the Epistle to the Magnesians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Ephesians from Smyrna are not as I conceived it possible the Smyrnaeans called Ephesians because Ephesus was the prime Metropolis but the Ephesians which together with some of the Church of Smyrna were sent with him from Smyrna such as Burrhus mention'd in the Epistle to the Smyrnaeans who appeares to be a Deacon of the Church of Ephesus in the Epistle to them and yet is said to be sent with him by the Smyrnaeans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with other of the Ephesians also This I desire the Reader now to correct in the Dissertations by blotting out that last part of Sect. 10. which concerns that matter 2. I come now to his view of the Testimony from the Epistle to the Romanes and it is set downe in these words 3. But to make all suâ—e thâ— lâ—…ctor will noâ— so give â—ver but Sect. 11. hee addes that â—he Epigraph of the Epistle to the Romans gâ—ants him the whole case â—hat is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex qua saith he Eâ—â—lisiae Romanae ejusque Episcopo suoâ—… Eâ—…iis omnibuâ— in urâ—…riâ— regione aut pâ—oviâ—câ—â Romaâ— a contâ—ntiâ— pâ—aefeâ—… compâ—…e vide â—uâ— Although I havâ— spent some time in the consideration of mens conjectures oâ— those subâ— bicarian Churches that as is pâ—…nded 〈◊〉 here pointed to and the rise of the Bishop of Romes juâ—â—sdiction â—ver those Churches in a correspondencie to the civill Government of the Prefect oâ— the City yet sâ— great a Câ—itick in the Greek â—ongue as Casaâ—â—oâ— Exâ—…c â—6 ad Ann. 150. having professed that expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to â—e barbarous and uâ—inteâ—…gâ—… I shall not coâ—… about it For the presidency me â—…ioned of the Church iâ— or at Rome that it was a presidency of juâ—isdiction and not onely in eminence of Fâ—…h and Holynesse that is in ended â—he Doctor thinks it not incumbent on him to prove Those with whom he hath to â—o are of another mind altâ—ough by this time some a teraâ—… mign be attempted yea â—here was as elâ—where shall be shewed And so much foâ— Ignatiusâ—is â—is Archieâ—…e 4. This Testimony it seemes must be throwne off upon the one score of Casaubon's Censure that the expression was barbâ—rous and unintelligible I must therfore examine his words which I find Exerc. 16. sect 150. though not ad Ann. 150. that whole book of Exercitations against Baronius extending no farther than the Life of Christ 5. Casaâ—bon's words are these speaking of Bellarmine's collection of the Roman domination from thence Rogandi sunt ut barbaram locutionem prius nobis explicent quam ullum ex iis verbis argumentum ducant quae ne ipsi quidem intelligant They that endeavour to draw these words to this purpose are to be intreated first to explain to u a barbarous expression before they draw any argument from those words which they themselves dâ—e not indeed understand Here it 〈◊〉 true thâ—t Casaubâ—n saith of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it is barbara locutio but for the unâ—… which the Prefacer addes and which seems to be exprâ—…n these words also it is possible it may be a mistakâ— Isaâ—c Casaubone conceived himself to have observed by many indications that Cardinal Bellarmine understood no Greek he calls him a little before hominem Graecarum literarum prorsus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man utterly unskill'd in the Greek learning adding that all his works especially that which hee last wrote demonstrate it And why may not the ne ipsi quidem intelligunt be thus meant by him that Bellarmine was very unsit to make collections out of a Greâ—… which 't was certain he did not understand 〈…〉 I am sure he had before said of him expresly concerning the writings of Dionysius Areopagita Est quidem ridicula plane res It is a very ridiculous thing for one that hath nâ— Greek to â—ffer to judâ—e of a Greek Author Which being granted of that Cardinal I should yet well have hoped that the Prefacer who hath so much Greek in this Preface and very little of it translated might himselfe have been able to understand such plaine words for of the words it is that Casaubone speaks not of the full importance of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which presides in the place of the Region of the Romans 6. But then secondly there will be little reason to doubt what the full sense also of these words is For without disputing what Casaubone saith that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not proper oâ— vulgar style but in some respect barbarous I shall yet suppose it put by Ignatius being joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 presidence for the Latine sedes seat or see which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 place will without any forcing signifie as when the Gallican Church in their Epistle to Eleutherius saith of Iraeneus Archbishop of Lyons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If we knew that place would purchase righteousnesse to any the meaning is if his being Bishop of so eminent a City and Province would commend him and accordingly Peter Halleix would here have it read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 throne or seat but hath no Manuscriptâ—o â—o favour his conjecture Nay if we shall observe the antient Latine forms we shall have no reason farther to deem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 barbarous than as it directly answers to the Latine usage of locus place and that sure may be allow'd Ignatius in an Epistle to the Romans For in the second Epistle of Anacletus to the Bishops of Italy we have these words In capite Provinciarum ipsis quoque in civitatibus vel locis nostris Patriarchias vel Primates c. In the head of Provinces and in our Cities or places Patriarchs or Primates were constituted The authority of that Epistle may sure be sufficient to manifest the use of