separable from his Person is High Treason by the Law of the Land which is so declared by that learned man of the Law Sir Edward Coke so much magnified by this present Parliament who in the 7. part of his Reports in Calv. Case fo 11. saith thus In the reigne of Edward the second the Spencers the Father and Son to cover the Treason hatched in their hearts invented this damnable and damned opinion that Homage and Oath of Ligeance was more by reason of the Kings Crowne that is of his politicke capacity then by reason of the person of the King upon which opinion they inferred 3. execrable and detestable consequences 1. If the King doe not demeane himselfe by reason in the right of his Crowne his lieges are bound by Oath to remove the King 2. seeing that the King could not be reformed by suit of Law that ought to be done per aspertee that is by force 3. That his lieges be bound to governe in aid of him and in default of him All which were condemned by two Parliaments one in the raigne of Edw 2. called exilium Hugonis le Spencer and the other in Anno 1. Edw. 3. cap. 2. And that the naturall body and politicke makes one indivisible body and that these two bodies incorporate in one person make one body and not divers is resolved as the Law of England 4. Eliz. Ploydon Com. fol. 213. by Sir Cobert Catlin Lord Chiefe Justice of England Sir James Dier Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas the Lord Sanders Lord Chiefe Baron of the Exchequer and by the rest of the Judges viz. Justice Rastall Justice Browne Justice Corbet Justice Weston Baron Frevyll Conne and Pewdrell Sergeant Gerrard Atturny Generall Carreâ— Atturny of the Dutch Plowdon the learnedst man of that age in the knowledge of the Law and Customes of the Realm 8. The Law in all ages without any controversie is and hath beene That no Act of Parliament bindes the Subjects of this Land without the assent of the King either for person Lands Goods or Fame No man can shew any sillable letter or line to the contrary in the bookes of the Law or printed Acts of Parliament in any age in this Land If the vertuall Power be in the Houses there needes no assent of the Kings The stiles of the Acts printed from 9. Hen. 3. to 1. Hen. 7. were either 9 Hen. 3. Magna Charta So in every age till this day and in every Kings time as appears by the Acts in Print 1 part of the Instit Sect. 234. in fine where many of the Law-Bookes are cited 7. H. 7.14.12 of Hen. 7.20 The King ordaines at his Parliament c. or the King ordaineth by the advice of his Prelats and Barons and at the humble Petition of the Commons c. In Hen. 7. his time the Stile altered and hath sithence continued thus It is ordained by the Kings Majesty and the Lords spirituall and temporall and Commons in this present Parliament assembled So that alwayes the Assent of the King giveth the life to all as the soule to the body and therefore our Law-Bookes call the King the Fountaine of Justice and the life of the Law 9. 2. H. 4. c. 22. 4 pars instit 42. M. Prin in his Treatise of the great Seale Fol. 17.27 Hen. 8. Chap. 24. Mercy as well as Justice belongs by the law of the Land only to the King This is confessed by Master Prynn and it is so without any quection The King can only pardon and never more cause to have sufficient pardons then in such troublesome times as these and God send us pardons and peace None can give any pardon but the King by the Law of the Land The whole and sole power of pardoning Treasons and Felonies belongs to the King are the words of the Law and it is a delusion to take it from any other and utterly invalid 27 Hen. 8. Cap 24. 10. Queene Elizabeth summoned her first Parliament to be held the 23. of January in the first yeare of Her Majesties Raigne The Lords and Commons assembled by force of the same writ the 23. day the Queen fell sick and could not appeare in her person in Parliament that day and therefore prorogued it untill the 25. of the same Month of January Resolved by all the Judges of England 3 Of Eliz. Dier 203. that the Parliament began not the day of the returne of the writ viz. the 23. of January when the Lords and Commons appeared but the 25. of the said moneth when the Queen came in person Which sheweth evidently that this virtuall presence is a meere deluding fiction that hath no ground in Law reason or sense They have the King now a prisoner at Holmby with guards upon him and yet they governe by the vertuall Power of their Prisoner These are some of the causes and reasons which moved me to deliver that paper to Master Corbet which I am ready to justifie with my life and should hold it a great honour to die for the honourable and holy Lawes of the Land That which will save this Land from destruction is an Act of Oblivion and His Majesties gracious generall pardon the Souldiers their Arears and every man his owne and Truth and Peace established in the Land and a favourable regard to the satisfaction of tender Consciences Aprill 29. 1647. David Jenkins THE ARMIES INDEMNITY With Addition Together With a Declaration shewing how every Subject of England ought to be tried for Treasons Felonies and all other Capitall Crimes as it is set down in the Lawes of the LAND By David Jenkins now Prisoner in the Tower of LONDON Printed in the Yeare 1647. The Armies Indemnity c. UPon the publishing of the Ordinance of the 22. of May last for the Indemnity of the Army certain Gentlemen well affected to the peace of the Kingdome and safety of the Army desired me to set downe in writing whether by the Law of the Land the said Ordinance did secure them from danger as to the matters therein mentioned For whose satisfaction in a businesse wherein the lives and fortunes of so many men were concerned and the Peace of the Kingdome involved I conceived I was bound in duty and conscience faithfully and truly to set downe what the Law of the Land therein is which accordingly I have with all sincerity expressed in this following discourse The danger of the Army by the Law of the Land is apparent to all men 25. Ed. 3. c. 11. 2 Ri. 2. cap. 3. 1 Hen. 4. c. 10. 1 and 2. Phil. and Mary c. 10 It is high Treason by the Law of the Land to leavy warre against the King to compasse or imagine his death or the death of his Queene or of his eldest Sonne to counterfeit his Money or his great Seale They are the words of the Law Other Treasons then are specified in that Act are declared to be no Treasons untill the King and
