or whoever else indoctrinated Him there have been of the other side and of the same Church as there are even at this present day many Thousands or the most Learned most Zealous most Godly Prelates and Priests and Doctors besides Laicks who have cryed them down as not only false wicked impious heretical unchristian but as absolutely tyrannical and as plainly destructive of all Government and Laws and of all Property and Peace and of all whatsoever is or can be the felicity or comfort or even freedom of the children of men This hath sufficiently appear'd in the mighty oppositions made as well from the Pulpit and by Writing as by Arms in all Countries of Europe to so many fulminating so many King-deposing pretended universal Monarchs of the World in all things both Spiritual and Temporal to these only Vicars of Christ on earth to these onely infallible Judges of his Faith Witness the Concordates of Germany the Sicilian Monarchy the Pragmatical Sanction of France the Laws of Provisors and Premunire in England and Ireland and the two Oecumenical or at least Occidental Councils of Constance and Basil and many more National Synods both before and after them held some in Italy others in Germany and others in France and held in plain contradiction to those high claims and usurpations Witness also of very late dayes the Third Estate of France in the General Assembly (t) Jan. 1614 5. of the Three Estates held under Lewis XIII Jan. 1614 3 yea notwithstanding Cardinal Perron's Oratory and of later yet all the eight Universities of that Kingdom in their sentence of Sanctarellus (u) 1626. ann 1626. and of others too before and after besides the known practice all along of their Parliaments and â—â—st of all the Theological Faculty of Sorbon and the rest of the Paris (x) 1663. Divines in the year 1663 May 8. headed by the Archbishop of that See and presenting their siâ— Declaration against the Pope to the present French Monarch Lewis XIII All which are certainly manifold clear undeniable demonstrations of what I said immediately before viz. How of the fame Roman-Catholick Church or Faith and Communion there have been all alone as there are at this present many Thousands of the most Learned Zealous 〈◊〉 Godly 〈◊〉 Priests and Doctors as well as Laicks who never approved of the foresaid either Practices or Principles but alwayes reproved condemned abhorred detested and protested against them both as not only heretical but tyrannical c. IX That consequently since the owning of such intollerable Maximes and wicked Actions or the not disowning of them cannot be justly said to be any of the peculiar Notes or characteristical Marks of a Roman-Catholick in general but only of a certain Sect or 〈◊〉 or Party amongst them whom some call Papalins others Puritan Papists and others Popish-Recusanta and since none of all the undoubted either Articles or Riâ—â—â— which all Roman-Catholicks universally without any distinction of Party or Faction do and must espouse have been hitherto reputed accused or suspected of being in themselves abstractedly and purely taken in any manner dangerous to any Government Temporal or Spiritual or to any persons either of Princes or Subjects or to the property or liberty of any Man or Woman or to the peace or quieâ— or security or conteâ—â—â—f any humane Creature however in the mean 〈…〉 â—â—al or some of them do or may seem erroneous to the learned 〈…〉 Protestants and further since King Henry VIII and the Protestant 〈…〉 Parliament of England Ireland and Scotland after him a◠〈◊〉 one 〈◊〉 could not 〈◊〉 throughly understand both these things which I have now mention'd so on the other hand they could not but observe how ever since the Oath of Supremacy though framed only by Roman-Catholick Bishops Abbots and Doctors of the English Nation and defended by the Principal (y) Bishop Gardiâ—er in his Book de â—eâ—a Obedienâ—â—â— and Bishop â—oâ—â—â—r in his Preface before it of the same occasioned the first Separation or Schism amongst the Subjects of England and Ireland the far greater part of such as continued in the Communion of the Roman Church did seem also to adhere to the foresaid dangerous Doctrines and Practises i. e. to all the pretenses and actings of the Roman Court forasmuch as they generally refus'd to disown them either by that Oath of Supremacy or by any other and moreover by consequence since the same Princes and Parliaments could not but manifestly discern all their own very being as also that of all the People under their Government to be singularly marked out and even devoted to utter extirpation by a party of men so madly principled and furiously bent living amongst them out of all that has been said it must follow That the onely original and the onely true principal causes which moved them to proceed with so much severity of Laws Proclamations and Executions against all Roman-Catholicks in general of these Dominions could be no other of our side than our Fathers and our own very great neglect and folly or contempt and wilfulness not to disown and renounce for ever publickly as we ought all such whatsoever wicked Positions and Practises nor any other indeed of their side than their firm persuations of our being therefore so desperately both principled and inclined nay resolved also and ready to give the greatest possible evidences of fiery Zeal whensoever the Commands of His Holiness from abroad shall meet with a fair opportunity at home X. That it is unreasonable to think and incredible to believe That so many judicious Princes Parliaments and Convocations who had themselves gone so far and ventured so much as they did only because they would not suffer themselves or the Protestant people govern'd by them to be imposed on against their own reason in matters of Divine Belief Rites c should at the same time be so concerned to impose on others in the like i. e. in Spiritual matters purely such in those I mean of Religion and Rites no way intrenching on the Jurisdiction or other Temporal or Spiritual Concern either of King or Bishop or other Subject whatsoever as to Enact Laws of so many grievous punishments yea of Death it self in some cases of meer purpose to extort from them a complyance or submission in such matters It is no to be believed that they would Enact those Laws against their own flesh and blood and some their nearest Relations too only for not renouncing such harmless and meer Religious Tenets or Rites which all their Predecessors before them had for so many Ages held without disturbance to the Publick or inconvenience to private Persons or hindrance to Virtue or countenance to Vice if the testimony of all Christendome for so long time be of any weight and to Enact those Laws intentionally or designedly against those things which at the very worst in all possible and conditional Contingencies are but erroneous Tenets and insignificant unprofitable Rites not
THE History Vindication OF The Loyal Formulary or Irish Remonstrance So Graciously Received by His MAJESTY Anno 1661. AGAINST All CALUMNIES and CENSURES IN SEVERAL TREATISES WITH A True Account and Full Discussion of the Delufory Irish Remonstrance and other Papers Framed and Insisted on By the National Congregation at Dublin Anno 1666 And Presented to His MAJESTIES then Lord Lieutenant of that Kingdom the Duke of ORMOND But Rejected by HIS GRACE To which are added THREE APPENDIXES Whereof the Last contains The Marquess of Ormond Lord Lieutenant of Ireland His LONG EXCELLENT LETTER Of the Second of December 1650. In Answer to both the DECLARATION and EXCOMMUNICATION of the Bishops c. at Jamestown THE AUTHOR Father Peter Walsh of the Order of St. Francis Professor of Divinity Melior est contentiâ— pietatis causa suscepta quà m vitiosa concordia Greg. Nazianz. Orat. 1. pro Pace Printed Anno M.DC.LXXIV TO THE CATHOLICKS OF ENGLAND IRELAND SCOTLAND And all other DOMINIONS UNDER His Gracious Majesty CHARLES II. My Lords Fathers and Gentlemen HOw customary soever amongst Writers both ancient and modern sacred and profane the Dedication of Books hath been as well sometimes only to desire patronage as at other times gratefully to acknowledge benefits yet I do ingenuously confess it was nor this nor that end nor indeed any private regard whatsoever made me after some debate with my self resolve at last upon a Dedicatory Address to the most illustrious name of British and Irish Catholiks that name of names and most glorious of titles so peculiarly challeng'd and zealously contended for by you as the proper inheritance of those in this famous Empire of Great Brittaine that continue in Ecclesiastical Communion with the Catholick Bishop of old Rome What induced me to this Dedication or rather what required it as a duty of me was your undenyable concern above others in the subject or matters treated in this Book and indeed whole design of it even that very publick and great concern of yours appearing all along to be so proper so intrinsick nay so essential to the Book it self and if I may speake freely that very concern of yours the most universal and most considerable of any can be thought of at present by you To evidence your being every one so concern'd I think there needs no more than to consider what the said subject is It is 1. in general the old and fatal Controversie of late again much more unreasonably and vehemently if not more unhappily too then at any time before renewed amongst his Majesties Roman Catholick Subjects especially those of Ecclesiastical Function about the nature measures and obligation of Allegiance due to His Majesty from them in meer temporal things only And 2. in particular it is for one moyety or principal part thereof the Loyal Formulary of remonstrating promising and protesting indispensable Faith and Obedience to our Gracious King Charles the Second in all civil and temporal tâ—ings whatsoever according to the Laws of the Land or of His Kingdoms respectively Which Formulary was first conceived and agreed upon in the Reign of His Majesties Father of glorious Memory about five and thirty years since by the Roman Catholicks of England or at least some leading persons of them but more lately viz. after His present Majesties happy Restauration and more effectually too was espoused by considerable numbers of those of Ireland for many evident Reasons The chief Reason was the rather by that means to induce His Sacred Majesty to command the ceasing of a rigorous persecution which was then * 1661. actually on foot in that Kingdom under the Triumvirat of Sir Maurice Eustace Lord Chancellor and the Earls of Orrery and Mountrath against all Roman Catholicks universally without distinction or exception of any After much both private and publick debate about this Formulary in the years 1661 and 1662 it not only was subscribed at several times and places by the proper hands of threescore and ten of their Clergy whereof a Bishop was one and a hundred sixty four of their chiefest Lay Nobility Gentry and Proprietors whereof one and twenty were Peers viz. seven Earls nine Viscounts and five Barons but immediately after the first Subscription at London anno 1661. was solemnly presented to and graciously accepted by His Majesty And I suppose they that had any dislike of it in those dayes were well enough pleased with their shares of the success which was His Majesties effectual countermanding the winds and tempest of persecution throughout Ireland and his gracious smiling on the distressed Catholicks both People and Clergy of that Island This honest Formulary now commonly called the Irish Remonstrance so necessarily and piously espoused thus by so many good Patriot-Subscribers as a conscientious Christian full and satisfactory profession of the duty which by all Laws divine and humane they as well as all other Subjects owe His Majesty against all pretences of the Pope to the contrary was even for that very cause i. e. for being so Christianly honest and sincerely loyal soon after traduced and impugned by sundry Ecclesiasticks of the Roman Communion and chiefly by many of those Irish who had received most benefit by it These good men were not content by their reproaches and calumnies to make it odious at home but also dealt so by their disloyal Arts and powerful Friends in other Countries that they got it to be censur'd and condemn'd in formal terms as unlawful detestable sacrilegious yea in effect as schismatical and heretical by the publick Censures of the Lovain Theological Faculty and publick Letters also both of the Bruxell-Internuncio's De Vecchii and Rospigliosi and of the Roman Cardinals De propaganda Fide under the presidency of Cardinal Francis Barbarin himself though amongst other his many titles at Rome stiled Protector of England Having thus gotten the face of Authority on their side they have not ceased ever since for twelve years to the present 1673 but especially these five or six last years have in a most furious manner proceeded even with all the vilest arts of malicious Cabals Conspiracies Plots Libels and an Impostor Commissary and a forged Commission and all the most lying slanders imaginable to persecute and defame the few remaining constant Ecclesiastical Subscribers They have kept them in continual chace with all the greatest and all the most illegal most uncanonical extent of an abused Power with monitories citations depositions excommunications denunciations and even publick affixion or posting of them Of which extremely unjust and scandalous procedures against men no way contumacious as I have sufficiently proved * Vid. Hibernica Valesii Tert. Part. Epist Prim. ad Haroldum there was no cause in nature that appeared or was pretended but a manifest design to force them to renounce their Allegiance to the King by retracting their Subscriptions When they had found them of proof against these attempts under colour of Law they broke out into rage and being
now resolv'd to hunt them to death they left no way untried direct indirect overt covert of truth and of lies of force and fraud of secret machinations and open violence They laid about them every where both abroad in other Countries of Europe and at home in His Majestie 's Dominions being every where back'd with the special authority of the Court of Rome and even here at London which may be thought stranger being assisted by the special ministry of those who pretended still to be nevertheless very loyal Subjects to the Crown of England But no where so effectually as in the Kingdom of Ireland where His Holiness made thirteen Prelates viz. four Archbishops and nine Bishops in a very short time * 1669. 1670. 