a word and then our City and our place is all one and that properly of a chief City or Metropolis such as here Rome is contested to be And then the sense will be as plaine as the words intelligible that the Church to which that Epistle was addrest was the presiding Church in the place or seat of the region of the Romans i. e in the chief place or seat or City of that Region commonly called the suburbicarian Region And thus hath Jacobuâ— Gâ—ttâ—fredâ—… a learned Lawyer and Critick exprest himself to understand it meaning by the suburbicarian region all that in the civile notâ—tiae was under the administration of the Prefect of the City of Rome answerable to which circuit was the Primitive Province of the Roman Bishop And here being nothing offer'd against it I have no occasion to give farther answer For as to that of Jurisdiction what degree of that belonged to the Primate in every Province over and above that which belonged to a Bishop of an ordinary Citie and territory that hath oft been spoken to already and need not be again
AN ANSWER TO THE ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE DISSERTATIONS TOUCHING IGNATIVS'S EPISTLES and the EPISCOPACIE in them asserted By H. HAMMOND D. D. LONDON Printed by J. G. for Richard Royston at the Angel in Ivie-lane 1654. AN ANSVVER TO THE ANIMADVERSIONS on the Disputations concerning EPISCOPACY THE INTRODVCTION Nu. 1. I Had thought I had concluded the Readers trouble and mine own when I had gotten to an end of the Assemblers Exceptions but by that time I had transmitted those debates to the Printer and from him received one Sheet of the Impression I found my self called out anew by a Preface to a Book of a very distant subject The Saints verseverance wherein is inserted a Discourse touching the Epistles of Ignatius and the Episcopacy in them asserted and some animadversions on Dr. H. H. his Dissertations on that subject And this Preface and these contents of it leâ—t it might be less discernable thought fit to be exprest in the Title page and subscribed by John Owen servant of Jesus Christ in the work of the Gospel 2. And although the speedy return of such tasks is not overgratefull to me yet because 1. I conceive it is his pleasure that we should enter this commerce And 2. because the work of the Gospel is so glorious an employment that I cannot be averse or flow to the giving all possible satisfaction to any which professeth to labour in it And 3. because if the Reader so consent this discourse may be annext to the former debates with the Provincial Assembly being likely to be on the same heads which are there spoken to I shall not doubt thus speedily to undertake the labour of it and if his Animadversions prove any way usefull to me I shall acknowledge by whom I have profited retract most readily what he shall give me cause to retract and never multiply any debates which may be thus more compendiously ended being confident that no miscarriage of mine of which yet I am not conscious to have committed any in the Book of Dissert will be able to prejudice the main truth which is there defended the Institution of Bishops by the Apostles CHAP. I. Of the Apostolical Canons Sect. 1. The Controversie about them The Codex Canonum What is meant by Apooryphal and so by Genuine Canons The two mistakes of the Praefacer which produceth his Animadversion What is meant by the title Apostolical Canons The Praefacers ungrounded suggestion against the writings of the first times Numb 〈◊〉 TO set out then with all speed that may be on this new Stage not knowing of what length it may prove the first Animadversion I finde my self concern'd in is in these words The first Writings that are imposed on us after the Canonical Scriptures are the eight Books of Clement commonly called The Apostles Constitutions being pretended to be written by him at their appointment with the Canons ascribed to the same persons These we shall buâ— salute for besides that they are but faintly defended by any of the Papists disavowed and disclaimed as Apocryphal by the most learned of them as Bellarmine de Script Eccles in Clem. who approves onely of fifty Canons of eighty five Baronius An. Dom. 102 14. who addes thirty more and Biâ—ius with a little inlargement of Canons in Tit. Câ—n. T. 1. Con. p. 17. and have been throughly disproved and decryed by all Protestant writers that have had any occasion to deal with them their folly and falsity their impostures â—…triflings have of late been so fully manifested by Dallaeus de Pseudepigrapâ—iâ— Apost that nothing need be added thereunto Of him may Dr. H. H. learn the truth of that insinuation of his Dissert 2 c 6. sect 3. Canone Apostolico secundo semper inter genninos habito but of the confidence of this Author in his assertions afterward 2. I am not here much surprised 1. with this charge of untruth and 2. this promise that my confidence in asserting shall be discovered knowing that it was one of Aristotles insinuations in his Elenchs at the beginning of a Dispute to endeavour to put the Respondent in passion and then he might easily have fallacies imposed on him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If this were his design I have more reasons than that one to hope his pardon if I do not thus gratifie him And although there be not one word said in this place to prove either of these charges but I am appointed to learn one from Mr. Daillé whose book I have not been so curious as to see and to expect the other afterwards from the Prefacer yet being concerned to know that veracity and humility are my duties as I am a Christian and that I ought not to live one minute under the scandal of having offended against either of them and having yet no motive to retract that expression in the Dissert I am obliged to render an account of my using it And it is this 3. In the second Canon of the Council in Trullo An. 681. I find a conciliarie affirmation of eighty five Canons