin also doth mention such as from others and from some publick pictures very artificially carved in Carthage when he lived there And that such a child was born in Misnia in the year of our Lord 1554. is recorded by Fincelius De miraculis nostri temporis though indeed I do not find in the picture either nose or mouth but eyes only But that might be the over-sight of the Painter or Carver rather IN all these three particulars till further confirmation as I do my self so should I advise others that know no more than I do to suspend their belief Though truly I must acknowledge this no small inducement to yield assent because such a belief or tradition hath been in so many ages where there is no ground of suspition that they have taken it one from another a strong objection against the Phoenix and some other miracles of antiquity as for example that they that believed or carved the acephali to be seen in Saint Augustine's time had it from Herodotus who speaks of it so doubtfully nor they that made report to Henry the Third King of France before spoken of concerning the sleepers ever had it from the said Herodotus who doth protest against it as incredible or lastly that they that perswaded Peuceres of late or St. Augustin long before that there were such transmutations of Men into Wolves before spoken of for a certain time did ground it at all upon Herodotus his relation or testimony or perchance ever so much as heard of the name and as little I believe upon St. Augustins However all this is not of force with me to engage me to a belief upon grounds of reason as I conceive But to censure them that believe it so they leave others to the liberty of their own judgment I should not do that neither because there is so much to be said to make it not improbable I HAD somewhat of Oracles before in the relation of which Herodotus may seem beyond measure curious if not superstitious Some reason hath been given before yet I will not take upon me to acquit him of all superstition by which I understand an excess of that worship which was in use where and when he lived But besides the religion or superstition of the place he was also not little infected with the Aegyptian superstition as by many places doth appear But what shall we think of those strange judgments he doth very particularly record against those that attempted to rob the rich Temple at Delphi the chiefest seat of Oracles then known to Heathens in the world This indeed Herodotus doth relate with more than ordinary confidence and it were strange if he could be ignorant of the truth of so memorable a story which was acted if true if not when he was a man yet when born and of some years I know not of any that doth except against it upon any Historical or Chronological account but against the probability of the story in general somewhat may be objected Would God do such miracles to preserve a Heathenish Temple which he hath not done to preserve his own at Jerusalem as in the days of Antiochus c. nor so many Christian Churches that have been spoiled and robbed from time to time in several Countries And when more or more execrable profanation of holy things when very Churches were turned into Stables then in these late days during the reign and rebellion of the Fanaticks Another man would add perchance and Presbyterians but I would hope better things of them They have declared against Sacriledge very roundly many of them and if the same men should not oppose profanation of holy things being things of the same nature as vigorously they would give men just occasion to believe that what they have spoken or done against the other was but for their own interest or some other worldly end But why then doth not God shew himself at all times as well as then in Herodotus his time and many times since For it cannot be denied but that every age will afford some dreadful examples of horrible judgements against Sacriledge and profanation of holy things but that it is so always or so visible especially upon the actors themselves we cannot say But the greatest objection is not so much why not always as why such indignation such judgments for the Temples and holy things of idolaters of Devils as St. Paul doth call them I would not have any man too bold and I
at Press which was almost ended before I knew what any man else did I could not but let the world know what I thought of it Since which time I have seen divers pieces some for it of men I believe who themselves were engaged in the fraud but more against it by which I was glad to understand that the fraud was not only detected but also as it well deserved detested in all parts of Italy Rome especially Among them that have contributed that way Leo Allatius is one who though he may be thought over sedulous in a thing so notoriously discernable yet his book well deserveth the reading because it will furnish them who are not much versed in such things with many arguments whereof some may be useful in divers things as there proved by some instances that have no reference to learning how such frauds may be discovered Yet for all this I know that since I had published my judgment and for ought I know since some of these censures or confutations were published divers in England did shew much zeal for this precious book and I was told by the late most Reverend and truly learned Primate of Ireland that some in Ireland