those were the times and tempers that did produce those horrid rites and mysteries the Dionysiaca Cybeliaca Isiaca Eleusiniaca and the like in the description whereof many ancient Fathers have been very exact and accurate it being an argument that did afford matter enough to any mans wit or rhetorick the senslesnesse on the one side and the beastlinesse wickednesse in the other of those things that were there performed and observed under the name of Religion being beyond any exaggeration nay beyond any sober mans imagination Had we not seen the like in these latter dayes upon the same ground of enthusiasms and divine revelations acted and revived it cannot almost be expected that any man should have belief enough to credit such relations I shall my self willingly forbear particulars which no modest reader can read without some reluctancy There is enough and more then enough of that stuffe in those Authors I have already mentioned But I had rather appeal to heathens themselves herein for the truth of such things of themselves so incredible then to Christians who might be thought partiall Seneca hath done pretty well upon this argument in setting out the horror of these mysteries in those fragments of his Contra superstitiones preserved by S. Augustine in his books De Civ Dei l. 6. c. 10. But Livie the Roman Historian farre more particularly in his twenty ninth Book who although he speak onely of the Dionysiaca or Bacchanalia as they were clancularly kept at Rome yet what he writes of them is for the most part generally true of all those hidden mysteries well called Opertanea They were not instituted all at one time nor by one man they differed in some certain rites and ceremonies but in point of brutishnesse and licentiousnesse otherwise so like that though we distinguish the founders by names yet we must needs acknowledge them all guided by one Spirit stiled in the Gospel an unclean Spirit not as unclean by nature which we know he is not but as the author of all uncleannesse among men as an enemy since his fall both to God and man Now that these mysteries were devised at first by men who professed themselves and were generally supposed by others to be inspired is most certain Whether they themselves did really believe it is not easie to determine But by that time we have gone through what we purpose here upon this subject of the several kinds and causes of Enthusiasms we may speak of it perchance with more confidence and not fear to offend any judicious Reader The first institutor of mysteries among heathens according to some but indeed rather propagator and improver then first author was one Orpheus a mere fanatick as in our Chapter of Corybantical Enthusiasme shall be more fully declared and Diog. Laertius judgeth of him rightly that he did not deserve the name of a Philosopher that had made the Gods by his strange Fictions and relations of them more vile then the vilest of men Yet many others for his great antiquity and because they were glad to entertain any traditions upon which they might ground a divine worship which must presuppose the being of a God and immortality of the soul both which might be proved by Orpheus speak of him with great respect Plato plainly of him and some other ancient Theologues that they were progenies Deorum as he is interpreted by Tullie and that men were bound to believe them whatsoever they said upon that score without asking any further reason A man would wonder that so wise a Philosopher as Plato whose discourses otherwise where he treateth of virtue and godlinesse relish so much of sound reason and have had such influence upon rational men in all ages should adscribe so much to the authors of such abominable superstitions But besides what hath already been said that out of his good will to Religion he was loth to question his authority upon which as divine many of his dayes grounded their belief of a God a judgement and the like and that himself neverthelesse in some places doth not stick to shew his dislike of some main points of Orpheus his Divinity after all this I must acknowledge which no man that hath read him can deny that Plato himself naturally had much in him of an Enthusiast His writings I am sure have really made many so as we shall afterwards in due place declare Now for Poets in generall it clearly appeares by ancient authors that unto the common people at least if not unto the wiser though unto them too for the most part by their own testimonies they were as it were their sacred Writ and records from which they did derive their Divinity and their belief concerning the Gods as who and how to be worshipped how pleased and pacified by what prayers and ceremonies and whatsoever doth come within the compasse of Religion All which was upon this ground that there could be no true Poet but must be divinely inspired and if divinely inspired certainly to be believed This we find even by Philosophers of best account in those dayes largely disputed and maintained The two main arguments to induce them to that belief were That extraordinary motion of the mind wherewith all good Poets in all ages have been possest and agitated and the testimonie of Poets themselves who did professe of themselves that they were inspired and made particular relations of strange Visions Raptures and apparitions to that purpose as shall be shewed in its proper place and chapter So that as the beginning growth and confirmation of Idolatry may be adscribed as by many it is unto Poets and their authority so to supposed Enthusiasms and Inspirations also upon which that authority was chiefly grounded I know that what is here delivered concerning those ancient Poets and Philosophers of greatest antiquity as of Orpheus particularly is subject to much opposition because of that respect and Veneration almost that both his name and some fragments of his have found with many whose names ought to be venerable unto all I said fragments for as for those entire pieces that go under his name his Hymns or Prayers his Argonauts his Treatise of the vertue of Stones c. as full of superstition and grossest idolatry as may be it is generally agreed upon that they are falsely adscribed unto him I will not here take the advantage of Aristotle's opinion as it is affirmed by Tully that there never was any such man really as Orpheus though it appear clearly by Plato which would make a man the more suspicious that there were many in his time who made great profit of that common errour that Orpheus and his mates Linus and Museus were descended of the Gods whereof the poor ignorant multitude being throughly possessed they were the more inclinable to purchase those pretended Orphical charms and expiations by which the guilt of any sin might be taken away For such they carried with them up and down the countrey as things of that nature
not I doubt For I finde that some Greek Physicians challenge unto themselves that expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 except we could make a difference of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as proper to themselves and they make it a disease of the body which we said before was excluded by Plutarch and no such thing as Plutarch would have but merely imaginary through the distemper of the phansy Actuarius not very ancient I confesse makes it a kind of melancholy which begins in imaginary Enthusiasms but commonly ends he saith in real madnesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. as I find him set out by Hen. Stephen But here I must crave though it will not much conduce to that we mainly drive at the benefit of all indifferently that I may for Physicians sakes being bound to honour the profession for the benefit I have received thereby insist a while upon that definition of Enthusiasme which I find in those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Collection of Medicinal Definitions which hath been received among many for Galens but disclaimed by the greater part to be his however by some adscribed to a much more ancient Author His words whoever he be be these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So are the words set out by Hen. Stephen in his collections of physical words and Definitions In my edition of those definitions which is the Basil edition in 8o. 1537. instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is printed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is all the difference Most it seems have stumbled at this word For though I finde the place quoted by more then one Physician yet not in any have I found the word rendred but fairly passed over Which is not much to be wondred at in them that make no profession of extraordinary knowledge of the Tongues when Hen. Stephen himself to whose learned and Herculean labours the Greek tongue hath been so much beholding he also doth passe it over in his translation of the words which is this Enthusiasmus est velut cum quidam de statu mentis dejiciuntur in Sacris si quid intueantur aut si tympanorum aut tibiarum sonum aut signa quaedam auribus percipiant Of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by it self what it signifieth as particularly and most properly to burn or offer incense or more generally to smoke c. there is no question to be made but what it should do here in matter of divination or enthusiasme is all the question But for the first it will easily be resolved For Eustathius not to mention others upon the last of Homers Iliads doth plainly resolve us that there was a kind of divination very frequent amongst the ancients by burning or offering up of incense and he hath the very word here in question 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But neither in him nor any other do I find the particulars of this divination as it was used in those ancient times onely that the same were also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio Cassius an ancient grave Historian once a Consul himself of great command and authority in his 41 Book in the description of Apollonia a city of Macedonia describes the Oracle or manner of divination then used in the Nymphaeum of it The manner of it was to observe the time of the casting of