means and which have enforc'd me upon several occasions to make recitals not so full nor so dilated or fortifi'd with Circumstances as I could have wish'd The Reader might have justly expected that I should have given him clearer illustrations of certain matters and that I should have prevented several questions that will remain for him to ask me after due examination of the matter of Fact which I relate But I could not do better and in my opinion 't was much more to the purpose to make but little stay upon some Subjects than to supply the defect of Evidences and Memoirs with the boldness of my own conjectures However I do not pretend thereby to lessen my obligations to those who have assisted me with several important Pieces and who by their generous imparting to me their Books and Manuscripts have furnish'd me with the principal materials of my Work I must acknowledge there were several persons who sent me whatever they had proper to serve me a hundred and two hundred Leagues from hence And as I receiv'd great assistance from those remoter places so have I had the help of many curious Persons in our Neighbourhood Publick and private Libraries the Cabinets and Studies of the more exacter sort where Fugitive Pieces secure themselves and several other Springs and Sources of History were open to me I should most gladly name the Persons that gave me aid not only in regard it is but just they should share with me in the publick acknowledgement to whose instruction they have so liberally contributed but also because they are the Guaranties of what I publish to the World and for that the very names of some among 'em would suffice to demonstrate â—he verity of the Evidences from whence I have drawn the materials of my Labour But the greatest part having desir'd not to be nam'd because of their being related to several persons that are still subject to the general oppression 't is not in my power to afford 'em those Testimonies which I owe to their good will nor to make that Advantage of their names which I might have done were I not oblig'd to a deference for their desires to remain unknown I shall speak in another place of a Collection prepar'd by the deceas'd Mr. Tessereau a person well known to all the World for being Laborious Exact Curious and capable of Collecting whatever might serve to a great Work Nor shall I dissemble the assistance which I had from the Memoirs which he left behind tho at the time of his Death they were found to be in great Disorder But notwithstanding all their aids I fail'd in many others from whence I might have had great light When the Council of France began to search into the Rights of Exercise 't was their pleasure to oblige the Churches to produce the Original Evidences which they pretended to make use of This was a thing in the main of which there was no great necessity But in regard that from that very time they began to take their measures which way to deprive Posterity of the knowledge of their causeless Cavils they were desirous to get into their hands all the Monuments that might preserve 'em to Posterity and only to leave the Reformed such Writings the authority of which they might the more plausibly contest because they were not Originals The Council detain'd the greatest part of those Writings even after the Affairs were determin'd There were very few Churches that could obtain restitution of ' em They who had lost their Causes were told that their papers could no longer signifie any thing to 'em and they who had been more favourably us'd were pay'd off with some scurvy trick or other on purpose to elude their importunities for the restitution of their produc'd Originals Sometimes they were told that the last Decree was worth all their Evidences and so the other were absolutely of no use to ' em Also of late years they bethought themselves of constraining the Consistories to produce all their Papers whether Originals or Copies and the least piece conceal'd was a reason sufficient for the Banishment of the Ministers and demolishing the Churches So that there were very few Churches that durst adventure to put it to the hazard but deliver'd all they had of Instruments and Evidences The pretence for this vexation was that they were resolv'd to discover whatever they had of Estates after the Confiscation of which their Persecutors thirsted with so much Passion But the main reason tho the most conceal'd was their eager desire to deprive 'em of the means to preserve any Memoirs by which Posterity might be truly inform'd of the injustice that was done ' em However to say Truth notwithstanding all these precautions there remain'd sufficient to form the Body of a History large enough tho it cannot be deny'd but that many Churches were despoil'd of the means to afford me those assistances which I might have expected from 'em especially such where the common Evidences belonging to each Province were deposited Moreover it may well be imagin'd that the Manuscripts in the King's Library of that in the College of four Nations and in some others both publick and private were never imparted to me and that I could not find any body that would venture himself to make Extracts useful for my design I might there have found all the Negotiations tending to the Edict all the Instructions of the Commissioners all the Intrigues of the Court at the time of the general Assemblies the whole Project of the Wars and Violences put in practice by the Council of Lewis XIII for the ruin of the Reformed There is no question but that I might have found in the multitude of those Volumes of Manuscripts particular things which I could not have met with otherwhere and to which I could never attain by my conjectures But there are three Considerations to make us some amends for this defect 1. I have collected as well as I could out of such Memoirs as came to my hands the substance of things which might have been found in those Manuscripts more at large and clearer to the understanding and I have suppli'd from those printed Pieces of which we met with a great number the defect of the Manuscripts 2. In regard those Libraries were easie of access to all that wrote against the Reformed for example Bernard Maimbourg Solier la Croix and other indefatigable Persecutors of the Churches of France it may be said that whatever was to their disadvantage in those Manuscripts was recited by their Enemies in their Works and if they have not extracted much 't is a sign they met with but little to feed their Passion so that no body loses but my self for want of those Manuscripts from which I might have had some light toward the justification of those whose defence I have undertaken Now there is no great likelihood that they who apply'd themselves with so much fury and passion to destroy us will
copions in relating the Transactions which belong to the Reign of Hen. IV. as having so strict a Connexion with the Affairs of the Edict which unless they be more distinctly known it would be a difficult thing to judge how justly and how prudently it was resolv'd upon and how necessary to be granted This design which has caus'd me to undertake a History of above fourscore and fifteen years not to speak of the Compendium which comprehends above seventy more has render'd my trouble so much the greater and gave me an occasion to fear my inability to attempt so great a Work I do not presume to boast the extent of an extraordinary Wit and I am clearly convinc'd that neither Force nor delicacy of stile are fallen to my lot My vanity perhaps may flatter me to be worthy of being number'd among the midling sort and if there be any who believe it does not become me to soar so high I am willing to descend a degree lower Moreover I have spent the greatest part of my life in such kind of studies as no way cultivated my Genius for the writing of History And my assiduity in another sort of employment would not permit me the leisure to think upon other things The Persecutions of the Church for so many years have all along overwhelm'd me in tedious frequent and irksome distractions which have engag'd me to cares far different from those that are proper for a person who designs to be a Historian So that it was impossible on my Part that I should come furnish'd to the Work which I have undertaken either with the gifts of a surpassing natural inclination or the sagacity of a cultivated Wit with so much care as necessity requir'd For 't was impossible for me to acquire the knowledge of several Professions of which it is requisite to understand the most common Terms to speak after a manner proper to please and inform when occasion presents it self Consequently it was impossible for me to avoid falling into many errors which perhaps more equitable Readers will pass over but Criticks who are always the greater number will never pardon This may raise against me all those that think themselves more dextrous and witty than others not so much perhaps because they are able to do better but because that having studi'd nothing more in Books than the defects of other Men they believe themselves to have acquir'd the Art to commend and the Priviledge to censure ' em 'T is the custom of these people to fasten upon what is least essential in Books and to make a great noise of the faults which they find there to the end that they whose considerations never pierce to the bottom of things may judge from thence that the whole Work is of no value The Jesuit Palavicini by this Artifice has found no less than three hundred and sixty faults by tale in the History of the Council of Trent written by P. Paolo Sarpio But to fill up the number he was forc'd to make use of all the springs and little engins of fallacy and litigious Cavils to make an ill mark'd Date pass for a Capital Crime one Number mistaken for another Six for Five Twenty for Twenty one and such like trivial Slipps but more especially to tax for contradictory matters of Fact which altogether may be true and agree well enough one with another Who would not think that a Book where no less than 360 faults are found and Arithmetically number'd out should be lookt upon as an ill Book Nevertheless make an abatement from this number of the meer Trifles which change not at all the nature of the matters of Fact and the errors which appear not to be errors only because the Censurer who observes 'em conceals the reasons that justifie 'em you shall see perhaps three fourth parts of the faults pretended vanish of a sudden and the fourth part that remains will not be lookt upon as well prov'd neither till the Character of both Historians be compar'd together till the reasons that support the Objections the Motives that engage either the one or the other to deceive the World and the purity of the Springs from whence the Proofs are drawn for what they aver be rightly examin'd But I never thought that the fear of these inconveniences ought to stop me The cause of Truth and Innocency would be too much abandon'd if men should be afraid of defending it for fear of drawing upon 'em the Censures of People that understand how to falsifie backwards and forwards with an equal boldness We must either renounce writing for the Publick good or harden our selves against these inevitable Rancounters Principally when it is a matter of History and such a History which in favour of Oppress'd Innocence attacques the most formidable Puissances in the world we must expect a Tempest of Injuries Reproaches Lyes and whatsoever else is proper to cry down the Book and Author of it and render both obnoxious to the Indignation of the Vulgar Now as I foresaw that this might befall me it will never be a wonder to me if it happen And I thought I could not better arm my self against these stroaks of interested malice than with Sincerity Truth and Exactness never minding the trouble which imposture and brangling might put me to We never ought to write but for the sake of brave and generous Souls and those of that Character never judge of things without profound consideration gliding over faults that have nothing of Importance or Essential Now I hope they will never be able to surprize me in errors of the latter quality I have endeavour'd to sâ—un all manner of disguises and perhaps I have spoken too plainly and openly of several things which another would have envelop'd in a prudent silence But when it is Impossible to justifie the Innocent but by revealing Truths tho somewhat nice and delicate of necessity it behoves us to lay aside some certain respects that cannot be observ'd without betraying the Cause which we desire to defend This is the only excuse that I intend to make to those who perhaps will find that I speak of certain things with too much liberty I thought it my duty so to do to gain the reputation of greater credit and more clearly and faithfully to inform the Readers of the sources of Events and the grounds of my particular Reflexions The same sincerity which I profess in History obliges me to acknowledge that there may be faults in this Work of mine which may be found to be essential and which perhaps I may be willing to grant for such when they shall be really made out But they will not be imputed to me for such by impartial Judges when I shall make it out from whence they may proceed 'T is certain that I had not all the assistances which were requisite for an enterprize so great as that which I have undertaken There are many things without question which have escap'd me by that
judgment which will be made of my Book depends in some measure upon the truth of the Maxims which I sustain But I should unprofitably extend this Preface by the discussion of a Subject which is at this day become the Theam of all Conversations and of several Books There is nothing more A-la-mode than to handle this important Argument And perhaps a fairer opportunity was never offer'd for people to believe this difficult question decided All Europe has consider'd of it and all Kingdoms having approv'd the Revolutions in Great Britain have by consequence pronounce sentence in favour of the People against the Pretences of Soveraigns Liberty has gain'd the point and Arbitrary Power is generally condemn'd The Rights of Subjects are clear'd up and the Vsurpations of Puissances are disapprov'd 'T is not therefore necessary for me to engage in giving reasons for my sentiments since all Europe has divulg'd 'em for me besides that I shall be oblig'd to speak more expresly upon this Subject in another place There remain only Three Remarks for me to make before I conclude this Preface The first is That some people may think I have done amiss not to set down in the Margin the names of the Authors and the place in their Works from whence I took my observations It seems this is come now to be thought as necessary in Histories as in Polemick Writings But I must confess 't is a custom which I did not think it my duty to submit to In the first place I have the example of all the Historians of any reputation on any side chiefly those who having first of all apply'd themselves to this kind of writing ought to be lookt upon as Models and Presidents for others Besides that it seems as if this abuse were only introduc'd by the Captious out of the Profundity of their refin'd Cavilling who are secretly preparing a way â—o decry the most faithful Histories under pretence of some Quotation found out as a handle for Censure to â—ay hold on The Authors of the first magnitude were â—one of those that impos'd this Law But your Maimbourgs and Souliers a sort of People who if they can but find an opportunity to trifle upon some Quotation believe they have ruin'd at once all the Reputation of their Adversary 'T would be a very hard case that a man who has spent several years in reading hunderds of printed Volumes and thousands of Manuscripts should see the fruits of all his labours blasted by the Cavils of some captious Monk or some skue-disposition'd Wit that should arraign him upon the Truth or Justice of a Marginal Quotation It would be more to the purpose for those that desire to confute my Book to take upon 'em the trouble of reading what I have read that so after that they may be able to judge whether I have faithfully reported what I found in the Authors I consulted Nevertheless to let 'em see that I do not avoid a fair Challenge but only Cavil and Impudence I have in two things follow'd the footsteps of the best Historians First I have given a Catalogue of the Books from whence borrow'd the Materials for my Work and in the next place I have publish'd the principal pieces which I made use of to take from thence the matters of Fact of which I have given the relations They are Printed at the end of every Part. The second Remark concerns the Language You will not find in it perhaps that extraordinary delicacy which now adays gives all the Life and Beauty to Books There is a great deal wherein the Reader will find me nothing at all were but the Lineaments of the Pen and Features of the Draught only taken away For my part I confess there will be many careless neglects found in the Stile many little Faults of which Criticks will make great Monsters I freely give 'em leave nor will it be any wonder to me at all Perhaps I am not really perswaded that what they take for Beauties are really such For it may as well be true that that same Purity