under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Canons of the holy and honourable Apostles before us And what was there confirmed is farther ratified by the second Council of Nice An. 787. which cites the 53d of those Canons And this I take for a testimonie of the Eastern Churches reception of that number of 85 Apostolical Canons at that time Whereas in the Western Churches both before and after this time although the Canons of the Apostles were by the Eastern communicated to them yet that number was not received but in a Council of seventy Bishops at Rome under Pope Gelasius somewhat before 500 years after CHRIST the Book of the Apostles Canons was defined to be Apocryphal By Apocryâ—hal here I conceive to be meant such as are not obligatorie wâ—…ch are not so owned or received by the Church as to be entered into Codex ordinarily known by the name of Corpus Canonum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Phâ—tiâ—s his stile The body of Synodical Canons their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Justiniaâ—… their Rule of Discipline in like manner as the Books of Canonical Scripture to which Justinian added the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or definitions of the four first General Councils made up their Rule of Doctrines That there was such a Codex we find in the fourth General Council that of Chalcedon when the Book of Canons as well as the Bible was solemnly brought in at the opening of the Council and * call'd for to be read before them as occasion required And 't is sufficiently known what Justellus observes That the Christian Church was ruled of old by a double Law Divine the Books of the Canonical Scripture and Canonical the Codex of Canons And those Canons that were not received into that Codex though they might hold the authority due to antient pieces be esteemed worthy the reading and observing were yet stiled Apocryphal i. e. usefull though not obligatory
Sancti Patres Canones Apostolorum numeraverunt inter Apocrypha exceptis capitulis quinquaginta quae decreverunt regulis Orthodoxiae adjungenda The Holy Fathers have numbred the Canons of the Apostles among Apocryphal writings except onely fifty Canons which they have decreed to be annext to the rules of the true doctrine i. e. to the Book of Canons received by them Where again by the way the notion of Apocryphal is evident as opposed to those which are received into the Codex Regulis Orthodoxiae adjungenda And so by Bellarmine whom he names in the front of those most learned Papists and of him saith expresly and truly that he approves onely of 50 Canons of 85 de script Eccles in Clâ—m And then again I have now minded him of that which was before evident that the second Canon which was cited by me was one of those fifty and so not disproved by that learned Papist As for the other two Baronius and Binius whom he names to the same purpose as those who have disavowed and disclaimed them as Apocryphael I shall not accuse his confidence but must think he was in some haste that he could doe so Baronius being by him acknowledged to adde 30 more and Binius to have made a little inlargement of Canons which sure doth not intimate that they disavowed or disclaimed the fifty 8. So when he saith of them that they are faintly defended by any of the Papists I shall desire to know among many others Bovius Lamb. Gruterus Stapleton Haleander c. what he thinks of Turrian whether he were a Papist or no and whether he were a faint defender of them nay whether Monsieur Daillé take no notice of his zeal for them If he doe not I shall very much wonder at it If he doe I shall have the more reason for my question how he that sends me to be taught by M. Daillé had not learned so much from him that there was some Papist by whom they were not faintly defended So again when he saith that they have been throughly disproved and decryed by all Protestant writers that have had any occasion to deal with them I might certainly mind him of more Protestants than one that have been far from decrying them I shall not mention as I might the severall Bishops of our Church since the Reformation and our Divines in their writings that make their Appeals to them frequently and with as pompous forms of citations as I have done semper inter genuinos habito I shall not adde the learned Hugo Grotius because I know not whether any or all of these may not be deemed by him to be no Protestants Onely what doth he think of Frigevillaeus Gautius He certainly An. 1593. in his second part of his Palma Christiana dedicated to Queen Elizabeth c. 1. 2. was far from disavowing and decrying those Canons How little short he came of Turrian himself I shall not now tell him lest he be disavowed as no Protestant for so doing but leave him at his leisure to inquire whether one such example might not have taken off from the generalitie of the affirmation decryed by all Protestants or indeed whether D. Blondel's vouching them in the manner which I shall by and by set down might not have had some force in it if he had taken notice of such things But all this by the way as an Essaâ— that some other men as well as H. H. may be confident in asserting 9. Secondly When immediately after his Animadversion on my words he mentions his Exceptions to the Books of Apostolical Constitutions and Canons taken out of Daillé and the learned Vsher 't is apparent that these all belong to the Books under Clement's name called the Apostles Constitutions But then it must be remembred that that Book of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Constitutions is another thing clearly distinct from the Book called the Apostles Canons and there is but one way imaginable to involve the later under the censure that belongs justly to the former and it is this That in some Copies the Constitutions and Canons are put together into one Volume and that 〈◊〉 Photius his time and that in the end of the Canons