the incense into the fire and to accompany it with earnest prayers and supplications or vows and in case it took fire well the request if it were a matter of request or question was resolved in the affirmative that it should come to passe If on the contrary it neither would take fire of it self nor endure it but start back when it was cast into it as they write it would it was a certain token that the matter was not feasable It was open to all manner of questions saith Dio but of death onely and of marriage it was not to be consulted Here is no Enthusiasme at all in this But that there were divers kinds of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or incense-divination is sure enough and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the definition we are upon is a clear indication that this here spoken of was attended if not altogether atchieved with strange sights and visions which for the time did alienate the mind of the beholder 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are proper words to that purpose as by Macrobius and divers others may appear As for the following words in the definition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. as no man I think will make any question but that the furor Corybanticus or Bacchical Enthusiasms are thereby intended so upon some further consideration I think it will be granted that instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I find it every where printed it should be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cymbals those three words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being often joyned together not upon this occasion only but upon this occasion and this particular subject of Corybantical Enthusiasms no word being more frequent or proper in ancient Authors Poets and others then this very word cymbalum Apuleius speaking of these barbara sacra saith that they most consisted of Cymbalistis Tympanistis and Choraulis De Deo Socratis p. 49. where we have them all three and the Cymbals in the first place Ovid calleth them tinnula aera Metam lib. 4. Tympana cum subito non apparentia raucis Obstrepnere sonis adunco tibia cornu Tinnulaque aera sonant Where we have them all in the same order as we find them in the Definitions tympana tibia and tinnula aera or cymbala That the Heathens otherwaies in their mysteries had their symbola properly so called and how much they adscribed unto them we know well enough divers have written of them but not any thing that I know of that can be pertinent to this place Of musical Enthusiasme in general we shall treat in its proper place and there again give some further light perchance to these words So much shall serve concerning this definition whoever be the author of it whose purpose onely was certainly to define Enthusiasme not in its full latitude but as incidentall to corporall diseases or a disease it self as it falls out some times as will appear when we treat of musical Enthusiasms I would not be too long upon this general Protheoria by heaping multitude of places out of ancient Authors to shew the use of the word which places many of them at least I shall afterwards have occasion to produce under their proper heads to which I purposely reserve them To hasten therefore to some conclusion Upon this foundation of Plato and Plutarch's observations and that use of the word Enthusiasme very frequent in ancient Authors I shall thus briefly and plainly endeavour to state this businesse Enthusiasme
denied his Providence or that he intermedled in humane affairs Now it was taken for granted on all parts that si Divinatio sit Dii sunt if any true enthusiastical Divination then Gods also if no Gods no Divination It is Tullies word that ista reciprocantur that they are termini convertibiles as we say commonly What ground there is in nature it self for this supposed reciprocation would be an unnecessary digression my matter will not oblige me to warrant it true it is enough for me if it be granted as I know it must by them that have read the writings of ancient Heathens of either side that it was so generally believed Now as men that are once ingaged both in inward affection and in outward profession which commonly go together unto a party are very apt to credit any thing for truth that makes for them and on the contrary nay some though they themselves know it to be otherwayes yet will do what they can that what is advantagious for their side may be believed by others such is the wretchednesse of most men where their affections or interests are once engaged so doth it manifestly appear to have happened in this particular businesse If therefore Lucian a profest Atheist or Epicure who employed what he had of wit and eloquence in deriding all manner of Religions scoffe and jeare at all miraculous relations which he hath made the subject of one of his Dialogues entitled Philopseudes if he will not admit of any Divination or Oracles as proceeding from any kind of enthusiasme it is not much to be wondred at If others besides Lucian and such profest Epicures have done the like in ancient times somewhat might be said to them too but that we will not be too long upon it As for late Authors I would rather blame their negligence in this point then suspect their partiality Certainly except all ancient Authors both Greek and Latin did conspire together to make themselves a scorn to their own time by writing such things as generally known and received which neverthelesse were but either their own phansies or the slights of some cunning merchants and to make a scorn of after times who upon the warrant of such witnesses accounted grave and sober might easily be induced to believe such things though strange enough otherwaies when it should be too late to disprove them by any visible search and triall except I say they did of purpose so conspire so many Authors of so many different ages and different countries Poets Philosophers Historians and others it must needs be that such Enthusiasms were very frequent in ancient times Neither was it a jesting matter to some of them that did offer themselves or were chosen by others to that ministry according to the several rites ceremonies and conditions of several places Lucan perchance as a Poet may be thought to deliver it more generally then truly when he saith Siqua Deus sub pectora venit Numinis aut poena est mors immatura recepti Aut pretium quippe stimulo fluctuque furoris Compages humana labat pulsusque Deorum Concutiunt fragiles animos Lucan lib. 5. He seems to make it a general case as though all so inspired in that particular place at least did die soon after But in his time that Oracle was almost expired and therefore he might the easier mistake because so little used That some died in the fit or presently after is not to be doubted and Plutarch in his book De Def. Oraculorum writeth very particularly of one of his time that did so But that which is more strange is that gravest authors of those times stick not to adscribe a great part of that worldly greatnesse and prosperity unto which the affairs of Greece did once arrive when several Common-wealths among them some together some successively as that of the Athenians the Lacedemonians and the like did flourish to the Oracles and other kind of divinations of those times So Plato in his Phaedrus where he disputes that divine madnesse is to be preferred before humane sobriety and wisdome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Plutarch though upon another occasion hath the same observation of the many benefits that did accre◠to the Grecians by the Oracle at Delphos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c Whence it is that even Socrates the author of the rational sect of Philosophers because he would have all things as well in matter of belief as practice brought to the trial of reason yet even he did allow of the use of Oracles nay commend it and thought it necessary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. and judged them no lesse then mad or strangely besotted that maintained the contrary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as is recorded by one of his disciples Xenophon a famous both Philosopher and Historian And I pray what were the Pythones or Pythonici so called because of the supposed spirit of Divination in them but Enthusiasts but that the fit or faculty because more habitual was not so strong and visible They were for the most part of the meanest sort of men women often neither so experienced in the world or so perfected by study as that any could suspect them to deal cunningly Such a one we read of Acts 16.16 and such a one is Alexander said by some to have had with him in his expedition for the conquest of the East as is recorded by Arrianus and such another Marius in his expeditions against the Cimbri so terrible unto the Romans Syrian women both Martha was her name whom Plutarch speaks of Yet for all this and what else might be added to the same purpose if it concerned us and our purpose here to be long upon it it is farre from me to deny or to doubt that in the carriage of these things in all places there was much cunning and juggling much error and deceit and perchance some particular places and Oracles where all that outwardly had a shew of Enthusiasme was nothing but Art and Imposture But that all was therefore is as good as to say that there is no truth in the world because nothing in the world that is not lyable to the imposture of men But now to the proper businesse of this chapter Whether any enthusiastical Divination might be accounted merely natural or whether altogether either divine or diabolicall that is it we are now to consider of I shall not here referre my Reader to such as either Pomponatius or Leonicus the first whereof doth not allow of any miracles at all as supernatural but takes upon him blasphemously to give natural reasons for all even for those that were done by Christ the other if not in all points of Pomponatius his faith yet in this of Divination and some others a mere Peripatetick without any mixture of Christianity I have nothing to do with such and I think their grounds for the most part as contrary to sense and reason as they are to faith I would