facto but not de jure Ed. 4. c. â— but not de jure as appeares by the Acts of Parliament declaring them so And by all our Law-Bookes and the fundamentall constitution of the Land Regall power is hereditarie and not elective For the words vulgus-elegerit if vulgus be applyed to the House of Commons 1 H. 7. they of themselves can make no Lawes The Peeres were never yet tearmed vulgus but allowing they be so called the Lawes to be made must be just and who is fit to judge thereof is before made evident Customes cannot referre to future time â—5 Ob. and both are conpled Lawes and Customes Princes have beene deposed and may be by the two Houfes go. The deposers were Traytors Sol. as appeares by the resolution of all the Judges of England Coke Chap. Treason in the second part of the Institutes And never was King deposed but in tumultuous and mad times and by the power of Armies and they who were to be the succeeding Kings in the head of them as Edward the third and Henry the fourth The appeale to the Parliament for errors in judgements in all Courts 16 Ob. is frequent go. This is onely to the House of Lords Sol. and that is not the Parliament the House of Commons have nothing to doe therewith and in the House of Peeres if a Writ of Error be brought to reverse any judgement there is first a petition to the King for the allowance thereof and the reason of the Law in this case is for that the Judges of the Land all of them the Kings Councell and twelve Masters of the Chancerie assist there by whose advice erroneous judgements are redressed The Parliaments have determined of the rights of Kings 17 Ob. as in Henry the sixts time and others and Parliaments have bound the succession of Kings as appeares by the Statute of the thirteenth of Q. Elizab. Chapter the first and the discent of the Crowne is guided rather by a Parliamentarie Title then by Common Law go. If this Objection be true Sol. that the Title to the Crowne is by Parliament then we had no Usurpers for they all had Parliaments to back them yea Richard the third that Monster All cur Bookes of Law say they have the Crowne by discent and the Statutes of the Land declare that they have the same by inherent birth-right And the Statute of the thirteenth of Elizabeth the first Chapter was made to secure Q Elizabeth against the Qu. of Scaâ—â— then in the kingdome clayming the Grown of England and having many adherent◠〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 And that Statute to that end a firmes no such power in the two Homfor which is the Question but in Q Elizabeth and the two Houses which makes against the pretence of this time Master Prynne fol. 104. of his booke intituled The Parliaments supreme power c. Objecting the Statute of the first of Queen Elizabeth and his own Oath that the king is the onely supreme Governour of this Realme Answers The Parliament is the supreme power and the king supreme Governour And yet there he allowes him a Negative Voyce and fol. 107. confesseth that Acts of Parliament translated the Crowne from the right Heires at Common-law to others who had no good Title then the Parliamentary Title makes not the king so powerfull in truth that it escapes from a man unawares To make a distinction betweene Supreme Governour and Supreme power is very strange for who can Governe without power The king assembles the Parliament by His Writ adjourns Vide Speed 645.4 par Instit 27. 1. prorogues and dissolves the Parliament by the law at his pleasure as is evident by constant practise the House of Commons never sate after an adjournment of the Parliament by the kings command Where is the supreme Power The king by his Oath 1â—â— Ob. is bound to deny no man right much lesse the Parliament to agree to all just and necessary lawes proposed by them to the king This is the substance of the discourse against the kings Negative Voyce The king is so bound as is set downe in the Objection but who shall judge whether the Bill proposed be just and necessary Sol. For all that they doe propose are so pretended and carried in either House sometimes by one or two Voyces or some few as aforesaid and certainly as hath been shewn the king his Councell of State his Judges Sargeants Attorney Sollicitor and twelve Masters of the Chatcery can better judge of them then two or three or few more Mr. Pryn fol. 45. In his book of the Parliaments interest to nominate Privie-Councellors calleth the opinion of the Spencers to divide the Person of the King from his Crowne a strange opinion Calvins case 7. pars fol. 11. and cites Calvins Case but leaves out the conclusions there in mentioned fol. 15. Master Prynne saith there But let this opinion bee what it will without the Kings Grace and Pardon it will goe very far and two Acts of Parliament there mentioned are beyond an opinion And in his Book of the opening of the Great Scale fol. 17. The Parliament hath no jurisdiction to use the Great Seale for Pardons Generall or Particular Where is the Supreme power Mr. â—9 Ob. Prynnes opening of the Seale pag. 19. saith The Noblemen and State the day after the Funerall of King Henry the third King Edward the first his sonne being in the Holy Land made a new Great Seale and Keepers of the same And in Henry the sixts time in the first yeere of his Reigne the like was done in Parliament A facto Sol. ad jus is no good Argument for that in Edward the firsts time it was no Parliament for King Henry the 3. was dead which dissolved the Parliament if called in his time and it could be no Parliament of Edward the firsts time for no Writ issued to summon a Parliament in his Name nor could issue but under that New Seale it was so sodainly done after Henry the thirds death King Edward the first being then in the Holy Land it was the first yeere of his Reign and no Parliament was held that yeere nor the second yeere of his Reigne The first Parliament that was in his Reigne was in the third yeere of his Reigne as appeares by the Printed Acts. Also the making of that Seale was by some Lords then present What hand had the Commons in it Concerning the Seale made in Henry the sixths time the Protector was Vice-Roy according to the course of Law and so the making of that Seal was by the Protector in the Kings name and that Protector Humphrey Duke of Gloucester as Protector in the kings Name summoned that Parliament and was Protector made by the Lords and not in Parliament as appeareth plainely for that Parliament was in the first of Henry the sixth and the first holden in his time and power given by Commission to the
said Duke then Protector to summon that Parliament Prynne ibid. fol. 19. â—â—t the new count câ—fe it Seale was made when the King was at Gâ—xford in his own kingdome and not in the holy Land Mâ— Prynne in his Book of the two Houses power to impose Taxes restraines Malignants against any Habeas Corpus 20. Ob. c. saith that the Parliament is above Magna Charta and fol. 15. ibid. The Parliament hath power over Magna Charta to repeale the same when there is Cause This Argument supposeth that they have the kings power Sol. which hath appeared formerly they have not But suppose they had Magna Charta containes many morall Lawes which by the Law of the Land a Parliament cannot alter 21 H. 7.2 D. Student 2. Dialogue For example it saith cap 18 Justice shall not be sold delayed noâ— denyed to any man but by this Argument the Parliament may make law to delay deny and to sell Justice which surely is a very ill position to maintaine What they would have doth now by the Propositions sent to Nâ—â—â— castlâ— to his Majesty appeare whereby they would have him divest himselfe and settle in them all his kingly power by Sea and land and of themselves â—o have power without him today upon the people of this land what taxes they think meet to abolish the Common prayer booke to abolish Episcopacie and to introduce a Church Government not yet agreed but such as they shall agree on His Majesâ—y finding 〈◊〉 prevailing pâ—rty in both Houses to 〈…〉 and being chased away with Tumults from London leaves the Houses for these Reasons 〈◊〉 First because to 〈◊〉 the Government for Religion in against the king 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against