there is a solemn confirmation of the Constitutions But then it must be remembred again that these are later Copies which so confound them and I take not them to be genuine and that Canon is the eightie fifth of that Book and so no part of the first fiftie which I suppose to be the onely genuine Canons and consequently that none of the ridiculous things in the Constitutions is imputable to that former Collection but indeed on the contrary that one expression in that eightie fifth Canon which prescribes the keeping them close because of some mysterious passages in them is justly thought by learned men to betray them both the later 35 Canons and the Constitutions so magnified by them to be of a much later Edition than that which they pretend to 10. And thus I hope I have vindicated my self and given the grounds of my Assertion And for the confidence I did not I confess expect to be charged with any immoderate degree of it from any nor doe I yet discern how those few words in the Parenthesis semper inter genuinos habito could be deem'd so criminously guilty of it or that hee that undertook to be my Monitor having in so short a time proved so much more guilty of it should in any reason think himself the most competent for that office 11. To help him to any appearance of reason and so to qualifie him thus to charge me some want of observation of vulgar stile must be necessary either in not adverting what is ordinarily meant by their title of Apostolick Canons or some other the like That he takes the meaning of that title to be their pretension to be written by the Apostles or by Clement at their appointment I conclude from the words with which he begins that Paragraph The first writings that are imposed on us after the Canonical Scriptures are the eight Books of Clement commonly called the Apostles Constitutions being pretended to be written by him at their appointment with the Canons ascribed to the same persons and if according to this his notion he conceive me by the word genuine to affirm that they are rightly so ascribed he is mistaken 12. That those Canons whether to the number of 85. or but of 50 were written by the Apostles I never meant but neither is that the meaning of those that cite them and call them as I have done by the vulgar name of Apostolick Canons If there be any doubt of this I shall prove it by competent testimonies whether among Papists or Protestants Of the former in stead of many I instance only in that account which Gabriel Albispine in his Observations rendreth of it that some of these Canons the fifty he means being made by the Successors of the Apostles the
parallel remains compleat betwixt Clement's one Epistle set out from the King's Library and Ignatius's seven set out from the Medicaean Greek and our old Latine Copies 14. And for Polâ—carpe and him the comparison will be more easie by viewing the testimonies by the Lord Primate produced out of the Ancients concerning each of them prefixt before the one common volume of both their Epistles And indeed of them two the advantage is clearly on Ignatius's side because as generally they that make mention of the one joyn the other with him with the same reverence onely giving the precedence to Ignatius St. Hierome ad Helvidium may stand for many Can I not saith he summon the whole Catalogue of antient Writers Ignatius Polycarpe So Polycarpe himself in his Epistle gives his testimony and commendations of Ignatius and his Epistles and from him it is that originally we fetch our collection and just esteem of them I hope I shall not need to adde more to justifie my conâ—idence in that matter 15. Secondly For my affirming that Salmasius and Blondel were the first that thought these Epistles of Ignatius to be feigned and counterfeit which is the one thing that must bear all the weight of my accusation for confidence in asserting confidence in imposing upon Readers oscit ancie or contempt in considering them my account will bee soon given by viewing my periods on which this charge is layd and they are three two set down in his Text one in his Margent The two former are fully and truly cited by him That in the Margent is set down imperfectly and lyes thus in the Dissert it should be c. 23. sect 3. In his quiâ—pe Rebus in EcclesiaÌ„ primaevâ gestis ut an Ignatius Epistolas scripserit unicum D. Blondellum aut alterum fortassis inter omnes mortales Walonem Messalinum rectius judicare quam patres universos This is to conclude that in matters of fact done in the first Ages of the Church one Blondel or perhaps his second Salmasius passe a righter judgement than all the Fathers 16. The plain sense and drift of these words is this that when there was a Copie of Ignatius produced which had in it the several sentences which the Fathers all without exception of one cited from Ignatius by which it appears that those Fathers universally gave credit to these Epistles in this form in which D. Blondel and Salmasius reject them and when this was taken notice of by Blondel as an objection against his discourse his ipsis Epistolis Patres fidem adhibuisse That the Fathers gave credit to these very Epistles and that answered by Blondel with a Quid tum Quam multa minimè suspicaces ac imparatos fefellerunt semper quotidie fallunt What matter for that How many things both have alwaies deceived and doe daily deceive persons that are not suspicious and upon their guard From this answer of Blondels I conclude that if he hath reason on his side in it then the judgement of one or two Modern Writers Blondel and Salmasius is to be preferred before all the Fathers and that in a matter of story a narration of things done in the Primitive times wherein the Fathers lived and from whence these others are so many hundred years distant 17. This conclusion of mine as it is most undeniably deduced from Blondel's words and is I think a competent evidence of the unreasonableness of his proceedings for it is