1671. that is immediately upon and soon after the Duke of Ormond's removal from the Government of that Kingdom in that very nick of time and opportunity so long expected and so passionately desired by them of meer purpose for that very Apostolical work So dangerous a thing it is reputed at Rome for the Subjects to give their natural Prince any pledge of their Faith which the Pope cannot undo It is no less criminal in the esteem of that Court than if the triple Crown it self and Keys of Heaven and Peter's Chair i. e. all the authority of the Holy See and all the very essentials of the Papacy were invaded by it In opposition to this no less persecuted than Loyal Instrument there was after four years consultation another of quite different words matter ends and consequently fortune set up by a general consent or rather intrigue of the Adversaries And this other Instrument is it which at least occasionally makes up the other half of the whole subject of this Book as it is that which was the Remonstrance Act of Recognition or Formulary propounded in and approved and subscribed by the National Synod or Congregation of the Roman Catholick Clergy both Secular and Regular Archbishops Bishops Provincials of Orders Vicars General and other Divines of Ireland convened at Dublin and there continued from the eleventh to the twenty fifth of June 1666. Now this being the onely National Synod or Assembly of Roman-Catholick Ecclesiasticks that with licence or connivence from the lawful Magistracy hath been held in any of His Majesties Kingdoms at any time since Queen Mary's Reign Who would have thought but that this singular Grace of His Majesty should have produced and even extorted from them some sutable extraordinary demonstration of their Loyalty It appeared not in their said Remonstrance or Formulary which was so fallacious and delusory so void of any assurance or so much as a promise of that indispensable Obedience and Faith which we owe to His Majesty in all Temporal things according to the Laws of the Land nay which was so void of so much as a promise of such Obedience or Faith in any one Temporal thing whatsoever according to those Laws that it was in effect little less than an open profession of Disloyalty in the Contrivers of it And therefore no wonder it was not censur'd or condemn'd but rather approved and applauded in the Roman Court. And indeed there was no other to be expected from that Synod At the opening whereof it being propounded by a Subscriber of the persecuted Remonstrance and by many clear unanswerable Reasons both urg'd and evinc'd by him that they should desire His Majesties pardon to the Irish Clergy in general for their guilt or the guilt of such of them as were obnoxious to the Laws for their carriage in the late Rebellion and Civil Wars in which even many there present were known to have been deeply engaged the prevailing Party for the rest were silent refus'd not only to ask pardon but so much as to acknowledge that there was any need of it From the acknowledgment of which they were so far as in express words before all publickly to speak and answer That they knew none at all guilty of any Crime for any thing done in the War Nay when His Majesties Lieutenant the Duke of ORMOND at that time Lord Lieutenant General and General Governour of the Kingdom desired this of them at least that they would give His Majesty some assurance of their future obedience or peaceable demeanour upon any contingence either of Deposition or Excommunication by the Pope they refused even this without so much as putting it to the question It was more indeed than they thought fit to undertake for themselves But whatever their thoughts upon that or any other Subject were what I am now to re-mind you is That these two so different Formularies Remonstrances or Acts of Recognition whereof I have given hitherto that brief account which is proper in this place and all the Disputes concerning the former and all the Intrigues of the latter and all the material proper immediate Antecedents Concomitants and Consequents of both are equally the Subject of this present Book And that both of them equally concern although with different Aspects the Roman-Catholick Faith and Professors especially in these Kingdoms the former tending directly yea necessarily to the true advantage of that Religion but the latter by no less necessity of evident reason tending to the great disadvantage nay to the utter destruction of that which you hold dearer than your lives Without peradventure then you are universally so concern'd in the Subject of this Book as I have said and not only you but your Posterity after you and your Priests and your Nobles your Gentry and People your Peace and Quiet Religion Estates Liberty and Lives in short all your happiness and being in this World not to say also in the future If any yet doubt of this I desire him to look back and consider how many thundering Bulls have been issued from the Roman See at several times since the year 1535 some excommunicating others deposing our Princes and others even disposing of their Kingdoms and exposing them as a prey to Forreigners How many dangerous Invasions from abroad and rebellious Insurrections at home How many other treasonable Conspiracies and horrid Plots that followed those Papal sentences And all the ill success of such unchristian bloody undertakings the extinction of so many hundred illustrious Families the desolation of so many thousand ancient Houses the destruction of so many Myriads of poor harmless innocent People on every side and all the unspeakable miseries of the vanquish'd Party the pitiful Groans of surviving Heirs and the penitential Sobs of their dying Fathers for having under pretence of Catholick Religion or for any other cause whatsoever lifted up an armed hand against their Prince or his Laws I am deceived if these be not as many unanswerable demonstrations that you are without any doubt so universally and deeply concern'd in that Subject Whereunto if the penal Laws be added what can be desired more to evince even perceptibly to sense your great concernment therein All Roman-Catholicks universally without any
You may at the very first hearing of this Proposal plainly discover their design to be no other than by such indirect means of cunning delayes under pretence of filial reverence forsooth to hinder you for ever from professing at least to any purpose i. e. in a sufficient manner or by any sufficient Formulary that loyal obedience you owe to his Majesty and to the Laws of your Country in all Affairs of meer temporal concern This you cannot but judge to be their drift unless peradventure you think them to be really so frantick as to perswade themselves That from Julius Caesar or his Successor Octavian after the one or the other had by arms and slaughter tyrannically seized the Commonwealth any one could expect a free and voluntary restitution of the People to their ancient Liberty or which is it I mean and is the more unlikely of the two That from Clement the Tenth now sitting in the Chair at Rome or from his next or from any other Successor now after six hundred years of continual usurpation in matters of highest nature and now also after the Lives of about fourscore Popes one succeeding another since Hildebrand or Gregory the Seventh his Papacy and since the Deposition of the Emperor Henry the Fourth by Him in the year of Christ 1077 any one should expect by a paper-Petition or paper-Address to obtain the restoring or manumising of the Christian World Kingdoms States and Churches to their native rights and freedom or that indeed it could be other than ridiculous folly and madness to expect this And yet certainly thiâ— must be the natural consequent of the Popes or present Papal Courts giving you licence to sign such a publick Instrument as will do your selves and Religion right amongst his Majesties Protestant Subjects or as even amongst your selves will satisfie the more ingenuous loyal and intelligent Persons Thus at last in so many several Paragraphs in all eighteen I have given at large those farther and more particular thoughts of mine relating both to the proper causes and proper remedies of those Evils which as you so much complain lie so heavy on you as Papists to wit the rigorous Sanctions of the penal Laws c. And consequently I have given you those conceptions whereof I said also before not only That without peradventure you may find them to be right if you please to examine things calmly with unprejudicâ—d reading and coolely with unbyassed reason but also That beside your great concern above others in the peculiar Subject of the Book it was my desire to speak directly and immediately to your selves all that moved me to make this consecratory Address to you as esteeming the knowledge of such matters to be for your great advantage and withall considering a Dedicatory Epistle as the fittest place in which I might present them to your view A third motive yet and this the onely other if in effect it be another of this Dedication was my further desire of choosing you as the fittest Judges of such a Work seeing you are the only Professors amongst all those of so many different Churches in these Kingdoms who peculiarly derive your Faith from that of Old Rome which will still be famous throughout the World For although I thought it excusable not to importune you for Patronage to a Book whose Nativity is I know not which very hard or very easie to calculate nevertheless I held it but reasonable to submit wholly to your judgment the Book it self and the Subject therein handled or the Controversie 'twixt the persecuted Remonstrants of the year 1661 of one side and their persecuting Antagonists of the other In which judgment of yours I have the more reason to be concern'd for both That this and some other Books or Tracts of mine already printed and publish'd besides some other well nigh ready for the Press as well in English as in Latin do in that cause wholly decline the Authoritative â—udgment of His Holiness and consequently of all His suspected Ministers and all other suspected Delegates whatsoever as holding them in that Controversie not to be competent Judges but criminal Parties and knowing that not only in common reason and equity but also by the express Canons of the Catholick Church they cannot be Parties and Judges in the same cause with authority to bind others Therefore until His Holiness or His subordinate Ministers Officials or Delegates under Him in point of or in order to such Authoritative Judgment be pleased to proceed Canonically against me and other Remonstrants i. e. to proceed against us in a Regular Judicatory or Tribunal and in a Regular way that is by giving us indifferent Judges and a place of safety to appear in and both beyond all exception according to the Canons of the Universal Church I and my said Fellow-sufferers the few remaining constant Remonstrators must be in a high measure concern'd in that other I think more excellent kind of judgment which is common to you and to all judicious sober conscientious Men a judgment not of authority or power to bind others but of discretion and reason to direct your selves in order to that opinion you are to hold of and communication you may have with us after you have throughly and seriously ponderâ—d the merits of our Cause and the proceedings of those who would make themselves even against all the Rules of Reason and all the Canons too of the Christian Church our Authoritative Judges in that very Cause in which they are the principal Parties However though I cannot for my own part otherwise choose than be somewhat sollicitous for the succesâ— while it is a meer future contingency yet I hope and am almost confident That my integrity and constancy in the Roman-Catholick Religion shall be vindicated against all Aspersions and Misconstructions when I Appeal to you for Justification whose Censure would be the most grievous that can befall me For in truth I do so Appeal to you in this very passage most humbly and earnestly demanding of you 1. Whether in those two grand Controversies one succeeding another the former that of the Nuncio Rinuccini's Ecclesiastical Censures of Interdict and Excommunication in the Kingdom of Ireland (e) an 1648. against all the Adherers to the Cessation concluded by the Confederate Catholicks with the then Baron now or late Earl of Inchiquin who had then declared for the late King the later of the Remonstrance presented to His Majesty (f) an 1661 â— since His Happy Restauration in both which I have ever since continually engaged against the Roman Courts designs on the Supreme Temporal power of these Kingdoms Whether I say my Sermons or my Books my Doctrine or my Practice in the Concerns of either Controversie can be justly tax'd with so much as one tittle or one action against that Roman-Catholick Faith which you all together with the Roman-Catholick World abroad believe as necessary to Salvation 2. Or seeing there is not so much as any
the foresaid Six of Sorbon applied c. Whereof you may see more in the Second Part of the First Treatise pag. 687. XVIII I can give no other excuse for the meanness or rather badness of my stile all along this Book but either my own inability to make it better or certainly my want of leasure to review or mend it having been necessitated to send my very first rough draughts sheet by sheet as I writ them to the Press Which was the reason that I took no care nor could of the language though I took enough of the matter I knew even when I was writing that I enlarged often and repeated the same things not seldom where I needed not were it my design to write onely for the Learned or those of quick apprehension But seeing those I intended chiefly to speak unto were the Roman-Catholick Clergy of Ireland whereof very few are great Clerks I chose that manner of writing for their sake that the meanest of them might understand whatever I would be at XIX My reasons for annexing those three several Appendixes which after the Fourth Treatise you find in the end of the Book were chiefly 1. To convince thee good Reader with the greater clearness and evidence how necessary it was for the Roman-Catholick Clergy of Ireland either to approve of and subscribe the foresaid Loyal Formulary of the year 1661 or certainly some other containing at least the substance thereof in point of indispensable Faith and Obedience to His Majesty being as it appears in the said Appendixes they had been formerly as to the generality or at least greater part of them so obnoxious to the Laws even after and in other instances than either the First Rebellion in 1641 or the continuance of the War till 1646 or even the breach of the First Peace or of that Peace I mean concluded published and received the same year 1646 both at Dublin Kilkenny and some other places and yet after all since His Majesties happy Restauration would be thought good Subjects and have expected as to matters of Religion the benefit of the Second Peace viz. of that of the year 1648 or at least a connivence at their free and publick exercise of Religion and respective Functions 2. To convince thee also how unreasonably the Fathers in particular of the foresaid National Synod or Congregation at Dublin in the year 1666 refused not only to subscribe or approve the above Loyal Formulary of 16661 nor only to give any other of their own framing which could signifie any thing more than a plain resolution of their side against being bound by Subscription or any other kind of profession to continue Loyal but even so much as to petition His Majesty for pardon nay so much as to acknowledge any Errour committed by them or any others of the Irish Clergy in the late Wars of that Kingdom 3. Besides I consider'd that in several places of this Book I related to the matters contain'd in those Appendixes And I thought it not amiss for that very reason to annex them at length were it but for satisfying the Reader 's curiosity XX. For what concerns particularly the First Appendix viz. the Kilkenny little Book of Queries c I had this further motive to re-print and annex it here that I might thereby shew the Reader I have not even in this present Work taught other Doctrine than such as might be consequential to and grounded upon those general Maxims of Truth and Faith and Duty and Obedience owing to the Supreme Temporal Magistrate notwithstanding any decision of the Pope to the contrary which I had so long before laid down and asserted even Four and twenty years since in that little Piece of mine * How much I suffered 〈◊〉 particularly for having been the genuine onely Author of that Kilkenny Book of Queries and how Emerus Mac Mahon the Bishop of Clogher threatning me therefore to my own face before at least Twenty Religious men swore a bloody Oath That if or although all Ireland were or should happen to be forgiven for their opposing the Nuncio yet I should never be forgiven especially for having written that Book See Pag. 584 in the Second Part First Tome at Kilkenny and asserted also therein even with the joint approbation and concurrence of One and thirty zealous Roman-Catholick Divines under their own proper hands whereof two were Bishops and the Bishops then of most repute for Learning and Piety in Ireland viz. David Roth Bishop of Ossory and Thomas Desse Bishop of Meath the former a Doway Doctor of Divinity and the latter a Parisian Doctor in the same Faculty Besides I had this other motive also viz. That I think what is there said to shew the Nullity of Rinuccini's Censures of Excommunication and Interdict against the Supreme Council c. and to shew it as well ex natura rei i. e. for want of any sufficient cause or mortal sin or contumacy against which they should have been fulminated as by vertue also of the Appeal interposed even the very same Discourse the same Reasons and Canons and other Authorities alledged there in answer to the Second Querie do no less manifestly in all points evince the Nullity of the several late Censures of Excommunication against me Indeed amongst those who understand my Latin Vindication * Hibernica Tert. Part. Epist I. ad Haroldum I need no such help but amongst others who understand English onely I thought it not amiss for this very end to cause a Re-impression here of that Book XXI It is true I do my self subscribe to that Book not as the onely Author but as one of the Colledge or of the Sixteen Answerers to the Queries propounded by the then Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland to David Lord Bishop of Ossory and the Colledge of Divines convened by him at the desire of the Council of purpose to answer those Queries Nor would I nor could I otherwise do for two Reasons 1. That I was desired by that Colledge of Divines to write in their name that Book of Queries and Answers c so as they all might jointly Sign it as their common and unanimous Resolves on the Queries proposed to them 2. That the immediate end of writing it was to undeceive the generality of the Irish Nation at that time divided in all Provinces Counties Baronies Parishes Cities Towns Villages and almost Houses throughout the Kingdom about the Cessation with Inchiquin of one hand and the Censures of Excommunication and Interdict of Rinuccini on the other It was to persuade them of the injustice and nullity of the said Censures and of the consequent obligations of all Church-men to open all their Churches and both Church-men and Lay-men to frequent their said Churches as they did before and not to regard but plainly to slight the Censures of the Nuncio enjoining the contrary Now the duller sort of the Commonalty was more like to be persuaded by