their Oathes For every of them hath sworne in this Parliament That His Mâ—jâ—sty is the 〈◊〉 supreme Governour in all Causes Ecclesiasticall and over all persons Thirdly This course is against Magna Charta the 1. chap. and the last Salvae suis Episcopis omnes libertates suae Confirmed by thirty two Acts of Parliament and in the two and fortieth of Edward the third in the first Chapter enacts If any Statute be made to the contrary it shall be holden for none and so it is for Judgements at Law in the 25. of Edward the 1. chap. 1 2. The Great Charter is declared to bee the Common Law of the Land Fourthly they endeavour to take away by their Propositions the Government of Bishops which is as ancient as Christianity in this Land and the Book of Common-Prayer setled by five Acts of Parliament and compiled by the Reformers and Martyrs and practised in the time of foure Princes Fifthly these Propositions taking away from His Majesty all his power by land and Sea rob him of that which all his Ancestours kings of this Realme have enjoyed That Enjoyment and Usage makes the Law and a Right by the same to His Majesty They are against their owne Protestation made this Parliament viz. to maintaine His Royall person Honour and Estate They are against their Covenant which doth say that they will not diminish His Just Power and Greatnesse For these Reasons His Majesty hath left them and as iâ— beleeved will refuse to agree to the said Propositions as by the Fundamentall Law of the land hee may having a Negative Voyce to any Bills proposed The result of all is upon the whole matter That the king thus leaving of the Houses and his Denyall to passe the said Propositions are so farre from making him a Tyrant or not in a condition to Governe at the present That thereby hee is rendred a Just Magnanimous and pious Prince so that by this it appeares clearly to whom the Miseries of these Times are to be imputed The remedy for all is an Act of Oblivion and a Generall pardon God save the KING DAVID JENKINS now Prisoner in the Tower 28 Aprilis 1647. THE CORDIALL OF JVDGE JENKINS For the good People of LONDON In Reply to a thing called AN Answer to the Poysonous Seditious Paper of Mr David Jenkins By H.P. Barrester of Lincolns-Inne Printed in the Yeare 1647. The Cordial of Judge Jenkings for the good People of London c. After the said Mr H.P. hath made a recitall of the Heads of my Vindication hee deduceth his Answer unto these eight Particulars which follow verbatum 1. It cannot be denyed but the Parliament sits by the Kings Writ â—ay if Statute Law be greater then the Kings Writ it cannot be denyed but the Parliament sits or ought to sit by something greater then the Kings Writ And if it be confessed that the Parliament sits by the Kings Writ but does not Act by the Kings Writ then it must follow that the Parliament is a void vaine Court and sits to no purpose nay it must also follow that the Parliament is of lesse authority and of lesse use then any other inferiour Court forasmuch as it is not in the Kings power to controule other Courts or to prevent them from sitting or Acting 2. This is a grosse non sequitur the Kings power is in himself Ergo it is not derived to nor does reside virtually in the Parliament For the light of the Sun remaines imbodied and unexhausted in the Globe of the Sun at the same time as it is diffused and displayed through all the body of the â—yre and who sees not that the King without emptying himselfe gives commissions daily of Oyer and Terminer to others which yet he himselfe can neither frustrate nor clude but for my part I conceive it is a great errour to inferre that the Parliament has onely the Kings power because it has the Kings power in it for it seemes to me that the Parliament does both sit and act by concurrent power devolved both from the King and Kingdom And this in some things is more obvious and apparent then in others For by what power does the Parliament grant Subsidies to the King if only by the power which the King gives then the King may take Subsidies without any grant from the Parliament and if it be so by a power which the people give to the Parliament Then it will follow the Parliament has a power given both by King and Kingdome 3. The sending Propositions to the King and desiring his concurrence is scarce worth an Answer for Subjects may humbly petition for that which is their strict right and property Nay it may sometimes beseeme a superiour to preferre suite to an inferiour for matters in themselves duâ— God himselfe has not utterly disdained to beseech his own miserable impious unworthy creatures besides t is not our Tenet that the King has no power because he has not all power nor that the King cannot at all promote our happinesse because hee has no just claime to procure our ruine 4. We affirm not that the Kings power is separated from his Person so as the two Spencers affirmed neither doe we frame conclusions out of that separation as the two
Spencers did either that the King may be removed for misdemeanours or reformed per aspertè or that the Subject is bound to govern in ayde of him we only say that his power is distinguishable from his person and when he himself makes a distinction betwixt them commanding one thing by his Legall Writs Courts and Officers and commanding another thing extrajudically by word of mouth Letters or Ministers we are to obey his power rather then his person 5. We take not from the King all power of pardoning Delinquents we only say it is not proper to him quarto modo For if the King pardon him which hath murthered my sonne his pardon shall not cut me off from my appeale and 't is more unreasonable that the Kings pardon should make a whole State which hath suffered remedilesse then any private man So if the King should deny indemnity to these which in the furie of Warre have done thingâ— unjustifiable by the Lawes of Peace and thereby keep the wounds of the State from being bound up 't is equitable that an Act of Indemnity should be made forcible another may And if this will not hold yet this is no good consequence the King is absolute in point of pardons therefore he is absolâ—â—e in all things else and the Parliament hath no power to discharge Delinquencies therefore it hath no power in other matters 6. The Parliament hath declared the King to be in no condition to govern but this must not be interpreted rigidly and without distinction for if the King with his sword drawn in his hand and pursuing the Parliament and their adherents as Rebels be not fit for all Acts of Government yet 't is not hereby insinuated that he is divested of the habit or right of governing If he be unqualified now he is not unqualified for the future if he may not doe things destructive to the Parliament he is not barred from returning to the Parliament or doing justice to the Parliament This is a frivolous cavil and subturfuge 7. We sweare that the King is our supreme Governour over all persons and in all Causes but we doe not sweare that he is above all Law nor above the safety of his people which is the end of the Law and indeed Paramount to the Law it selfe If he be above all Law or liable to no restraint of our Law then we are no freer then the French or the Turks and if he be above the prime and of Law common fafety then we are not so free as the French