did go to Italy of purpose that they might bless their eyes with the sight of those precious Monuments or Relicks So prone are many men not only inconsiderately to entertain an imposture but also loth to forge the opinion they have had of the worth and truth of it when once they have entertained it What wonder then if Christianism was so soon turned into Mahometism in a great part of the world when so much force was used to bring in the one and so little learning found such was the sad condition of those times and places to uphold the other and to discover the impostures of pretended Enthusiasts But now I have commended Leo Allatius to the Reader I must give him a caution how he doth give credit unto those words of his Page 152. Aegyptiorum quoque cadavera bituminis beneficio post viginti aut plurium annorum myriades perpetuitatem adepta quodammodo fuisse viderunt alii nos ipsi c. by which he doth seem to make the world elder by many thousands of years than it is or ever I think any man those that make it eternal excepted made it before which I am very confident was not his meaning though how to rectifie it as a fault of the Printers I know not Had these Antiquities been received generally as a true piece besides that they contradict the Scriptures in some places I think half the world would have been Conjurers and Enthusiasts by this time for that is it which they chiefly advance Here again I may say God preserve the Universities without other learning great and various learning besides natural experiments all things must necessarily come to confusion in a short time IN those kind of things which pretend to antiquity as I would not have a man peremptorily to reject any thing upon light suspitions for so he may bereave himself of many rare things and most true it is that things almost incredible the discovery of the new world I reserve for another place are discovered sometimes So on the other side not very suddenly to believe nor to ascribe much to his own judgment which all men are apt to overvalue naturally till he have made trial of it many times and till he perfectly understand so far as may be by labour and diligent inquiry both the nature of the thing and all circumstances of the story which he is to judge of There is nothing so slight almost but doth require some experience and there is nothing so hard almost wherein long experience where there is a natural pregnancy may not breed perfection I have heard of some men but heard it only who by the bare handling and smelling would judge better of old Coins which is a great trade beyond the Seas and concerning which many books are written than others not altogether strangers unto them could by the sight The more precious every thing is the more subject it is to imposture though to me there is nothing so mean but the truth of it is precious The worst is which should teach men humility let a man be never so careful and wary or so judicious and well experienced yet either through the obscurity of nature in some things or the cunning of men whose study is to cheat and to impose he may be to seek sometimes even in those things wherein he thinks himself most perfect and either caught by some cheat or at a stand and nonplust I read in a good Author of a stone sold to Jewish Jewellers who make a trade to deceive others in such things for a good Diamond for the price of 9000. Crowns which proved but a Crystal of little worth and of another sold for a Ruby for 300. Crowns which proved let no man wonder for the same Author doth teach there be red Diamonds as well as white Abr. Ecchel in Hadarrhamaum de proprietat c. Paris 1647. a good Diamond and was sold for 7000. Crowns One of the best some will say the best Anatomist late ages have produced began to dissect a Spanish Lady of great rank for dead when she was alive but she died and he too for shame and grief And a skilful Chirurgeon being to open a vain in the arm that invincible arm of Henry the Fourth King of France cut a Nerve or Artery which had almost cost him his life No man therefore so skilful and wary but may erre sometimes and in matter of impostures which are generally the contrivance of men it may be a question whether somewhat besides man doth not concur sometimes of purpose to illude and to frustrate men in their most sedulous inquiries WHEN I read the relation of those bones found in Daulphine in France in a Grave made of Brick 30. foot long 12. broad 8. deep 18. foot in the ground with some Inscriptions and old Coins about it the Bones or Sceleton that was found in the Grave being 25. foot and half in length I do not know what to think of it Riolanus indeed who professed both Physick and Chirurgery in Paris at that time wrote somewhat to perswade the world that it was a cheat But I know Riolanus out of a humour or somewhat else would sometimes oppose where there was no great ground the same I suppose who would perswade the world that there is no such thing in the world as Hermaphrodites of which more in our First Part. The relation of those Bones first set out doth import that the Sepulcher once opened most part of the Sceleton having been in the Air from eight in the morning to six in the night fell into dust some of the thicker bones and some that were well nigh petrified by reason of a little spring that did run over and wash them excepted Those that were left were by the