the Argument of extrinsick probability than by the intrinsick reasons whereof they were not so capable And this extrinsick probability must have been by so much the greater by how much they saw the Authors of the Book to be Sixteen besides Fifteen other Approvers thereof XXII None must wonder to see amongst these Approvers the whole Colledge almost or Professed House of the Jesuits then at Kilkenny For indeed there was no more of note in their said House but Sign'd under their approbation save onely Father John Mac Egan one of their Professors of Philosophy The truth is they were all every one for the peace of the Nation and return of the People to their due obedience to His late Majesty of ever blessed Memory and Crown of England if you except the said Egan whose approbation therefore the rest thought not fit to desire at all as themselves told me They were all beside him not only of ancient English extraction but of their affection who were most against the wayes or designs of Owen O Neal and the Nuncio They were of that very Colledge of Divines that was convened to resolve the Queries They voted therein as I did against the validity of the Censures and together with the rest prayed me to write They kept their Chappels open from the first day of the difference notwithstanding the Dominican and Franciscan Monasteries of Kilkenny had shut their own Churches in observance of the Interdict In fine they were all none excepted and had been for some years before my own very civil kind familiar Friends above any other Order that was then in that City XXIII And yet I cannot deny but they play'd least in sight when the Book came to be Sign'd by the Bishop and rest of the Answerers These as soon as they had done Signing went immediately with it to the Grand Extraordinary Council of the Four Provinces Which Council expected them and it impatiently as hoping it might clear the scruples of the multitude and consequently take away the chief encouragement which Owen O Neal had to pitch his Camp so near Kilkenny that his Tents could be seen from the Walls Nor were they frustrated of their expectation Perhaps the Fathers were startled at that so near approach * Even the 〈…〉 Counâ—â—â— themselveâ— together with thâ—se other 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 them to their assistance out of the Toâ—â— Provinces were so startled at this so near approach of Oweâ— O 〈◊〉 Army and the shutting of Churches in observance of the Nuncio's Interdict and the great division of the People at the same time on the point also of the verâ— Excommunication it self that after the Colledge of 〈…〉 at least such of them as were most industrious had first confer'd Notes and turn'd Books for ten daâ—â—â— together and then laid the whole burthen on me during the three dayes and three nights I had without â—â—â—â—ting once my eyes continued at one Table writing that Book I remember very well how besides â—â—hers Richard Belings Esq a leading Member of and chief Secretary to the said Council came several 〈◊〉 from them to my Chamber to hasten my dispatch and to tell me the great danger of delay being the 〈◊〉 was in sight and the People so divided And I remember also very well how for the same reasons 〈◊〉 â—oâ—c'd to watch moreover even the very two next dayes and nights immediately following the forâ—â—â— three for studying the first Sermon that was Preach'd in Ireland of purpose on the Subject of the 〈…〉 against them and the Nuncio Nor could I not even for this other reason otherwise choose 〈…〉 before it was publish'd in all the Churches of the Town which kept not the Interdict that I 〈◊〉 next Sunday following Preach in the Cathedral on the great and then present Controversie To perâ—â—â—â— which duty notwithstanding I had not shut my eyes for five dayes and nights before God gave me strength My Text was that of Susâ—nâ—aâ— in the Prophet Daniel Augustiae sâ—nt mihi undique Dan. 13.22 〈◊〉 answerable to the great perplexity I was in 'twixt fear of the Nuncio's indignation of one side if I 〈◊〉 my duty and my belief of God's vengeance threatning me on the other hand if I did not of the Enemy and therefore absented themselves as intending if they could to sleep in a whole skin by securing themselves on every side But I nevertheless found my self more concern'd in their absenting themselves than to pass it over without Expostulation seeing I was desired by them as well as by others to write that little Book to justifie their practice XXIV Wherefore as soon as the Sixteen Notaries appointed that day by the Council for Copying it fairly had done and that I was commanded to put it in Print and to oversee it in the Press and that others also had brought me their own Approbations thereof those Approbations I mean which you see before the Book next unto the Title-page I sent to the Fathers of the Society to desire at least their Approbation under their own hands to be Printed together with the rest minding them at the same time of the publick end of the Book and expostulating with them for their absence on the former day wherein they should have appeared and Sign'd amongst the principal Answerers Whereupon they came to me and pray'd to be excused pretending 1. There was no necessity of their appearing in Print either as Answerers or as Approvers seeing there were already so many others who gave authority enough to the Book 2. That others could not be such losers as they should be without any peradventure by appearing in Print or at all under their hands in that Book against the Nuncio They had not only bestowed a Coach and Six Horses on his Lordship but lent him Twelve hundred pounds sterling which they were sure to lose for ever in case they put their hands to that Book 3. That they could excuse and justifie even before his Lordship their practice in keeping open their Chappel notwithstanding the Interdict because they did therein but what the priviledges of Regulars and the very Papal Canons allowed them to do by conforming themselves to the Mother-Church or Cathedral but that of approving such a Book they could not excuse In giving these three several Reasons or Excuses the Fathers who nevertheless were my own very special good Friends drill'd on three whole dayes keeping me at a stand when the Approbations given by others were under the Press Which was the cause that seeing interest onely kept them off I desired them to consider seriously Whether since both their Conscience and Affection would lead them to give their approbation also under their own proper hands as others had already done before them the loss unto them of Three thousand pound from others were not greater than that of the Twelve hundred lent the Nuncio And whether the General Assembly had not some time before the late difference with the Nuncio promised them
Three thousand pounds to build a Colledge I had no sooner put these two questions to them but they took Pen in hand and Signed that very Approbation of theirs which you see amongst those of others prefix'd to that little Book * Some years after but not before the Kingdom had been quite over-run by the Parliament I was told that one of the Society had reported I had in my Printing of this Book added much which was not in my Original written Copy and consequently which they had not approved To which the Answer is 1. That I was by the Colledge authorized to add in the Printing of it what I further pleased for strengthning or confirming by Law and Reasons their Resolves 2. That I added not a word in the Printing but onely out of the very Canons and Classick Authors what every one judged necessary I should add viz. very brief and very clear Solutions of some few Objections or rather Quotations brought me in two several Papers as from the Nuncio's Canonists or Learned Council the one Paper from Waterford the other from Galway and both against the validity of the Appeal and both also brought me just then when the Press was employed on that very point 3. That the general satisfaction which even all as well the Answerers as the Approvers of it yea those very Fathers of the Society found in it as soon as it came out in Print and continually after without objecting for so many years any such matter is a sufficient Argument that I dealt both fairly and conscientiously as I ought in Printing of this little Work with their Approbation XXV To understand more clearly what these other instances were besides those of the Insurrection in 1641 and continuation of the War till 1646 and breach of the First Peace made that same year 1646 and opposition after not only to the Cessation but to the Second Peace and both concluded in the year 1648 in which and for which other instances and I mean those hinted in general but not specified by me before the generality or any considerable part of the Roman-Catholick Irish Clergy of those dayes were obnoxious to the Laws there is very much to enlighten you in the Appendix of Instruments but much more in the Duke of ORMOND's long and excellent Letter which makes the last Appendix And therefore I would advise you to read that Letter in the first place i. e. before you read any other Part or Treatise of this Book although it be in order the very last Piece or Appendix of it XXVI Certainly it was no design that made me not give in the Appendix of Instruments as well the publick Acts of the Congregation of the Irish Clergy at Waterford under the Nuncio in the year 1646 against the Peace of that year as I gave those against both the following Cessation and other Peace concluded in the year 1648. The onely reason why I did not give them is That I had them not by me nor could have them from any other when I was Printing that Appendix Wherefore I must remit thee for them partly to honest Doctor Callaghan alias Philopater Irenaeus his Latin Vindiciae and partly to the English and both complete and accurate History of the whole last unhappy Wars of Ireland which is now preparing and you will suddenly see I hope XXVII This present Book not only as it now contains Four Treatises besides the Appendixes but as it was intended first to have also the Fifth and Sixth Treatise had been published at Dublin and in Easter Term there 1669 but that I was before viz. in September 1667 admonish'd for some prudential reasons to hold my hand for a time at least from going on with the Second Part of the First Treatise which is altogether of matters of Fact What those reasons were it 's needless to mention It sufficeth to tell here 1. That they related not to my self and consequently that they were no apprehensions of my side or of any other of my Friends that I had written or maintained any Doctrine or Proposition in this Book which might not very well abide the light and publick Censure of any Roman-Catholick Schools or Doctors proceeding on the grounds of Christianity or undoubted Catholick Truths 2. That soon after the foresaid Admonition I desisted from prosecuting any further study of this Book and suspended the Press when I came to pag. 442 which is in the First Part of the First Treatise having before that seen the Second Third and Fourth Treatises Printed there also at Dublin 3. That when after four years more the cause of that Admonition and those Reasons were wholly over I at the importunity of some judicious worthy Friends last year 1672. much about this time Twelve-month resumed here at London my intermitted-study of this Book to finish it as you see and so have added and Printed here what follows from the foresaid pag. 442 to the end of the Second Part of the First Treatise or to pag. 765 for some Fourscore sheets 4. That for this cause or the different places where this Book was Printed so by Parts you must not wonder at the difference of the Paper Ink and Character in those same Parts thereof The Dublin Printing-house was not furnish'd well with any of them but very ill at least with Paper and Letter when I Printed there and as ill with a Corrector too Albeit I must confess the London either Corrector or Printer which my Copies here lighted on hath also not seldom partly overseen and partly mistaken horribly And yet I think there are not any such over-sights or mistakes of either Correctors or Printers in any Part of this Book which alter the sense in any material thing though perhaps there may be some few that may a little retard some Readers 5. That to help this matter as well as I can at present I have in the preceding Leaf of the Body of the Book given those Errata or at least the most considerable of them which I have my self upon my own review observed leaving to thy discretion many lesser And perhaps too I leave some as great as any other but leave these onely because they escaped my observation as they easily might the Author For certainly as to literal faults nay and as to some verbal too any Author commonly speaking must be not the best Corrector of his own Work because he lightly runs over what he hath already in his head And yet after all I must confess I have been forc'd commonly all along to be my own Corrector such mean ones they were I lighted on in the Printing-houses and withal so ill written and blotted and crossed my own Copies i.e. my rough draughts were The greatest mischief was the Composers were sometimes pragmatical and sometimes impatient Which made them not to stay my reading of their amendments i.e. my seeing whether they had precisely observed my Corrections of every word and letter They often struck
and all the rest in general of the inferior Clergie of Ireland England Scotland Wales wherever at home or abroad in other Countries he sent copies immediately to the chief of the Irish Clergie with other particular written letters from himself also some and some from the said Bishop of Dromore to invite them to a concurrence and shew them the necessity of it in that conjuncture Particularly to Iohn Burke Arch-bishop of Tuam Robert Barry Bishop of Cork Patrick Pluncket Bishop of Ardagh Andrew Linch Bishop of Kilfinuran at that time all in France and to Nicholas French Bishop of Ferns living then in Spain Onely the Arch-bishop of Ardmagh Primate Reilly then at Rome he thought not fit to write unto at that time because more then any of the rest lying under too too great and special prejudices in Ireland and with His Majestie and Lord Lieutenant and therefore since the Kings Restauration withdrawn and even from Rome commanded to with-draw and that wholly depending of that Court for a poor subsistence the Procuratour thought not fit to bring new jealousies on him there also which he feared his correspondence in such a matter would For although he was very certain His present Holyness would not or that Court under so wise and moderate a Governour declare any thing publickly against the said Remonstrance or subscribers forasmuch as he knew most evidently there was nothing in it which was not the sense of the Catholick world abroad yet he was perswaded withal it could nevertheless but be somewhat unwelcome and displeasing to the flatterers of his Holyness and that there would not be wanting many both English and Irish Clergiemen to incense that Court against the subscribers as will be seen hereafter it happened IV. However they contained themselves at first against the expediency alone of such a Remonstrance yet when The more ample Account was published seeing those kind of exceptions would do no good some of the Irish from Lovain and others from other places began to mutter and write letters also which were privately carried from hand to hand that the said Remonstrance or Declaration and Protestation of Allegiance to His Majestie therein contained though in temporal things only was against Catholick Religion because a diminution of the authority of the great Pontiff Whereupon Father Redmond Caron of St. Francis's Order who at the time of the signing of the said Remonstrance at London had been in Wales with my Lord Powis and was now come to London and signed it after the rest tooke the pains to write and print an other smal Treatise in English too against that scandalous errour dedicating it to His Majestie and giving it the title of Loyalty asserted Wherein to convince that errour he amassed together a huge number of Catholick Authors Scriptures Canons Fathers Popes c. quoting only the places briefly not the words but adding withal a great many Theological reasons though briefly and in the end of it answering Cardinal Peron's Oration and all the arguments of that indeed elegant but not well grounded speech to the third estate of France Which the said Father thought fit to do at that time because much use was made also of that piece of eloquence amongst those that were not versed in the matter nor had ever seen those learned satisfactory answers thereunto returned some fifty years since as well by Catholicks as Protestants V. By this time the Antagonist's of that Remonstrance were working their intrigues being much netled and bafled And yet I saw no great encouragement they had then from the Bishops of their Country living abroad For Andrew Linch Bishop of Kilfinuran who had at home in the troubles of Ireland although promoted by the Nuncio to his little Bishoprick adhered nevertheless to the supream Councel for the peace of 48. against the Nuntio and was not at Iames-town nor countenanced or engaged in the troubles of the other Bishops there against the said peace as soon as he received at St. Malos the book and letters sent from London called together those Irish Priests there at that time and got their subscriptions to the same Remonstrance Although within a while after the brute coming of endeavours at Rome against it by some there and of discountenance in that Court for it was no more yet and those very Priests at St. Malos who had sometime before subscribed fearing though unreasonably they might therefore and upon account of their subscription suffer in their livelyhood where they were or in their present or future pretensions where they were not in the Roman Court came to the said Bishop and importun'd from him the paper of their subscriptions And the Bishop of Ardagh Patrick Plunket residing then in an other part of France who likewise and though promoted also by the Nuntius adhered constantly to the same peace and to the former cessation notwithstanding the Nuntio's censures against it and absented himself from the Council at Iames-town as being assembled in his Diocess without his consent as much as demanded of him and never approved of the Acts of that meeting was supposed by all that knew him to approve of the Remonstrance and protestation of loyalty therein Whereof in the year 1662. 