farre hath that pompous dresse of words joyned with the sublimity of the subject bewitched many besides what advantage is made by some of this pretended antiquity in some controverted points of religion However the Author is ancient we grant and good enough too for some uses to deserve respect at the hands of all learned men In the Treatise De mystica Theologia he teacheth a new kind of practical Divinity by renouncing not to the Senses only but to the Understanding also and to all intellectual powers faculties and operations that are natural by which in time we may attain through elevation of mind to an union not expressible nor understood yet felt and in an hidden manner operative with God in this union as the perfection of man and the height of mortal exaltation to rest when attained without passion without affection without knowledge I will give a short description of this mystery in the words of Carolus Hersentius one that hath commented upon that book and hath collected out of other Authors men and women whatever he could meet with to commend it and the doctrine of it unto the world Cum ad hunc amoris contemplationis gradum per venit saith he ut nihil eorum qua intellectu c. miro incognito modo à Deo rapitur à Deo in Deo suscipitur tota Deo plena fit tota in Deum transfunditur ita ut essentia Dei ejus essentiae substantiae intime absque ullo modo creato uniatur Deus autem in raptu hujusmodi adventu suo seu illapsu rationem mentem obscurat stupefacâ—â— suspenditque ita ut pro eo temporis intervallo nullius aâ—â—â—onis capax sit We shall have the English of all this also the substance of it at least when I come to that application of it which I aim at But I would gladly know of whom this Dionysius learned this strange Divinity It is somewhat that Hersentius doth acknowledge Dionysius in this his doctrine Platonicorum dogmatum sectatorem p. 101. and Platonis sectatorem accuratissimum p. 91. And p. 93. c. he bringeth passages out of Iamblichus Porphyrius Proclus noted Platonists teaching in a manner the same thing Insomuch that p. 43. he dares adventure upon so much truth as to say Ego equidem dum Procli philosophi Platonici in Theologiam Platonis axiomata animadverto firmiter mihi persuadeo out Dionysium Procli scripta legisse a terrible businesse to be supposed which would prove no lesse then heresie and losse of goods and life For then what must this Dionysius prove but an impostor seeing Proclus lived all men know some centuries of yeares since the true Dionysius aut quod vero similius yea by all means it concerns him to say so Proclum libris Dionysii operam navasse But let the sober Reader consider Here is a strange kind of Divinity as some call it or Philosophy of which much hath been written in many volumes by some of them by Platonick Philosophers grounding all upon expresse passages though drawn much further by the Arabs especially then he ever intended perchance of their master Plato insomuch that Hersentius himself as observed before is forced to call Dionysius a Platonist for teaching this doctrine We find nothing of it except we draw things obtorto collo as we say in the Gospel of Christ nothing in ancient Fathers of greatest antiquity and yet likely after all this that Proclus learned it from Dionysius But what if we find other Philosophers also besides Plato that lived some hundred of years before the true Dionysius teach the same doctrine more clearly then Plato himself as clearly almost as either Proclus or Dionysius It cannot be unpleasing to them that are Scholars if I take some pains to discover some mysteries of this mystery of darknesse which for ought I know have not yet been brought to light by any man Who is the true Author of those Metaphysicks or rather fragments of Metaphysicks that go under Theophrastus his name certainly I cannot tell We find them adscribed to divers Authors by ancient Greek Philosophers yet by some very ancient though not found in the Catalogue of his books set out by Diogenes Laertius where divers books of his are missing as well as this to Theophrastus himself learned Sylburgius leaves it doubtfull Theophrastus was one of Aristotles own disciples and succeeded him in his School much commended by him an excellent Philosopher certainly by those works of his not the twentieth part of what he had written that remain unto this day Those Fragments of Metaphysicks whoever be the Author who must have lived long before Christ are a choice piece but very imperfect end therefore the more obscure In the eighth Chapter of these Fragments as divided in Sylburgius his edition for in Aldus long before that I find none after a long discourse of the speculation of principles we find these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All that know any thing of Philosophy be it never so little cannot but have heard of Aristotles opinion so much disputed in the schools of Philosophers that the understanding whilst joyned with the body can do nothing without the senses of which we also have had occasion to consider at large in another work De origine Idolotriae not yet printed Theophrastus therefore here saith That to some degree or measure we may contemplate and know the first causes scientifically that is by their causes from things sensible or by the help of the same senses But when once ascended to the Summities or Original Firsts we can go no further either because they have no cause or partly because of our weaknesse as in matter of sight he had this similitude upon the like occasion from his master Aristotle when we would look upon that to wit the Sun which is most bright and splendid And in this case it may be true indeed by which words Theophrastus doth seem to referre to the speech of some former noted Philosopher whether Aristotle or Plato that all knowledge and contemplation of the first causes must be by very touching and feeling that is union or conjunction as in the former testimonies of the mind or intellect Whence it is that such knowledge grounded upon a kind of feeling of all senses the most certain in man by which also he doth sometimes correct the errors of his eyes or rather because immediately from God is not liable to error however the comprehension of this very thing and the certainty of it or though that degree of knowledge necessary before a man can attain to this as of confidence also be a thing of great difficulty So Theophrastus there And now I would desire the Reader that hath so much curiosity for the truth to read over that Discourse it is very short and will take but little time of this pretended Dionysius and tell himself when he hath done some common things concerning
autem ponitur ab omnibus Alterum acuit meri exhalatio c. They do him great wrong certainly that make this to be his opinion No man pretending to Christianity can entertain such sottishnesse However so censorious a man witness his bitter invectives against Erasmus for lesse matters should have written more warily That some became Poets by immediate inspiration without any thought or seeking others upon immediate request and prayer without any further endeavours what more can be said of the truest and most holy Prophets But if all this were intended by him as most probable in reference to those Philosophers their opinion Yet he should have used some of their termes rather whereof Plato afforded him so much choice then that Scripture word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though not proper to the Scripture perchance yet seldome used by any profane Author As for Homer the chiefest subject of those extravagancies there is no commendation can be given unto man as to point of nature but I should be more ready to adde to it then to detract Neither do I wonder if Heathens that had so many Gods when they found themselves so transported above their ordinary temper by his verses when either judiciously read or skilfully acted did really perswade themselves that he must be somewhat above a man that was the author of such ravishing language I have alwaies thought of Aristotle in point of humane wisdome and sound reason rather as of a Miracle then a man yet when I consider how much he was beholding to Homer and how much he doth in all his writings adscribe to the wit and wisdome of that one Poet I must needs think very highly of him that was so much admired by such a one as Aristotle And though I do easily grant that his language of the two is the more ravishing as may easily appear by such translations as have been made of him in any language wherein so little of that charming power is to be found that the reading of them is rather a task of patience then an object of any admiration yet allowing him to be a Poet that is one whose chief end and probably his best subsistence was to please and a very ancient Poet that is one that was to fit himself and his expressions for such as then lived when such a religion such opinions such fashions were in use these things taken into consideration which I doubt many that read him little think of his matter in my judgement for the most part doth deserve no lesse admiration Of the mysteries of bare language that it may ravish and what it is that makes it so hath sufficiently been discoursed in the former chapter And if Rhetorical how much more in all sense and reason Poetical And if good language may ravish how much more excellent matter delivered in ravishing language But as every eare is not fitted for all ravishing language when barely read especially not acted so neither is every capacity for excellent matter Though in this particular of Homer's case it is not so much want of wit and capacity that maketh so few in these dayes to admire his wisdome as ignorance of former times Who would not at a Market or Fair if suddainly such a sight should offer it self look upon either man or woman though very beautifull otherwise if dressed in old apparell such as was worn but two or three ages agoe rather as a Monster or a ghost then such creatures as they would have appeared when such apparel was in use An old Hat will alter a mans countenance and many both men and women whose onely ambition and