or Turks For if the totall subversion of the French or the Turk were attempted they might by Gods Law imprinted in the Book of Nature justifie a self-defence but we must remedilesty perish when the King pleases to command our threats Besides how atchieved the King of England such a Supremacie above all Law and the community it selfe for whose behoofe Law was made If Gods donation be pleaded which is not speciall to him or different from what other Kings may pretend toâ— then to what purpose serve our Laws nay to what purpose serve the Laws of other Countries for by this generall donation all Nations are condemned to all servitude as well as we If the Law of this Land be appealed to what Books hath Mr Ienkins read where hath he found on t that Lex Regia whereby the people of England have given away from themselves all right in themselves Some of our Books tell us that we are more free then the French that the King cannot oppresse us in our our persons or estates by imprisonment denying justice or laying Taxes without our consents other Books tell us that the safety of the people is the supreme Law and that the King hath both God and the Law for his Superiour But all this is nothing to learned Mr Ienkins 8. We admit that no Acts of Parliament are compleat or formally binding without the Kings assent yet this is still to be denyed that therefore without this assent particularly exprest the two Houses can doe nothing nor have any virtuall power at all no not to examine Mr Ienkins nor to doe any other thing of like nature though in order to publick justice and safety I have done and wish Mr Ienkins would call in and lick up againe his black infamous execrable reproaches so filthily vomited out against the Parliament To the first I Was examined by a Committee appointed by the House of Commons I say and said that the House of Commons have no power to examine me for that it is no Court every Court hath power to examine upon Oath this power the House of Commons never claimed The Court of Pie-powders Court-Baron Hundred Court 5 H. 4. c. 3. 3 H. 6.46 1 H 6.43 35 H. 6.5 County Court and every other Court of Record or not of Record hath power to examine upon oath and an examination without Oath is a communication only examination in Law is upon Oath There is no Court without a power of tryall the House of Commons have no power to try any offence Sir Anthony Maynes case Cook 5. pars Reports Lit. 2. lib. Sect. 194.6 H. 4.1 nor ever practised it by Bill Inditement Information Plaint or Originall to deduce it to tryal nor to try it by Verdict Demurrer or Examination of Witnesses upon Oath without which there can be no condemnation or judgement and that which can attaine to no reasonable end the Law rejects as a thing inutile and uselesse Sapiens incipit a fine The Writ Whereby they are called gives them power Aâ— faciendum consentiendum to what to such things Que ibidem de communi Consilie ordinari contigerint 4 pars instit fol. 4. 9. viz. in the Parliament This makes nothing at all for a Court for the House of Commons that consilium which that Writ intends is cleared partly by the Writ for chusing Knights c. For the King by that Writ is said to resolve to consult and treat with the Prelates and Peeres of the Kingdome for and touching the great concernments of the Common-wealth for the King never sits in the House of Commons and this also is made evident by the Writs to the Prelates Peeres Iudges and to his Councell at Law the words in their Writ are To appear and attend the Parliament consilium impensuri the one doth consulere the other facere consentire The House of Lords where the King sits in person 7. H. 6.28 1 H. 7.20 13. E. 3. ca. 5. 4 pars instit pag. 21. assisted by his Lords Judges Serjeants Atturney Sollicitor Masters of the Cnancery is a Court of Record to many purposes set down in the Books of Law and the Statutes of the Land and that Court is only in the House of Lords where the Kings sits A Court must either be by the Kings Patent Statute Law or by the Common Law which is common and constant usage the House of Commons hath no Patent to be a
the ruine of King and people AD. 3. The Gent. affirms That the sonding Propositions to the King and desiring his concurrence is carce worth an answer for Sub ects may humbly petition for that which is their strict right and property c. The Propositions sent to Newcastle are in print wherein the two Houses are so farre from humbly petitioning that they stile not themselves his Majesties Subjects as appeares by the Propositions That they have a strict right or property to any one of these Propositions is a strange assertion every one of them being against the Lawes now in force Have the two Houses a strict right and property to lay upon the people what Taxes they shall judge meet To pardon all Treasons c. that is one of their Propositions Have they a strict right and proporty to pardon themselves and so for all the rest of their Propositions These Propositions have been Voted by both Houses 12 H. 7.20 1 Iac. cap. 1. 1 Car. cap. 7. the Kings assent theâ— being drawn into Bills makes them Acts of Parliment Hath the King no right to assent or dis-assent Was the sending but a Complement All our law-Law-Books and Statutes speak otherwise This Gent. and others must give an account one time or other for such delusions put upon the people AD. 4. The Gent. saith They affirm not that the Kings power is separated from his person so as the two Spencers affirmed c. His Majesties person is now at Holnby under their Guards have they not severed his power from him when by no power they have left him he can have two of his Chaplaines who have not taken their Covenant to attend him for the exercise of his Conscience For the three Conclusions of the Spencers 15. Ed. 2. Exilium Hugonis 1 E. 3. c. 2. Calvins case 7 Pars Reports 11. doe not the two Houses act every of them They saâ— his Majesty hath broken his Trust touching the Government of his people They have raised Armies to take him they have taken him and imprisoned him they govern themselves they make Lawes impose Taxes make Iudges Sheriffes and take upon them omnia insigna summae pâ—tâ—statis Is not this to remove the King for misdemeanours to reform per aspertè to govern in aide of him the three Conclusions of the â—Pencers Doe they think the good people of England are become stupid and will not â—t length see these things The Gentleman saith They doe not separate his power from his Person but distinguish it c. His power is in his legall Writs Plowd 4. Eliz. 213. the Kings power and his Person are indivisible Courts and Officers when they counterfeit the Great Seale and seale Writs with the same make Iudges themselves Courts and Officers by their own Ordinances against his consent declared under his true Great Seale of England not by word of mouth letters or ministers only their Seale is obeyed their own Writs their own Iudges their own Courts their own Officers and not the Kings The time will come when such strange actions and discourses will be lamented AD. 5. The Gentleman goes on We take not from the King all power of pardoning Delinquents we only say it is not proper to him quarto modo c. What doe you meane by quarto modo I am sure Omnis Rex Angliae solus Rex semper Rex can doe it and none else read the Books of the Law to this purpose collected by that reverend and learned Iudge Stanford Stanfor Plcas 99. 