2. of October by this following letter sent to his Brother Sir Nicholas Plunket he gave ample testimony however his carriage proved after in our Dublin Congregation in 1666. For his Honoured Brother Sir Nicholas Plunket Knight these at Dublin WOrthy dear Brother the Oath taken by the Nobility and your self I seriously considered and consulted with others Both they and I find the same most just lawful and conformable to St. Pauls doctrine For there are two sorts of obedience the one necessary the other voluntary By the necessary thou oughtest humbly to obey thy Ecclesiastical Superiours and such as are authorized by them Also it is necessary to obey thy Civil Superiours as your King and the Magistrates which he hath established over thy Country Finally thou must obey thy domestical Superiours as thy Father and Mother Master and Mistris This obedience is called necessary because no man can exempt himself from the duty of obeying these Superiours God having placed them in authority to command and govern each one according to the charge which they have over us and to obey their command is of necessity Voluntary obedience is that whereunto we oblige our selves by our own election and which is not imposed upon us by an other and of which we make no solemn vow As a conclusion I boldly and with an assured confidence say our Gracious King is better incomparably then such Kings as were in St. Pauls times being infidels yet would have them obeyed Not els but Yours as his own Ardagh At Seez the 2d of December 1662. V As for the Bishop of Corke Robert Barry then living also at St. Malos although his earnestness all along for the Nuncio's quarrel without any regard of his own extraction family or interest
along so earnest formerly against all their wayes in the controversies of the Confederates and so eminently appeared by preaching and writing against the Censures of the Nuntio and against the faction adhering to the Nuntio in that matter And that not only those but others too who had been formerly of his way and his friends confessed ingenuously they were more startled by his book entituled The more ample account as being the account he gave in print of the causes motives c. of that Remonstrance then they were by the Remonstrance in it self because in his explication of it therein he left no latitude no kind of liberty for the people in any case whatsoever not even in that of the most publick tyrannical and general oppression to take arms in their own defence or for their own relief from such miseries not even on their own bottom or by virtue of that which is by some pretended to be by nature and reason an inherent power in the people as a people although not as a Church of Christ They could indeed said those Gentlemen do well enough renouncing any power in the Pope or Church as such to put 〈…〉 hands or dispense with them in their Allegiance or to deâ—h one deprive 〈◊〉 depose the King But renouncing this inherent power of the people â—hâ—â— remedy had they to hope for in the condition the miserable Catholick were in and like to continue having their Estates bestowed for ever 〈◊〉 His Majesty on others who had no other right to them 12. That generally by all it was alledged the laws were still 〈◊〉 against their Religion And they had yet no kind of assurance of as much aâ— of theâ—â— suspension of their execution much less as of the 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 private promises had been made to the Procurator or that he had other grounds to hope better yet such were not apparent to others not convincing at all That iâ— publick articles or peace were broken and no way regardeth they had little reason any more to build oâ— private promiâ—es or hopes 〈…〉 â—eaâ—d of ones mouth speaking privately to another And therefore albeit there was nothing in that Remonstrance which was not catholick and conscientious 〈◊〉 they had no reason to be forward in subscribing it whereby to publish to the world abroad their own temerity whereas they had not as yet any assurance to be protected at home as much as in the capacity of meer Lay men though they did not exercise at all their priestly functions which yet they could not choose but exercise in some way at whatever hazzard And then what would become of them if after subscribing such an Instrument they should be forced for flying a persecution at home which might be against them upon account of such exercise against the laws whensoever it pleased the Magistrates Judges or Protestant Bishops to fly into other Countreys where the Pope and Court of Rome could not but have much influence upon persons that would otherwise relieve and welcome them 13. That it was moreover objected that those very persons of either Laity or Clergy who had already subscribed were nothing for any thing could be then observed more favoured or more at liberty then others The lay-men Proprietours not therefore restored to their Estates not even although several of them could withal according to the laws pretend innocency and all of them publick Articles both of War and Peace for their said Estates and for their Religion too or the publick and free exercise of it and the repealing of an laws especially of the 2d of Queen Elizabeth against it Nor the Clergy-men suffered to enjoy as much as one Chappel without daily hazzards of imprisonments even of mens lives as that which about that time in 62. accordding to the English account or 63. according to the Roman at Christmass in Dublin both St. Stevens and New-years day could testifie when the Franciscans Chappel who had been all Subscribers and wherein the Procuratour himself did officiate and whereunto he laboured to obtain all the favour connivence and countenance he could possibly without any peradventure was by guards of Souldiers and whole companies with naked swords assaulted the Altar riffled the Priests carried prisoners to Newgate and many hurt both men and women grievously and some slashed and wounded sorely even to the great endangering of their lives And that about the same time or a little before or after for which of both I cannot now remember there was a Proclamation issued against all religious meetings or meetings at Mass Sermons or other such religious rites wherein the Papists by name as well as Fanaticks were comprehended without any priviledge to the Subscribers as it was without any such distinction observed and forced to be observed so 14. That the words were scrupled at as not reverential enough for such of them as directly related to the most blessed Father 15. That they saw nothing yet from his Majesty Lord Lieutenant or other Minister of State could assure them that a demand of their subscription or concurrence to that Instrument proceeded from such Authority as they ought to submit unto or take notice of And therefore they found not themselves concern'd so as to answer positively being for what they saw as yet it was the desire only of the 〈◊〉 and of such aâ— hath directly engaged with him although ouâ— loss good will to help the 〈…〉 those 〈◊〉 he took any way convenients 〈…〉 he should 〈…〉 excuse them till they further 〈…〉 His Majesty 〈◊〉 Lord Lieutenant on which in the same thing His Majesty 〈◊〉 his 〈…〉 their subscriptions 16. And lastly the râ—â—â—re the desired thâ—â—◠〈◊〉 like general Congregation of all Irâ—â—◠〈…〉 bishops bishops Vâ—â—â—◠〈…〉 General of 〈…〉 were actually 〈◊〉 either by the 〈…〉 exâ—â—â— of the into Bishops 〈◊〉 of the Provincial Superiours of the Reâ—â—â—â— and some others 〈…〉 of â—est Divines 〈◊〉 both the Secular and Regular Clergy to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 by common consent or that at least of the greater part to determine whether they should subscribe the Remonstâ—â—ned do 〈◊〉 X. Although 〈◊〉 and with of those several preâ—â—â—â— objections allegations motives or and few of their declining or delaying the in subscriptions the Procurator and others 〈◊〉 answered the several partâ—â— both fully and satisfactority as to thâ— point in hand of that nothing of all 〈◊〉 all together could be a sufficient excuse for them not to declare publickly even under their hands and by concurrence to that Instrument their 〈◊〉 and allegiance to the King in all temporall 〈…〉 whatsoever 〈◊〉 then which that Remonstrance contains not yet I will 〈◊〉 detain the â—nder being upon so many particular heads of answers which may be obvidence himself being it is not the design of this Tract to dispute 〈◊〉 to gives the procedure of that business in gross as to the chief matters of fact in the dispositions towards the generall Congregation so desired or a 〈…〉 be
either have recourse to the diffusive Church that is to the Faith of incomparably the farre greater body or number of Bishops and learned Fathers and Doctors of the several particular Churches of all ages dispersed throughout the world whereof those gathered at Nice were in comparison but a small portion or certainly in such case suffer themselves to be mislead out of their old way or belief and for and by the authority of such a Council embrace the new fancies of Arrius â—ading withal that out of one impossibility another must follow And I further demand of our Objectors whether the Catholicks answering so then to the Arrian Hereticks must have been therefore taxed with undervaluing the authority of general Councils or which is the same thing with holding absolutely or with averring or confessing absolutely and by such answer that the Council to be convened so generally at Nice could erre in that Faith of one substance If our Objectors will say that those Consubstantialists would or did think so then it is evident our Objectors will be forced by consequence to allow the Procurator to think so to and think it also lawfully and Catholickly For neither he nor they can pretend to be Catholicks otherwise in any point then as those old Consubstantialists were But if our Objectors will say as indeed they must say these old Consubstantialists must not therefore think absolutely that Council of Nice could erre it must by the same reason follow that neither the Procurator by or for the like answer to the like caprichious interogatory must absolutely or positively think a general Council truly such can erre The second case is of a new Heresie that may without any miracle yet arise in the Church about the Divine processions As for example that as there is a Father and Son in the God-head or Divine nature or amongst the Divine persons so there must be a Mother and a Daughter And put the case too as it may be that both East and West and South and North of the universal Church or in all Countreys of the World are as much devided upon this new Heresie as they have been formerly upon that of Arrius at such time as St. Hierom said after the Council of Ariminum that the whole earth groaned under Arianisme seeing it self suddenly become Arian And therefore that by the true believers and let these be the very objectors themselves a Protestation is drawn and signed against this new Heresie to hinder a further progress of it or the corruption by it of the remaining Catholick party And then suppose further that a follower of this new Heresie would put the like caprichious interrogation to our objectors this for example what if a future general Council truly such define against your opinion adding withal that the objectors themselves knew very well this new controversie was never yet in terminis decided by a general Council In this case I demand what could our objectors answer to this Querie insisted upon or could they answer otherwise then as the Procurator did to Father Brodin And yet would they allow that by or for such answer from themselves they should be justly taxed with undervaluing the authority of general Councils or with holding absolutely that a general Council truly such might erre I am sure whatever they answer to these Interrogatories I put them in this case will be but to confound themselves and make them an object of laughter and scorn for having so ignorantly or so malitiously amongst the people calumniated me or that my book or that passage of it as if I had therefore undervalued the authority of General Councils or as if I had positively or absolutely held they could erre or as if I had taught a new way of disclaiming in a general Council and of having recourse from such Council to the Diffusive Church whereas I have been truly in that very passage as farre as from East to West from any such matters being my answer was onely conditional and to a conditional Querie and the condition too according to what I delivered there absolutely impossible in the order I mean of moral impossibilities or of such as are said only to be such by reason of Gods special providence and special promises made to the Church for preserving it for ever in all saving truths Whereof to convince yet further these very objectors I must beg thy patience and pardon good Reader that I give here intirely the whole discourse from first to last and word by word which I made on this subject in my More Ample Account or which I made therein to both those Metaphysical contingencies or Queries which the foresaid Father Brodin insisted on The first being What if the Pope should hereafter define the contrary in terminis And the second What if a general Council did c By occasion of which Queries and in answer to them both I writt thus in that little book page 59. 60. 61. and 62. The answer to both these Metaphisical contingencies for indeed they can be hardly thought greater being first That in case the Pope alone condemn the Protestation as involving even heresie they would reflect on his fallibility in defining and would rather hold with France Spain Germany Venice while these Countries change no other of their present tenets and with all the ancient and modern times of the universal Church then with the Pope in that case Secondly that if even a general Representative of the Church or which is the same thing a general Council of Bishops truly such define it they would then either have a recourse to the diffusive Church or which is very probable suffer themselves to be mislead it being very possible that out of one impossibility another should follow as Logicians do tell us it is certain Nor can it therefore be rationally objected that our signatures to the Protestation or other engagement to maintain the doctrine of it and keep religiously our faith therein pledged must be unlawful or unconscientious or must not be a duty incumbent on us at least if required and such a duty moreover as we can not decline without sinning against all the laws of God and man It is manifest there are opinions and such as are confessedly such and only such which yet famous Catholick Vniversities end even whole Kingdoms engage themselves by Oath and vow to maintain I instance in that of the B. Virgins Conception and could alledg several others sworn to at least by men graduated in Schooles And there are hundreds of opinions even in matters of conscience which the Dissenters themselves I am certain very often practice and they think safely too and with a good conscience yea although they hold not seldome the contrary to be no less probable and sometime more and more safe also or which what ever they do there is no doubt but ten thousand learned and pious men do practice And yet they know all these opinions even that of the conception must be