employment in this world is so to dresse themselves that they may be thought fair or proper would think themselves undone so ridiculous would they appear if they were seen in those fashions which but ten or twenty yeares ago were their chiefest both pride and beauty No wonder therefore if so ancient a Poet as Homer appear ridiculous unto many who are better skilled in the fashions of the times then they are read in ancient books which by long use of reading would make the fashions of those times to which they are strangers not only known but comely and so lead them to somewhat else more observable then the fashions of the times However this use to a learned and hearty Christian not inconsiderable any man may make of Homer and his antiquity that by reading of him many passages of the Old Testament relating to certain fashions and customes of those ancient times may the better be understood and the antiquity of those books among many other arguments by the antiquity of such whether expressions which we may call the fashions of language or manners both publick and private the better asserted Somewhat hath been done I know by some learned men to that purpose by collation of some passages but not the tenth part of what may be done I dare say not by any at least that I have yet seen But now I am gone from my Text. So much for the first kind of inspired Poets whom Scaliger doth call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Though he name Hesiod too from Hesiods own testimony of himself quo in numero c. yet he passeth no judgement on him Homer is his only instance and Homer the occasion and only subject almost of that Dialogue in Plato of this argument I thought it therefore necessary that somewhat should be said of him but that he should be thought inspired truly and really or otherwise supernaturally agitated then as of Orators was determined notwithstanding all that hath been or might yet be said of his so much admired excellency I see no necessity at all The second kind according to the same Scaliger are those quos acuit meri exhalatio educens animae instrumenta spiritus ipsos à partibus corporis materialibus that is whom the vapours of wine freeing the spirits of the body from all material entanglements and bodily function̄s to serve the soul do quicken and stirre up No wonder indeed if such be styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by those by whom Bacchus was worshipped for a God But where Bacchus is not a God but a fruit of the Vine of the earth and no more how can they think it reasonable to adscribe divinity unto Poets for those effects which not real inspiration only as they seem to say but even the vapours of wine as themselves acknowledge can produce But let us consider of it soberly and philosophically It may be we may find in this though lesse danger of Blasphemy yet as little reality of truth as we have found in the former Can the vapours of Wine make Poets Truly I think not I see no ground at all for it in nature I have read what Aristotle doth write of Wine where he compares the several effects of it with the effects of Melancholy I think he hath said as much of it as can be said by any man with any probability
A TREATISE CONCERNING ENTHVSIASME As it is an Effect of Nature but is mistaken by many for either Divine Inspiration or Diabolical Possession By Meric Casaubon D.D. AD ARDUA PER ASPERATENDO LONDON Printed by R. D. and are to be sold by Tho. Johnson at the Golden Key in S. Paul's Church-yard 1655. To the READER I Have been present sometimes at some discourses and have lighted also upon some relations in print concerning Visions and Revelations that have happened unto some I did not apprehend them alwaies as they seemed unto me to do that were partakers with me of the same whether relations or discourses But neither was I so confident that I was in the right and they in the wrong as peremptorily to conclude any thing in mine own thoughts much less so confident that I could think it needfull to oppose by words and arguments what was believed by others different from mine own opinion For how indeed should I be confident that I was in the right without the diligent examination of severall circumstances unknown unto me and as little perchance known unto them that were of another opinion without which to conclude of particular cases by general Rules and Maximes I knew full well to be a principall cause of most strifes and confusions that either disturb the brains or divide the hearts of men in this world But even when more confident upon good and perfect knowledge of all circumstances yet where no manifest danger is either of impiety towards God or breach of peace whether publick or private among men I never did think my self bound to oppose no more then I did think that my oppositiō would be to much purpose I am not of the opinion of some ancient Philosophers that man is the measure of all things and therefore that whatever appeareth true unto any is in it self as it appeareth unto him neither do I think so meanly of any truth that can be reduced to any reality whether sensible or unsensible as to think either Lands or Jewels too dear a price for it However as all mens brains are not of one temper naturally nor all men equally improved by study nor all led by one interest so is it I think as impossible by any art or reason of man to reduce all men to one belief I cannot think that the warres of the Giants against the Gods and their attempt feigned by the Poets of scaling Heaven by heaping high Mountains upon one another can by any sober man be conceived either more ridiculous or impossible then the project of some men for which also some books have been written lately doth appear unto me of making all men wise I think my self bound to judge of others as charitably as may be but though I would yet I cannot conceive how any man can really promise himself so much or make boast of it unto others but he must think himself either more good or more wise then Almighty God Or if he pretend to act by God as his instrument or Deputie yet even so more wise or more successfull then Christ the Son of God VVho though he was come into the world as to suffer for men so to teach men wisdome without which his sufferings would do them no good and might have made use of his Omnipotency had he pleased to transforme all men even the dullest of men in a moment of time to make them more capable of his instructions yet thought that way best that he chose and after many Miracles by himself and his Apostles and his heavenly Doctrine conteined in the Gospels and the writings of his said Apostles left many men to themselves as before and was content the world should continue which it hath already done 1653 yeares since for a while though it consisted of men more bad then good more fools then wise But this is too much to them that will not be the better for it and I do not desire to make sport unto others Since my forced retirement into this country life among those few books which have had the luck to stick to me not many yeares since I lighted upon one whereof I can give very little account if I should be put to it how I came by it or it to me but found it among the rest the title whereof is The life of Sister Katharine of Jesus Nunne of the Order of our Lady c. at Paris 1628. The title did not much invite me to read but being at very good leisure at that time and turning the leaves to satisfie my self with a superficiall view I soon observed somewhat that I thought extraordinary and further provoked my curiosity For besides a long dedication to the Queen of France made by a Cardinal I observed at the end the Approbatiōs of severall persons of one Bishop one Archbishop besides Sorbonists and Doctors of Divinity no lesse then four all these approbations distinct and severall and some of them very long and written with great accuratenesse both of style and matter I then resolved to read in good earnest But though I had both will and leasure enough yea and resolution too to read unto the end before I gave it over yet was my reading often interrupted with different thoughts and contests which made great impression in my mind I found the book to be a long contexture of severall strange raptures and enthusiasms that had hapned unto a melancholick or if you will a devout Maid In this I saw no great matter of wonder Neither could I observe much in the relation of the particulars but what as I conceived rationally probable so I might believe charitably true I could observe as I thought a perpetuall coherence of naturall causes in every particular which gave me good satisfaction But then that such a judgement should be made of such an accident wherein I apprehended so little ground of either doubt or wonder and this judgement not the judgement of a woman only the Author as is pretended of the whole relation but of men of such worth and eminency this in very deed troubled me very much I did often reason with my self against my self That it was as possible that what I thought reason and nature might be but my phansy and opinion as that what by such and so many was judged God and Religion should be nothing but Nature and Superstition that where the matter was disputable and liable to error it was safer to erre with authority then through singularity These things and the like I objected to my self but for all this the further I read the more I was unsatisfied and disturbed in mine own thoughts and could have no rest untill I did resolve as soon as any good opportunity should offer it self to make it my businesse so farre as I might by best inquisition throughly to satisfie my self This opportunitie after I had acquitted my self so farre as in me lay of some other things wherein the publick weal of Learning may