obvious to all men who are the most competent Judges or Witnesses of matters of fact sure they which are neerest the times and have the most uniform consent of others that speak of it not they that are but singular Affirmers and at a vast distance from it so it is a full interpretation of my meaning not that Blondel and Salmasius were the first of men which ever opposed any Volume of Ignatius's Epistles or that thought them I mean again any that goe under that name or any volume of such set out by any feigned or counterfeit but that they were the first which rejected those more emendate Copies found upon tryal to accord with all that the Fathers cite from them and so which are by themselves confest to be the very Epistles which the Father 's used and own'd as Ignatius's 18. An evidence of the truth of this I shall produce from Blondel's own words in his Preface p. 40 where mentioning how greedily he laid hold of the Laurentian Copy lent him by Vossius in Manuscript how he transcribed it with his own hand collated it diligently with the places cited from these Epistles by the Antients and if it were done studiosè diligently those Antients must be Polycarpe Irenaeus Origen Eusebius Athanasius Hierome Chrysostome Theodoret c. at length he confesses se gratulatum seculo nostro quod illud ipsum exemplar quo ante 1300 annos usus erat Eusebius novam ipsi propediem affulsuram lucem sponderet that he congratulated our age that that very Copie which Eusebius used 1300 yeares agoe promised now to bestow new light upon the Age. 19. Here it appeares that in his dispassionate impartial judgement founded on prudent consideration and his having used the best means of judging this Copie which Blondel rejected was the Copie that the Antients own'd particularly Eusebius And of his rejecting this Copy not any other formerly published among us it is most evident that I speak in all the places of the Dissertations and consequently that unlesse some other man can now be named which rejected this Copy the Laurentian I mean set out by Vossius to which the old Latine one publisht by the Lord Primate is answerable though a barbarous translation or the Copy which Eusebius and the Fathers used before Blondel and Salmasius rejected it I have affirmed that which is exactly the truth and am guilty neither of confidence nor imposing nor oscitancy nor contempt of the Reader 20. And then I pray how was I concerned in the negations and arguments of the Vir doctissimus which Vedelius answered which must needs belong to the Epistles then extant and carried about in Ignatius's name could not by divination be confronted to this Edition of Vossius or to the Laurentian or our old Latine Manuscripts which may well be presumed to have never been heard of by him or Vedelius either and yet are the onely volume of Ignatius's Epistles there spoken of by me and of which my affirmation proceeds As for this vir Doctissimus I have now been able to consult Vedelius and * there I first find that he hath neither Name nor Book delivered to us and that in all probability he never publisht any word to that purpose And for what hath past betwixt private men in more private Letters I know not that I was obliged to take any notice if I had remembred that Anonymus ineditus vir doctissimus 2 That this unus quidam vir doctissimus is mentioned as the onely person and
and yet farther as the causes of these pride prejudice and selfulness and to conclude pitifull intanglements and snares c. 4. This is truly somewhat above the proportion of the turgent style or the but four barbarous words in seven Epistles and yet I verily believe the Section is genuine no part of it inserted by any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it bears so perfect proportion with what I have hitherto had from the same hand And the assuring him that all this might if he had so pleased have been very easily spared is all that I have to return to the more Rhetorical part of this Section 5. Onely when after all this severity he thinks fit to give me some of his benediction at parting and to allow me a room among men of good abilities in their wayes and very commendable industry I cannot but remember the critical note of Eumaniâ—es the Atticist that the ordinary form of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Epistles was first used by Cleon to the Athenians after he had taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from them whereupon a Comical person answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 You Sir are the first that bid us be well and rejoyce having given us much cause of sadnesse This our English proverb expresses very significantly and I that had as little right to his plaister as I had to the displeasure which made him think I wanted it may tell him he hath dispensed both without any merit of mine 6. As for the argumentative part of his discourse I shall now come briefly to that and doubt not to shew 1. That Blondel's Collection was very strange and so merited the expression that was bestowed on it instar prodigii I meant not that it lookt like a blazing star or any other such prodigie 2. That solius was not foisted in by me In a word that all really was as I pretended it to be This must be cleared by a brief narration of the whole passage as it lyes visible in the fift Dissert c. 8. 