controversie is in whose time Ptolomey likewise surnamed Epiphanes King of Egypt dyed and his young Son called Ptolomey Philometor was crowned after him King of Egypt and by consequence had the dominion of Ierusalem and Iewry That Antiochus Epiphanes that wicked ambitious and most cruell King of Asia and Syria taking advantage of the minority of this young Ptolomey Philometor without any just cause or provocation or any other but his own ambitious desires entred Egypt with a huge army and with intention to seize the young King and possess himself of all his Kingdom of Egypt and of his other dominions and wel-nigh effected his designs having after his taking of Memphis besieged Alexandria it self and the young King therein but was on a suddain forced to break up his siege and relinquish all again and retire immediatly out of all Egypt upon summons sent him by the Romans to do so or abide a sharp war from them That in his forced return to his own Kingdom some few wicked Jews having out of desire to be revenged of others even by the loss of their Countrey animated him to camp before Ierusalem and the riches of that City and treasures of the Temple there having set him all on fire with covetousness he marched directly towards it and the Gates being treacherously set open to him by those within of that wicked faction he surprized it in the hundred fourty and third year of the raign of Seleucus the year of the world 3796. and before Christ 168. years That as this was done without any consent of the people generally or of their Governours so he behaving himself immediatly after as the most cruel tyrant that even surprized any place and having broke all kind of conditions either concerning Religion Estate or life even with those very traytors of their own City and Countrey and having spoiled both the City and Temple and carried all the spoils with him to Antioch but two years after he surprized them so and having left most cruel Edicts after him for the future and those put in execution with unparelled cruelty it is evident enough that as he had no just title for that was nor any permission from the lawful hereditary King Ptolomey Philometor to seize Ierusalem or Iewry so he had none from the people of Ierusalem or Iewry either first or last to entitle him to the rights of a lawful King not even I say from them in case they could justly give any such their own hereditary King being still alive and still too in possession of the greatest part of his dominions nor could two years such forcible and cruel possession entitle him to any right at all That in fine as all this is manifest in History in that of Iosephus I mean and in his twelfth Book of the Antiquities of the Jews and in his eleventh for what concerns Alexander the Great himself and being further it is no less manifest in the same History of Iosephus and in the seventh and eight chapters of the said twelfth Book and in the marginal Chronology That Mattathias took arms against the said Antiochus Epiphanes immediatly after the said second year of his unlawful possession kept of Iewry 〈…〉 is immediatly â—ften the 〈◊〉 and general and cruel 〈…〉 it is no less evident 〈◊〉 foâ— that he did so that is 〈…〉 his 〈…〉 King but against 〈…〉 unjust Usurper and Tyâ—â—â— also no less 〈◊〉 And consequently that no warlike actions nor exhortations of Mattathias nor any other of that Machabâ—â—â— ar◠〈◊〉 of his Sons or of that whole Nation of the Jews against Antiochus that faithless impious inhumane King of Asia â—â—e to any purpose alledged to maintain the pretended inherent power of any Subjects whatsoever to rebell against their own true â—egal undoubted rightful hereditary King however oppressing them either in their religious or civil rights or both And this is the second answer I intended in my More Ample Account And which I give here not that it is any way necessary or directly at all to that which our present Adversaries the Authors of this second paper dispute of principally at this present or in this paper I now answer but because they have given me by their indirect reflections and by their impertinencius therein a just occasion for which I thank them to give it here for a further illustration of what I said formerly on this subject XXXV As for their Latin Postscript because I guess it was only added as an answer to an argument I press'd them with ad hominem as we speak as also with the conclusion of it in English two of their own general principles or doctrine of Probability to convince them of the lawfulness in point of conscience of subscribing the Remonstrance notwithstanding the pretence of some not only extrinsick authority 〈◊〉 even intrinsick probability appearing still in their very souls though I never did nor do believe there was any such against some position or supposition wherein that Remonstrance is grounded or which is therein contained I allow them till the advantage they can derive from these Câ—suists even as themselves quote them here For I am sure they will accordingly find the doctrine of the Remonstrance to be at least both extrinsecally and intrinsecally most probable and consequently the signing of it lawful in point of conscience But abstracting 〈◊〉 these rules and authority of Casuists which at least in 〈◊〉 matter of probability and as I have most clearly shown in my More Ample Account pag. 16. c. ought to be not only abstracted from but quite rejected as most unsafe and false and erroneous as likewise and by consequence the final English perclose as a corollary thence derived of this paper I now consider I am no less certain they will find themselves obliged in point of conscience to approve of all the doctrine positions and suppositions too of the said Remonstrance and reject and condemn the contrary as very false eroneous and scandalous too and consequently very sinful if not manifestly heretical in Christian Faith If I say they have studied or shall as they ought to do the arguments on both sides or but consulted with the Catholick Authors that have so lately handled them at large against the sophismes of Bellarmine and others of 〈◊〉 way For I fear they will not take the paâ—ts to sougth 〈…〉 â—â—â—ancie famous great and Classick Authors and 〈◊〉 in them their own ignorance and errour so long since reproach'd in the very Schools For as concerning the Scriptures and Fathers and universal Tradition of the Catholick Church and practice of Primitive Christians and that also of all ensuing ages till the Eleventh of Christianity under Gregory the Seventh they themselves cannot â—â—ny all to be against them Whereof and â—s with other both arguments and objections 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 I could heartily wish they would to satisfie yet more fully themselves take but so much pains as to read over the Barclays and Wriddringâ—â—n Father
Church for these are the very words of Gerson that such a Prelate in such proceedings be resisted to his face provided it be done with that moderation which an unblameable defence requires as Paul resisted Peter For as Origen sayes on Joshua Hom. 22. where no sin is we cannot eject any out of the Church least peradventure endeavouring to root out the cockle we root up also the very wheat Which eradication of the wheat St. Augustine in his 3d. book 2 chap. against Parmenian post Collator c. 20. so desired the Prelates of the Church to beware that he teaches there expresly the very cockle must be often let lye still as often to wit as he that otherwise deserves to be so eradicated hath a great multitude that go along with him in his delinquency And teaches consequently that to attempt the separation of such a person or in this case when the Prelates cannot without the loss or destruction of the wheat also would be most grievous sacriledge Whence it is that many Catholick Writers and those too most religious and learned have thought according to this rule of St. Augustine that upon such account Gregory the VIII Boniface the VII Innocent the IV. Iulius the II. and many other great Pontiffs who govern'd the See of Rome after and betwixt their several Popedomes have been guilty of most horrid sacriledge as such that by their excommunications of Kings and Princes their Interdicts of Kingdoms and Republicks have done nothing else but rend the Church into fatal Schismes The blame and sin whereof those writers also think ought to be charged upon those very Popes abusing so their power by unjust excommunications and other censures not on the Princes defending justly themselves and their people But as for my self and for all other true Catholick and knowing Patriots of Ireland and not of Ireland only but England too it must seem to us without doubt very certain that the greatest evils of both Nations and greatest miseries under which the professors of the Catholick Faith amongst them have so long groaned to this present had first their very fatal origin from the sentences censures and depositions pronounced by Clement the VII Pius the V. Sixtus the V. and some other great Pontiffs of the Roman See now again at last their very prodigious encrease from the more then temerarious Interdict and Excommunication of Iohannes Baptista Rinuccini late Nuncius Apostolick extraordinary from Innocent the X. in our our own dayes to the Catholicks of Ireland And these passages I give here so many and so at large on this subject of caution thaâ— your most Reverend Paternity may the better perswade your self throughly that Father Carons either advice to you or desire from you hath been very prudent For when your Paternity shall consider that to condemn a Protestation Declaration or promise of Allegiance in temporal affairs to the King must be an intollerable errour because expresly repugnant to the Gospel of Christ Matt. 22. and to the clear precepts also of the most blessed Apostles Peter and Paul Rom. 13. and 1. of Peter 2.3 and 4. chap. when you must consequently judge there can be no sin at all to be proceeded against in such a necessary subscription or if there should according to the sentence of some few seem to be any kind of transgression therein yet in the judgment of others even the greatest Doctors of the Catholick Church there can be none but rather a degree of merit as the necessary concomitant of a laudable vertuous action so farre is that Protestation from implying in the judgment of moderate Divines any kind or even smack of heresy or schysme when however your Paternity think of this I said last you must undoubtedly acknowledg the cause of those subscribers of your Order to be such as has a multitude involved therein nor of those onely of the Seraphical Order nor of others too of the secular and regular Clergie alone but of the lay people also of the Gentry and Nobility the most honourable and most remarkable of the Kingdom and those likewise in very great numbers who questionless will assert that Doctrine or the Sanctity equity and justice of that Protestation or of that our Form to which they also by a particular Instrument of their own have subscribed and will assert it with their blood and life as their predecessors have before them done these 500. years under the Kings of England when lastly whatever be the crime or cause which is either objected to or presumed of those the Subscribers of your Order if indeed your Paternities quarrel be to them at all or to that their subscription or to that Form of theirs when I say your Paternity shall understand or consider that they are not as yet contumacious and I hope they will never be against the Church or against their Prelats being they have not been ever yet called unto or summond to appear for ought appears to them not once twice thrice nor peremptorily or by any one peremptory citation sufficing for three nay not as much as once barely admonish'd in any wise and when you therefore consider that a sentence pronounced against them the case so standing with them must be extreamly unjust even for want of due procedure according to the substantial or essential form of law and reason albeit no intollerable errour as to matter of right or fact could be alleaged when I say your most Reverend Paternity shall consider seriously all these particulars I doubt not you will entertain a very serious thought also of the prudence and reasonableness of that of Father Carons either advice or desire That you take good heed to carry your self with deliberation matureness and charity in this debate which our emulous Antagonists have raised against us least otherwise more scandals and evils and such as will draw long repentance after them do follow then may be hindered taken away or ended at any time by your Paternity or by the Minister General and his perswaders or indeed by any other And so most Reverend Father I conclude this Epistle which the shortness objected by your most Reverend Paternity to Father Carons former letters which I have not yet seen hath made thus prolix For I am not without some apprehension that you will take the like exceptions to his later also which I have seen As for other passages which concern a yet more perfect account to be given by the Subscribers specially by Father Caron me and the rest of our Institution to the great Pontiff to whom next to God according to the Canons of the Catholick Church and the rule moreover of our Seraphical Father St. Francis which God willing we shall endeavour alwayes to observe we profess all reverence and even absolute obedience in spiritual affairs due from us or as to passages yet wanting if there be any such that relate to the satisfaction expected from us by as your Paternity sayes and to be given to
godliness piety zeal what they believed to be their own proper goods how much more would they have abstained from usurping on those of the Church and to which they had known themselves to have no kind of right Secondly forasmuch as depends of the testimony or authority of the civil Law it self it is clear enough that Clergiemen have not only been originally or sometime but have continued alwayes or at all times since the very first of christianity are at present stil subject to the supream civil Power therefore not exempt from it For being it appears by these laws that Clergiemen were so first indistinctly in all kind of politick matters subject or not exempt in any either from the supream civil or subordinate civil and being further that none of these laws nor altogether exempt them but in some politick things or some such causes from the subordinat only and in none at all from the supream in any such cause and being moreover that it was from and by virtue of or by a power derived from those very civil laws and consequently from the supream civil Magistrate Prince Emperour that Ecclesiastical Judges were so appointed for other Clerks in any civil or criminal cause whatsoever or in those we call meer lay crimes it must follow that forasmuch as concerns the testimony of those civil laws which Bellarmine quotes here Clerks are still subject to the supream civil power though not in some cases or not even in very many cases to the subordinat civil but in such have other Judges that is Ecclesiastical ones appointed them by the same laws For by the testimony of these laws they are not exempt wherein they were not exempted by those very laws And those laws do not exempt them in any case at all from the Legislator Himself or from the supream civil power nor even from the subordinate indistinctly and universally in all cases but in some only Thirdly it is clear enough also by the testimony authority and warranty of these civil Laws and forasmuch I say as depends of such warranty if joyn'd together with the allowed doctrine of all christian both Lawyers and Divines generally that in such Christian Kingdoms as never have been govern'd by those laws of Roman Emperours or which in after-times did legally shake off the yoke both of the Empire and imperial laws generally and are govern'd only by municipal laws of their own Clerks are not exempt at all in politick matters from either supream or subordinate lay Courts or Judges no further then such municipal peculiar civil laws do exempt them And being that in no such Countrey at all for any thing we know yet or is alledged yet by Bellarmine or by our Divines of Lovaine Clerks are not exempt by such laws from the supream civil power and being at least that whatever may be imagined of some one or other Countrey with or without ground we know certainly there is no such law in England or Ireland nor hath yet ever been it is no less clear that