Body Thirdly and lastly after a distinction of sight internal and external Whether long Contemplation and Philosophy may transform a man into an Angelical nature and unite him unto God in an extraordinary manner by communion of substance c. ¶ That Mystical Theology highly commended by some Christians as the most perfect way shewed to be the invention of Heathen Philosophers Dionysius Areopagita the first broacher of it amongst Christians by some new arguments out of Theophrastus Synesius c. further evinced a Counterfeit ¶ A Relation concerning Visions and Enthusiasms that happened to a Nun in France some years ago examined and those Visions and Revelations against the judgement of divers eminent men of France maintained to be the effects of nature merely Immoderate voluntary Pennances and bodily Chastisements no certain argument of true Mortification and Piety ¶ Maximus the Monk and Martyr his writings Eunapius Of the life of Philosophers passages out of them vindicated from wrong translations The Author of the New Method and the beginnings of Mahometisme CHAP. IIII. Of Rhetoricall Enthusiasme The nature and causes of Speech a curious and usefull speculation by the perfect knowledge whereof the deaf and dumb so naturally may be taught not only to understand whatsoever is spoken by others as some upon credible information have done in England but also to speak and to discourse as one very lately a Noble-man in Spain A Spanish book teaching that Art Another way to teach the dumb to speak out of Valesius A dumb man that could express himself and understand others perfectly by writing Another use of this knowledge conceited but not affirmed ¶ The dependance of reason and speech both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek Rhetorick what it is of what use and whether absolutely necessary The matter and method of this Chapter in 4 propositions or particulars I. That divers ancient Orators did really apprehend themselves inspired c. Enthusiasm in point of speech used by some Ancients metaphorically or figuratively by some others properly for divine inspiration Longinus Aristides Apollonius in Philostratus Quintilian upon this subject Seneca concerning the causes of high conceptions and expressions inconstant to himself His violent both style in some places and spirit noted True valour and magnanimity in meekness according to Aristotle A place of Plato considered of Prov. 16.1 The preparations c. II. That Rhetorick or good language hath often had enthusiastick operation upon others Demagogie anciently how powerfull the Athenians particularly blinded and bewitched by it Acts 17.21 concerning the Athenians illustrated Philosophicall Discourses what made them powerfull Ancient Orators Demosthenes and Cicero their language both read and heard how strangely amazing and ravishing proved by some notable instances The Sophistae of those times whose profession was to amaze men both by set and extemporary speeches Gorgias the first of that profession how much admired and almost adored Their usuall Arguments Their extemporary facultie or abilitie publickly and suddainly to discourse of any subject that should be proposed unto them proved by divers instances Callisthenes The Tarsenses of Asia Adolescens sine controversia disertus in Aulus Gellius This extemporary kind of speaking by many now fondly deemed inspiration why not so frequent in our dayes some reasons given for it The learning of severall tongues c. Synesius his way of extemporary speaking much more strange and almost incredible Petavius the Jesuite his translation of Synesius very faulty and some examples of his mistakes III. Whence that apprehension of divine inspiration Ardor Impetus in Latine Authors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek Authors God himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to Hippocrates Not Heathens only but Ben Maimon and Philo Judaeus both learned Jewes mistaken in this matter An observation of Ribera the Jesuite considered of Spiritus in Latine Poets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Zeal in the N. T. diversly taken and diversly which we think should not be translated IV. What causes truly naturall of those wonderfull operations mistaken by many for divine and supernaturall That some other cause besides that which is generally apprehended must be sought or supposed proved by the example of some notoriously wicked as Nero Dionysius c. who neverthelesse took great pleasure in the exhortations of Philosophers perswading to goodnesse and sobriety As also by the example of poor Mechanicks who neglected their trade to please their ears Passages out of Seneca and Plinius secundus to that purpose First then The power and pleasure of Musick in good language and elocution proved by sundrie authorities and by arguments taken from the very nature of speech Ezek. 33.31 c. Musonius The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or artificiall collocation of words in speech a great mystery of Eloquence Dionys Halicarn his Treatise of that subject and divers others Contrarie faculties working the same effect A passage of Plutarch considered of Somewhat of the nature of letters and syllables and who have written of them Rhythmus in matter of prose or speech what it is The Organs of speech and Greg. Nyssen interpreted Secondly The pleasure of the eyes in good language The nature of Metaphors and Allegories Aristotle Cicero Plutarch corrected by the way and some others concerning them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what kind of figure and how powerfull Homer and Virgil their proper praise and incomparable excellency Opus emblematicum vermiculatum c. The excellency of that Art and how imitated in the collocation of words Dionys Halicarn and Hadrianus the Cardinall their testimony concerning the ravishing power of elegant Elocution Ancient Orators their adscribing their extemporary speaking upon emergent occasions to Nescio quis Deus or immediate Inspiration and Quintilian's judgement upon it ¶ Vpon this occasion as very pertinent to Enthusiasme in generall though not to Rhetoricall Enthusiasme particularly a more generall consideration of this Aliquis Deus or Nescio quis Deus frequently alledged by the Ancients upon suddain occasions or evasions Passages out of Homer Cicero Plinius Secundus to that purpose Plutarch his rule in such cases not allowed of To make a particular providence of every thing that my be thought to happen extraordinarily how destructive to Gods providence in generall A place of Aristotle's consider'd of Cures anciently by Dreams and Revelations M. A. Antoninus the Roman Emperour Divine revelations and apparitions in Dreams upon other occasions too believed by Galen c. Sortes Homericae Something in that kind amongst Christians also and what to be thought if sought and studied of it Great caution to be used in such things Two extremes to be avoided Unthankfulnesse and Superstition CHAP. V. Of Poeticall Enthusiasme Poeticall and Rhetoricall Enthusiasme how near in nature though the faculties themselves Oratorie and Poetrie seldome concurring in one man The perfection both of Poets and Orators to proceed from one cause Enthusiasme The division of Poets according to Jul. Caes Scaliger Poets by nature
believe he saw much in the Mathematicks and he might in divers other things though I would not have any man to rely upon his demonstrations concerning either the being of a God or the Immortalitie of the Soul But his abilities I question not his Method having so much affinitie with this Mysticall Theologie against which I think too much cannot be said I could not passe it without some censure I am one I confesse that think reason should be highly valued by all creatures that are naturally rationall Neither do I think we need to seek the Image of God in man elsewhere then in perfect Reason such as he was created in Holinesse and Righteousnesse were but fruits of it Let others admire Witches and Magicians as much as they will who by their art can bring them their lost precious things and Jewels I honour and admire a good Physician much more who can as Gods instrument by the knowledge of nature bring a man to his right wits again when he hath lost them and I tremble homo sum humani à me nihil alienum puto when I think that one Mad man is enough to infect a whole Province Somewhat to that purpose we have had already and I doubt whether by this there would have been one sober man left in all Spain had not the Alumbrados or Illuminated sect which also pretended much to Contemplation and thereby to Ecstasies and mysticall unions been suppressed in time Here I should have ended this Chapter which hath taken up I believe the greatest part of this whole Discourse But I promised somewhat of Mahomet I must acquit my self of that before I have perused severall relations of Greek Authors set out by Sylburgius an Dom. 1595 concerning the beginning of Mahomet They all agree that a naturall disease was his first inducement Some call it a Palsie but more and I believe more truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is an epilepsie or epilepticall distemper of which he made that advantage as to beget himself Divine authority Now to such a disease how naturally incidentall strange Visions and Apparitions are by which the parties themselves deeming their phansies and visions realities and truths are often deceived I appeal to former examples I could have told of them too that have thought books brought unto them by Angels in their Ecstasies and some such other things which may come somewhat near to Mahomet's case Now whether he might not be deceived at first before he used other Arts and Impostures the better to countenance his Phrensies I propose it as a disputable matter In point of Mahometisme as to the horridnesse of the delusion whether so or no it is all one I know It makes it neither greater nor lesse Neither do I make any question but that the Devil was a chief actor in the progresse of it But when we shall consider with our selves seriously what these beginnings that began with epilepticall Raptures and Ecstasies and supposed revelations of Angels and the like came to afterwards it would it should I am sure and to that end I mention him here make men the more warie either how they give credit to such fits and revelations of others or how themselves by their ignorance or indiscretion expose themselves to delusion CHAP. IIII. Of Rhetoricall Enthusiasme The Contents The nature and causes of Speech a curious and usefull speculation by the perfect knowledge whereof the deaf