of Language so much celebrated which is only learnt in Ladies Chambers and by conversation with persons who to make a right judgment of 'em want nothing but good Sence and Vnderstanding does more injury then it affords luster and honour to the Language It would be more Opulent and Masculine if the rules and regulation of it were sought for in a better Fountain However it were I never labour'd any farther then to make my self understood nor did I ever take the pains to flourish my Stile with certain allurements which perhaps I might have â—ound out as well as another So that where it is not worth my while I never desire to pleasure those that â—…nsist upon Trifles because they are not capable of any thing that is more elevated Nevertheless if they make â—udicious and impartial Remarks upon my Labours whether they regard the matter or whether they have â— relation to the Stile and Manner I promise 'em they â—…all find a Docility in me which Authors are seldom â—…ilty of and that if ever this History of mine be â—…ought worthy of a Second Edition they shall see â—…at I have profited by their just Corrections The third Remark concerns the manner after which I speak of the Clergy of France and chiefly of the Jesuites Some will imagine that I have suffer'd my self to be somewhat too far transported by my Passion when I have occasion to say any thing concerning 'em and that out of the bitterness of my Animosity there is a mis-becoming tartness and virulency in my Expressions To which I answer that they are deceiv'd for I had not spoken those harsh things of 'em but out of a necessity of speaking Truth which I impose upon my self Besides that the evil I have reported of 'em amounts not to a hundredth part of the mischief they have done to all the World and my opinion is that the Jesuits would not have known themselves in this History had I flatter'd ' em They are so accustom'd to see themselves painted out in black Colours in all manner of Writings that it would have been thought I had spoken of some other Order had I given any other description of ' em They also know so well themselves that their Bloody and Perfidious Politicks are the cause of all our misfortunes and they pride themselves to that degree in not observing any measures of Faith or common Humanity with Hereticks any more then with all the rest of Manking that it may be they will look upon all the Reproaches which I throw upon 'em as so many Elogies and behold all the Stroaks and Dashes wherewith I blackned 'em as so many Rayes of Glory which is due to ' em In a word after all the miseries which by their contrivances we have undergone for so many years 't is a very small revenge that ought to bedispleasing to no body to call 'em by their right names
in some important Affair or other he would not stick to make an entire Sacrifice of their Interests to the Catholick Religion Which was the more probable because he was accus'd of â—nconstancy in his Friendship and because among â—ll his Heroick Qualities he wanted that of being Grateful and therefore tho the remembrance of the Services which the Reformed had done â—im were not utterly extinguish'd yet Time might bring it to pass A Prince who had led a â—ife not very regular or rather to speak the real Truth who had wallow'd in excess of Debauâ—hery might well be sensible as he grew in â—ears of the Pains of another World And when these Pains once terrifie the Conscience he would be willing to rescue himself from those â—errors at any price whatever All Services â—nd Friendships are forgot when the main concern is to make ensurances against eternal Death â—nd when there needs but one Victim for a man 〈◊〉 deliver himself he never minds the value of â—he Sacrifice The recalling the Jesuits wherein â—he King suffer'd himself to be led away by a sole â—ar of a Stab from their Hands contrary to the â—esires of all good French men and apparently against the interest of the Reformed shew'd what a power fear had over him and what he was ready to do to preserve himself from being assassinated But the Credit into which that Pernicious Society wound themselves at Court so soon as they had set their feet in it the King 's erroneous Complacency for Cotton the Jesuit of whom he made choice for his Confessor his toleration of the Frauds Attempts and Treacheries of that Villain who as if he had been assur'd of being secure from punishment never gave himself the trouble to conceal ' em His weakness in entrusting the Education of the Dauphin to his care and which oblig'd him to bequeath his heart to that Society for anâ— Ornament to the Church de la Fleche still augmented more and more the mistrusts which the Reformed had of his totterring kindness And indeed there were enough to oblige people whom so many experiments had renderd wise and who had so often been chastiz'd for their credulous simplicity to provide well for their safety to the end they might have wherewithall to defend themselves should their Enemies once go about to renew their Acts of Violence and Injustice But the foresight of Future Events more especially requir'd 'em to be watchful over their own Preservation The King might dye there had been frequent Conspiracies against his Life besides that his Health was often attack'd by dangerous symptomes What tho he might live out twenty or thirty Years longer and that in his extreme old Age he might be vigorous enough to uphold his Edicts this was no more then a lingring of twenty or thirty years after which he was to pay the same Tribute to Nature with all the rest of mankind But there appear'd such preparations against that time that people might be justly then afraid of strange Revolutions The Jesuits would have â—ad time to make themselves Masters of Affairs 〈…〉 King of their own breeding up and Educated 〈…〉 a mortal hatred of the pretended Hereticks and 〈…〉 the most paltry practices of superstition terrifi'd the Reformed as a Prince who would never think himself bound in Conscience to a faithful observation of the Edicts An Italian Queen by â—…clination a Spaniard imbu'd with the Politicks of Rome and fully perswaded that the Reformed â—ight shake the Fortune of her Children by supporting against 'em the interests of another Prince was a new reason for 'em to expect some unlucky Revolution The Projecters of a double Alliance with the House of Austria to say truth little liâ—en'd to by the King but very agreeable to the Queen supported by the Court of Rome push'd forward by the Jesuits by the Leaguers and by the Spanish Pensioners were other motives to make â—…m provide against future Events and to be cautious to prevent surprises The Dauphin being as yet in his Cradle 't was no wonder the King gave no ear to propositions to an Alliance so unseasonable but he might change his mind when his Son came to be of years ripe for Marriage And in truth the King at his death left a Court that thirsted after that Alliance between the two Crowns which the Reformed could not choose but look upon as fatal to their Churches Nor is it to be said that these were vain fears as the Event has too severely justifi'd The King's death the Alliance with Spain the profound engagement of Lewis XIII in superstition his natural hatredof the Reformed his Obedience to the Councils of the Jesuits whatever the Reformed had reason to be afraid of all happen'd almost at the same time and by degrees advanc'd the declination of that Party who had now lost their Protector History affords us proof of all this that all these Events of the Life of Hen. IV. and the whole Conjuncture of Affairs threaten'd the Reformed with approaching Desolation if keeping to their Antient Maxims of believing all things hoping all things and never mistrusting the sincerity of other men nor making use of any other Buckler but that of Simplicity Generosity and Innocence not thinking of the Future but with an imprudent resignation they provided not better for themselves than before the Massacres I conclude from hence that the fears of the Reformed being but too well grounded it was a great piece of injustice to blame 'em for taking measures to secure themselves And since that time has made it out that they were not so provident as they should have been that which may be hence asserted is that they had prudence enough to foresee the Mischief but that they had not the good Fortune to prevent it As to what remains I have this farther Advertisement to give the Reader that it is impossible but that I must have made some mistakes in the Date of the Years in the First Book of this Part. The custom of beginning the Year at Easter not being laid aside till under Charles IX as I did not think my self bound to count the Years according to that custom so neither did I shun it altogether So that it may so fall out that I have related under the Date of one Year what according to the custom of time ought to have been put down under the Date of the Year preceding If I did not take that care my reason is that in so short â—n Abstract as that of my First Book the mistake of Date which refers to the beginning of the Year that which belongs to the end of another can be of â—o great consequence I should have been more exact had I handl'd that part of the History more 〈…〉 large The Epistle of the famous James Augustus de Thou to Hen. IV. which serves for a Preface to his History having always been lookt upon as a most accomplish'd Piece and not only for one of the Four Writings of
4th Demand The Possession of Estates and the Rights of Successions 5th Demand Vnsuspected Judges Chambers Mipartie or of the Edict 6th Demand To be admitted to all Offices the extent of this Concession Illusion upon that Demand 7th Demand Securities Reasons for demanding them The Election of Governours for the places of security How they were serviceable to the King The paying of Garrisons Private Gifts Debates upon the Form of Concessions which doth vary according to the nature of the thing The distinction of Places The form of Payment The Conclusion AS in the Sequel of the Negotiation of the Edict there was little Alterations made in what had been agreed upon between the King's Commissioners and the Deputies of the Assembly it might be well said that the Treatise ended with the Month of August of the present Year and that the end of the same was in a manner the Epocha or Date of all the Grants peculiar to the Edict of Nants Thitherto the substance of things had been the main Business whereas afterwards the rest of the Difficulties and Debates was for the most part only about the Form and Circumstances But before we come to the Conclusion of this Important Affair it behoveth us for the better clearing thereof to take notice of a Book which came out this Year after the taking of Amiens under the Title of Complaints of the Reformed Churches of France about the Violences they suffered in many places of the Kingdom for which they have with all humility applied themselves at several times to his Majesty and the Lords of his Council The Manuscript of this Book had been handed about last Year and contained in substance the same Complaints that were set forth in a Petition presented to the King during the Siege of la Fere but it was publickly printed this Year with some new matters of fact which the Reformed had occasion to add to it besides some alteration in the form It can hardly be imagined with what cunning the generality of Historians do extenuate or lay aside those Complaints though they are indeed as a Manifesto which gives the reason of the Conduct of the Reformed and makes an Apology for their innocence It is true that amongst them there were some who disapproved the Impression of the Book but we shall not wonder at it if we consider that they had their Politicians and Courtiers who were always of a contrary opinion and whom the Court used as so many Tools to divide the Minds or elude the vigorous Proceedings of the Assembly Besides that part of the Reformed who lived within the reach of the Court in the neighbourhood of Paris being frighted at the sight of their small number were apt enough to be dazled with fair Words and Promises and highly commending that complaisant Behaviour did always speak the Court language either out of weakness or interest We shall see in the Sequel of this History the sad effects of that timorous Policy even after the expedition of the Edict and when it was about to be verified in Parliament But the disowning of a small number doth not hinder the Cause of those Complaints to be most real and all the Matters of Fact mentioned therein to have been the Subject of so many Petitions presented to the King and the Occasion that made the Assembly keep firm to their Demands The Piece is very Eloquent for those Times it moves the Passions well but especially Compassion and Indignation are so lively excited there that it is not easie to read the Work without pitying those who complain of so many Evils and without being angry with them who refused to remedy them There you may see above two hundred particular Instances of Injustices or Violences committed against the Reformed with all the Circumstances of Persons Actions and Time which so exact particularizing of Matters of Fact evidently sheweth that they had unquestionable Proofs in hand and feared not to be misrepresented since they made so publick Complaints and gave such Particulars thereof as made the thing easie to be inquired into Since therefore the Wrongs and Cruelties the Reformed complained of in that Book were the Causes of all those pretended rebellious Proceedings their Enemies have since upbraided them with it will be no great digression from the History of the Edict nor tedious to the Readers to give them a View of those Complaints as short as things of that nature can bear it First The Reformed began with vindicating the Liberty they took to complain which in a Kingdom so free as France was ought not to be blamed in those from whom the quality of Subjects and Frenchmen could not be taken away who had been sufferers so long and who had been so serviceable to the State They declar'd nevertheless that they complained with regret and were forced to discover the shame of their Country by the fury of their Enemies which they exaggerated with all the Expressions and Figures the Hearts of Men are apt to be affected by Afterwards they addressed their Discourse to the King and the better to move him with pity they most submissively shew'd that they were neither Spaniards nor Leaguers and there they made a rehearsal of their great Services done to the State and to himself from his very Cradle against those two sorts of Enemies and of the great Efforts they had made under his valiant and wise Conduct to defend that Crown which he wore on his Head adding that these Truths which were clear and known to all the World had put them in hopes that though they were asleep the King himself and all the good Frenchmen that were left would have thought in their stead of not suffering such a necessary and servicable part of the Nation to be ruined and lost That yet during these eight Years they had seen no diminution in the Catholicks hatred nor any abatement in their Miseries That their Enemies had now if not more Malice at least more means to annoy them because the Reformed did so frankly throw themselves into the King 's Arms. That the Catholicks had even been emboldened against them from their Loyal Affection and Patience as being assured they would never be revenged of any Outrage done them for fear of raising new Troubles in so dangerous a Conjuncture That the Truce which their Enemies would fain have pass for a Peace which ought to content them if as 't was said they could be contented with any thing was infinitely more prejudicial to them than the open War during which they were aware of their known Foes and blessed be God with sufficient means to take from them either the desire or the power of hurting them That a great part of their Enemies had taken up Arms against the Crown for much less even upon account of Fears without ground whereas now the Reformed remained peaceable though spurred by real and present Evils and attacked on all sides with such a cruel animosity