Clerks are not at all exempt in England or Ireland in politick matters from the supream civil power of the Prince or of his Laws forasmuch I say still as depends of the testimony of the civil laws or even of the doctrine of either Christian Lawyers or Catholick Divines Which doctrine is that laws of men when meer laws of men and in politick matters depend not only of public tiâ—â—â— but also of legal reception and hereof also that they be not abrogated again by a contrary establishment or by a general opposition abrogation or disuse in any particular Kingdom or State especially if such as have the supream civil Legislative Power approve of or concurr to such abrogation or disuse Fourthly and Lastly and as a corrollary out of all it is perspicuous that as the very civil laws of Roman Emperours and such other municipal laws of other Christian Princes giving such or some certain and special exemptions and other priviledges to Clergiemen and giving them freely and out of devotion only for the greater decency and reverence of the Church do convince any rational person that secular Princes are still continually as they have been originally Superiours in temporal power to the Clergy even to all Priests and Bishops whatsoever living within their Dominions so they also convince that not even the great Priest and Bishop the very chief and spiritual Prince both of all Priests and of all Bishops too the Pope himself not even this so Oecumenical Vicar of Christ in all spiritual matters throughout the whole earth can be truly said to be at present upon any other account exempted from secular Powers in temporal matters but on this only that he also himself is now as he hath been for some ages though not from the beginning a temporal or secular Prince too and that now he represents a double Person that of the Successor of St. Peter at Rome which undoubtedly he hath from Christ and from the Church purely taken as a Church and that also of a secular Prince with independent secular civil or temporal power which latter he hath no less undoubtedly and even only and solely from the meer devotion benevolence bounty and gift of other Princes and people even I mean of meer lay Princes People But to the end learned men shall not say I take advantage of Bellarmine's not having so throughly examined this matter in his great work of Controversies nor even in his very last edition of that work which yet is the edition I have hitherto answered and shall not object at any time that Bellarmine sifted yet more narrowly the question of the civil laws in a latter book of his when he was in his old age forced to it by Doctor William Barelay's answers and solutions of all the Church-canons whereon chiefly or rather indeed only Bellarmine relyed till then as we have seen and we shall further see yet in the next Section for his so general exemption of Clergiemen from even the supream civil coercive power in all criminal causes whatsoever least I say any should object this I will give at large and in Bellarmines own words but Englished all that he replies in that his very last piece on this subject we have now in hand of the civil laws against the same William Barclay and my own rejoynder also though in effect and for the most part made before I confess by another that is by Iohn Barclay the Son in his Pietas and to justifie the quarrel of his then dead Father LXIX Bellarmine therefore seeing by the said William Barclay's work De Potestate Papae in Temporalibus against him that all his former pretences of what law soever civil or ecclesiastical for the exemption of Clergiemen from the supream civil Power could not perswade any judicious Reader of that book of William Barclay regards no more what he had granted before in his great Works of Controversies and even in the very
onely that what he sayes of canon law in the point is perspicuous out of the Epistle of Pope Caius to Bishop Felix out of the first Epistle of Marcellinus and out of the XI book of the Register of S. Gregory ep 54. ad Ioannem Defensorem and lastly to compleat this his second argument assumes this other Proposition as a maxime That the civil law must yield to the canon law whereas sayes he still consequently the Pope may command the Emperour especially in such matters as concern the Church This strange way of argueing in a matter of such consequence out of authorities or quotations of books or chapters the words not given to the Reader which yet is familiar with this great Clerk especially where he finds the authorities or words of the text if seen at length not to be much to his purpose hath put me to more trouble then I would be and then I knew the argument deserved However I took the pains as I have also in all other material quotations of his to turn to the canons books or places quoted and see the words of those three Popes Which indeed concerning the two former as they are alleadg'd by Gratian XI q. 1. c. 1. I find to be these of Caius first Nemo unquam Episcopum apud Iudicem secularem aut alios Clericos accusare praesumat And these too ead Caus. and quest cap. 2. Nullas Iudicum neque Praesbiterum neque Diaconum aut Clericum ullum aut juniores Ecclesia sine licentia Pontificis per se distringat aut condemnare praesumat Quod si fecerit ab Ecclesia cui injuriam irrogare dignoscitur tamdiu sit sequestratus quousque reotum suum agnoscat mendet And next I find the words of Marcellinus to be these other ead caus quest cap. 3. Clericum eujuslibet or dinis absque Pontificiâ— sui permissu nullus praefumat ad seculdâ—am Indicem attâ—here neâ— Lâ—â— qâ—â—â— libet Clericum liceat accusare To which my answers are 1. That Caius having suffered Martyrdom in the year of our Lord 296. and Marcellinus being chosen the same year nay within eleven days after the passion of Caius they are both consequently of the number of those Popes whose Decretal Epistles or such as go in their names are not by learned men even of the Roman communion esteemed other then meerly supposititious or at least corrupted and therefore such as cannot be alleadged for good or certain proof in any matter 2. That these two Popes having lived and dyed before the first liberty of Christian Religion under Constantine were it certain they had really prohibited the lay Judges to proceed in any causes of Churchmen nay which is more expresly declared that such lay Judges had no kind of Iurisdiction over any Clerk in any matter soever and were it also granted that such their sole prohibition or sole Declaration were hoc ipso a canon of the Catholick Church or obliging it in general as much as any canon of even a general Council each of which particulars is so farre from being certain or being granted as in the opinion of great Divines none of all three is any way probable yet any judicious man will see plainly that by secular judges here we must not understand such Judges as were truly such by the publick authority of Emperours Princes and laws but onely such as were by a compromise onely or submission of the Christian Litigants and by the private authority of the Churches or Congregations according to that of St. Paul 1. Cor. 6. appointed to determine amongst themselves the differences of those of their own Religion and consequently such as were rather voluntary arbiters then Judges simply or properly such with coercive power For who sees not it had been most imprudently or rather indeed madly done to have prescrib'd meer humane and also unnecessary laws to those heathen Imperial Judges that put all to death whom they knew to observe as much as the very most necessary most divine law of God himself Or shall we attribute such madness to men farre less prudent then we must suppose the wisest men in the world those holy and great Pontiffs of Rome And being we cannot how then doth Bellarmine alleadg this prohibition of Caius and Marcelline Or must it follow that because these Popes commanded that none of the secular Christian Judges appointed by the several private Christian Congregations should presume to judg of Clerks without the Bishops leave therefore the same was intended or given as a rule to the publick heathen Judges commission'd by the supream absolute civil and coerecive power of Emperours The general persecutions against all Christians generally both Clerks and Laicks were continued long after the days of Caius and Marcelline throughout the Roman Empire which till Dioclesians surrender was heathen And so long the Popes could not make laws of Discipline for the Judges appointed by that Empire Nihil ad nos de iis qui soris sunt judicare sayes the Apostle himself who certainly had no less power then any Pope 3. That for the former quotation of that either pretended or true Epistle of Caius it is not material The jurisdiction of civil or Imperial heathen Judges over Christian Clerks and Bishops too might be very well acknowledged by Caius notwithstanding he had thought it convenient for avoiding scandal to forbid all Christians not to presume to accuse any Clerk before heathen judges St. Paul forbade all Christians generally and consequently the very Laicks not to accuse even other Laicks before such heathen Judges yet no man sayes that St. Paul thereby meant that Christian Laicks were exempt from the jurisdiction of those Judges And that for the later quotation also out of the same Epistle of Caius which Gratian gives in the second place or second chapter of his foresaid eleventh cause and first Question it is mark'd with a Palea in Gratian himself and therefore also is of no authority no valew at all according to the doctrine of many Canonists which doctrine must be disproved before any such allegation can be urged 4. That for Marcelline's canon whether false or true I have before observed how Gratian hath if not corrupted at least misquoted the text which is not as he hath it Clericum cujuslibet ordinis nullus praesumat accusare c. but as it is in Concil 3. Aurel. in Panormia Clericus nullum praesumat accusare And that being so read it concludes nothing to Bellarmine's purpose if not a generâ—l exemption of all persons generally as well Laicks as Clerks from secular Judges and for what onely would concern a suit commenced by a Clerk Which yet is not to Bellarmines purpose at all nor at all for any exemption of either Laicks or Clerks from the jurisdiction of secular Judges but onely for a restriction of Clerks from scandalous litigiousness as I have also before in other cases or in my answers to the canons of Carthage Chalcedon
its Clients in Ireland or elsewhere 12. That further in or about the year 1658. Richard Ferral an Irish Capuccin did present at Rome to the Congregation of Cardinals de propaganda Fide the wicked Book attributed to him The Book of Lyes of Malice and of the very grand mystery of all mischief and of the very original inveterate and fatal division no less unhappily than cursedly renewed so often these 500 years and last of all by this Firebrand 'twixt those of the meer or more ancient Irish extraction and those of the latter or as they are called of the ancient English Conquerours of that Kingdom under Henry the II. or after in the following Ages And the Book presented of purpose to be as a standing Rule or Module to the said Congregation for governing thenceforward the affairs of Ireland as shewing them in effect and plainly enough 1. That no Families not even of the very eldest English extraction in Ireland how Catholick soever in their formal profession were to be trusted with any Prelacies or other at least chief offices in governing the Clergy either Secular or Regular 2. Declaring in express terms all such to be wicked Politicians addicted wholly to the Protestant Kings and State of England 3. On that account falling also fouly even both upon the Right Reverend Nicholas French Bishop of Ferns and Sir Nicholas Plunket although formerly both of them in such esteem with and so beloved of the Nuncio that they were his Darlings and the two Embassadors recommended so specially by him as by his approbation sent from the Irish Confederates to Rome in the year 1646. And 4. suggesting further That none of those either Bishops or others Secular or Regular who had at any time opposed the Nuncio or Owen O Neill and his Army the onely Catholick Army with this Author ought to have permission from Rome to return home lest they should again corrupt the People and hinder them from the new Catholick Confederacy which the Author so expresly drives at therein Now that such a Book so plainly discovering to the world what the ultimate designs of the Irish Nuncio Party had been still from the beginning and continued yet so to be even in the general desolation of Ireland should be so received and countenanced by that Congregation of Cardinals at Rome as it was then and so indeed that it seem'd in effect to have been their Rule both some years before it was heard of publickly and after too for some other years could not but make the small remainder of the Appellant or peaceable Irish Clergy to despair utterly It is true indeed that now since the years 1668. the Court of Rome seems not so much to regard that National distinction which hath been the old bane of Ireland these 500 years But to their own purpose the Romans have nevertheless effectually regarded even so lately and do still and will evermore while they can a far more advantagious to themselves and much more underminingly dangerous to the rights of the Crown of England and peace of the People not only of Ireland but of other Nations subject to the Imperial Crown of England They have lately made some of English and other Forreign Extraction such as Ferral counts them to be even some of those very Families whom this Author expresly and specifically maligns in the highest degree and have lately I say made some of them even Bishops and Archbishops but nevertheless upon full assurance that they have been alwayes and would hereafter unalterably continue fixâ—d even in all respects to all the very temporal interests and pretences of the great Pontiff And they have thereby impos'd on the generality of those who consider no more but bare names and know not the Romans have only seem'd at present for a time only and some few persons only to have quitted that so odious and invidious charge of that national and fatal distinction and this onely too because it was of no more use to them at least not of so much universal use in the present conjuncture The Romans far more politick than Ferral had seen by experience of how great use a few Prelates of that extraction which he decryes had been to them in Ireland even upon the very first insurrection in Octob. 1641. and much more both in forming the Confederacy at Kilkenny _____ in 1642 and in rejecting the first peace at Waterford in 1646. and in opposing the Cessation first and second peace after in 1648 and finally in the fatal meetings of the Archbishops Bishops and other Ecclesiasticks at Jamestown and Galway in 1650 to overthrow again the said second Peace The Romans knew full well the argument was derived from the conjunction of some few eminent Ecclesiasticks of that extraction with those others albeit the only Catholicks in the said Ferral's Book and the great and effectual use indeed was made in Ireland of that argument to persuade the men of Arms and other Laicks Noblemen Gentlemen and all sorts of that same English or other Forreign extraction For the argument was this in short If said those onely Catholicks it had been lawful in point of Religion or Conscience to oppose the first taking of Arms or the following Confederacy or the rejection of the first Peace or the Censures against the Cessation following or Owen O Neill's holding out so long even against this second Peace or at last the Declaration and Excommunication of the Bishops against that very second Peace or if these matters look'd finally upon the setting up a native of the more ancient Irish extraction or bringing in a Forreign Prince or quitting any due Allegiance to the King of Great Britain then surely Thomas Flemming Archbishop of Dublin Thomas Walsh of Cashel Robert Barry Bishop of Cork Comerford of Waterford Nicholas French of Ferns c. and so many other good men also even of the inferiour Clergy Regular and Secular of that extraction whose name or relations cannot pretend to a foot of Land or House to inhabit in Ireland but by or from the Crown and Laws of England had never join'd with those others And this was the argument that in Ireland was more useful to the ends both of the Romans and first Irish either Insurrecters or Opposers of the following Cessation or Peace than any other than even the very unjust designs of the Lords Justices Parsons and Borlacy yea also than any strength after of those very first or grand designers of the meer or more ancient Irish extraction For it is well known that these had never signified any thing considerable in any of the foresaid undertakings but had been crush'd presently if the English Colonies persuaded by that argument had not join'd with and supported them As even it is no less and even consequentially known by experience that any one Prelate or Churchman at least of parts and repute extracted from the old English stock both hath been heretofore and is at present more able to work