27 H 8. c. 24. Dier 163. from all Antiquity to his time who dyed in the last year of King Philip and Queen Maries Reign you shall finde this a truth undeniable and this power was never questioned in any Age in any Book by any untill this time that every thing is put to the question You Gentlemen who professe the Law and maintaine the party against the King return at length and bring not so much scandall upon the Law which preserves all by publishing such incredible things We hold only what the Law holds the Kings Prerogative and the Subjects Liberty are determined and bounded and admeasured by the written Law what they are 1 Pars Instâ—t pag. 344. Plowd 3. Eliz. 236 237. we doe not hold the King to have any more power neither doth His Majesty claime any other but what the Law gives him the two Houses by the Law of this Land have no colour of power either to make Delinquents or pardon Delinquents the King contradicting and the Army under Sir Thomas Fairfax howbeit but Souldiers doe now understand that to be Law and doe now evidently see and assuredly know that it is not an Ordinance of the two Houses but an act of Parliament made by the King Lords and Commons that will secure them and let this Army remember their executed fellow Souldiers And the Law was alwayes so taken by all men untill these troubles that have begot Monsters of opinions AD. 6. This Gentleman sayes The Parliament hath declared the King to be in no condition to govern c. There is no end of your distinctions I and you professe the Law shew me Law for your distinctions or letter syllable or line in any Age in the Books of the Law that the King may in one time be in no condition to govern and yet have the habit of governing and another time he may viz. when the two Houses will suffer him The Law saith thus Vbi lex non distinguit non est distinguendum He sayes The King is not barred from returning to His Parliament as he calls the two Houses he knowes the contrary the whole City knowes the contrary Nos juris consulti sumus sacerdotes as Institian the Emperour hath it in the first Book of his Institutions and therefore knowledge and truth should come from our lips Worth and ingenious men will remember and reflect upon that passage of that good and wise man Seneca Non qua itur sed qua eundum follow not the rayes of the Lawyers of the House of Commons God forgive them I am sure the King will if they be wise and seek it in time AD. 7. The Gent. sayes We sweare that the King is our supreme Governour over all persons and in all causes c. Why hath he lest out the word only for the oath the Members now take is that King Charles is now the only and supreme Governour in all causes over all persons 5 Elâ—z cap. 1. Cawdreys case 5 pars fol. 1. and yet they keep their only Supreme Governour now in prison and act now in Parliament by vertue of their Prisoners Writ and by a concurrent power in this Parliament and by their own strict right and property as the Gent. This Oath is allowed by the Common Lâ—w of the Land affirms in his Answer These things agree well with their Oath that the King is the only Supreme Governour in all causes over
and the subversion of the Law and Land laying taxes on the people never heard of before in this Land devised new oathes to oppose forces ray fed by the King not to adhaere to him but to them in this Warre which they call the Negative Oath and the Vow and Covenant By severall wayes never used in this Kingdome they have raised monies to foment this warre and especially to inrich some among them namely first Excise secondly Contributions thirdly Sequestrations fourthly Fift parts fiftly Twentieth Parts fixtly Meale-money seventhly Sale of Plundered goods â—ightly Loanes ninthly Benevolences tenthly Collections upon their Fast-dayes eleventhly new Inpositions upon Merchandizes twelvethly Guards maintained upon the charge of private men thirteenthly Fifty Subsidies at one time fourteenthly Compositions with such as they call Delinquents fifteenthly Sale of Bishops lands c. From the Kings party meanes of subsistance are taken 1 R. 3. cap. 3. â—ract li. 3. c. 8. Stanford 192. Sir Ger. Fleetwoods Case 8. pars Cook 7. H. 4 last lease before any indictment their Lands seized their goods taken the Law allows a Traytor or Fellon attainted Necessaria sibi familie sua in victâ—â— vâ—stitu where is the Covenant where is the Petition of light where is the liberty of the subject First We have ayded the King in this warre contrary to the negative oath and other votes Our warrant is the twenty fifth of Edward the third the second Chapter and the said resolutions of all the Judges Secondly Wee have maintained the Commission of Array by the Kings Command contrary to their votes We are warranted by the statute of the fifth of Henry the fourth and the judgement of Sir Edward Cooke the Oracle of the Law as they call him Thirdly We maintained Arch-Bishops and Bishops whom they would suppresse Our warrant is Magna Charta and many statutes more Fourthly we have maintained the booke of Common prayer they suppresse it Our warrant is five acts of Parliament in Edward the sixt and Queene Elizabeths time 5. Peschâ— 35. Elizabeth inter placita Coronae in Banco Regis New booke of Entries sol 252. Penry for publishing two scandalous Libels against the Church government was indicted arraigned attainted and executed at Tyburne Fifthly We maintained the Militia of the Kingdome to belong to the King they the contrary Our warrant is the statute of the seventh of Edward the first and many statures sithence the practise of all times and the custome of the Realm Sixthly We maintained the counterfeiting of the great Seale to be high Treason and so of the usurpation of the Kings Forts Ports Shipping Castles and his Revenue and the Coyning of money against them We have our warrant by the said statute of the twenty fifth of Edward the third Chapter the second and divers others since and the practise of all times Seventhly We maintaine that the King is the only supreme govermour in all causes They that his Majesly is to be governed by them Our warrant is the statures of the first of Q. Eliza. Chapter the first and the fifth of Q. Elizabeth the first Eighthly 9. Ed. 4. sol 4. Wee maintaine that the King is King by an inhaerent birth-right by nature by Gods law and by the layâ— of the Land They say his Kingly right is an 〈…〉 Our warrant is the statute of the first of King Jaâ—â—â— Chapter the first And the resolution of all the Judges of England in Calvins case Ninthly We maintain that the politick capacity iâ— not to be severed from the naturall They hold the contrary Our warrant is two flatures viz. â—xilium Hugonis in Edward the seconds time and the first of Edward the third Chapter the second and their Oracle who hath published it to posterity that it is damnable detestable and execrable Treason Calvins case pars 7. fol. 11. Tenthly we maintain that who aids the King at home or abroad ought not to be molested or questioned for the same they hold and practise the contrary our warrant is the statute of the eleventh of Henry the seventh Chapter the first Eleventhly We maintain that the King hath power to disassent to any Bill agreed by the two Houses which