7. There was a sedition in the Church of Achaia the Metropolis whereof was Corinth and that advancing so high as to the ejecting their Bishops out of their office 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and these Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those very persons which by the Apostles had been either designed and put upon the list or actually ordained and constituted among them 8. This was done saith Clemens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for one or two onely persons sakes whom the actors in the commâ—… had a mind to advance to that office 9. For the calming this tempest Clemens makes use of many methods and arguments of perswasion At length he betakes himself to the persons for the advancing of whom all this stir was made this tempest was raised To them he thus makes his address Tels them what Mâ—ses had done when the people were in a foul sin being himself content to be blotted out of the book of the living rather than the wrath of God should light on the people and then in the words which are set dowâ— by the Prefacer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Who then among you is a generous person who hath bowels of kindnesse and compassion who is replenished with love or charity Let him thâ—â— say to this seditious multitude If the sedition and contention and schisms are for me or my sake viz. that I am not in so great place or office as you contend and desire to have me I am gone I depart to what place soever you will and doe what the multitude appoint me onely let the flock of Christ â—e at peace with the Elders that are placed over them Adding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus godly men have done and will doe and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Many have removed out of their own Cities that the Sedition might not farther extend it selfe 10. In these words nothing can be more manifest than 1. That this short Oration to the tumultâ—ous people was onely designed to still their commotion and to reduce them at once to peace and subjection to their superiors placed over them in the Church And so it can be no farther argumentative than to that or the like case or conjuncture viz. that for the acquiring peace to the publick and quiet subjection to Governours any generous or charitable person ought even to leave his Country if need so require and if that will doe it to doe or suffer any thing for the regaining the publick peace not that every Christian is in all cases bound to doe this or that what is charitable in these circumstances is simply and without them necessary For then the example there used of Mâ—ses must be obligatory too and every man shall at all times be bound to wiâ—â— and pray what in that one case he did 11. Secondly That it is by Clement put into the mouth not of the true Bishops or Elders duly constituted among them at that time for should they have offer'd to gâ—e â—ut and depart 1. There is no â—…sâ—ion but they had been permitted to do so by them who had already ejected them from their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Ministration And 2. how could the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the flock be at peace together with these â—…tuted Elders i. e. with these that were already constituted in case they should thus depart And 3. how had lemens done the worke to which his whoâ—e Epistle was designed viz. re-establiâ—ht the true Governours in their â—hâ—irs again if they had thus by his advise departed But I say this speech of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I am gone I depart is by Clement put into the mouth of the one or two persons 〈…〉 fâ—r whose sakes this commotion was raised against their Ecclâ—…sticâ—l Governours 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and this is so manifest that it is to him that shall but lightly view the place in the Epistle impossible to make any question of it 12. Thirdly â—t is here as manifest that the recesse here sâ—oâ—en of and after exempliâ—ied in the 〈◊〉 the many that had done so and in like manner by Kings and Princâ—â— that in times of plagues had in obedience to the Oracleâ— delivered themselves up to death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that by their own blood thâ—y â—…t resâ—… and â—â—livâ—r their citizens as before it had been by Moses 〈◊〉 â—…ver blot me out was an act of geneâ—… charity in theâ—… that should doe it a mere spontaneous voluntary recesse no act of ordinary duty or obligation And consequently though it were very lawfull for Clemens to advise this generosity yet it had been very ill in the seditious people to require them to be gone who so earnestly desired the restoring them to peace and due subjection and so this can be no instance of the peoples power in this or any thing else 13. These things being granted the strangeness of Blondel's conclusions from the words will immediately appear They are two the one set down p.
desire I forthwith payd a due respect and in such manner as I was able gave you a scheme of my thoughts on that Prophecie and then soon after my answer sent to you I received a second Letter from you in which you said That which you have now sent me is the laying down of all the very grounds which I have laid down for the interpreting the Apocalypse and unlesse it be in one little particular the concurrence is exactly the same for the interpretation of the several parts And then you proceeded in that Letter to give mee the summe of every part of the Prophecie which is the exact summe of your interpretation which is published And this second Letter was dated Decemb. 18. 