ignorance to assert nay and endeavour also even before his own face to maintain That because the King was out of the Roman-Catholick Church it was not lawful to pray for him at all or at least not publickly on any other day in the year than good Friday nor then in particular for him but in general only i. e. forasmuch as he was comprehended amongst the great generality of Infidels or of Jews Mahumetans Pagans and Hereticks for whom altogether the Church prayed on good Friday as being the Aniversary of that day whereon our Saviour dyed for all the Children of Adam in general nor yet then or so to pray for him without some further qualification and restriction of what we should beg of God or wish from Heaven to him i. e. to pray only for what concern'd the Spiritual welfare of his Soul and therefore only to pray for his Conversion to the Roman-Catholick Church but not for his Temporal prosperity in this world until he be a true Member of the only true Church 2. That although his own endeavours partly and partly those not only of the rest of the former Remonstrants but of other good men who albeit they had through fear of the Roman Court and other Ecclesiastical Superiours not subscribed the Formulary or Remonstrance of the year 1661 yet in their Souls and where they durst both in word and deed too approve it had prevailed in most parts of the Kingdom against this wicked Heresie of not praying as they ought for the Supream Temporal Powers he knew notwithstanding too too well that all opposers were not yet perswaded to decry this errour down or to practice against it 3. That notwithstanding the ignorance or malice of such disaffected Church-men the Holy Scriptures to speak nothing at all of Natural Reason in the case or I mean of that reason which directs us to wish well to all men and love our Neighbours as our selves were plain enough both for Praying and Sacrificeing too even for Idolatruos and Heathen yea persecuting Heathen Princes and not only for their Spiritual welfare but their Temporal as Baruch 1.11 and 2 Timoth 2.1 at least joyned together manifestly prove For certainly the Princes and Kings for whom Paul desires Timothy and all other Christians to pray for Heathens and Nero amongst them was the very first Persecuting Roman Emperour And no less certainly both Nabuchodonozor and Baltassar in the Prophet Baruch were Heathen Princes and the former He that sacrilegiously robâ—d the Holy Temple nay utterly in his time subverted the Kingdom of the chosen People of God and carried the miserable remainders of them Captive to Babilon 4. That no Church-canon or Custom or Rubrick or Reason or Doctrine or Practice hath any power to prescribe against the Laws of God or their eternal reason declared in both the New and Old Testaments 5. And Lastly That nothing could more justly render us to all Protestants both suspected of disloyalty and odious for immorality than such our scandalous either opposing or omitting so known a duty Secondly for the later or second part of that same first of those Three Heads he let them know likewise That although not even the Subscribers of the very former Remonstrance or of that of the year 1661 may be thought to be obliged by the only precise contents of that Formulary To acknowledg either the Kings Authority in commanding any meer spiritual duties or the Peoples obligation in point of Conscience to obey the King in such commands yet no man of knowledge will thence conclude that the intention or design of that Formulary or Subscription of it was either formally or virtually i. e. tacitly and consequently to deny all such Authority in the King or all such obligation of conscience on either Lay people or Clergy but only in plain and express terms to acknowledge the Kings other kind of independent Authority viz That in Temporals and for commanding in all Temporals universally according to the Laws of the Land of the misbelief or denyal and rejection of which even Vniversal and Independent Authority in Temporals it behooved the Subscribers to clear themselves or at least those in general in whose behalf they Subscribed and Remonstrated That such concern and such intention or design is very far from any consequution or sequel implying their denyal of the Kings Authority for commanding some Spirituals even truly such nay or of his Authority for commanding Vniversally all Spirituals whether not purely or purely such to be duly perform'd by all Subjects both Lay and Ecclesiastical respectively as they are in their several capacities by the Laws of God and man directed enabled and obliged to perform and discharge them and therefore also very far from any conseqution implying their denial either of Peoples or Clergys obligation in point of conscience to obey the King whensoever He commands a due and holy observance or performance and discharge of such Spiritual works which neither of their own nature nor by any icrcumstances or ends prescribed by Him are vitiated or against the Laws of God but are in every such respect acts of true Religion Piety and Holiness For who sees not That a general affirmation of one sort of Authority in Kings and of a correspondent tye of obedience thereunto in Subjects must not infer a general renunciation or denyal of another kind of Authority in the one and tye on the other when these latter can not be truly said to be inconsistent with those other That both the Examples even of the most religious holy Kings either amongst the Jews and Israelites in the Old Testament or amongst Christians under the dispensation of the New yea in the more early times thereof and the Doctrin of the Fathers and natural reason too in the case manifestly prove this Authority in all Kings for commanding even such spiritual duties and consequently this obligation of and tye of Conscience on all Subjects of whatever Religion true or false the same or different from that professed by their Kings to obey them even in all such their commands whither given by Law or by Proclamation or other temporary Precept That to this purpose the Books of Paralipomenon do furnish us plentifully with the examples of David (a) 1 Parlip cap. 23 cap. 28. 2 Paralip 8 Ezechias (b) 2 Paralip 29. and Josias (c) Ibid. 35. to say nothing now of Joas adhuc dum bonum (d) Ibid 24. faceret coram domino nothing of Salomon (e) 3. Reg. 2. Vide etiam 4. Reg. 18 23. cap. 2 Paralip 19 34 35. cap. Et Mac. 4.59 Ester 9.26 Dan. 3 19. â—on 3.7 c. and the Civil Laws of the Christian Emperours of Rome the Books of the Code Pandects and Authenticks furnish us no less plentifully with examples of Constantine the Great Theodosius both the older and younger Honorius Martianus Justinian Heracliuus Leo and many more amongst whom Carolus Magnus and
God preparing himself to his other exercise viz. both of Praying audibly over and visibly Crossing Sir William's eyes and invoking God to cure him there in all our presence I was truly much perplexed at the suddenness of the Father's Resolution but had no time to consider when the foresaid two Gentlemen Sir William and Mr. Southwel came where I stood asking me very concernedly what they should do What said I other than to lay your selves likewise to your knees reverently behind him and Pray heartily but first preparing your selves inwardly with a lively faith and hope and love of God and consequently with a true and full repentance of all your sins and effectual resolutions of a new life and then beg of God that for the Passion of His only beloved Son our Saviour Christ your incredulity or other sins may not obstruct his mercy or his grace to be shewn said I to you Sir William by the Ministry of that good man who now prepares to practise on and invoke God over you Whereupon the two Gentlemen laid themselves immediately to their knees and I also with them on mine praying devoutly As soon as Father Finachty rose I gave him a Priestly stole to put about his neck and the Aspersorium to sprinkle them first with Holy Water both which he used as the manner is Then having placed Sir William standing betwixt him and the light of the Window he himself also standing falls a Crossing both the Purblind eyes and saying loud in all our hearing a short Latin Prayer and a Prayer too proper only for the eyes And then having done his whole exercise over I know not whether once onely or oftner he bid Sir William take the Bible and try whether he could read it in the same distance other men did commonly Sir William takes the Book very readily and was so desirous and hopeful to of amendment as himself said presently that at the first opening of the Book he thought his sight mightily mended but then immediately finding his own Errour and that he could not read but as before he tells Father Finachty how it was Whereupon all the former method of Crossing and Praying was repeated the second time by the Father and then the second time also was Sir William desired by him to try again whether he could read the Book otherwise than before But upon Sir Williams trying so the second time and then answering he could not Father Finachty without further attempt or ceremony or word spoken by him turns aside pulls off his Stole puts on his Hat goes over to and takes his former seat at the fire with his back turn'd to us even as unconcernedly as might be Sir William perceiving there was no more to be expected puts on also his Hat comes to me at the Window and asks Whether I had ever read any thing in Necromancy I answered I had not Truly says he no more have I in all my life until within these two days when by meer chance going to a certain house in town I lighted on a Book which I am now to shew you and withal therein to a word the very Prayer that Father Finachty hath now prayed over my eyes For in my reading so lately this Book through I remember that very form of Prayer amongst others to be therein Which having said he draws out of his pocket a thick Octavo Latin Book in a fair writing Italian or Roman hand the Title thereof pretending it to have been written by Frater Petrus Lombardus Minor in Civitate Magna Alexandria and the Subject altogether Necromancy as by turning it over and looking on the Schemes and Prayers and other matters I could not my self but presently see as neither can I deny that the very same Prayer of Father Finachty was immediately turn'd to by Sir William and shew'd to me before I look'd further into that Book only to my best remembrance there was some little alteration of some few words but an alteration I confess that was nothing material What I answered Sir William was That Necromancers do sometimes in their Mysteries to blind the World make use of even the very best of Prayers even the Lords Prayer it self nay and of the very Sacrament of the Altar too but withal by their wicked intentions and more wicked compacts by the Power also they invoke besides their own Diabolical additions and other materials abuse that whereof the Ministers of God may and do make right and holy use and that that Prayer which Father Finachty used was in it self a good Prayer notwithstanding its being found in the Necromantical Book Against this Answer Sir William had nothing to reply but declining it spake to this purpose To be short says he Father Walsh Let this Gentleman meaning Finachty get himself into the greatest Field he please environed with as many hundreds or thousands of people and even sick people of all sorts as he can for I understand he desires such Fields and such Multitudes to practise amongst them and let me be there with him Iâ—le lay down a Hundred pounds in Gold that I will Cure by my own touching of and speaking or praying to or over those diseased Persons he shall be pleased to allow me of that number as many as he shall of those left to him and if I do not or whoever else please to lay the Wager he shall presently take my Hundred pounds and I will be at the loss of both my Gold and credit And then he further added Father Walsh The Mystery of this Gentleman 's desiring such open Fields and great Multitudes of sickly folks and other people about him when he would practise his Art is nothing else but this T is a hundred to one but of a great number of sick especially when their Diseases are divers one or other may not find a change an amendment and even a total recovery on that very day or suddenly afterward as being then arrived to the very Critical time when by course of Nature i. e. of their own bodily constitution and of the Disease affecting it the predominant and peccant humour must being either totally spent or mightily weakened a change must be without either Miracle or even so much as the natural help of Physick Nay 't is twenty to one that of twenty persons lying or being sick of many several Diseases whether visited or not visited by either Miraculous Priests or Natural Physitians one or other should not find in himself any day you pleased to fix on some alteration from worse to better especially if going all into the open Fields in fair weather such as that is when and where such Multitudes meet and yet more especially if meeting there with some desirable object heightning mightily to a very great degree their imagination I am sure we in our profession scarce or rather perhaps never visit twenty such diseased persons but one of them finds an alteration and amendment soon after and yet we know not
in defence of that Formulary and Subscription thereof according to the best and clearest dictates of his inward Conscience without having ever at any time since entertained the least thought of fear doubt or scruple of any errour sin or unlawfulness either in doing so or in not retracting what he had so done If not sayes he only in or as to some sharp words or not so respectful expressions against my Superiour the Pope if peradventure and wheresoever in my Writings or Books any such words or expressions are or by others may be apprehended to be For such unnecessary circumstantials of words any way savouring of passion I beg God heartily forgiveness But for other matters whatsoever that belong necessarily to the substance of the Doctrine I never had nor can have any remorse of Conscience because I believe it to be the Doctrine of our Saviour Christ by whose blessed merits I hope to be saved and before whose Tribunal I am now to appear And then in the fourth and last place converting himself to me and desiring me to sit by him on the Bed-side and I acordingly sitting there he further declared his Conscience to be That I was bound in Conscience to prosecute still even after his death that matter and continue that defence or advancement of that Doctrine which in his life-time I had for so many years and notwithstanding so much contradiction maintain'd So much truly of that learned modest pious man and so much I mean and such testimony given by himself at Deaths door of his own conscientiousness all along in that quarrel for which my Lord of Ferns great Roman termed him Apostate I can declare with as much assurance and confidence as any thing of my self And were it to purpose the like I could relate of another both learned person and illustrious Prelate too viz. Thomas Dese quondam Bishop of Meath and a Doctor of Paris who likewise in former times i. e. in the unhappy War-time had been no less engaged with me in the great Controversie against the Nuncio Rinuccini and all his Partizans and Censures of Interdict and Excommunication which great Controversie because it all was concerning the independency of the Supreme Temporal power as such from the Church in meer Temporal maâ—ters must consequently in effect have been the same with this other about the Remonstrance Of that excellent Bishop so much persecuted for several years by the rest of his contemporary Irish Bishops for not approving the Rebellion of the year 1641 as lawful in point of Conscience I could relate how when I had of purpose come to visit his Lordship on his death-bed in the Town of Galway and Colledge or House of the Jesuites there and then this was if I remember well when the Parliament Forces were of one side blocking up that Town and however I am sure it was much about the year 1650 or 1651. his Lordship taking me by the hand before all those were present declared in like manner his Conscience as Father Caron did many years after For although his Lordships every individual word then as to the bare literal sound I cannot at this distance of time exactly remember yet I am certain he spake the sense of these words Father Walsh I am heartily glad to see you before I dye that you may hear the Declaration of a dying man as you had his approbation when he was more like to live For I now declare That I have purely