the King could not be admitted before taking an Oath that they would be Catholicks being moreover forced to declare their charge vacant ipso facto if they should ever happen to break their Oath In some places they were sent back without so much as hearing their Complaints in others they were turned out even after they had been admitted and suffered to execute their Places or else they were forced to dispose of them in favour of the Catholicks The Parliament of Bourdeaux had opposed during three Years the re establishing a Presidial Court at Bergerac where it had been setled before and the Debate about it was still depending in the Grand Council at the time of these Complaints In several Provinces Gentlemen were forbid to appoint Protestant Judges in their Fiefs on pain of forfeiting the same nay the Parliament of Paris when yet sitting at Tours inserted in their Decree for verifying the Edict which revoked those of the League that upon the presentation of Letters Patents to the Court an Inquiry into the Behaviour Manner and Religion of the Presenters should be always ordered and that they could not be admitted without giving a sufficient Testimony of their being Catholicks save only in the City of Rochel and other such Towns as were held by the Reformed at the time of the Edicts of the League as I have related in the Second Book of this History in the Year 1591. About the same time the Deputies of the Reformed were told even in the King's Council that they were under a great mistake if they thought they should ever be admitted to Offices whatever Edicts Orders from the Court and Decrees of Parliaments they might obtain whereof they gave instances in all sorts of Offices of Judges in Parliaments and Presidial-Courts of Sollicitors General of Publick Notaries of Attorneys and Sergeants The Parliament of Grenoble though formerly rescued out of the hands of the Duke of Savoy by the Arms of the Reformed was now still refusing to admit Vulson who had obtained a Patent for a Judges place in the same Court and had already been tired with five Years vain pursuits One of the Reformed having obtained a Patent for the Place of one Colas Vice Seneschal of Montelimar an obstinate Rebel who would never be reconciled with the King whom he forced to besiege him in La Fere whereof he stiled himself Count that Reformed I say could never get his Patent allow'd by the Parliament of Grenoble but after he had to facilitate the matter treated with Colas for the Place and bought it of him then the Parliament admitted him to the Proof of his good Behaviour and Manners and kept him eighteen Months about it being even yet uncertain of the issue of this business at the time of these Complaints The same Parliament had taken away the Precedency from some Judges who were ancienter than their Catholick Brethren and had been admitted even during the League which put them to the charge of obtaining new Edicts new Orders and peremptory Decrees from the Council All this was followed with Complaints about many Seditious Expressions uttered against them and connived at in Parliaments and other Seats of Judicature where in full Court they had been call'd Dogs Turks Hereticks Heteroclites of the new Opinion a People who deserved to be destroy'd with Fire and Sword and expelled out of the Kingdom Their being Hereticks added they had been allowed in several Courts as a sufficient cause of exception as if the Laws of the Emperours against the Manichees had been made against them Seguier one of the King's Sollicitors-General in the Parliament of Paris speaking in the Cause of Roche Chalais a very considerable Gentleman amongst the Reformed had said that they were unworthy of the King's Edicts that the benefit of the Laws belonged only to the Catholicks and that if the Court should give a Verdict in favour of this Gentleman to restore him to his Estate the King's Council would oppose and take it away from him as from an unworthy Heretick They related thereupon several Instances of Justice denied to the Reformed of Murders left unpunished of unjust Condemnations without a legal Process of false Witnesses tolerated though convicted A famous Highway-man being thought to be of the Reformed Religion was sentenced at Bourdeaux to be quartered alive and fined five hundred Crowns two hundred whereof accrued to the King and the rest was appliable as the Court should think fit but the Criminal having declared to a Jesuit that he had been a Catholick for two Years past the Punishment was changed into beheading and the Fine applied to the repairing of the Jesuits Colledge The extraordinary Assizes of the Parliament of Paris being held at Lyon such of the Reformed as went thither to demand Justice against the Catholicks of Saint Stephen of Furant were called Seditious Persons who troubled the Judges with their Complaints They added That the Writs obtained by the Reformed for bringing Causes from a suspected Parliament before another were eluded by denying them Letters of Pareatis or Hereof fail not which they were forced to sue for sometimes whole six Months together but that at Bourdeaux they would do worse for there they judged the cause definitively and then granted Letters of Pareatis Whereupon it was observed that the Parliaments did the Reformed more harm by their ill will than the King was by his good will able to redress Whereupon they inlarged upon the great difference between the verification of the Edicts granted to the League and those granted to the Reformed in order to grant them a Peace the former being allowed without alteration or reservation and with a great deal of Pomp and Solemnity as Edicts the Syllables Letters and the very Accents whereof were looked upon as so many Props of the State whereas the latter were either thrown off with a thousand shifts delays and tricks or allow'd with so many limitations and exceptions that they were made altogether useless And here they brought in very pat the great Abuses formerly offered to Parliaments by the League the Massacre of Duranti at Thoulouse and the shameful Death of Brisson at Paris There they shew'd also how little satisfied the Reformed were with the Edict of 1577. which in their judgment was not fit for the present time for it put them in a worse condition than the War had left them in which reflected on them a thousand ways therefore they had not demanded but constantly refused it Whereupon they observed with what difficulty the Edict which re-established the same had passed in the Parliament of Paris they did not forget the shiftings and tricks of the Attorney-General and the several reasons urged to hinder the verifying of it insomuch that it was carried in the affirmative only by three voices They named here the Parliaments which would not verifie it but above all they observ'd the severity of that of Dijon which likewise refused it tho' the King going through
we may enjoy what is common to all your Subjects that is much less than what you have granted to your furious Enemies your rebel Leaguers An Edict which may not constrain you to dispose of your Dominions but as you please which may not force you to exhaust your Treasure or to burthen your People with Taxes It is neither Ambition nor Avarice moves us but the Glory of God the Liberty of our Consciences the Tranquility of the State the Security of our Lives and Fortunes these are the heighth of our Desires and the only aim of all our Petitions Altho' the reformed Courtiers in a manner disowned these Complaints as I observed before yet it is certain that they could not deny the truth of the several Facts contained therein nor that there was a necessity to put a stop to so many Injustices and Violences but they imbraced the Opinion of the Court which was much offended at the Form of those Complaints and would fain have had the Reformed to wait for another time to publish them but upon the whole the generality of the Reformed spoke their Minds in that Book and it cannot be doubted but it had been viewed by the ablest Men of the Party nay it may be easily perceived by the Style that the greatest amongst them had notice of it and even given to the Subject a great part of its Form What most vexed the Court in the printing of it was their being now and then upbraided in it with bitter Reproaches of past Services which were so much the more insupportable because they were just and well-grounded that the warm Strain of this little Piece made them sensible they had to do with Men who took the thing to Heart and whose Courage was not yet lost and that in fine such a long Series of Injustices Outrages and Violences made them ashamed of their so long delaying to satisfie those who deserved at their hands a more favourable usage insomuch that the Court's dissatisfaction served only to make them resolve to handle this Affair more seriously and put an end to such an important Negotiation But before we proceed any farther it behoves us to make at least slightly some Reflections upon this Abridgment of their Complaints First They make it appear That this Business of the Reformed was no trifling Matter and that their Fears and Jealousies were but too well grounded which is the more observable that in complaints of this nature as every body knows commonly no other Facts are related but such as are most notorious and important and that a great deal more are buried in oblivion either because the Complaints thereof have not been made by the Parties concerned or that they appeared less clear or of a less moment in their circumstances Secondly These Complaints do well answer the Reproaches made to the Reformed That they followed the King too close when he was in his greatest Perplexities But this must not be wondred at since 't was at that very time they were used worst and that the Facts here mentioned except perhaps thirty were all recent and had happened either in this or the foregoing Year giving therefore just causes of Fears and Jealousies to the Reformed who were from day to day by so much the greater sufferers as the Peace and Re-union of the Catholicks was more forwarded by the reduction of the Leaguers In fine Those Complaints may serve to shew the Injustice of those Tricks used to elude the Edict in these last Years since that the Edict having been granted upon Complaints made by the Reformed of such-like Vexations it was impossible to renew them without acting directly against the intention of that irrevocable Law In the mean while the Year was spun out with tedious Delays as I observed before and though the Reformed had with a wonderful patience overcome their grief occasioned by them the minds on both sides were nevertheless grown sour and much exasperated the King himself expressed sometimes his resentment nay he would now and then let out some menacing words very pat to the purpose and he had once written to his Commissioners that it would grieve him to the very heart to come to Extremities with the Reformed whom he loved more than they loved themselves This new Language the King had been taught of late since the retaking of Amiens had a much worse effect than it was thought at Court and the Reformed who found it so different from that which was used with them when the King stood in need of their assistance and when he invited them to shed the rest of their Blood at the Siege of that place they drew I say very sad Consequences from that change which seemed to them to imply as much as if they were told that their Tranquility could never agree with the Prosperity of the State since they were cajoled only when the King's Affairs were embroiled but that when the same began to clear up they were told they must surrender at discretion that when the success of the King's Enterprises was dubious fair Promises Prayers tender and pathetick Intreaties were used to them but that when the Court was puffed up with some advantagious Success then their most just Petitions were answered with Shiftings and Menaces from whence they concluded that since new Causes of Mistrust were given them they ought also to take new Precautions against the ill Designs of their Enemies The Dukes of Bouillon and La Trimouille were the most exasperated of all because they were sensible that the Court's Threatnings chiefly aimed at them being looked upon there as the Authors of those Motions made in the Assembly contrary to what the Catholicks called the Publick Good and the King's Service but what the Reformed called the Artifices of the Council and the Oppression of their Consciences Therefore the Assembly was no less importunate than before They had sent new Deputies to Court with full Instructions which were altered as new Difficulties arose besides they seriously examined the Answers sent them by the King's Commissioners and as they had sent some Gentlemen to England and to the Vnited Provinces in order to beg the Intercession of those faithful Allies of the Crown they also expresly charged their Deputies to wait upon the Protestant Embassadors now at the Court of France and represent to them how necessary it was to satisfie the Reformed that the King might be able to give the Spaniards or the Duke of Mercoeur some considerable Blow to make them sensible that the Affairs of Religion instead of being forwarded were delay'd at Court insomuch that they knew not when the end of such a tedious Negotiation might be hoped for and to engage them by the general Interest of the Protestants to see it brought to a happy conclusion The Points left still undecided were not so little important but that they well deserved this warm pursuit The Council started new Difficulties about the Right of Exercise in respect to
and others left undecided for Reasons of State The fifth Demand was for obtaining an equal number of Judges of both Religions in all Parliaments and was grounded upon the ill-will of these Courts who daily did notorious pieces of Injustice to the Reformed and started a World of Difficulties and Scruples in the verifying of the Edicts granted for their Security Which they had made out with so many Instances in the Book of their Complaints that the Court was not able to deny it and thought it very insignificant to allow them only some Protestant Judges in each Court since it was certain that where-ever the Number of Catholicks were greater the Reformed should be infallibly cast But the Parliaments had such an Interest to prevent the multiplying of Offices in their Bodies and the dismembring of their Jurisdictions that this Affair met with many Difficulties and Obstacles The King nevertheless granted one miparted Chamber in the Parliaments of Thoulouse Bordeaux and Grenoble where all the Causes of the Reformed should respectively be brought There was already one at Castres and some reformed Judges had been establish'd in the Parliament of Grenoble and it seem'd that the Reformed of Dauphine where Lesdiguieres had a full Power had nothing common in several Affairs with those of the same Religion in the other Province three Judges were then added to the former to make up a miparted Chamber which at the very Time of its Creation was incorporated with the Parliament insomuch that its Members were call'd in when ever any thing was to be debated in a full House Moreover the King promised to erect a Chamber at Paris consisting of ten Catholick Judges and six reformed and those Protestants who lived within the respective Jurisdictions of the Parliaments of Rouen Rennes and Dijon had their choice either to bring their Causes before that of their own Province or before any of the Chambers granted in the nearest of them The King's Promise made to the Reformed in respect of the Parliament of Paris was not executed but it seems he made them amends for it by creating some new Offices of Judges in that of Normandy and a Chamber of the Edict upon the Model of that which was establish'd at Paris They had not the same Favour in the Parliament of Britany either because the Judges of that Court which were some of the most furious against the Reformed would not consent to it for that it was not judged necessary in that Province where the Number of Protestants was very inconsiderable or in fine that all the Members of that Parliament were so partial and passionate that a sufficient number of equitable Men could not be found among them to make it up Nothing was changed in what had been agreed upon concerning the Parliament of Dijon That of Rouen being a great Enemy to the Reformed they had therefore obtained the Choice I spoke of just now But this bringing up of Causes from one Court to another had brought to the Parliament of Paris all the Causes of Normandy where the Reformed were very numerous and the Catholicks themselves stuck not sometimes to beg their Intervention in their own Causes when they were jealous of their Judges insomuch that this Parliament losing much by that means chose rather to agree to the creation of a Chamber like that of Paris than to see almost all the Law Suits of its Jurisdiction brought to another The Reformed found also some Advantage therein because they were no longer obliged to travel out of their Province and so far from their Friends because also the Customs of Paris and Normandy were very different and that the Charges and Delays were more troublesome at Paris than at Rouen Besides they were Gainers in that Bargain by the three Offices of Judges created by the King in their behalf But for all this that Parliament was not reconcil'd to the Reformation and as it was the most corrupted and venal Court in all France so there was none where the Reformed were expos'd to greater Vexations and Injustice However this Establishment was made but 15 or 16 Months after the Edict Because it was long doubted whether the Clause concerning Offices inserted in the Edict granted to the Marquess of Villars permitted the Protestants to be sharers therein But upon the whole matter it was concluded That the King had not by this Clause deprived himself of his Right and the Interest of the Parliament oblig'd him to declare that it was but provisional The sixth Demand was For a free Admittance to all Offices of State War Justice Policy Treasury and to all Commissions Employments Professions Arts and Trades without Danger of being excluded upon the account of Religion It was directly against the Canon-Law which debars from all these Rights such as are not obedient to the Roman Church and who are for that Reason call'd Hereticks and it had been the Original of all the Oppositions made to the Reformed during so many Years together but it was of such great Consequence to them that they would never desist from that Article because besides the Honour and Credit of Offices which they would not have their Families to be depriv'd of they saw well that if that honourable Door was shut to the Protestants such as had more Ambition than Piety would soon bid adieu to their naked and barren Religion and thereby bring the Reformation to a declining State The greatest Opposition came from the Parliaments who refused to admit them to the Places of the Law But at last they obtain'd their Desire and the King declared them capable of holding all sorts of Offices whereby they thought they had gain'd a considerable Point because that Honour being refused to Hereticks by the Canons their being admitted to them was a Discharge from that odious and hateful Name This Pretension extended much farther than the former by which they only desired a certain Number of impartial Judges but the latter aim'd at no less than to be made capable of diverse Offices which were supream in Cities and Towns of Shrievalties Mayoralties Consulats Tabellionages of Places of Attorney of Recorder of Bailiff of Places in the Marshalsea Admiralty in the Table of Marble of those of the Chamber of Accounts of the Court of Aids of the Courts of Elections of those of Judge or Judge-Assistant in the inferior Jurisdictions of Judge in chief in the Court leets of the Lords They were also admitted by the same to the Places of Master of Requests two whereof had been promised them gratis and to those of Secretary to the King which are none of the least importance in respect of their Priviledges They were already possess'd of some Governments and military Dignities and several among them were even Counsellors of State The same Article had also a very great extent in the Profession of Mechanick or Liberal Arts and in a Word tended to a levelling of the Catholicks with the Reformed by making