they deny Our warrant is the Statute of the second of Henry the fift and the practise of all times the first of King Charles Chapter the seventh the first of King James Chapter the first Twelfthly We maintain that Parliaments ought to be holden in a grave and peaceable manner without â—â—ults They allowed multitudes of the meanest sort of people to come to Westminster to cry for Coll. of Ord. fol. 31. Justice when they could not have their will and keep guards of armed men to wait upon them Our warrant is the Statute of the seventh of Edward the second and their Oracle Thirteenthly We maintain that there is no state within this Kingdome but the Kings Majesty and that to adhere to any other State within this Kingdome is high treason our warrant is the Statute of the third of King James Chapter the fourth and the â—â—enty third of Queen Elizabeth Chapter the first Fourteenthly We maintain that to levy a warre to remove Councellours to alter religion or any Law established is high Treason They hold the contrary One warrant is the resolutions of all the judges of England in Queen Elisabeths time and their oracle agrees with the same Fifteenthly We maintain that no man should be imprisoned put out of his Lands but by due course of Law and that no man ought to be adjudged to death but by the Law established the customer of the Realm or by act of Parliament They practise the contrary in London Bristol Kent c. Our warrant is Magna Charta Chapter the twenty ninth the Petition of right the third of King Charles and divers Lawes there mentioned We of the Kings party did and do detest Monopolies and ship money and all the grievances of the people as much as any men living we do well know that our estates lives and fortunes are preserved by the Lawes and that the King is bound by his lawes we love Parliaments if the Kings Judges Counsell or Ministers have done amisse they had from the third of November 1640 to the tenth of Ianuary 1641 time to punish them being all left to Justice where is the Kings fault The law faith the King can do no wrong 11 pars Cooks Reports Magdalen Colledge Cale that he is medicus Regni pater patriae sponsus regni qui per annlum is espoused to his Realm at his Coronation The King is Gods Lieutenant and is not able to do an unjust thing these are the words of the Law One great matter is pretended that the people are not sure to enjoy the acts passed this Parliament A succeeding Parliament may repeal them The objection is very weak a Parliament succeeding to that may repeal that repealing Parliament That feare is endlesse and remedilesse for it is the
Court Plowd Com. 319. nor Statute Law to be a Court nor common usage they have no Iournall Book but since E. 6. time was there ever Fine by the House of Commons estreated into the Exchequer For murder or Felony they can imprison no man much lesse for Treason that House which cannot doe the lesse cannot doe the greater It is ordained 25. E. 3. c. 4.3 Car. Petition of Right that no man shall be imprisoned or put out of his Franchise by the King or his Councell but upon Indictment or presentment of his good and lawfull Neighbours where the deed is done or by originall Writ at the Common Law and so is Lex terrae the Law of the land mentioned in Magna Charta cap. 29. expounded and the said Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta are declared by the Stat. of 25. E. 1. c. 1. to be the Common Law of the Land All Iudges and Commissioners are to proceed Secundum legem consuetudinem Regni Anglia as appeares by all proceedings in all Courts and by all Commissions and therefore the House of Commons by themselves proceeding not by Indictment Presentment or Originall Writ have no power to imprison men or put them out of their Franchise This no way trenches upon the Parliament for it is in Law no Parliament without King and both Houses 4 pars Instit pag. 1. 3 Pars Instit p. 23. I have only in my Paper delivered to Mr Corbet applyed my selfe to that Committee that they had no power to examine me 12. â— 7.20 Princes case 8 Pars Cook 1 Pars Instit p. 159. 14. H. 8.3 Dier 38. H. 8.60 1 Pars Instit p. 19. b. but I never thought said or wrote that the Parliament had no power to examine me the Law and custome of this Land is that a Parliament hath power over my life liberty lands and goods and over every other subject but the House of Commons of it selfe hath no such power For the Lord Cooks relation that the House of Commons have imposed Fines and imprisoned men in Queen Elizabeth time and since Few facts of late time never questioned make no legall power nor Court 4 Pa. Instit ca. Parl. Ã facto ad jus is no good argument for the words of the Statute of 6. H. 8. c. 16. that a licence to depart from the House of Commons for any Member thereof is to be entred of Record in the Book of the Clark of the Parliament appointed or to be appointed for that House doth not conclude that the House of Commons is a Court of Record For first that Law of 6. H. 8. c. 26. handles no such question as that whether the House of Commons be a Court it is a maxime in all Lawes Lex aliud tranctans nil probat the word Record there mentioned is only a memoriall of what was done and entred in a Book A Plaint removed out of the County-Court to the Court of the Common-Pleas hath these words in the Writ of remove Fitzh Nat. Br. 70. Fitzh Nat. Br. 13. 12. H 4.23 34. H. 6.49 Recordari facias loquelam c. and yet the County-Court is no Court of Record and so for ancient Demesne in a Writ of false judgement the words are Recordari facias loquelam c. and yet the Court of ancient Demesne is no Court of Recoâ—d and so of a Court Baron the Law and custome of England must be preserved or England will be destroyed and have neither Law nor custome Let any man shew me that the Court of Lords or the House of Commons in any age hath made any man a Delinquent Rege dissentiente the King contradicting it under his Great Seale Sir Giles Mâ—mpessau Michell and others of late were condemned by the prosecution of the House of Commons in King James his time did King James ever contradict it And so of ancient times 4 Pars Inslit Tit. Parliam pag. 23. where the House of Peeres condemned the Lord Latimer in 50. E. 3. the Kings pardon freed him which shewes cleerly that the Kings expresse or implyed assent must of necessity be had to make a Delinquent The Geatleman saith That the Parliament sitâ— or ought to sit by something greater thâ—n the Kings Writ c. No Parliament did ever sit without the Kings Writ nor could ever Parliament begin without the Kings presence in person 4 Pars Instit pag. 4. 6. or by a Guardian of England by pacent under the Kings Great Seale the King being in reâ—â—tiâ— or by Commission under the Great Seale to certaine Lords representing the Kings person and it hath been thus in all Ages unto this Session of Parliament wherein his Majesty hath been pressed and hath passed two Acts of Parliament one for a Triennall Parliament and another for a perpeâ—uall if the Houses please to satisfie their desires â—ow these two Acts agree one with another and with the Statute in E. the thirds time where Parliaments are ordained to be holden every yeare 4 E. 3. c. 14. 