and dumb so naturally may be taught not only to understand whatsoever is spoken by others as some upon credible information have done in England but also to speak and to discourse as one very lately a Noble-man in Spain A Spanish book teaching that Art Another way to teach the dumb to speak out of Valesius A dumb man that could expresse himself and understand others perfectly by writing Another use of this knowledge conceited but not affirmed ¶ The dependance of reason and speech both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek Rhetorick what it is of what use and whether absolutely necessary The matter and method of this Chapter in four propositions or particulars I. That divers ancient Orators did really apprehend themselves inspired c. Enthusiasm in point of speech used by some Ancients metaphorically or figuratively by some others properly for divine inspiration Longinus Aristides Apollonius in Philostratus Quintilian upon this subject Seneca concerning the causes of high conceptions and expressions inconstant to himself His violent both stile in some places and spirit noted True valour and magnanimitie in meeknesse according to Aristotle A place of Plato considered of Prov. 16.1 The preparations c. II. That Rhetorick or good language hath often had enthusiastick operation upon others Demagogie anciently how powerfull the Athenians particularly blinded and bewitched by it Acts 17.21 concerning the Athenians illustrated Philosophicall Discourses what made them powerfull Ancient Orators Demosthenes and Cicero their language both read and heard how strangely amazing and ravishing proved by some notable instances The Sophistae of those times whose profession was to amaze men both by set extemporary speeches Gorgias the first of that profession how much admired almost adored Their usuall Arguments Their extemporarie facultie or abilitie publickly and suddainly to discourse of any subject that should be proposed unto them proved by divers instances Callisthenes The Tarsenses of Asia Adolescens sine controversia disertus in Aulus Gellius This extemporary kind of speaking by many now fondly deemed inspiration why not so frequent in our dayes some reasons given for it The learning of severall tongues c. Synesius his way of extemporary speaking much more strange and almost incredible Petavius the Jesuite his translation of Synesius very faulty and some examples of his mistakes III. Whence that apprehension of divine Inspiration Ardor Impetus in Latine Authors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek Authors God himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to Hâ—ppocrates Not Heathens only but Ben Maimon and Philo Judaeus both learned Jewes mistaken in this matter An observation of Ribera the Jesuite considered of Spiritus in Latine Poets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Zeal in the N. T. diversly taken and diversly which we think should not be translated IV. What causes truly naturall of those wonderfull operations mistaken by many for divine and supernaturall That some other cause besides that which is generally apprehended must be sought or supposed proved by the example of some notoriously wicked as Nero Dionysius c. who neverthelesse took great pleasure in the exhortations of Philosophers perswading to goodnesse and sobriety As also by the example of poor Mechanicks who neglected their trade to please their ears Passages out of Seneca and Plinius secundus to that purpose First then The power and pleasure of Musick in good language and elocution proved by sundrie all hoâ—ties and by arguments taken from the very nature of speech Ezek. 33.31 c. Musonius The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or artificiall colâ—ocation
word ardor elsewhere upon other occasions often enough Aristides calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He compares it to that heat by which Souldiers at the first joyning of the battel are usually carried and inflamed beyond all sense of death and danger of which in its proper place And few lines after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Here we have two words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heat and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fire Now according to Hippocrates to whose writings Aristotle was much beholding not only whatsoever doth rule and govern in man called Wit Judgement Wisdome or whatever else is a heat or fire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. but even God himself is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is not therefore so much to be wondered that heathens should mistake herein as that such a one as Ben Maimon a man so skilfull in the Law of God and so profound a Philosopher should not distinguish between that influentia divina or that ignis ardens that burning fire that inspired or inflamed if you will holy Prophets as Jeremie and others and that partly naturall and partly supernaturall we shall explain our selves more fully afterwards in some other chapter heat or fire common or incidental at least unto all men by nature by which Arts and Sciences have been brought forth to light and perfection nay all Books in generall for so he teacheth by all men written and composed Just so Philo Judaeus a man of the same race but much more ancient and worth in his kind because sometimes when he purposed to compose somewhat though he earnestly he saith endeavoured it and thought himself suffciently prepared nothing would come and at other times he found himself so full and fluent that he could not hold himself but was as it were transported by the vehemencie of his operative wit and phansie so that he would even forget himself and the place where he was he deemed this a sufficient ground to think himself immediately inspired by a higher power I have met with an observation in Ribera the Jesuite as considerable a man for what he hath done upon the Scriptures as most of that profession I do not like his words though I believe his meaning is right enough His words are Ita et aliarum rerum sive bonarum sive malarum spiritus dicuntur ut spiritus zelotypiae avaritiae superbiae qui solet Latinorum consuetudine ardor animi dici c. That the word spirit in the Scripture is adscribed to divers evils as his effects whether by immediate operation suggestion ministerie or otherwise who amongst other names is styled sometimes the Evil Spirit I know but that when any good things are adscribed to the spirit the same is meant which by Latine Poets for out of them doth Ribera produce his examples is designed by this word ardor or ardor animi I do not know how it can be made good is somewhat ambiguous I am sure Neither indeed do I mention it as an error in the man but of his expression only which by some other may be mistaken for his meaning But if a man will make an observation upon words and language he might further observe that Heathens did not only use the word ardor to expresse their heat in this kind but even the word Spirit So Ovid At sacri vates c. Sedibus aetheriis spiritus ille venit And again Sic ubi mota calent sacro mea pectora thyrso Altior humano spiritus ille malo est And this spirit is no lesse then a very God unto him elsewhere Est Deus in nobis c. as afterwards in its proper place out of him or some other of greater authoritie then he shall be declared But we give it place here because this ardor heat or spirit that possesseth Orators and Poets yea Souldiers and others was by divers heathens deemed but one and the same in its nature though working so differently as hereafter shall be shewed Now on the other side that ardor mentis is sometimes used by Christian Writers for spiritus sanctus is observable too but we keep it for another place However I think that expression very improper and dangerous And whereas the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or zeal according to the Scriptures is oftentimes an effect of the holy Spirit but often too according to the same Scriptures of the evil as for example 1 Cor. 3.3 2 Cor. 12.20 and elsewhere frequently In all such places I wish the word zeal had been left in the translations as well as in other places where used in the best sense that every reader might have understood that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 zeal or fervent heat in desires and prosecutions is of it self no more to true godlinesse and religion then a good voice or an eloquent tongue or any thing else of the same kind which being natural if it be sanctified by Grace or some degrees of Grace and good intentions may be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Rom. 10.2 the Apostle speaketh that is a zeal of God or rather for God as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 John 2.17 zeal for the house but not absolutely good and godly for all that yea sometimes very pernicious Philip. 3.6 and John 16.2 untill it be guided by a true light that is by sound and orthodox principles but if as very commonly the instrument of carnal ends and affections and misguided withall by false doctrine then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a devillish zeal as S. James teacheth chapter 3.14 15. Now for the spirit of God or true godlinesse what be the effects and properties of it no man needs to mistake that will and can read the Scriptures without either prejudice or partiality S. James is plain enough in that very place but S. Paul more copious and emphatical upon the same subject 1 Cor. 13. and elsewhere So much here of this ardor or heat as the cause of Rhetorical Enthusiasme But being a generall cause we shall have occasion to speak of it again which makes us here shorter upon it IV. Now for the causes of those wonderfull effects of Rhetorick our fourth and last particular such as can be given that are merely natural before we enter into that enquiry we must lay down by way of foundation or necessary supposition that that which so much affected the generality or greater part of Auditors when those Orators and Sophists shewed themselves publickly was not the matter it self that was treated of or rerum ipsarum pulchritudo as we had it before out of Seneca but somewhat else whatsoever it was I said the generality or greater part in that state of corruption as hath been in all places ever since Adam's fall For otherwise why 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is sound reason well delivered should be powerfull with all or most men no