who was the Man of his time that had the most Learning and Solidity and wrote the best thô his Style savour'd too much of the Latin Phrase and the Dignity of the Subject caus'd the Work to be soon perus'd by the Curious The Noise of it reach'd Rome and the Pope complain'd more especially because of the Title of Counsellor of State which the Author had taken upon him for that it seem'd as if the Affront had Issu'd from the Bosom of the Counsel it self since it was given by one of the Members of it and as if the King had had a share in giving the Injury since it came from one of his intimate Confidents The King himself was Offended at it fearing least the Pope being exasperated by the Affront should delay the Dissolution of his Marriage which was then seriously in Agitation For that Reason he testify'd his Resentment and it was the beginning of Duplessis's Disgrace which was attended with Consequences of greater Importance One would have thought that this dissatisfaction of the King and the Pope would have Authoriz'd whatever the Zeal of the Catholics should undertake against the Book or the Author Nevertheless the Jesuits that were settled at Bourdeaux having a great desire to have the Book Condemn'd to the Fire Dases the first President Oppos'd and only bid 'em refute it if they thought it convenient Boulanger one of the King's Almoners having made a critical Censure upon the Preface and Accus'd the passages to be falsiy'd the Arch bishop of Bourges took him up and reply'd upon him very smartly Nor did the Legat himself require any Vigorous proceedings against the Book only desir'd six Copies to carry along with him at his departure out of France and engag'd that Bellarmine should Answer him But they bethought themselves of another way to Mortifie du Plessis the Catholics finding it more easie to disgrace the Author then destroy the Book That which happen'd that year and the Lent following was this that the Predicants let loose their Fury against the Book and Reveng'd the Pope and the Roman Religion with all manner of Calumnies and Invectives upon du Plessis 'T was thought also that the Gentleman durst not appear in publick without hazard of his Life during the first Violence of their Rage He therefore kept his House for some days till the Tempest was over And in regard 't was believ'd that the people were sufficiently Incens'd to have gone and Assaulted him in his own House Madam offer'd to receive him into hers for his better security It may be thought That slight Moderation was Affected to shew that the Liberty of the Reformed was great in pursuance of the Edict since they had the Freedom to publish such Affronts against the Roman Religion and yet that the Catholics should be permitted no other means of Revenging themselves than by the Ordinary way of Refutation or else of mitigating the discontents of those who did not find the Edict conformable to their Hopes and who were vex'd to see the Verification so long delay'd and to prevent 'em from augmenting upon the severity which they might have us'd to the first Book of the Reformed Religion that appear'd after the Edict was Decreed In a Word there being no way wholly to quell the Bigots they caus'd Plessis's Book to be Condemn'd to the Fire by some Inferiour Court of Justice and the Sentence was put in Execution The Assembly still sitting at Chatelleraud was very much offended at it and considering the thing was done at the very time that the first steps were made toward the Execution of the Edict they judg'd it to be of too great Consequence to pass it by without complaining But thô they were fully determin'd to Testifie their Resentment they were willing first of all to write to du Plessis as being the principal person concern'd to know his Opinion what was to be done upon this Occasion This shews that they did well to prevent the Soveraign Courts from making Decrees of the same Nature against this Work For as the Affront would have been more Heinous most certain it is that the Reformed would have made a Louder Noise But du Plessis who did not think his Book dishonour'd by these Transports of his Adversaries was not the person that troubled himself most about it However he declar'd by his Answer that the thing seem'd to him to be of Great Importance in regard that the Doctrine of the Reformed being acquitted by the Edict from the Name of Heresie the Books that taught the Reformed Doctrine were not to be Burnt since only Heretical Books were to be Condemn'd to that Mark of Infamy Therefore 't was his Opinion that they should Appeal from the Sentence to the Chamber of the Edict rather than to the Privy-Council where the business would be assuredly Stifl'd Nevertheless that it was a hard matter to apply a Remedy to a past Mischief since they had Executed the Sentence and what was already done amiss could not be amended But this Book was attended with Consequences much more Remarkable which will not permit us to stop at these less weighty Observations During these Passages which I have hitherto related there were three things in Negotiation between the Court of France and that of Rome and which were of Importance sufficient to put the Reformed in Fear that althô they had obtain'd an Edict the King would not purchase the prosperous Conclusion of his Affairs at the Expence of his Favours toward them The first Affair was the Dissolution of the King's Marriage which he ardently desir'd And for the obtaining of which 't was thought he would humble him to any manner of Complyance with the Pope This Affair was of great Consequence to the State as also to the Kingdom in regard the Mischiefs of a dubious Succession might bring extremity of Consusion upon the Kingdom after the King's Death The Reformed also were very urgent for it not a little fearful that a great part of the New troubles which might Attend the King's Death would fall upon themselves But the King 's obstinate Fondness for his Miss had a long time retarded that Negotiation For the Pope was unwilling to favour a Marriage so unsuitable and Queen Margaret would by no means give place to a Woman that was so much beneath her and whose Virtue it was thought had surrender'd it self to other Suits besides that of the King That Mistress being Dead after such a manner as might Raise a suspicion that Roni and some others well understood that there was a kind of necessity she should dye the King embroyl'd himself in New Intrigues and made a promise of Marriage to the Daughter of the Marquiss d'Entragues to obtain what he desir'd of her He had also been so weak as to shew this promise to Roni to ask his Advice about the Form and Roni was so bold as to tear it before his Face But the King who was not Master of his passion
it shou'd be manag'd with Justice to shew that nothing was wanting which was Necessary to Authorize the Decision of it A Treaty maturely deliberated where the Sovereign himself is a Party Parties that agree in many things by the Negotiation and between whom a Soveraign Born their Arbitrator decides those Matters which were still in dispute A Reformation of several Articles upon the Oppositions of Parties Intervening A General Compliance on one side divers marks of Consent on the other All this makes a certain degree of Surety which ought to render these Decisions Eternal and Unalterable by how much the more it was impossible to revoke 'em without a downright Abuse of Justice it self and the same Duty which caus'd 'em to be made But 't is now time to return to the Series of the History All necessary Preparations were made throughout the whole Kingdom for the Execution of the Edict and the Commissioners who were appointed to procure it began to set it afoot this year and made many Decrees upon the Contests that arose But before they cou'd almost make one step in their Business we began to be sensible of the principal Advantage of the Edict namely A Vniversal Tranquillity the sweetness of which gave us good hopes of the rest However there happen'd one thing very Remarkable which made the Catholics Triumph as if they had procur'd an utter Extirpation of the Reformed Religion tho in effect they had gain'd no-nothing but the Honour of knowing how to lay a Snare better then the Wisest of the Reformed knew how to escape it The Book of Du Plessis concerning the Eucharist of which I have already spoken was the occasion of this matter I have observ'd already that the Catholics made a great noise about it I know not how many Writers indeavoâ—â—'d to â—â—fute it Fronton du Due a Famous Jesuit undertook it after Dafis sent away such as propos'd to him the burning of the Book and bid 'em rather to write a formal Answer to it But there were many Authors of less Note who engag'd themselves in this Dispute and who pester'd the Public with whole Loads of little foolish Pamphlets which were rather Invectives against the Author than Answers to his Work The Doctors of the Faculty at Paris Condemn'd it by Public Censure Several particular Persons publish'd Inventories of falsify'd Passages Catalogues of Omissions of necessary Words and many other little Trifles of the same Nature The Reason of this great Fermentation amongst 'em besides the Importance of the Matter the Merit of the Author the slender respect he had observ'd in his Book for the Mysteries of the Romish Religion and the manner of bringing it to light was also his Method of handling the Subject Du Plessis did not confine himself as others till then had done within the bounds of Scripture he Sallied forth out into the vast Field of Tradition and had Quoted in his Book above Four Thousand passages of the School-Men or of those who were call'd Fathers This was as it were a bringing the War into the very Bowels of the Church of Rome Attacking her in her strongest Entrenchments and violently wresting her very last Weapons out or her hands There had been nothing left for her Defence if after having taken away the Scripture from her which the Reformed accus'd her for having in a manner forsaken she shou'd suffer the Fathers to be ravish'd from her too and the Fountains of Tradition wherein she places her last Refuge But all the noise both of the Preachers and Writers serv'd only to make the Book sell and to advance the Glory of its Author They Attack'd it so weakly that most certainly it had been better for the Romish Church to have let it alone l'th' mean while the Refutations promis'd from Rome came not at all and the Pope was vex'd at the heart to see himself Treated in so sharp a manner and that too-by a Person so considerable and great as Du plssis It caus'd the Pope to suspect the Sincerity of the Kings Conversion and that he was not hearty in the Profession of the Catholic Religion There was then at Rome a certain German who boasted that he had learnt this secret from a Protestant of Aâ—sbourg who said That Bonâ—ars the Kings Envoy to the Protestants in Germany assur'd 'em he had not chang'd his Religion in his heart And D'Ossat who thought it convenient for the Kings Reputation to stop the course of such Reports wou'd fain have search'd to the bottom to see if he cou'd find out from whence these Rumors arose Wherefore toward the latter end of this year he acquinted the King with what he had Learnt of their Original for these Rumors were not new and since the Kings Conversion they were daily reviv'd Insomuch that the Pope had opportunity enough to make his best advantage of it whether this Germans Discourse came to his Ears long before the Cardinal writ to him of it or whether he had receiv'd any Intelligence of it from the Spies which he has in every Princes Court The King was concern'd in Interest that these Reports shou'd not make any Impression on the Minds of the Catholics however they were advantagious to him serving to gain him Credit with the Protestanis whose Alliance his Politics oblig'd him to preserve at any Rate whatsoever But as the good will of Rome was necessary for him in his present Affairs so he was desirous to satisfie the Pope and to mortifie du Plessis and the Reformed by some Signal Action which might make Rome believe that they had lost his favour Plessis's look furnish'd him with a colourable Pretence And he offer'd such an Indignity to this Gentleman by little Artisices beneath the Grandeur of a King that one may safely say That that Action was none of the best of all his Life Observe now how the matter went Almost all those who wrote against du Plessis how different otherwise soever they were in the Style and Method of their Writings yet agreed in this To charge him with false Quotations And as such Accusations are hard to be Explain'd to those who are not capable of throughly Examining Matters and Authors they were made use of as the only proper Argument to seduce those whom they wou'd pervert to their Religion Thus people are apt to be misled in such Affairs as are beyond the reach of their Capacity Difficulties are rais'd of which they are not competent Judges and they are told sometimes that 't is impossible to solve 'em because they are not capable enough to do it themselves This Cheat has been used in France among the Controvertists all along from first to last As often as any Book of worth has come forth the Missionaries to be sure have found out a Trick to accuse the Author of some fault or other with which they have broke the Peoples Brains as if every thing that they were not able to understand or refute was a