36. E. 3. c. 10.21 Iac. the Act of Limitation of Actions cap. 26. and what mischiefes to the people of this Land such length of Parliaments will produce by protections and priviledges to free them and their meniall servants from all debts during their lives if they please to continue it so long and how destructive to mens actions against them by reason of the Statute of Limitations which confines their actions to certain years and many other inconveniences of greater importance is easie to understand How can any man affirm that the two Houses doe act now by the Kings Wrie which relates to Counsell and Treaty with the King concerning the King the defence of his Kingdome and of the Church of England 4 Pars Instit p. 14. these are the three points which it tends to as appeares by the Writ They keep their King prisosoner at Holnby and will not suffer him to consult and treat with them Vow and Covenant p. 11. They have made a Vow and Covenant to assist the Forces raised and continued by both Houses against the Forces raised by the King without their consent and to the same effect have devised the Oath which they call the Negative Oath Is this to to defend the Kings Kingdome or their Kingdome When by their Solemn League and Covonant they extirpate Bishops Deanes and Chapters root and branch is this to defend the Church of England that Church must necessarily be meant that was the Church of England when the said Writ bore test they were not summoned to defend a Church that was not in being 3 Pars Cookâ— Deane and Chapter of Norwich to destroy and defend the Church are very contrary things the Church is not desended when they take away and sell the Lands of the Church The Gentleman saith The King cannot contrâ—le other Courts of Justice or prevent them from sitting or acting and therefore not the
two Houses c. It is true the King cannot controle or prevent his other Courts for that they are his ordinary Courts of common Iustice to administer common right unto all men according to the fixed Lawes 14 H. 8.3 36 H. 8. Dier 60. The Houses make no Court without the King they are no body corporate without the King nor Parliament without the King they all make one corporate body one Court called the Parliament 4 Pars Instit pa. 1. whereof the King is the head and the Court is in the Lords House where the King is present and as a man is no man without a head so the Houses severed from the King as now they are have no power at all and they themselves by levying waâ— against the King and imprisoning of him have made the Statute for not dissolving adjourning or proroging this Parliament of no effect by the said Acts of their own they sit to no purpose without his assent to their Bills they will not suffer him to consult with them and treat and reason with them whereby he may discern what Bills are fit to passe and what not which in all Ages the Kings of this Land have enjoyed as their undoubted Rights and therefore they sit to no purpose by their own disobedience and fault For the ordinary Courts at Westminster 27 H. 8. c. 24. 28 H. 8.11 Dier the Iudges in all those Courts are Iudges by the Kings Patent or Writ otherwise they are no Iudge the Houses can make no Iudges they are no Iudges at all who are made by them the whole sole power of making Iudges belongs to the King the King cannot controule or prevent his own Iudges from sitting or acting but the Houses hee may for they are not the Kings Iudges but the Iudges of the two Houses 2 R. 3.11 In his other Courts the King commits his power to his Iudges by his Patent and they are sworn to doe common right to all men and the King is sworn not to let them from so doing the King cannot judge in those Courts nor controule but the King is both Iudge and Controller in the Court of Parliament Quoad Acts for his assent or dissent doth give life or death to all Bills Many Lawyers have much to answer to God this Kingdome and to pâ—sterity for puzling the poore of this Land with such Fancies as the Gentleman who wrote the Answer to my Paper and others have published in these Troubles which hath been none of the least causes of the raysing and continuing of them And so I have with the first part of his Answer AD. 2. For the Non sequitur in the second Section of the Gent. Answer the Antecedent and the Censequent are his own Quem recitas meus est ô Fidentine libellus Sed malè dum recitas incipit esse tuus My words are that the King is not virtually in the two Houses at Westminster to enable them to grant pardons for that whole and sole power by the Law belongs to the King My Paper hath no such thing 27 H. 8. c. 24. as that the Kings power cannot be derived to others or the vertue of his power For his power and the vertue of his power is in all Patents to his Iudges in Charters to Corporations in Commissions of all sorts and in the Parliament assembled by force of his Writ of Summons so long as they obey him but when they renounce that power and claime it not from the King and declare to the Kingdome that he is not in condition to govern and imprison him and usurp to themselves all Royall Authority as the two Houses now doe no reasonable man can affirm that they act by the power of their prisoner who hath no power to give them that by force of Armes take all the power to themselves The Gent. saith the King grants Commissions daily of Oyer and Terminer which he cannot frustrate nor â—lude 4 E. 4.39 5 F. 4.4 1 Eliz Dyer 165. 1 Mar. Brooks case 447. The King may revoke and discharge the Commission by his Writ as he may remove all Iudges and place other men in their roome and any Kings death determines all the Iudges Patents of Westminster Hall Commissions of Oyer and Terminer c. and so he might dissolve both Houses in all times by his Writ under the Great Seale untill that by this Parliament by his own concession the King of his goodnesse hath secluded himself which goodnesse hath been full ill requited The Gent affirms That the power the Parliament hath is concurrent from the King and Kingdome which he conceives is proved by the Grant of Subsidies to the King by the Parliament The mistaking of this word Parliament hath been mischievous in these times to this Land 4 Pars Instit pag 1. and it is affectedly mistaken which makes the sinne the greater for the two Houses are not the Parliament as before is declared and at this time so to inculcate it when all men know that of the 120 Peeres of the Kingdome who were Temporal Peeres before the Troubles there are not now above 30 in the Lords House and in the House of Commons about 200 of the principall Gent. of the Kingdome left the House and adhered to his Majesty who is imprisoned by them shewes no such candor as is to be desired It is true that no Tallage can be layd upon the people of this Land 25. E. 1. confirmatio chartarum cap. 6. 34. E. 1. cap. 1. de Tallagio non concedendo but by their consent in Parliament as appeareth by the Lawes mentioned in the Margent but you shall finde in Mr Sâ—ldâ—ns learned Book called Mare Clausum a number of Presidents in Henry the Thirds time for Ship-money justly condemned this Parliament to the which his Majesty assented and in truth that Ship-money was condemned before by the said two Statutes of 25. E. 1. 34. E. 1. de Tallagio non concedendo Danegelt Englitery and many grievous burthens were laid upon the people and born untill that memorable Princes time But I am of opinion that the Common Law of the Land did alwayes restraine Kings form all Subsidies and Tallages but by consent in Parliament which doth appear by Magna Charta the last chapter where the Prelates Lords and Communalty gave the King the fifteenth part of their moveables In truth it is no manner of consequence because the King cannot take what he pleaseth of the subâ—ects goods that therefore they have a concurrent power in Parliament there have been many Parliaments and no Subsidies granted Parliaments may be without Subsidies but Subsidies cannot be without Parliaments of ancient time Parliaments rarely granted any unlesse it were in the time of forraine Warres and in my time Qâ— Elizabeth refused a Subsidy granted in Parliament and in the Parliament of â— Jac. none were granted The Gent. should make a conscience of blinding the people with such untrue colours to