1648. I have thus punctually set down the times because it is very likely that you cannot with so much ease distinguish the times as may clear you perfectly from that calumnie if you think fit to take any notice thereof at all All that I shall adde to this seasonable assistance of my ill memorie is but this that Grotius's Notes were not published till the year 16â—0 And so much above what 〈◊〉 intended in answer to that suggestion 39. The fourth thing is that which is concluded from mine own Apologie as he is pleased to call it Dissert 5. c. 1. sect 24. where I said that I was glad to find by Grotius ' s Annotations on the Revelation read hastily by me after the Dissertations were finisht and transcribed for the Printer that he was of my opinion concerning a Gentile and a Jewish congregation of Christians in the same city How I offended in this or why this should be styled an Apologie or what I should have said in any syllable otherwise than I did I confesse I cannot imagine This onely I know that it was perfect truth what there I said that that whole discourse about the two sorts of Assemblies and Bishops in every branch of it was made before his Annotations either were read by me or publisht that if I had had his authority to have voucht for the whole observation I should most gladly have own'd it and counted it my interest to doe so that I might not be blamed for the singularity of the observation by those who were otherwise minded That as it was I was glad I had his suffrage and accordingly expressed I was so 40. And now truly I am very little concern'd in the gloss which quite contrary to my expectation I find put upon it were it not my duty to avert the suspition of a vice and the ill example consequent to it I should never have disturbed the fly which he tels me this hath let into my pot of ointment The Prefacer should have had my free leave to have said this and much more so long as it was so far from truth against me without my making any word of solemn reply to it As it is I am not ill pleased that I am now at an end of it Sect. 2. A digression concerning some jealousies spread of Hugo Grotius 1. YEt because I will be as little in the debt of that learned man Hugo Grotius as I may and because I have the occasion offer'd which suggests it my duty to make some return of gratitude to so good a friend of mine as I am told he is I shall doe it in a way which seems to me most proper at this time 2. This very pious learned judicious man hath of late among many fallen under a very unhappy fate being most unjustly calumniated sometimes as a Socinian sometimes as a Papist and as if he had learnt to reconcile Contradictories or the most distant extreames sometimes as both of them together 3. For that of his being a Socinian three things are vulgarly made use of to infuse that jealousie into mens minds 1. Some parcels of a Letter of his to Crellius 2. Some relations of what past from him at his death 3. Some passages in his Annotations Of these it may suffice to say briefly that the collection which is made from the first and the whole of the second is perfect calumnie and forgery the third an injustice in the publisher 4. For the first of them having seen above 20. years since 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fragments or excerpta of a letter of his to Crellius on occasion of that mans defense of Socinus against his excellent book De satisfactione Christi wherein there were many civilities and commendations of what was any way commendable in the Socinian writings and finding that this was lookt on as an indication of his judgement very favourable to that sect that instead of replying to his confutation he returned nothing but words of kindnesse and esteeme to him and his whole tribe and having then commodity to make a more particular inquirie into the truth of that whole matter I accordingly made use of it and had this account from that lâ—arned man which as well as my memory will afford I will set downe intirely 1. that upon the Survey of Crellius's book against him he found there was but one thing of any weight which seemed to stand in force against him and to exact any reply from him and that was about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vicaria satisfactio one mans laying downe his life for another the innocent to rescue the nocent Secondly that after the publication of his Book De Satisfactione but withall long before Crellius's reply he had taken that one particular into more serious consideration and in his book De Jure Belli ac Pacis set downe his thoughts on that subject more exactly I thinke it was l. 2. c. 21. Thirdly that to that discourse he remitted him being of opinion that he needed not adde any more in relation to that Controversie as it lay betwixt them joyning as appears by the Excerpta many passages of civility and commendations which he thought duâ— to them in one respect their profest desire to advance the practice of vertue and Christian life And this account of this letter gives it a quite different and distant appearance from that which the fragments all of one sort taken alone out of this conjunction had given it 5. For the second concerning some words which are reported variously to have past from him at his death they will be evidenced to be either totally falsified or fouly mistaken and distorted from the true meaning of them by the account given of his sicknesse and last passages by John Quistorpius Doctor of Divinity and Pastor of the chiefe Church in Rostâ—ch who assisted him in his last tryall His Letter being already in Print in Causabone's little Booke intituled as I remember De Vsu verborum I must not here set it downe but referre the Reader to that view of it where he will finde no other words of his but these when the Doctor wished he had been to converse with him in health his answer was it a Deo visum est thus God hath pleased
principelium urbium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad quos provinciae integrae in iâ— multarum inferiorum â—…bium Ecclesiae earumque Epâ—scopi tanquam ad Archiâ—pâ—scopum aut Metropolitanum pertinebant The Doctor in this Chapter commences per saltum and taking it for granted that he hath proved Diâ—cesan Bishops sufficiently before though he hath scarce spoken any one word to that purpose in his whole book for to prove one superintending in a Church by the name of a Bishop others acting in some kinde of subordination to him by the name of Elders and Presbyters upon the account of what hath been offered concerning the state of the Churches in those dayes will no way reach to the maintenance of this presumption he sacrifices his paines to the Metropoliticall Archiâ—piscopall dignity which as we must suppose is so clearly founded in Scripture and Antiquity that they are as blind as