sign of the falsity of his Religion And the Credulous and Wavering people many times mistake those Reproaches which if they were allowable wou'd only affect the Reputation of the Author for Reasons prejudicial to his Doctrine Yet these Deceits and Frauds serv'd chiefly to lay those flat who were already staggering and who were only seeking for a plausible pretence to Change Of this Number at that time was St. Marie du Mont a Gentleman who was resolv'd to part with his Religion and only delay'd the Formalities of Renunciation till du Plessis had been ill treated at Fontainblean suffer'd himself to be perswaded by du Perron and others that du Plessis had falsly quoted a great many passages and being with him in Paris at the Princess of Orange's he justify'd to his face that he had found many passages of this Nature in his Book This Gentleman was one of those whose Learning being very mean and shallow gives them however a great share of Confidence and being fully resolv'd as I said to turn Catholic he was willing to think all those reasons very good with which they had inspir'd him But du Plessis who had stood firm as a Rock against all the Storms which his Book had rais'd against him cou'd not support the Calumny of being thought a Falsifier and therefore reckon'd his Honour was concern'd to make good the Sincerity of his Quotations So toward the end of March he publish'd a Writing wherein he invites his Accusers to join with him in presenting a Petition to His Majesty to appoint Commissioners before whom he might justify the passages from Line to Line Some few days after du Perron receiv'd one of these Writings and Answer'd it in accepting the Challenge and Offering to shew Five hundred enormous falsities in Plessis's Book in down-right Number and without Hyperbole and at the same time Writ to the King to desire the Conference Du Plessis would not let this Bravado pass without a Reply But for Fear this multiplicity of Writing to and fro should break off the design of the Conference Villeroy hinder'd the Bishop from Answering this In the mean time du Plessis Writ to the King and caus'd the Marshal de Bouillon to present his Petition to him The King being desirous of this Conference readily comply'd with it and at the very beginning of April gave Order to the Chancellour to endeavour to procure it But at first great Difficulties arose about it which held the thing long in suspense The Nuncio oppos'd it for as they were to appoint Commissioners in a matter of Religion he alledg'd it was a Prerogative of the Ecclesiastical Authority which the King would violate if he took upon him the Nomination of them besides he thought it might give occasion for people to suspect that the King had still some doubts about the Truth of the Romish Doctrine The Arch-Bishop of Bourges likewise Remonstrated the consequences of it to the King Benoit Nominated for the Bishoprick of Troyes but to whom the Pope would never Grant his Bulls because he was too good a French man and too little respectful to Rome represented in like manner his scruples about the same thing Cardinal de Gondi Bishop of Paris was strangely surpriz'd to hear say that this Conference was like to be held in his Diocess Others likewise made their trivial Objections But the King satisfy'd 'em all assuring 'em that matters of Doctrine should not be touch'd upon that the Commissioners should not be Judges of any thing relating to Religion that they shou'd only be meerly Spectators Witnesses and Vouchees of the verity of the Acts that they shou'd only give their Opinions of the Sense of the Words not medling any farther then in this particular relating to du Plessis to know whether his Quotations were False or not And he promis'd besides that such care shou'd be taken that the Romish Religion shou'd lose nothing by it On the other hand there were several Persons who advis'd du Plessis not to carry on the thing too far telling him that they had left him passages enough the Truth of which was unquestionable to save his Honour tho he should concede the others to them But he could by no means endure the Word False and he was so well assur'd of his own exactness that he did not believe that all the Bishops Craft could do him any Injury He rely'd chiefly on the King's Justice and tho he believ'd him not a little displeas'd with the Publication of his Book yet he hop'd that the Memory of his Services the Fear of too much provoking the Reformed and of lessening the Royal Majesty by a proceeding that deviated from Justice would oblige that Prince to see that he had not the least Foul Play On both sides people long'd for the Conference every one expecting the Triumph of his Party and even before the Combat rejoycing at the Defeat of his Adversary Insomuch that on either side there were people enough to invalidate the Reasons of those who desir'd to hinder the Dispute It was therefore Resolv'd upon and du Plessis found himself too far engag'd to Retreat But on the King's part such wary measures were taken that 't was impossible that du Plessis should come off with Honour For if he should break off the Conference then they would have Charg'd him with declining the Combat for fear of being confounded and if he shou'd maintain it then they had laid the Snare so cunningly that he could not avoid it 'T is very hard to know whether the King's design was in good Earnest rather to break off this Conference or to procure it But it is certain however that du Plessis was oblig'd to keep it up and that on such very hard Terms as 't is likely they would not have propos'd 'em to him but to engage him to quit his Resolution for they would rather have Triumph'd in his Flight then have undertook a Conference in good Earnest with a person whom they knew so well skill'd in the Art of defending himself which will easily appear by the particulars of the principal Circumstances After those Difficulties were remov'd which the Chief of the Clergy had suggested and that it was found more expedient to hold the Conference at Fontanbleau then at Paris whether it were to satisfie the Bishop of that place or to hinder the Commonalty from intermedling in this Dispute or whether it were to deprive du Plessis of those helps which he might have had from the Libraries and the Learned Men who were so Numerous there the Chancellour Writ to du Perron to come to Court but du Plessis had no Notice sent him for his coming there tho the King had commanded that he should Of which the Chancellour clear'd himself by telling the King when he ask'd him the Reason of it that he did not imagine his Majesty had any such Intention But as the Terms wherein such a Command is
Discourse However he again consulted Roni and Casaubon who did not advise him to alter his Opinion Roni who was not sorry that du Plessis had receiv'd some kind of Mortification that would lessen his Reputation and absolutely remove him from business was in that respect nothing the honester Man then the Rest of 'em and did what he could to lead this poor Gentlman to a precipice And from thence it happen'd that to give the greater Reputation to the pretended defeat of du Plessis he boasts in his Memoirs according to the report of those who collected 'em that he was the occasion of breaking off the Conference that du Perron was contented to speak no more of it and that du Plessis was an Obstinate person and would never agree to it All this past till the third of May in the Morning when the King seeing the Constancy of du Plessis commanded that the Examination of the passages should not be put off any longer then till three a Clock in the Afternoon But under some pretence or other they were deferr'd till seven a Clock next Morning Mean while the King kept the Bishop with him all day consulting how he should carry himself in this matter On the other side the breaking off the Conference made the Reformed Court Party very uneasie whether they were of a Cabal with Roni or whether they were intoxicated with Conferences as there â—re but few people who are not we know not But Castelnau Chambret Beaupre and some others undertook to renew it and so manag'd du Plessis that they made him consent to it upon very unjust Terms At the same time du Perron should have sent to du Plessis fifty or sixty Passages upon Condition that he Answer'd 'em all by seven a Clock the next Morning and in the same Order that du Perron had plac'd 'em he was to have been furnish'd with what Books he desir'd and they to be of the Edition of Geneva of Heâ—delberg or of Bale This Negotiation continuing till Nine at Night du Plessis could neither have the Books nor the Passages till Eleven insomuch that instead of taking his Rest he was forc'd to spend the Night in Examining his Citations To make him amends for this foul Play du Perron sent him Sixty one Passages instead of Sixty which he had promis'd The Morning came du Plessis declar'd he could not Examin above nineteen of the Passages which were fent him But that he would maintain the truth of those Citations with the Hazard of his Life Du Perron complain'd loudly that all the Passages were not Examin'd as if it were Just or Reasonable to expect that a Man shou'd compare Sixty Passages with the Authors from whence he had taken 'em and that he should Examin the Contexts that is to say what preceded and what follow'd in time almost then it would take up to Read ' em Moreover the Bishop wou'd fain have begun with other passages then those which du Plessis had compar'd as thinking he should the more easily prove their Falsity Only he shew'd himself Coy because he would be intreated and that he might have an opportunity to say after the Examination of the first that there were yet others whose Falsities were more Notorious And thus with much ado he submitted at last and the Entring into the Conference was put off till one a Clock in the Afternoon The King had Nam'd for Commâ—â—â—oners who should determine this Matter three Catholics and two of the Reformed to the End that 〈…〉 might be assur'd of the Plurality of Voices Thou Pithou and le Fevre the Prince of Conde's Tutour were the the three Catholics and the Reformed were Calignon and Casaubon But the King chang'd two of those he had Deputed and Substituted Martin one of his Physicians in the Room of le Feure and instead of Calignon du Frene Canaye who arriv'd at Court just as the Conference was ready to begin It had been much more Just and Equitable that the Parties themselves should have chosen their Arbitrators but the chief Reason why the King had the Nomination of them was That the Reformed might not appear too Resolute and Confident 'T was for this Cause that Calignon was excluded from it and du FreneCanaye put in who came Post to Court on purpose to change his Religion which he did in a little time after For thence forward he industriously endeavour'd the Ruin of the Reformed as it appear'd by the proposition he made to the King to destroy 'em in bringing over all the Nobility of that Party Which he engag'd to do upon condition that a Sum of Money of less Value then his own Estate should be put into third hands that should still remain as a pledge for the security of this Sum. 'T is said that the King being Wiser then he would not hearken to him but told him that if there were no Nobility among the Reformed it behov'd him to send some thither because he had always found their Gentlemen very serviceable to him Casaubon was a Man of a Weak and Wavering Temper whom du Perron had gain'd by his Artifices He had promis'd to change his Religion But he was so narrowly watched and he knew so well how to make his Advantage of the King of England's Offer who invited him over to England that he seem'd at least to be settl'd 'T is certain that before he went over into England he told du Perron that he cou'd be more serviceable to him in gaining that Prince if he continu'd in the Profession of the Reformed Religion then after he had quitted it Insomuch that it is not known whether his perseverance were Sincere or no. However it is sure that Religion was not a matter of very great importance to that Family for a little after his Death his only Son turn'd Catholic Such were those in whose Hands du Plessis was constrain'd to hazard his Honour There was more Honesty to be hop'd for from Thou and Pithou then from those very people who being of his Religion pretended to be most favourable to him At the time appointed they came to the place where the Conference was to be held and every one being duly plac'd the Books were laid on the Table to which they might have recourse in the process of the Examination I will not Justifie what is said by some that du Perron having already put one Cheat upon du Plessis in causing the first Leaf of the Edition of Bale or Geneva to be plac'd at the the beginning of Books Printed elsewhere play'd him another Trick worse then that to confound him absolutely by Ordering other Books to be laid on the Table then those he had made use of all the Night before There was no need perhaps of this great Abuse to perplex a Man that was almost quite tir'd out already with Watching all Night long and who besides had spent all the Forenoon
Quoting of Translating and of Copying the passages and for that to avoid these digressions which caus'd 'em to lose sight of the principal thing in Dispute the whole Body of the Book must have been fill'd with long Quotations and the Margins with the Original Texts and the Disputes must have been Immortalized through the opportunity that those long passages would have given to many litigious Cavils In particular a Man may sometimes Quote the Objection of an Author which he refutes without committing a Falsity whether it be to shew that these difficulties were known at the time the Doctor Quoted or to discover the propensity he had himself to a certain Opinion altho some more Superior Authority had made him determin on the contrary This chiefly takes place amongst the School-men who would sometimes receive Opinions opposite to those of their Church if the dread of her Anaâ—â—ema's did not force 'em to a blind acquiescence in her Decisions A man might also often repeat but one Series of Words without making any long Extracts of the whole when the parts of an omitted passage are not Essential And this was undoubtedly the case of du Plessis which he has demonstrated at large in a Book which he publish'd two Years after the Conference Where likewise he says that what he had Quoted out of St. Cyril were not his proper Terms but a brief Extract of his Opinion and that therefore it was no matter to him if this passage were not deliver'd in so many Words that having only alledg'd Crinitus his Citation ought not to have been judg'd but by Crinitus who having been a Catholic Priest could not be suspected to have falsify'd this passage That he ought not to have been Charg'd with the omission of an c. among so many several passages of St. Bernard since what was between those two related nothing to the Subject and that elsewhere he had alledg'd out of the same Author passages of much greater force for the Opinion which it was pretended he would have hidden by this omission That in fine the difference was so little between the Idols of the Pagans and the Images of the Catholics that that might be apply'd to the one which Theodoret and other Doctors of his time say of the other By which it may be Judg'd that in the time of these Fathers the Worship of Images was so great a stranger to the Practice of Christians that they could not have spoken of it but by the Spirit of Prophesie But tho the matter was thus du Plessis was so sensibly touch'd with the manner of their playing upon him in this Affair that he left Fontainbleau the next day without so much as taking his leave In the mean while the King having what he desir'd as well as du Perron who thought he had sufficiently exploded the Book of du Plessis by this foul play they took occasion from the Sickness of du Plessis to break up the Conference And without so much as staying till his departure the Commissioners were discharg'd that Night to the end that though du Plessis had Recover'd they might have had an Excuse ready not to renew it Du Plessis could not with-hold his Complaints and his Son a young Gentleman of great hopes spoke louder then he Indeed they spoke too much Truth to please And it was so visible that the King had Sacrific'd du Plessis with a desire to satisfie the Pope that it was impossible that the Reproaching him with this Injustice should not offend him The Chancellor made Remonstrances to du Plessis but that did not hinder him from speaking yet louder when once retir'd to a place where he had no more occasion to fear any thing In the mean time the King vaunted his Triumph upon this occasion as high as he could raise it and it was observ'd that tho he did not love the Duke Espernon yet he was pleas'd to give him an Account of this success in rejoycing Terms and in such as he might have written to one of his most familiar Friends Roni like the rest Insulted o'r the unhappy Gentleman and vented his Railleries upon him with the King himself They boasted highly at Rome of this advantage where things that succeed well are ever counted Lawful by what means soever they are brought about They found by this a dangerous Heretic remov'd from the Kings Favour and Trust his Credit lost and his Reputation obscur'd more especially they saw the King quite alienated from the Reformed since he could prevail with himself to give 'em so great an occasion of Discontent at a time when they seem'd to have the greatest hopes of his Favour But altho the Conference was broken off yet the Noise of the Dispute continu'd for a long while The Parties Interess'd writ against one another upon this Subject Du Perron Publish'd the Acts of the Conference and that he might not want a considerable Witness he got the Chancellor to Write a Letter to him containing a Relation of the whole matter and wherein he made great Protestations of his Sincerity Du Plessis on his part forgot not to make his Apology and to take notice of all the Cheats and Injuries that had been done to him He justify'd above all things the Allegation of the Nine Passages in a Book sufficiently large which he Publish'd two Years after as I have said wherein he gave an Account not only of the Integrity of their Citation but he likewise made it appear by a great many Authorities that he had as much reason of his side to have had Justice done him as he had been Sincere in matter of Fact and that he made the Authors Quoted speak no more then what effectually they did More especially he there Charg'd du Perron with the Falsification of the Acts of the Conference which he had made himself and that he did both alter and change 'em divers times before he publish'd 'em Insomuch that after he had shew'n 'em to some persons at Lions who could not forbear speaking he Tore 'em to make others which he set forth But du Perron was not much troubl'd at these Reproaches 'T was none of his Ambition to be an honest Man but to fawn upon the Court and raise his Fortune Never was Man overwhelm'd with so many Accuâ—ations of Frauds Falsities Ignorances and Contradictions Nay of all the Crimes that a Writer can be Guilty of But the pleasure of wearing a Cardinals Hat and to see his Adversary disgrac'd easily Atton'd for these little Injuries Aubigne who put as great a value upon himself as he could would have re-assum'd the Conference against him and some things were written on both sides which were left in the King's Hands But there they stopp'd Aubigne was not so considerable as du Plessis and du Perron would not stake the Reputation he had acquir'd against him There was one thing in the mean time which stuck in the King's mind The