further reason need to be given as at the beginning of this Chaper was observed then this That man is a creature naturally rational But it is very absurd in my judgement that is much against reason to believe that such a one as Nero living as he did and doing what he did after he had killed his own Mother in omnes libidines effusus saith Tacitus of him I forbear more particulars because his name is sufficiently known should relish any sober discourse as either of Justice Temperance or Clemency or the like for the matter it self who neverthelesse in the heat and height of all his Cruelties and Villanies sapientiae doctoribus tempus impartiebat post epulas as the same Tacitus doth record that is was wont after meals to spend some of his time to hear the exhortations of Philosophers Or that such a one as Dionysius the Tyrant as of him by Plutarch in the life of Timoleon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. is recorded should do the same Or in case it should be supposed of Nero and such as he that he had some politick end in it which neverthelesse of either of these two all circumstances well weighed I think more plausible then true yet that either the great ones of Rome rich Citizens who had the estates of Princes and their Ladies in the corruptest time of that Commonweal should be so studious to get to themselves some domestick Philosopher one or more that had fluent tongues and hear their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Discourses so willingly which were almost nothing else but of vertue and the commendations of a sober life or that the meanest of Rome poor Shop-keepers and Tradesmen that lived by their dayly labour should leave their Shops and their work by which they hardly subsisted and flock together by multitudes to a Sophists or Philosophers auditory to hear the praises of Hector or of Hercules or the commendation of some particular vertue or of some brute beast perchance or of Rhetorick it self or of Philosophy or the like if there were not somewhat else that did draw them besides the matter it self I think it were much against reason to believe it Which neverthelesse by the attestation of truest histories and other ancient Authors of those times we know to be so certainly true as no rationall man that hath been acquainted with them can make any question of it Seneca the Philosopher he alone would afford us store of passages to that purpose but I shall content my self with one because we shall meet with divers from other Authors as we go on which may give further light and satisfaction if need be Quid ergo saith he in one of his epistles having before insisted upon this that much benefit in point of life might accrue unto men by their daily conversation in the Schools of Philosophers non novimus quosdam c. But what Do not we know some that for many years together have been very diligent Auditors without any the least tincture or as it were so much as alteration of colour Yes I know there be not diligent only but even assiduous and indefatigable whom we may call rather domesticks for their assiduity then Auditors But then you must know that all come not for one end Some come that they may hear not learn as men are drawn unto publick Theatres to please their eares whether with good language or sweet voices and melody or to see playes And of this rank be the greater number to whom a Philosophers school is as it were a place of entertainment for their pastime and leasure houres It is no part of their thoughts or aime to grow better there or to learn some good rule or precept of life to which they may conforme themselves for the time to come but only barely this to meet with somewhat that may please their eares Yea and some come with Table-books too not so much for the matters sake as for the words that they may repeat them unto others with as little profit as themselves did hear them So far Seneca then proceeds to another kind who are marvellously affected at least as Seneca would have it with the very matter and excellency of the things spoken and delivered and for the present are even ravished and become quite new creatures as it were in their purposes and intentions but are no sooner out of the School then they are out of their fit still come home the same men as they went For which he doth give some reasons both how they come to be so affected and how so soon changed But these be not the men that we have here to do with Plinius secundus where he sets out a friend of his for many excellent parts In summa saith he non facile quis quemquam ex istis qui sapientiae studium prae se ferunt c. that is In conclusion even amongst those that openly professe wisdome that is chastity piety justice magnanimity c. as himself afterwards expresses himself by their habits take whom you will you will hardly match him It is true that he doth not frequent publick schools and cloisters porticus and there with long discourses disputationibus and so is the word often used by Latine Authors of best note entertain himself and others that have nothing else to do or are disposed to be idle No c. These two passages give light the one to the other and I make choice of these Authors who both were grave sober men of great authority and vertuous in their conversation that by their testimony may the better appear what use ordinary men made of their hearing in those dayes when hearing was in such high request amongst all sorts of people and not only what use which may sometimes prove contrary to the proposed end but what end they proposed unto themselves which was merely the pleasure of their eares Ancient books are full of such complaints observations I shall therefore be the more sparing Two things I have to shew what pleasure the eare first and then the eyes find in words and language Both I know contrary enough to the common profession it may be and belief of most men who not used to search into the nature of things are carried in most things more by appearance and conceit then by any reality of judgement Who is it that thinks so meanly of himself but if he pleased with a sober moral discourse be it more or lesse rhetorical will not rather adscribe it to his reason and judgement but especially goodnesse then to his senses But our businesse is not to enquire what most men think but what most true and real and we shall go on the more boldly because besides manifest reason we shall not want good authority for what we are to say Two things then there be which I am now principally to consider of Musick and Picture the one to say somewhat of them more generally before we
considerable unto all unto whom his judgement is considerable Cicero in his eldest dayes and in that book of his which he confesseth to contain the pith and marrow of all his former labours in that kind grounded upon so many years continual experience treateth of it very largely Longinus not inferiour to him in point of judgement and reputation had written two large 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or volumes about it which though not extant now yet what reckoning he made of it if that be not proof of it that he wrote of it so largely may appear by what he saith of it in that Treatise of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet extant in few words as to any direction or instruction but so full in point of commendation as may seem rather exuberant then otherwise He compares it to divers kinds of musick as others before but disputes it in point of reason and nature that words well ordered well chosen and otherwise qualified as they ought in a speech must of necessity and that by reason of their good ordering especially be more powerfull either to ravish or to amaze then any musick can be Quintilian saith not much lesse of it I omit divers others whom I could name But of all men whether Romans or Grecians now extant none hath taken more pains either to set out the worth of it or to search the secrets and to make them plain unto others then Dionysius Halicarnasseus hath done There is a good large Treatise of his extant among his other Works 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the second Tome but there in Greek only since that set out both in Greek and Latin by a learned man one Simon Bircovius who also hath illustrated it with very usefull Annotations all printed Samosci in Polonia anno dom 1604. He gives him and this his Treatise high commendations in his Preface and is very angry with the Rhetoricians of later ages for abusing the world with such frivolous impertinent trifles as have passed amongst men for books of Rhetorick whenas such incomparable pieces in his judgement wherein I think he is not altogether out have been neglected This Dionysius in that Treatise as Demetrius Phalereus and some others but none so copiously doth produce divers choise passages out of best Authors both Poets Orators and others puts the words still keeping the same sense in severall formes endeavouring thereby as the most plain and convincing way to shew to the eye what the power is of this mystical or artificiall collocation I do not expect that all men should be of his judgement in every particular but I think they may yield themselves to have no very judicious eare in point of Rhetorick and good language that are not convicted by the generality both of his reasons and examples that there is such an art indeed and such a mystery in point of Eloquence and Rhetorick which is as much as we need here Neither would I have any to mistake as though it were intended by any that none have ever been eloquent or powerfull in speech that have not either studied or understood these mysteries Quintilian may sufficiently satisfie for that Certainly whatsoever it be that is so called it is as natural though not so common as speech it self and comes as naturally to some without any study as other parts of eloquence which are the common