by Inditement 25 E. 3. c. 1. Petition of Right 3 Car. presentment of his good and lawfull Neighbours where such deeds bee done in due manner or by processe made by Writ originall at the Common Law This Statute rehearses Magna Charta pag. 29. and expounds Lex terrae the Law of the Land there mentioned This Law binds all men and the House of Commons for they say they are of the Kings Councell in all points but onely against the disturbers of the service of the Parliament and therefore the imprisonment of severall persons who are not their Members and for no disturbance to their Members is utterly against the Law of the Land and the franchise of the Free-men of this Realme Cui non licet quod minus non â—eet quod majus he who may not doe what is lesse may not doe what is greater they cannot commit a man for murder or Felony much lesse for Treason No Court can fine and imprison but a Court of Record the House of Commons is no Court of Record 8 Pars Cook 120. 27 H. 6.8 the House of the Lords where the King is in his Person his Nobles and his Judges and Councell at Law the Masters of the Chancery assisting is a Court of Record and that is the Court of Parliament where the colloquium tractatus is The House of Commons may present grievances grant or not grant aydes consent or not consent to new lawes but for fining and imprisoning any but as aforesaid is but of a late date and no ancient usage They have no Journall Booke but sithence Edw. 6. time 6 Hen. 8. cap. 15. doth not prove the House of Commons to be a Court of Record it mentions onely to be entered on Record in the Booke of the Clerke of the Parliament if any Member depart into the Country There is no Journall there but sithence Ed. 6. time or it is a remembrance or memoriall as 12 H. 4.23 The whole Parliament is one corporate body 14 H. 8.3 36 H. 8. Dier 60. 4 Pars Instit cap. 1. consisting of the Head and three Estates The Court is only there where the Consilium tractatus is where the consult and treaty is with the King which is in the House of Lords onely The House of Commons claime not to examine upon oath any man no Court can bee without a power to give an oath Courts Baron Court of Pipowders County-Court may and doe give oath No Court can bee without a power to try no tryall can be without Oath and therefore the House of Commons not claiming power to give an Oath can bring no matter to tryall and consequently can be no Court. The behaviour of the Commons at a Conference with the Lords the Commons are alwayes uncovered and standing when the Lords sit with their hats on which shewes they are not Colleagues in judgement for fellow Judges owe no such Reverence to their Companions When was ever Fine imposed by the House of Commons estreated in the Exchequer 11 H. 4. câ— â— The ejecting of a Member who hath sitten is against the Law for they cannot remove a man out of the House unduly returned much lesse a man returned duely By these Lawes it appeares 〈◊〉 H. 4. cap. 1. 1 H. 5. cap. 1. 8 H. 6. cap. 7. 23 H. 6. cap. 15 that if any undue returne be made the person returned is to continue a Member the Sheriffes punishment is 200. pound one to the King another to the party that is duly elected imprisonment for a yeare without Baile or Mainprise and that person who is unduly returned shall serve at his owne charge and have no benefit at the end of the Parliament by the Writ De solutione foendorum Militum Civium Burgensium Parliament and the tryall of the falsity of the returne is to be before the Justices of Assises in the proper County or by action of debt in any Court of Record This condemnes the Committee for undue elections which hath been practised but of late times 3 Ed. â— 20. 5 Ed. â— 41. for besides these Lawes it is against a maxime of the Common law an averment is not receivable against the returne of the Sheriffe for his returne is upon Oath which Oath is to be credited in that suit wherein the returne is made The said Statutes condemne and make those members no members which were not resiant in the County or Boroughs for which they were elected at the time 〈◊〉 the rest of the Writ of the Summons of the Parliament and any abusive practice of late times to the contrary is against the Law and ought not to be allowed Assault upon Parliament Men. If a Parliament man or his Meniall Servant be assaulted beaten or wounded in the Parliament time 5 H. 4. cap 6. 11 H. 6 cap 11. proclamation shall bee made where the deed is done that the offender shall render himselfe to the Kings Bench within a quarter of a yeare after proclamation made and the offence there to be tryed for default of appearance the offender is declared attainted of the misdeed and it is accorded that thereafter it bee done likewise in the like Case Serving of processe upon a Lord of the Parliament punished in the Lords House Bogo de Clare 18 E. 3. 4 paâ—s Instit fol. 24. Iohn Thornsbyes case Clerk of the Parliam ibid. 10. E. â— Serving of processe upon Thornsby inquired of in the Chancery and there the offenders were convicted The premisses prove that breaches of priviledge of Parliament may bee punished elsewhere then in Parliament Upon all this Discourse it is easie to discerne what fruits may be expected from this Parliament continuing as long as the two Houses please and that there is no safety for this Common-wealth but by the Observations of their ancient Franchises Customes and Lawes CONCLUSION I Say againe that without an Act of Oblivion a gracious generall Pardon from His Majesty the Arreares of the Souldiers paid a favorable regard had to tender Consciences there will bee neither Truth nor Peace in this Land nor any man secure of any thing he hath The End AN APOLOGY FOR THE ARMY Touching the eight Quaeres upon the late Declarations and Letters from the Army touching sedition falsly charged upon them Wherein those Quaeres are resolved and thereby the present proceedings of the Army are proved to be Legall Just Honorable By DAVID JENKINS Prisoner in the Tower of LONDON Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes Printed in the Yeare 1647. AN APOLOGIE FOR THE ARMY THese Treasonable and insolent Quâ—rieâ— make the Army the Houses Subjects Bracton fol. 118 Stanford f. 2 and not the Kings None by the Lawes of this â—and can in this Kingdome have any Army but His Majesty It appeares the Army doth now evidently perceive that they were mis-led by the specious pretencees of Sulus Papuli the maintenance of the Kings Honour and of the maintenance of