a few Hours after Rasis to arrive in times and Caution the Inn-keeper to have a care of himself So this miserable Wretch escap'd and he was found Drowned 20 or 30 Leagues from Paris upon the Bank of the Marne which he would have foarded in his way to Flanders His Death seem'd no less suspicious then his escape and many believ'd that Villeroy conniv'd at the one and procur'd the other I was not rational to think that a Man who had been above five and thirty years in the Ministry of State should not know that the first thing he ought to have done was to have seiz'd on the Officer And the Neglect of so necessary a Precaution gave occasion to suspect that the Master had some Reason to desire that the Servant should escape But the King was willing to take the sorrow that Villeroy express'd for a Proof of his Innocency And he accepted of the bad Excuses of this Minister as if they had been better Insomuch that he continu'd in the Ministry as before and if perhaps he lost something of the King's Esteem and Condence at least he lost nothing of his Dignity The End of the Eight Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS BOOK IX The Argument of the 9th Book THE Reformed are afraid that the King gives way too much to the Jesuits He Answers their Papers favourably Gex The Genius of La Trimouille and his Death The Process of the Cardinal de Chatillon's Widow The Pyramid pull'd down New Factions An Assembly at Chatelleraud Matters which were there to be treated on St. Germains Letter to Marshal de Bouillon Roni Commissioner for the King at the Assembly His Instructions What Reception he had His Speech Provincial Councils Deputies General General Assemblies The Vnion renew'd Lesdiguieres comes into it Roni Excuses this New Oath Breviats for the Guard of Towns of Hostage The Assembly suffers the places of Marshal Bouillon to be taken Other advantages that Roni gain'd of the Assembly with which the Pope is well contented The Deputies of the Assembly caress'd at the Court An Assembly of the Clergy The Artifice to hinder the Ecclesiastics from changing their Religion An Edict in favour of the Clergy Roni Duke and Peer of France The Marshal de Bouillon makes his Peace The Treaty with those of Rochel in favour of the Catholics Priests that did not Pray to God for the King Gun-Powder Treason The Oath exacted of the Catholics of England The Exercise permitted at Charenton for the Reformed of Paris which the Lord of the place opposes in vain Papers favourably Answer'd The Attempt of Seguiran the Jesuit to Preach at Rochel A Mortification of the Jesuits The Synod at Rochel General Deputies The Question about Antichrist renew'd Deputies gain'd at the Court The Quick-sighted of the Church and Fools of the Synod The Question is deferr'd and Vignier order'd to Treat largely on it The Synod Names only two Deputies General Affairs Treated on at the Synod Forreign Ministers Malwin call'd to Rochel The King refuses the Nomination of the Deputies He permits a General Assembly at Gergeau Sulli suspected by the Reformed Affairs of the Assembly Places lost by the Reformed Conferences and Changes of Religion The Assembly Complies with the Kings desire An Assembly of the Clergy The Resolute Answer of the King and his disowning a promise made in his Name by his Attorneys in the Matter of Absolution Cotton the Jesuit the Dauphins Master A Fund for the Ministers that shâ—ll change their Religion The Treaty with the Morisco's Persecuted in Spain is â—roke off by the Bigots Lesdiguieres Marshal of France The Kings Domestic Vexations Divers Sentiments on the Alliance of Spain Frauds to renew the Civil Wars The Power of the Jesuits Establish'd at Bearn Papers Answer'd The Synod at St. Maixant The Theatre of Antichrist A Blow given to Seignioral Rights The Jurisdiction of the Chambers A Book found at La Fleche The Discourse of Jeannin upon Liberty of Conscience The Edict in favour of the Morisco's The Escape of the Prince of Condé War declar'd against the Arch-Duke The Formidable Power of the King His Dâ—signs His unexpected Death THE Reformed had a great share in these particular Accidents because they look'd upon all those who held Intelligence with Spain as their Sworn Enemies and they believ'd that all the Projects of that Court design'd their Ruin at the bottom insomuch that they were always listening to discover the designs of that Cabal and to hinder that it did not grow too powerful in France where they had if it may be so said no Friend but the King Besides they were not so assur'd of him as not to have some distrust of his Constancy and the little Resolution they had observ'd in him upon the Account of Religion made 'em fear that he had besides as little in Point of Acknowledgment and Friendship They saw that he suffer'd himself to be too much possess'd by the Jesuits and they complain'd sometimes alluding to the Name of his Confessor that he heard his old Friends no more since he had his Ears stopp'd with Cotton They saw likewise in him amidst his great Qualities great Weaknesses And that to have Peace at home he was so far Patient and Compliant that the meanest Citizen wou'd have hardly done so much There was besides great Reason to fear that to Content the Queen whose Intentions were no way favorable to 'em he wou'd break with 'em and suffer himself to be led to an Alliance with Spain of which they did not doubt but their Destruction was a necessary consequence These apprehensions which were but too reasonable as it appear'd under another Reign oblig'd 'em to Arm themselves every day with new precautions The King who believ'd that these Alarms might serve for a pretext to those who were not well affected to his Government was very willing to dissipate 'em by the Testimonies of the constant Will that he had to maintain the Edicts and whatsoever discontent he had of particulars he favour'd the General Cause as much as 't was possible for him And this about the time that I speak of he made appear by his manner of answering the Papers which the Deputies General presented him They complain'd among other things of certain Monuments of the late Wars which the Catholics preserv'd as it were to render the Memory of those Troubles eternal Thus in the Cathedral Church of Bazas was to be seen an Inscription which call'd the Reformed Heretic Hugenots and which imputes to 'em Profanations and Ruins The King had often commanded the Bishop to erase those violent Terms but the Bishop wae not willing to obey him They complain'd again of the affronts which were done in some places to the Ministers and their Children of the delay of Establishing the Exercise of the Reformed Religion in many places where it shou'd be according to the Edict of 1577 of the trouble that they found when the places design'd
a great promoter of that Siege and had made vast Preparations for the taking of that Place But the Marshal's submission broke all the Measures of that envious Person He deliver'd up the Castle of Sedan to the King who was to restore it to him at the end of four years but the King only took it out of Ceremony and return'd it to the Marshal almost as soon as he had delivered it into his hands This Reconciliation was made without the Duke of Sully's participation which prov'd a great Mortification to him Whether the King designedly conceal'd it from him lest he should oppose it or whether Velleroy who was the manager thereof would have the Marshal solely oblig'd to him for it at least Sully complain'd that Villeroy had sent him the King's Letter by an indirect way whereby he was desir'd to share in that Treaty insomuch that he was ignorant of the Project till after it was concluded However it is most certain that the Marshal was a necessary Person for the King's Design by reason of his credit among Foreign Protestants who plac'd an intire confidence in him and whose Friendship the King was resolv'd to preserve at any rate Therefore the Marshal was observ'd the very next day after his Reconciliation to be as far in the King's favour and Familiarity as ever he had been During these Transactions the Court continued to cause the Edict to be put in execution where it was necessary The Commissioners had re-establish'd the Mass at Rochel but that Worship had been so long interrupted there that the People being no longer accustom'd to it the renewing thereof was very much thwarted The Clergy appli'd it self to the King to obtain greater Liberties But the Court was at a great loss to Answer their Petition not daring to do it favourably for fear of occasioning some Commetion at Rochel nor harshly lest the Ecclesiasticks should thereby lose the hopes of returning thither The thing was referr'd to an Arbitration and Sully was chosen Mediator The Rochelois had some confidence in him perhaps because some among them receiv'd Pensions Some Effects of that Confidence had appear'd in the Affair of the Pancarte The demands of the Clergy were reduc'd to Six Articles Sully made them desist from the two first which related to their Houses and Revenues He obtain'd a grant for them upon the Third for leave to visit the Sick in the Hospitals and Criminals and others in the Prisons and to administer Confession and the Communion to them on condition that it should be perform'd secretly and without Pomp and he prevail'd with the Ecclesiasticks not to accompany the Criminals to the Place of Executition Upon the Fourth he perswaded the Reform'd to allow that the Ecclesiasticks should assist at Burials provided it were not in the Form of a Procession carrying the Cross on high but that they should have leave to wear their Canonical Habits in the Streets and that the People should be hindred from insulting or abusing them Upon the Fifth he advis'd the Catholicks not to pretend to Places unless call'd to them by the usual way of Suffrages but at the same time that no difficulty should be made to admit them to Arts and Trades and that the Catholick Journy-men should not be turn'd out of the City lest the Catholicks should do the same in those Places where they were the strongest Upon the Sixth By which the Catholicks desir'd a Place of Worship pretending that the Commissioners had assign'd them one he gave his Opinion for leave to build a Church there provided the Place were neither suspicious nor troublesom that in that case it would be fit to prevail with them to accept another that upon their refusal it would be proper to offer a Petition to the King to obtain a Regulation and to abstain from ways of Fact These Advices which had been agreed upon by the King and the Catholicks and which serv'd partly as a Law until the renewing of the Troubles show that the grand Maxim that was observ'd in the Execution of the Edict was to leave things in the same Condition into which the Edict had found them and to preserve to the Reform'd Religion the Priviledge of Superiority in those Places where they injoy'd it at the time of the Edict as the Roman Religion enjoy'd it in those Places out of which they had not been dispossess'd One would have thought that the King's Reconciliation with the Pope and all that he had done since to perswade that he was a sincere Catholick should have remov'd all the Scruples of the Bigots and brought back every body to their Duty However there still were some Clergy-men so much disaffected to him that they did not pray for his Person in the publick Service Moreover there were several Churches under the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Thoulouse where they made use of Mass-Books in which that Prayer was omitted and the said Books were so much in Vogue that three Impressions of it had been sold during the Wars one of Lyons another of Paris and the third of Bourdeaux The Parliament of Thoulouse was oblig'd to remedy it that year by a Decree which they gave on the Month of June whereby the use of the said Mass Book was prohibited and the Priests were commanded to mention the King in the Prayers of the Mass But an Affair of far greater consequence occasion'd a great deal more noise The Jesuits had of late imbroil'd all Europe by their Intrigues and had promoted Bloody Tragedies in Sweden Muscovy Poland Prussia and Hungary But that which they had design'd for England was far more worthy of them had the Success answer'd their hopes They had design'd to blow up the King and Parliament with Powder which they had laid to that purpose under the House where they Assemble which was to have been fir'd at the King 's coming in The said Conspiracy was discover'd upon the very point of Execution and some Jesuits who had a hand in it were punish'd High-Treason being fully prov'd against them which did not hinder their Order from placing them among the Martyrs The King's Complaisance for the Court of Rome could not hinder them from forming that horrid Conspiracy against him Altho he us'd his best endeavours to perswade the Court of Rome that he inclin'd to their Sentiments and that he express'd as much by his Publick and Private Discourses and that there was a kind of a Secret Negotiation between the Pope and him about Religion which Henry the 4th was Mediator of the Court of Rome did not confide in him whether they had no good Opinion of his steadiness or whether they thought his Complaisance was only an effect of Policy to oblige the Catholicks of his Kingdoms to remain quiet in hopes of a better Condition But he quite ruin'd his Reputation there by the Oath he exacted from the Catholicks by which he made them acknowledg that they had no dependency on any
which Vignier had compos'd upon that matter according to the desire of the preceding Synod and committed it to the Examination of the Academy of Saumur in order to have it Printed with the Name of the Author The said Book appear'd soon after Entitul'd The Theatre of Antichrist Among the other effects it produc'd it induc'd Gontier a Jesuit to Preach against the Thirty first Article of the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd which he did before the King in so seditious and so insolent a manner that the King reprimanded him severely for it but lest the Catholicks should accuse him upon that account of favouring the Reform'd and of suffering their Writings to pass unregarded he also suppress'd Vignier's Book The first Incroachment that was made upon the Royalty's belonging to Reform'd Lords was made that Year by a Decree from the Chamber of the Edict of Paris That Decree maintain'd against the Widow of a Lord de Vieille-vigne to whom those Rights belong'd in a certain Parish of which she had the Presentation a Gentleman who usurp'd them for this reason only That he was the only Catholick Gentleman in that Parish and that this Lady professing the Reform'd Religion came never at Church The Advocate General maintain'd the Cause of the Catholick and pretended that no wrong was done to the Lady by the Sentence of which she was appealant because she was only depriv'd of her Rights for the Time being which preserv'd them to her when she should be in a condition to reassume them This Decree was confirm'd by the Opinions of the King's Council and imported that the enjoyment thereof by the Catholick should in no wise prejudice the Lady nor her Successors being qualify'd for the said Priviledges that is being Roman Catholicks The Jurisdiction of the Party Chambers was also incroach'd upon that Year upon pretence that it was abus'd Bordes an Augustine Monk and Giraud a Councellor of Thoulouse were accus'd of an Assassination the Circumstances of which were very odious The Monk sought a shelter in the principal Cities of the Reform'd at Tonsceins Milhau and Nimes and having embrac'd their Religion he desir'd leave to be try'd before the Party-Chamber of Languedoc He affirm'd that the only reason of his being persecuted at Thoulouse was because they had observ'd Sentiments in him contrary to the Catholick Doctrine He alledg'd the usual Cruelty of that Parliament who in abhorrence to his change of Religion would sacrifice him without mercy The thing being heard before the Council of State the King sent back the cognizance thereof to the Parliament of Thoulouse The Reform'd complain'd of that Incroachment upon their Priviledges believing themselves wrong'd every way by the said Decree In case the Monk was accus'd wrongfully it was a piece of Injustice to hinder equitable Judges from taking cognizance of it to refer it to implacable Enemies And if he were guilty they wrong'd the Integrity of the Reform'd Judges to think that they would favour an execrable Assassinate on pretence of his having embrac'd their Doctrine for a Protection But whether the Crime were too well known and the Hypocrisy of the Monk too notorious or whether the Clergy had credit enough to carry it from the Reform'd