subject of all written Rhetorick Neither is it necessary that men most powerfull in language should understand philosophically the nature of language more then they that feel the effects should be able to give a true account what it is that worketh upon them so mightily wherein I believe it is as ordinary for men to mistake as it is not ordinary for them to enter into such doubts or speculations Neither will it follow to prevent another mistake that if right collocation of words be an Art or a great secret of nature which hath been reduced by some to some kind of precepts that therefore there is no right or powerfull collocation but such as is according to those precepts since it is granted that naturally some Tunes are very sweet and musicall unto some eares which are not unto others and though some musick every where yet not the same in request amongst all nations Wherein besides the consideration of the diversity of particular natures and of different climates use and education also which in time becomes nature is very considerable Nay it shall be granted too that contrary faculties as in divers other things so in this art or craft also may have sometimes the same operation not only upon different men but even the same as Cicero observes in two famous Orators of his time Catulus and Cotta In the first whereof Suavitas vocis lenis appellatio literarum that is a smooth pronunciation bene loquendi famam confecerat that is had gotten him the reputation of an eloquent man Cotta quia valde se dilatandis literis à similitudine Graecae locutionis abstraxerat sonabatque contrarium Catulo subagreste quiddam planeque subrusticum alia quidem quasi inculta sylvestri via ad eandem laudem pervenerat that is in few words that this Cotta quite contrary to Catulus got himself the same reputation by a kind of broad neglected rustick pronunciation But this doth not belong to the collocation of words of which we have spoken It doth not I confesse but to the musick of words our chief subject and aime at this time it doth For he plainly adscribeth the eloquence of both that part of it at least which made it popular to their pronunciation as broad in the one as it was smooth in the other and yet both equally sweet We need not make a miracle of it we shall sooner shew a reason for this how it may very well be naturally then we can give a reason or understand the nature as already observed of musick in generall But I may not stand so curiously upon the examination of all particulars which as it would not be for the content of all readers so neither am I provided at this time with all necessaries for such a task However I cannot but take some notice of those Philosophers mentioned by Plurarch in the first of his Problems and the first chapter who contrary to what we have said maintained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is That neither the pleasure of curious sights nor of pleasant sounds or voices doth properly belong unto the senses but unto the mind or understanding I will not meddle with his instances upon which he chiefly grounds some of which though he doth not name him he had out of Aristotle As for this particular of eloquent language enough hath been said already to prevent that cavil or mistake as though it were intended by any that bare words or bare collocation without any respect to the sense or signification did affect any be they never so sensual For so if generally true I mean
to be made of him for confirmation of the antiquitie of the Scriptures of the Old T. No Poets true Poets made by Wine disputed and maintained against Scaliger though it be granted that Wine may contribute much towards the making of a good Poem and why So some other things proper to stirre up in some tempers the spirits or the phansie to Enthusiasme as Musick c. OF Poeticall Enthusiasme the subject of this Chapter there is so little to be said particularly besides what hath been of Rhetoricall that I needed not to have made a distinct head of it but that it hath been a common Maxime in most Ages approved by sundrie pregnant instances That a good Orator and a good Poet are things if not altogether incompatible yet seldome or never meeting in one how then should they be led and agitated by one spirit or enthusiasme Yet certain it is and it is the opinion of best Orators and Masters of Rhetorick Cicero Dionysius Halicarnasseus and others that Oratory and Poetry though so seldome concurring in the Professors of each are very little different in their causes and nature It might prove a long businesse if I should take upon me to examine all reasons and all instances on both sides for or against this common Maxime For the difference of their style and language Aristotle may satisfie any man in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Books of Rhetorick though even in that difference so much affinity perchance might be found as might argue rather different wayes or effects of the same faculty then different Faculties but that it is not our task here to examine particulars However there is no question but in divers respects their parts may be as different as their style and where the end in general the one to please the other to perswade is not the same how should particular endeavours which produce abilities be And yet after all this though we allow some difference in their parts and proprieties such as are more common and ordinary which may make the difference between ordinary Poets and Orators the greater my opinion is that scarce ever was so I speak because some accidental circumstance may alter the case in some particulars that scarce ever was any excellent Poet but might have been which in Virgil's case we know to be most true as excellent an Orator or excellent Orator but might have attained to equall excellency in Poetry had they applied themselves to the means in time and external provocations and encouragements equally concurred for the one as for the other But how the same Enthusiasme originally and in its nature may bothe cause of very different effects and faculties we shall have a more proper place to consider and examine Julius Caesar Scaliger whose authority is such with most men that whatsoever he saith passeth for current with them without any further consideration in that work of his where he treats of all things belonging unto Poetrie and of all Poets whether ancient or late that he thought worthy the mention in the first book of it and second chapter reduceth all Poets into three several divisions as it were from their Spirit their Age or time when they lived and their Argument For their Spirit he delivers it at first as out of Plato and Aristotle that some are born Poets by Nature without Art or Study endowed with all parts and faculties necessary to that profession Others though born simple and ignorant yea dull and stupid to become Poets by immediate inspiration As for matter of inspiration it is Plato's doctrine I confesse in more then one place but disputed and maintained at large in a peculiar Dialogue inscribed by him Ion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where he doth not onely dispute that all true Poetrie is by immediate inspiration immediate divine inspiration in the most proper and literal sense using all the words that the Greek tongue could afford to expresse inspiration and repeating them often but that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also that is actors or representators of Poets so reciting their words that they imitated the nature of the things by their pronunciation and action of body an art in those dayes in great request yea and the Auditors all or most were inspired in some degree which he doth endeavour to illustrate by the example of the Load-stone which infuseth vertue first upon one ring and from that upon another and so to many iron rings though still with some abatement yet so neverthelesse that as long as there is any vertue to draw it must be acknowledged to have proceeded from the same beginning So that Plato nay God himself he saith would not have us to doubt but that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. God himself not they that speaketh unto us in and by Poets But that any are borne Poets distinct from those that are inspired I do not find in that Dialogue nor remember any where else in Plato As for Aristotle I wish Scaliger had quoted the place I know more then one place where Aristotle likewise upon the by doth affirm that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Poetry comes by inspiration or rather is not without inspiration but where he doth so positively avouch it as that a man may call it his doctrine or a resolved case of his upon debate I know not any place Indeed I am not at this time the more is my grief master of all Aristotles Works and thereby of necessity am eased of the labour of seeking it in him But even of Plato though we find it in that one Dialogue so positively maintained yet whether we may call it absolutely Plato's Doctrine I make some question when I remember as is observed by many what he writes elsewhere of Poets and of Homer particularly whom he would not allow to be read in a well-governed Common-weal which I would not have any ignorant Zelot take any advantage of as though it concerned us Christians as much or rather at all for they had no other Bible then Homer in those dayes such was the common opinion of him and the reading of him with such an opinion must needs be very dangerous because of so many false absurd yea impious Fictions concerning the Gods However I cannot excuse Plato for that Dialogue a most irrational piece I think as ever was written by any Philosopher But neither can I well brook Scaliger his words for I would not question his meaning God forbid which I take notice of of purpose to prevent that I say not to reprove the mistake of some others After he hath spoken of Plato and Aristotle their opinion he seemeth to deliver his own in these words Horum autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 duo adhuc genera animadverti unum cui coelitus advenit divina illa vis aut ultro nec opinanti aut simpliciter invocanti Quo in numero seipsum ponit Hesiodus Homerus