out of the internal sentiments of my Soul approved at large under my hand your Book of Queries That were it to be done again I would do it because I learned no other Doctrine from the Catholick Church on the subject of that Book but what is therein clearly asserted And therefore that especially as to that matter I now depart in peace of Conscience to appear at the great Tribunal where nevertheless I hope for mercy not for any justice of my own but through the merits of our common Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ This death-bed Declaration of this Learned man and constantly vertuous Prelate I could alledge with as great assurance as I could Father Carons were it to purpose to alledge either in this place against the foresaid great Roman who termed Me and Caron Apostates And yet I think it may be to some purpose if I tell him as I do now That the death-bed judgment of even only two such learned pious men so delivered to my self had more weight and strength to confirm me in my own former resolutions than the reviling terms of Two thousand even the very greatest Romans written or spoken by them in the dayes or time of their corporal health and worldly pomp and on the subject in controversie betwixt us could shall or ought to have for deterring me from or at all weakning me in the profession and defence of the Christian Doctrine I have learned from my youth and learn'd from the Catholick Church I mean on that same subject However and because I know or at least may rationally think such Romans and others too who have reviled me and Caron in such manner by terming us Apostates meant certainly to charge us with that which is properly commonly or usually imported amongst the vulgar by the abstract Apostacy taken in an infamous sense and some certain respect or species thereof and that nevertheless they only or at least principally and fixedly intend to charge us not in the first or second but third respect before given or third degree or rather indeed properly third species of Apostacy i. e. from the Regular Institute of St. Francis c. as likewise that so high a charge against us they ground solely upon our not appearing beyond Seas when summon'd by the Belgick Commissary General c. as if we had by such non-appearance yea notwithstanding any reason to the contrary forfeited and fallen utterly from that Regular Obedience whereunto by solemn Vow we tyed our selves and consequently turn'd Apostates ab Ordine Regulari or ab Instituto Religioso Divi Francisci and yet not only because this is not the proper place to handle that matter but also because the whole Third Part of my Latin Work intituled Hibernica c and my late printed Letter also in Latin ad Haroldum or to Father Harold are written chiefly to clear us from any sinful disobedience or contumacy in the case and by consequence from such Apostacy for without such disobedience or contumacy it is clear that such Apostacy as grounded only on sinful disobedience must of necessity vanish and further yet because I have some eight years since in my second long Letter to the Bruxel-Internuncio Hieronymus de Vecchiis which Letter may be seen Translated into English in this very Book Treat 1. Part. I. pag. 538. and from thence to pag. 555. sufficiently treated of the very subject therefore I will not give my self any further new and needless trouble on that same point again in this place but
which they make or intend to make there if any at all indeed they make or intend together with so many quibbles and fallacies yet this Remonstrance at least as from them does no way bind them after such declaration of the Pope to hold as much as to such however inconsiderable acknowledgements or promises Fourteenth Exception That further yet as from them and without relation to any such matter declared by the Pope it leaves them alwayes at liberty upon another account not to hold to their said however inconsiderable acknowledgments and promises Videlicet upon account of their maximes of extrinsick probability or of their perswasion of the lawfulness of changeing opinions and of practising too according to the contrary opinion of others and consequently of practising against all their acknowledgments ownings Declarations promises and oaths in this their own Remonstrance according to the doctrine of such Catholick Authors as maintain all oathes of Allegiance made to a Heretick Prince to be rendred absolutely void by the very Canons of the Roman Church in corpore Juris Canonici Fifteenth Exception That finally as from them it leaves them still at liberty to say they framed and subscribed it according to the very largest rules of equivocation and mental reservation and with as many and as fine abstractions exceptions constructions restrictions and distinctions too especially that of the specificative and reduplicative sense as any the most refined Authors and most conversant in such matters Canonists or Casuists or School-divines could furnish them with in time of need And these being the most obvious material Exceptions against this Remonstrance of 66. the Reader may judge of their reasonableness or unreasonableness as he please if he hath already or when he shall have read through not only the former part of this Second Treatise but both the first and second part of the first Treatise of this Book To which if he add the reading also of all the other four he may without any question judge the better of these Exceptions whether they be well grounded or not THE THIRD TREATISE CONTAINING The three propositions of Sorbon considered as they are by this Dublin Congregation applyed to His Majestie of Great Britain and themselves And what they signifie as to any further or clearer assurance of their fidelity to the King in the cases controverted HAving given in my Narrative the occasion upon which and the persons by whom after a long dispute these propositions with the other three of the six late of Sorbon were first offered to be assented to and signed in a distinct or different instrument or paper from that of their Remonstrance and how after those very persons hindered the signing of the other or last three and further in my exceptions to instances against and observations upon that Remonstrance of theirs upon their wording of and meaning by and in the several passages or clauses all along having noted their voluntary and contradictory omissions of what was necessary and what was both expected and demanded from them on the particular points and noted their abstractions reservations exceptions equivocations illusive expositions and yet no less if not more destructive constructions I need not say much here to shew the unsignificancy of the said three propositions I mean as to the publick end for which these Assembly subscribers would impose on others or flatter themselves they were subscribed by them For it will be obvious and easie to any understanding man that shall first read those fore-going small Tracts of mine to see evidently there can be no more assurance of the present or future faith of those Congregational subscribers or from their subscriptions to the said three additional propositions than was besorâ— intended by them in or could be from their sole Remonstrance taken according or in that sense of theirs which I have so declared at large I confess that in the state primitive or in that of the innocency of Christians these alone peradventure might have been sufficient to that end Nay and at this very present are very significant as proceeding from and applyed by the Sorbon-faculty and Gallican Church to their own most Christian King and themselves To wit amongst a People and in a Country where no other doctrine is taught or believed or as much as scarce thought upon if not by a very few privâ—tly in corners but that which they have learned from the express Canons of their own ancient Councils and of that particularly of Paris well-nigh a thousand years since in pursuance of the Tradition of their yet more ancient Fathers all along to the Apostles of Christ and Christ himself That kingly power is immedietly from God alone as from the primary and only efficient cause and no way depending of the Church or People Where the practice was so frequent when occasion was offered to resist the usurpations and incroachments of Popes on the Jurisdiction Royal and to oppose and contemn their Sentences of Deposition Deprivation Excommunication and other attempts whatsoever of the See of Rome against their Kings Parliaments or People Where Pithou's most Catholick and voluminous Books of the natural and genuine liberties of the Gallican Church and so many other great Catholick Writers on that subject are extant and frequent and conversant with them daily Where finally that King in their opinion is both their own and really most Christian and themselves of the same Religion with him and by him all their interests both religious and civil spiritual and temporal in the greatest latitude and height they can desire maintained exactly I confess that from such men of such principles in such a Country and to such a Prince these three Propositions barely as they are worded might peradventue do well enough But to conclude hence or that because the French King was pleased or satisfied with them so as coming from and presented to himself by Sorbon His Majesty of Great Britain our Gracious King must be or should be in our present case and on the points controverted amongst us pleased or satisfied with the self same resolutions or propositions aâ—d in the self same words only the application changed without any further addition explanation or descent to particulars and so pleased with them as coming from us were a very great fallacie and very great folly The cases are different in all particulars And therefore it must be consequent in reason that more particulars may and should be required and in other words that is in words expresly and sufficiently declaring as well against all equivocations and other evasions as particularly to the particular points in our own case The design having been as it is and must be yet to get us to resolve and declare satisfactorily and our own Interest and that of our Religion too especially as now in Ireland leading us thereunto But alas the private Interests of some very few men of that Congregation blew durst in the eyes of all the rest so as they
here that which they call so or the Sicilian Monarchy both in temporals and spirituals and by a thousand other oppositions against the proceedings Bulls and other attempts of several Popes by themselves and Nuncius's and yet more particularly and more home to the point out of the Spanish Divines that write of this question and out of the great esteem of Catholickness the Spaniards have of such Authors and in particular and above all the rest for Alphonsus de Castro who in his book de haeresibus proves so clearly and by so many instances the Popes fallibility even as he is Pope I say that hence it sufficiently appears this question and solution of it against the Popes infallibility is not so odious at all in that great Spanish Monarchy That I have my self in the Low-countreys an appendage of it being present some eight or nine and twenty years since or there abouts in Lovaine at the publick disputes of the two famous Professors then of Divinity in the Colledge of the Jesuits De Young and Derkennis heard and seen and read in their printed Theses's under their own names one of them in the forenoon and the other in the afternoon maintain the contradictories upon the subject of this question one of them in his general conclusions Ex tota Theologia asserting that Papa ut Papa errare non potest in definiendis controversiis fidei and the other in a particular matter as they call it which was de Fide Spe charitate that Papa ut Papa errare possit in definiendis etiam fidei Controversiis So that the very Fathers of the Society then in that Countrey and in that very hoâ—se where Bellarmine himself taught have been so far from reputing this question so odious that they disputed and determined it against this pretended infallibility of the Pope That no where to day out of Italy alone it may be with any colour said to be so odious if not perhaps in the Colledge of Cleremont and there only too peradventure to some very few two or three perhaps those inconsiderat men who out of vanity and folly raised of late so great a storm against and fixed so great a blemish on their own Society or that house in particular by their blasphemous Theses which is called the new heresie of the Iesuites because it asserted the Pope to be as infallible even in matter of fact as Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour no where in Italy it self out of the Popes temporal Jurisdiction nor there is it by others then States-men and Courtiers if not by some few and raw or young smattering and flattering and some other few ambitious and consequently fearful Divines or Canonists That neither the Popes themselves how jealous soever and zealous for maintaining their own power not even the most blessed Father Alexander the 7th who sits at this time in St. Peters Chair accounts it so odious not even now after he hath seen this sixth and solemn Declaration or Proposition of the Sorbonists upon it For if they had accounted it so odious how comes it to pass that we have never yet seen one Declaration of theirs or of any of them since Gregory the 7th whom I find to be the first pretended it in plain terms though herein as unfortunate as in his other pretence of the whole Earths Monarchy or power from Christ to dispose at his pleasure of the Crowns and Empires of the world and to depose Princes how comes it I say to pass that ever since for so many hundred years wherein the question has been canvassed we have not seen as much as any one single Declaration of any Pope against that clear express resolution of it in the negative and in so many Catholick and great Writers Gerson Almain Castro Adrian c. whereof one was a most virtuous Pope In quaest de confirmat Adrianus Papa Sextus which resolution or determination of it in the negative against the Popes infallibility was that only renders it so odious in Father N. N's esteem Or how comes it to pass that now so lately eight entire Universities some hundreds of Doctors together and by consequence the whole Gallican Church in effect debating determining the same question and in the negative also our most blessed Father Alexander the 7th if he had conceived it or their resolution so odious in point of religion or conscience tells not them or the rest of the world so much at least or at least of the very question and resolution in it self without any mention of them That if it be or suppose it be so odious or odious at all to the Pope or Court of Rome and to the Jesuites or some of them or a few other Church-men in several Countreys dispersed sticklers for the temporal greatness of that Prince or Court and sticklers for it so either out of ignorance or pre-occupation or ambition or fear and awe they stand in of their immediate or mediate Ecclesiastical Superiours yet Father N. N. should consider 1. That all these taken together make not up the number of forrein Catholick Nations nor as much as one of them or of those forrein Catholick Nations whose dis-esteem of disfavour they are so loath to hazzard 2. That albeit the Popes alone or his Courts dis-esteem or dis-favour be much to be regarded at least by such as have their temporal dependencies of his Holiness whether in Ecclesiastical Benefices or otherwise and whether within his own temporal Jurisdiction or without or in that of other Princes or States yet where the debate or controversie is in point of Religion or Faith especially of such a one as all the very fundamentals of all Religion and Faith depends of it there is no conscientious knowing Christian will say That either the esteem or dis-esteem favour or dis-favour of any Court or Prince on earth temporal or spiritual should have over at least the Priests of God and their Arch-priests too gathered together out of a whole Nation such power or keep them in such awe as therefore to wave the declaration of their Conscience or Faith in such a point being solemnly demanded it and by the lawfullest and greatest Authority could demand it of them For any such Christian will say that to do so would become very ill the Successors of the Apostles commanded upon all occasions to preach the Gospel of the Kingdom and all the truths of it sincerely though they should be hated and persecuted by all men even to death for doing so And could to this purpose mind Father N. N. and the Congregation of that command of Christ Ite docete omnes gentes and docentes eos omnia quae mandavi vobis And also of that judgment of his Mat. 10. Luk. 9. Mark 8. Mat. 10. Qui negaverit me verbunt meum as Mark has it in generatione ista adultera peccatrite ego negabo eum coram Patre meo qui in caelis est filius hominis