their Complaints did not hinder the Parliament from having the Case try'd before them and from condemning the Accus'd rigorously But a thing happen'd that Year at La Fleche which comforted them for that small Disgrace the which gave a Lustre to their Fidelity and show'd how much the Catholicks were inclin'd to conspire against the State A Book well bound and guilt was found in the House of an Inhabitant of La Fleche a City where the Jesuits had their chief Residence at one Medor who taught some Children of Quality whose House was scituated near an Inn which had for Sign the Four Winds in a Street of the same Name Half the said Book was written part of it with Blood and abundance of Subscriptions to it written in the same manner The Book was discover'd by a Woman who gave notice of it but that was not a proper time to see every thing And tho the Circumstances might probably have given great suspicion against those that were concern'd in the Book the Inquiries that were made about it were soon stopt I cannot forget neither that Jeannin formerly passicnately in love with Leagues but a man of great sense who was greatly concern'd in Publick Affairs being sent into Holland where the King of France had for a time sent Reform'd Ambassadors he propos'd to the States from the King to have a Toleration for the Catholicks the number of which was considerable in their Provinces He made a very fine Discourse to prove the Justice thereof and it is likely that he spoke his thoughts since we find in his Memoirs a Discourse like it in favour of the Reform'd under the Reign of Lewis the XIII He said that the Catholicks had concurr'd with them for the service of the State at that very time when they were depriv'd both of Liberty and Religion the restitution of which they expected by means of the Peace That no Servitude was so intolerable as that of Conscience That the Provinces had shewn it by their Example having had recourse to Arms to free themselves from that Slavery That the same had been done in other parts of Europe and even in France That God seem'd to have allow'd the happy success of that War to show that Religion was to be taught and persuaded by the Movements which proceed from the Holy Ghost not by force or constraint That the King having found by experience that the means us'd by his Predecessors had only serv'd to augment the Troubles in Religion and in the State endeavour'd to extinguish the Animosities which arise from diversity of Religion by Peace That he had deriv'd considerable Advantages by his moderation for the Reform'd Religion which he allow'd in his Territories and by the observation of his Edicts whereas before they were only granted to be violated that having found the benefit of that Counsel he gave it freely to his Friends That the United Provinces had found the Catholicks in their State when they form'd it for which reason they ought to suffer them there That such Sovereigns as have not found the Two Religious in their Countrey might well refuse to admit that which is not receiv'd there but that it would argue no wisdom to oppose it in case they endanger'd their state by it That the rigour of the Provinces against the Catholicks that were there would be a dangerous Example and would prejudice the Reform'd in such Places where they were weakest that there would be no danger in giving them some Liberty since that if they had been faithful during the War without it they would be so much the more so after having obtain'd it again He afterwards answer'd divers Objections which were partly the same that had been made in France
alâ—…ed to be the Defenders of it Therefore they obtain'd 〈…〉 Condemnation of the said Book to involve it in the â—…e Censure with those of their Doctors But the Book which made most noise upon that Subject â—…s that which du Plessis publish'd during the Session of the â—…embly in which he did preside and which he had intitulâ—d â—…e Mistery of Iniquity It was not so much the dignity of 〈…〉 Subject and the reputation of the Author which made the â—…k to be taken notice of as a Cut which was fix'd at the head 〈…〉 the Work which did revenge du Plessis highly for the afâ—…nt he had receiv'd at Fontainbleau The Pride of Paul 〈…〉 5th who fill'd the Holy See of Rome at that time and 〈…〉 Flatteries of his Creatures did afford him a large Field â—…stile him Antichrist The first Leaf of the Book repreâ—…ted a Tower of Babeâ— of a prodigious Architecture â—…ch appear'd to the Spectators a subject of Admiration 〈…〉 it was only sustain'd by some pieces of Timber which â—…re set on fire Two Latin Verses advis'd the Spectators 〈…〉 to admire that vast Building which would tumble â—…wn as soon as ever the fire had consum'd those feeble â—…porters In the next place you saw the Effigies of Paul 〈…〉 5th accompani'd with Inscriptions so haughty and 〈…〉 Impious That it would have been imposâ—…e to give the Reform'd a better hold tho it had been â—…he disignedly Whatever Flateries can be attributed to Temporal Prince whatever Holy Writ has spoken with â—…st Emphasis of Jesus Christ himself was apply'd to that â—…pe and underneath the Figure there was a Motto â—…ich gave him the Title of Vice-God This was copy'd â—…m a Picture made in Italy to adorn a Triumphal Arch â—…s'd in honour of that new Pope But that which was â—…ost remarkable was that the name of Paul the 5th joyn'd that of Vice-God in Latin in the case which belongs to â—…e Inscriptions fill'd up very justly the famous number 〈…〉 666 which all the Christians according to the testimony of St. John in the Apocalipse look upon to be the number of Antichrist Joyning the value of the Numeral Letter of that name according to the use of the Latins made 〈…〉 that mistical number Du Plessis triumph'd upon that important discovery ' Tâ—… said that he had been inform'd that the Queen design'd 〈…〉 recall him to Court and to imploy him again and thaâ— his Friends had advis'd him either to defer or to suppreâ—… the Edition of this Book which would not fail to involâ—… him into new Troubles But he preferr'd the advantage of 〈…〉 Religion to that of his Fortune at Court The Reform'â— who were great admirers of those kind of observationâ— did not fail to draw certain presages from thence of thâ— decay of the Roman See which manifested its Antichristanity by such evident Characters To say the trâ—… that number was made out there so naturally that it neither required learning nor stretching to find it oâ—… There was no need to invent a new Ortography or barâ—… rous Names nor ambiguous Words and the Title of Viâ—… God which made the greatest part of that number wâ—… so well adapted to the Authority which Antechrist wasâ—… pretend according to the predictions of Scripture That seem'd to require no other information upon that Subjeâ—… Those who had treated about it before had never imagined any thing so just and those who have spoken 〈…〉 it since have invented nothing farther There was no 〈…〉 cessity to look for that fatal number either in the Greekâ— Hebrew nor to make use of a Calculation unknown to tâ—… Vulgar and not in use in the Language in which the application of it was made All this was found in the Language and in the manner of Calculating of the Latin which the Catholicks call that of the Church which seeâ— to be necessary in this Question which relates accordingâ— the Catholicks themselves to a man who is to possess 〈…〉 Roman See So that it is no wonder that du Plessis should value himself upon that happy Discovery and that tâ—… Reform'd look'd upon it as a real Triumph of their Doctrine The Catholicks was strangly mov'd at the said Book the Poâ—… made great complaints about it The Sorbonne censur'd it and some private persons undertook to refute it Among the rest one de Brai St. Germain endeavour'd to excuse the Pope and lay'd the blame of the excess of the Elogys and the Impiety of the Applications upon the sordid flatteries of the Courtiers But he made himself ridiculous â—y endeavouring to apply the same number to du Plessis which he did by turning his name as many ways as he could imagin The Catholicks have followed that method untill our Days from the time of the Reformation â—s if that Number were the less applicable to their Church when by a thousand violent efforts they find the way to apply it to another Subject Antichrist himself according â—o the very notion of their own Doctors might make use of that secret to prove that he is not the person meant by the Apocalypse because that name has been applyed for example to Paul the 5th with justness enough That method has nevertheless prov'd useful to them In turning by those forc'd applications the mistery of that Number into a railliry they have evaded the serious applications that might be made of it to the See of Rome Before I resume the sequel of what the return of the Deputies in the Provinces did produce it will not be aâ—â—iss to speak a word or two of a Sedition which the Catholicks excited at Paris against the Reform'd Part of the Church-yard call'd Trinity was allow'd them A person of â—he Reform'd Religion caus'd his Childs Corps to be carri'd â—…hither in open day Two Marshals men accompany'd it to secure it But their presence did not hinder an Apprentice from abusing and flinging of Stones at the Reform'd who follow'd the Corps and his Master in imitation of it did the same The Marshals men endeavouring to suppress the said Violence encreas'd the evil instead of appeasing it The Mob fell upon them as well as upon the Reform'd Several of them were wounded and among the rest one of the Officers As the Court was yet uncertain of the success of the Affairs of Saumur they thought fit not to leave the said Sedition unpunish'd Those who had begun it were seiz'd The Apprentice was condemn'd to the Whipping Post and his Master to stand by They appeal'd to the Parliament which confirm'd the said Sentence and it was executed The Deputies of the Provinces being come home Provincial Assemblies were call'd to hear their Proceedings This report of new Assemblies made the Court fear that the discontents given to that of Saumur might be attended with worse consequences than was expected New expedients were sought after and they follow'd the advice of the Marshal de Bouillon which was to send away the Commissioners the
the Ofâ—…rs and to the Town House that in order to prevent the 〈…〉 effects of the Election of a new Mayor she desir'd that 〈…〉 old one might be continu'd The Duke of Rohan who had â—…n'd his point refus'd to submit to those orders He oppos'd 〈…〉 Continuation of the Mayor in writing and declar'd bodly that the People had abus'd the Queens Authority 〈…〉 obtain the said Letter That affair was somewhat Niâ—… and as some thought the Duke had imbroil'd himself 〈…〉 little too rashly in it others also were of opinion thâ—… the Queen had expos'd herself too much and that 〈…〉 had been ill advis'd St. John was a free City a City 〈…〉 Surety jealous of her Privileges and in a Province in whiâ—… the Reform'd were the strongest Therefore this undertakiâ—… to alter the accustomed form of the Election of a Majoâ—… to use Authority in order thereunto under pretence of 〈…〉 discord which did not as yet appear gave cause to suspeâ—… that the Court had a design upon the Priviledges of 〈…〉 Inhabitants which were violated without necessity 〈…〉 upon the surety of the place which they endeavoured 〈…〉 commit into the hands of suspected persons or perhapâ—… upon both Nevertheless the thing was very much resented 〈…〉 Court and the Queen being inform'd of the Duke of Rohan's opposition caus'd his Lady his Daughters and 〈…〉 his Family to be Secur'd She put a Gentleman into the Bastille who was sent by the Duke to justifie his Action She caus'd the Duke to be proclaim'd a Rebeâ—… and order'd an Army to march against him She wâ—… to Authorise the said enterprise her self by her Presence and because it was necessary to prevail with the rest 〈…〉 the Reform'd to suffer the said Duke's Ruin and the loâ—… of St. John without opposition she was to make a soleâ—… Declaration that she had no design against any body bâ—… the Duke and his Adherents to confirm the Edicts suffer all such to live in Peace who did not ingage iâ— those Troubles The Queen was to take the Marshalâ— de Bouillon and Lesdiguieres to Command under her in that Expedition and as if the Court had beeâ— as ready to act as to order orders were strait dispatch'd to the Officers that were to Command in the said Army to keep themselves ready to marâ—â— Manifestos were publish'd on both sides The Dukes up â—…aided the Court with all their Wiles and endeavour'd 〈…〉 prove that the consequence of that affair was general â—…at which appear'd in the Queens name endeavour'd 〈…〉 create suspicions about the Duke of Rohan's intentions â—…d to justifie the Court to perswade that their only aim â—…as against that Rebel and that she design'd to maintain â—…e Edicts and finally it invited the Catholicks and Reâ—…m'd to serve the King in that occasion The End of the Second Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes VOL. II. BOOK III. A Summary of the Contents of the Third Book Appearence of Accommodation under which the troubles continue Endavours are us'd to engage Du Plessis in them who remains in quiet Assembly of the Circle at Rochel Project of Reconciliation among the great ones Sedition at Rochel It s Original and Violence Negociation for the accommodation High Pretentions of the Duke de Rohan The Queen agrees to them preserving some appearences for herself The Duke being exasperated with new Injuries will no longer be satisfied with them The Assembly meets at Rochel and gives the Deputies General new Articles Resolutions taken 〈◊〉 Court but ill executed New Declaration Remarks upon those frequent Edicts The Circle assembles again Rochel withdraws from the rest of the Deputies which puts an end to the Troubles Verbal promises to tollerate Provincial Councils Declaration of the Marriages resolv'd upon with Spain Which offends the French but particularly the Reform'd Ferrier forsakes the Ministry Is receiv'd Counsellor 〈◊〉 Nimes Is Excommunicated Sedition against him Diligence of the Consuls to save Ferrier Writings 〈◊〉 both sides Appologies of Ferrier and his end Reconciliation of the Duke de Rohan and Marshal de Bouillon Enterpise of the Sheriffs of Saumur Equity of the Chamber of the Edict of Paris Rights of the Bishop of Mompellier upon the Vniversity Discontents of the Princes The Duke de Rohan joyns with them Polity of the Marshal de Bouillon Retreat and Manifesto of the Princes Their Precipitation is blam'd The Peace is made The Prince of Conde is injur'd at Poitiers Towns of Surely open'd to the King National Synod Letters from the King of England Council of the Lower Guyenne Mutual subordination of the Assemblies Brief of leave for a General Assembly Letters from the Lords Pecuniary affairs The Ministers are exempted from paying the Taylles Places of Surety Berger a Reform'd Counsellor in the Parliament of Paris turns Catholick Reform'd of Gex Churches not settled as yet Condition of the Reform'd in the County of Avignon Liberalities of the Synod Colleges Bearn Metz. Oath of Vnion Letters to the King and Queen The Queen prepares to assemble the States Declaration of the King's Majority Overtures of the States The Clergy and Nobility unite themselves against the Third Estate Reform'd in the States Indepency of Kings whose Cause is betray'd by the Clergy and by the Court it self Passion of the Clergy Harrangue of Cardinal du Perron Why Hereticks are tollerated Distinctions of the Cardinal His Conclusion Reflections The Third Estate persists Character of Miron President of the Chamber of that â—â—der The Court silences the third Estate Illusive Decree of the Clergy and their shameful Prevarication Inequality of the Prince of Conde Perseverance of the Clergy in that Doctrine Sedition at Milhau Harangue of the Bishop of Lucon Sedition at Belestat Cahier of the Clergy Sequel of the Cahier Articles propos'd directly against the Reform'd Sequel of the said Articles Conclusion of the Cahier THERE was a great deal of reason to believe that things would have gone farther considering the proceedings of the Court The rather because the Duke of Rohan seem'd nowise daunted at the storm that was preâ—…ng against him The Election of the Mayor was â—…de according to his desire la Rochebeaucour was forc'd yield and found himself almost reduc'd to pay the â—…t of the service he design'd to do the Queen The â—…ke gave the Offices of the City and of the Garrison â—…ersons he could confide in and the Deputy Governor's â—…e to Hautefontaine who was at his Devotion Neverâ—…less the Sequel did nowise answer those high beginnings â—…y fell to Remonstrances and Negociations and Theâ—…s Senechal of Query a wise and moderate man was 〈◊〉 to the Duke in order to perswade him to keep withâ—…he bounds of Duty Du Plessis also undertook that afâ—… and the Duke having preferr'd the advice of that old â—…n equally Prudent and Honest to the desires of a young â—…bility which would incline him to a War yielded to 〈◊〉 Exhortations of Themines An accommodation was â—…de in which in