Bars and Moles who cannot see the ground and foundation of it But first be it taken for granted that the Angels of the seven Churches are taken for the Governors of those Churches then that each Angell be an Individuall Bishop of the Church to which he did belong 2 be it also gâ—anted that they were Bishops of the most eminent Church or Churches in that province or Roman politicall distribution of those Countreys in the management of the government of them I say Bishops of such Churches not uâ—bium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Doctor termes them what aâ—…ce is maâ—e by all this to the Assertation of a Metropoliticall Archiepâ—…pacy I cannot as yet â—…isâ—…vâ—r That they were ordinary officers of Christs institution relâ—…ing in their office and ordinary discharge of it not oneâ—y to the particular Churches wherein they were placed but to many Churches also no lesse committed to their charge than these wherein they did reside the Officers Rulers Go â—…ors of which Churches depended on them not onely as to their advice and counsell but as to their power and jurisdiction holding their place and employment from them is some part of that which in this undertaking is incumbent on our Doctor to make good if he will not be supposed to prevaricate in the cause in hand 3. Being here called out anew to the maintaining of what I had said in the Dissert concerning Metropoliticall Churches and Bishops and having so lately been ingaged in the same taske by the exceptions of the London-Ministers and many objections which here in the processe of this discourse are lightly proposed being by them formerly made and accordingly answer accommodated to them and yet farther the maine thing which is here done being to set downe many Latine passages out of the Dissert and to deem them confuted by the bare recitall of them upon these grounds I doe not foresee that there will be any necessitâ— of making any large returnes to this last but not concisest part of his digressâ—on What had been returned to the London-Ministers the Reader will finde in that Vindication Cap. 1. Sect. 16 of which number by the fault of the â—…rinter â—e will meet with two Section and so on for the three subsequent Sections and to the Dissertationâ— themselves and that viâ—…ication of them I shall willingly referre this matter Yet shall I not oâ—…t to gather up whatsoever I shall here finde â—…ggested which was not there punctually spoken to and of that nature here are foure things in this Paragraph 4. First that in the 5. Ch. of Diss 4. I commence per saltum taking it for granted that I had proved Diocesan Bishops before though saith he I had scarce spoken one word to that purpose in my whole Booke To this I answer that as in the first Dissertation had answered one sort of objections against Episcopacy and in the whole second Diss asserted it out of Ignatius and Saint Hierome himselfe so in the third I had deduced it from Christ and the Apostles and I suppose laid those grounds and by all antiquity confirmed and by answer of Blondel's objections vindicated them so that they were competently fitted to beare that structure of Episcopacie which I had laid upon them and then having in the fourth Diss added to this the visible practice of this in the hands of single Governors whether the Apostles in their severaâ—l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or their successors the first Bishops called secundarie Apostles mentioned in the Scripture and yet more particularly in the Angels of the seven Churches which being acknowledged to be the Governors of those Churches were proved to be single Governors of them which was the onely thing in question betwixt Blondel and me I had some reason to hope that I might be allowed to have spoken some one word to that purpose in that Booke before I came to prove those Angels to have been Metropolitans which he knowes was not attempted tâ—ll all this of Episcopacie had been premised by me 5. The reason which he addâ—s in a parenthesis why he affirmes thus expresly that I had scarce spoken one word to prove a Diocesan Bishop in that Booke is the second thing I am to reply to For saith he to prove one superintending in a Church by the name of Bishop others acting in some kinde of subordination to him under the name of Elders and Presbyters will no way reach to the maintenance of this presumâ—tion 6. To which I answer that the question lying as there it did betwixt Blondel and me there can be no doubt but if I have evinced the power in every Church to have been in the hands of a single Bishop and either no college of Presbyters in that Church or else those Presbyters subordinate to the Bishop meaning by subordinate subject to his power and authority over them I have also evinced the cause against Blondel And this I may have leave to hope is there done till the contrary be made appeare and here being no offer of that but onely a mention of the account of what hath been offered by the Prefacer concerning the state of the Churches in those dayes 1. that account hath already been shewn to have no force in it 2. if it had it belongs not to the controversie as it lay betwixt me and Blondel but is as contrary to Blondelâ— pretensions as to mine and so still I cannot see how I fell under his Animadversion in this matter or how I commenced per saltum in doing what there I did as regularly as I could imagine 7. The third thing is that I call the Bishops of the most eminent Churches urbium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom he will have called Bishops onely But of this there can be no Controversie the fitnesse and propriety of words being to be judged from the use of them and the case being cleare that a Metropolitan especially a Primate was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the antient Councels and Church-writings and from them and not from Scripture which useth no higher style for them than of