call'd Pensions to betray them a recompence for his â—…od Services Those Sermons as they stil'd Seditious free â—…d sincere Discourses in which he spoke his mind conscienâ—…usly about the then State Affairs He acknowledg'd that 〈…〉 had Preach'd Doctrines contrary to those of the Reform'd but he said that they were new lights which he had discover'd in Catholick Books which had opened his eyes aboâ—â— many errors of his own Religion This was found in thâ— Appologies which either himself or the Jesuits did Priâ—… However this Sedition had no other consequence than 〈…〉 Transferring of the Presidial of Nimes to Beaucarie It wâ—â— ordain'd so by a Decree from the Council which gaâ—… this reason for it that they could no longer sit at Niâ—… there to administer Justice without danger But the 〈…〉 having satisfied the Court by a speedy obedience aâ—… other considerable Cities which look'd upon the consâ—quence of that Affair to be general having joyn'd their intreaties to theirs in order to obtain the revocation of the Decree they obtain'd it easily Ferrier being cruely mortifiâ—â— by the ill success of his Enterprises and irreconcileable wiâ—â— the Reform'd that abhor'd him comforted himself with the love of the Catholicks who look'd upon him still to beâ— some use He liv'd a long while after that miserable Catastrophe and the Court where he was favour'd by tâ—â— Jesuits honoured him at last with a place of Counsellorâ— State There is a Pamphlet of his in which he makes tâ—â— Elogy of Cardinal de Richelieu whose Ministry afforded 〈…〉 Theme to a thousand Satyrs He never was so firmâ— Catholick but that he still gave the Reform'd hopes of joyning with them again But whereas there was no fortune to â— expected in their Service especially after the decay 〈…〉 their Affairs he persisted to the end in the Roman Religiâ—… which answered his Ambition and Vanity The Duke de Rohan who had only made an agreemeâ—… with the Court by Force had preserv'd some resentmeâ—… against those who had put that Violence upon him and the Commissioners of the Synod had not been able to preâ—… with him to enter into the Reconciliation which the other great ones had sign'd The end of those Broils giving people time to breath the Negociations of that Accomodatioâ—… were resum'd but with some difficulty at first by reason that there was some coldness between the Duke and â—… Plessis who was very useful to prevail upon people The â—…d coldness proceeded from that du Plessis had broken all â—…e Dukes measures at Rochel by his Credit and Prudence â—owever as they had a great respect for each other they â—ere easily reconcil'd They met in a House belonging to â—…e Dukes Mother where after some discourse they remain'd â—…ry well satis'fid with each other Moreover the Duke â—…omis'd to live civily with the Marshal de Bouillon when 〈…〉 should go for Paris and whereas the reasons which made â—…m take that resolution were grounded upon the Publick â—…od and the Service of the Churches the Marshal reliâ—…ed them as well as he and promis'd the same thing But â—…t jealousie did not allow them to enterain any real friendâ—…p or confidence in each other The Sheriffs of Saumur made an attempt that year which â—…ow'd that du Plessis moderation expos'd him more than â—…y other to the attempts of his Enemies They suffer'd â—…emselves to be persuaded to call a Jesuit into their City 〈…〉 Preach there during the Octave which the Catholicks call â—…pus Christi The thing was of consequence had it succeeded â—…d the example would have been great had du Plessis suffer'd it 〈…〉 incline the Governours of the other places of surety to 〈…〉 the same Therefore the Jesuits of la Fleche had thought fit 〈…〉 begin with Saumur and had made an agreement with the â—…fficers and the body of the City to send them a Preacher â—…e Sheriffs and the others had much ado to desist from â—…at Pretention although du Plessis gave them to underâ—…nd that having besides the usual Priests three sorts of â—…onks in the City they had no occasion for a Jesuit and â—…at he showed them that those of that Robe were excluâ—…d out of the Cities of Surety by the Answers to the 〈…〉 Cahiers They expected to obtain his consent by Civility â—…d Intreaties but finally he being positive not to grant it 〈…〉 them and they not to disist from their enterprise he â—…as oblig'd to obtain an order from above The Queen â—…anted it according to her promises and to the desire of 〈…〉 Plessis and she caus'd the Jesuit to be countermanded â—…erself The Chamber of the Edict of Paris revers'd a sentence of the Judge of Orleans that year who had adjudged a Legacy given by a Lady of Quality for the maintenance of the Ministers and Poor of that City to the Hospitals of the said City and of Remorantin The like proceedings happened often The Inferior Judges commonly express'd a great deal of Passion in the affairs of the Edict and made no difficulty to violate the clearest dispositions of it by their judgments But the Chambers were more equitable and whereas none but chosen Judges were imploy'd there still whose Righteousness and Moderation were know they often reform'd what the Inferior Judges had judg'd amiss But that very year the King granted aâ— Edict to the Bishop of Mompellier which the Reform'd thought they had reason to complain of He gave oâ— confirm'd to the Bishop the right of making Regulations for the Government or Reformation of the University To take an Oath from all such as were admitted into their Body or that injoyed any of their Offices and generally to authorise their Acts. This under pretence of doing aâ— act of Justice was a Cruel incroachment upon the Reform'd of that City who were much more powerful than the Catholicks and who pretended that the said Right belonged lawfully to the Body of the City over whom the Bishops would usurp it The subjecting of them to the Authority of the Bishop was the more grevious to them by reason that he was an undertaking malicious person who spent all his time in contriving to trouble others for his own advantage His name was Fenouillet and he was indebted for his advancement to the Duke of Sully The said Lord had obtain'd the Bishopwrick of Poitiers for him from Henry the 4th and that of Mompellier becoming vacant about the same time he got him translated to it But tho Fenouillet was indebted to a Reform'd Lord for his Dignity it did not hinder him from doing a thousand mischiefs to the others nor to declare himself upon occasion one of their most inveterate Persecutors He did not want Eloquence and when Lewis the 13th Besieg'd Mompellier 〈…〉 1622 he harrangud that Prince in so violent a manner â—…at the Inhabitants of the said City would have had reason 〈…〉 expect the utmost Extremities if they had not been â—…le to defend themselves This Edict
the Name and Lustre of their Families There were some Reform'd among the Deputies of the Noâ—â—lity but they were not strong enough to oppose the Cathoâ—â—cks Besides what ever came from them was suspected by â—…e ignorant Nobility and one of the reasons which prejudic'd â—…e rights of the Crown most and the Prince of Conde was that â—â—ose who maintain'd them most were Hereticks Peoples minds â—eing dispos'd thus The third Estate began to treat the queâ—ion of the Independency of Kings and of the safety of their â—ersons against the enterprizes and pretentions of the Court â—f Rome It was none of their fault that it was not pass'd â—â—to a fundamental Law of the State that they were subject 〈…〉 no Power directly nor indirectly and that there was no â—ase or pretence to authorise any body to declare their forâ—â—iture of the Crown to dispence their Subjects from their Allegiance The murther of the two last Kings had made a deep impression in the hearts of the King 's best Subjects and the Third Estate was desirous to stifle the remainder of the League by that Law by showing their maxims to be false and contrary to the principle of Monarchy It was still fresh in Peoples minds how those maxims had like to have torn the Kingdom into piece and to deprive the lawful Heir of the Crown under pretence of Religion and of the Excommunication pronounc'd against him by the Popes It seems wonderful in our days that a proposition so specious in it self and so advantageous to Kings could be rejected And yet it certainly was and that which is most surprising is that the King's authority was us'd to reject it The truth is that it was no novelty at that time the Court had partly done the same two years before The Monks had undertaken to make Kings stoop under the Popes feet The Clergy of the Sorbonne was inclinable to that Seditious Theology Regal Authority was the sport of their Disputes and most people were wretchedly misled into that opinion I do not wonder that they refus'd to allow the Reform'd at that time to have the honour to defend their Soveraign and that those Books were suppress'd which they wrote upon that Subject but yet methinks they should have had a little more regard for the Catholicks who maintain'd the same Cause Nevertheless the Court handsomely acquiess'd to its own disadvantage Richet only defender of the King 's Rights and of the Liberties of the Gallick Church and who maintain'd the propositions which the Clergy has lately defin'd was oppress'd by Duval another Doctor seconded by the Monks and the Court interposing in that Dispute he was oblig'd to part with his place of Syndis of the University to suffer the Condemnation of his Books without saying any thing and to suffer his Brethren and even the King himself whose Interests he did defend to treat him as an Heretick But whereas the Reform'd had a great share in that Dispute which was renew'd in the States I think it will be necessary for their Honour to relate somewhat at large how that affair pass'd The Clergy fell out into an Excess of Passion against â—…e Authors of that proposition They made as much noise as if they had design'd to take away their vast Revenues or to set the Reform'd Religion upon the Throne They drew the Nobility into their Sentiments and having put Cardinal Du Perron at the head of a solemn Deputation which they sent to the Third Estate he oppos'd â—…e good Intentions of that Body with all his might The did Cardinal made a long studyed discourse upon that â—…atter to render the said proposition odious and he maintain'd the Interests of the Courts of Rome with so much confidence that he seem'd only to make use of the Grandeur to which the favour of Kings had rais'd him to destroy them and to make them subject to a Forreign Power The turn he took to make an Impression upon the minds of â—…e Catholicks was to represent that Doctrine as a branch of Heresie in order to create jealousies about its Original â—…e maintained with a boldness suitable to a more odious â—ame that before Calvin the whole Church and even the Gallick Church did believe that when a King did violate the â—ath he had taken to God and to his Subjects to live and â—ye a Catholick and not only turn'd Arian or Mahometan â—ut even proceeded so far as to War against Jesus Christ â—…at is to force the Consciences of his Subjects and to oblige â—…em to follow a false Religion he might be declar'd deprived of his Rights and his Subjects could be absolved in â—onscience and at the Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Tribunal 〈…〉 the Allegiance which they had sworn to him and that it belonged to the Pope or Council to make that Declaration â—…e maintained that this Sentiment expos'd no body to the Anathema and did not deprive those who held it of the â—ommunion of the Church He declared more than once that â—…e Oath which the King of England had exacted from the Catholicks was the Patron of the Doctrine of the Third Estate which at the bottom was the substance of that Oath â—…e alledged several inconveniences which might arise from the enterprise of that House for Instance that it would be a Snare for Consciences to make people read as an Article of Faith taken out of the word of God a Doctrine the contrary of which had been and was still held by all the rest of the Catholick Church That it was dangerous that Lay-men should undertake to decide matters of Faith without being guided by a Council or some other Ecclesiastical Judgment That it might create a Schism to declare a Doctrine Impious which was approved by the other Catholicks which they did seperate from by that Declaration That under pretence of securing the Life and Grandeur of Princes they would be exposed more than ever by the troubles which a Schism causes He had the boldness to say that the Murther of Kings could be prevented no otherwise than by the fear of Eternal Punishment and that nothing but Ecclesiastical Judgments can give a real Terror of Punishments He seconded all this with Examples and Testimonies set out with a great deal of Pomp displaying as he us'd to do the most fabulous and most false Reports and he endeavou'd to prove by subtil artificial answers the Examples and Testimonies to the contrary He also endeavour'd to refute the Objections drawn from other Causes and among the rest that which was taken from the Tolleration granted to Hereticks from whence it might be concluded that if Just Laws were made to preserve their Lives their Estates and their Honours Kings were much less to be depriv'd of theirs under pretence of Heresie He answer'd it in a manner which show'd that according to his opinion the Laws under which Hereticks lived did only suspend the execution of those which were against them and insinuating
capable of by the Edict So that Berger's place could not be taken from them without injustice since it was one of the Six allow'd them by the Edict nor yet that of Villemereau which he had not render'd himself incapable of according to the Edict by turning to their Religion This Article decided the thing in their behalf which was the most considerable point in favour of them in the Treaty thereby gaining a New Office in the Parliament and another in the Chamber of Accounts which is one of the most considerable Courts of the Long Robe The Fifth confirm'd the Exemption of the Tailles which had been Granted to Ministers by a Declaration of the 15 of December 1612. which had not been Verify'd The Seventh abolish'd the Remembrance of the Sedition of Milhau and put the Catholicks under the Protection of the Reform'd for their Safety The Eighth did the same about the Affair of Belestat and put the Reform'd under the Protection of the Catholicks The Tenth restor'd the place of Master of the Ordinance to its former extent in favour of the Duke of Sully from whom they had retrench'd something of it to Vex him The other Articles contain'd some favours Granted to some particular Persons Moreover the Reform'd also obtain'd a Brief for an augmentation of 30000 Crowns for the keeping of their Garrisons and for the Sallaries of their Ministers besides what the King had already allow'd them more than his Father The Verification of that Edict was not delay'd long The Court of Aids pass'd it on the 8th of June but with several Modifications Principally upon the 14 of the General Articles and the 15 of the Private ones The Parliament did not do it until the 13 after reiterated Remonstrances They Modify'd the 14th Article and the following which they declar'd should be no President for the Future That which stopt these two Courts in the 14th Article was not the Confirmation of the Edicts which they had so often Verify'd But the Briefs that were mention'd in it which being unknown to them gave Cause to suspect that the King promis'd immense Sums in it to the Reform'd They oppos'd it so much the more Vigorously by reason that they were not Ignorant that Kings often make such Gifts in hopes that they will have no Effect It costs them nothing to make such Grants by reason that they are sensible that they will not pass in the Courts in which the Letters of it are to be Verify'd But in this occasion the Queen was willing the thing should pass by reason that she was desirous to expect a more favourable Conjuncture to retract her promise This was an Edict like to those in which nothing is refus'd which they are resolv'd to keep no longer than while they may revoke them with safety In the mean time the Parliament and the Court of Aids refus'd to pass those Briefs without examining the Contents or Use of the Sums which might be mention'd in them The Parliament made great Oppositions to the Article which related to Villemereau and the Reform'd were never fully satisfy'd upon that Subject because a War was declar'd against them before it was determin'd The Chamber of Accounts did not Verify the Edict until the 28th of the Month and as to the Article about le Maitre they said that before he should be allow'd to injoy the Benefit of that Article he should clear himself of some things he was accus'd of as it had been ordain'd by the Chamber by a Decree of the 23d of March Thus an End was put to the War and the State beheld the Renovation of a Peace of which the Sweets prov'd as Short as Flattering The End of the Fourth Part. THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES VOL. II. BOOK V. The Summary of the Contents of the Fifth BOOK A Declaration upon the Coronation Oath The Prince Authorizeâ— himself at Court The Queen puts him into Prison which occasions great Disturbances The Reform'd make themselves Masters of Sancerre A Declaration upon the Edict of Peace The Duke d Epernon makes War against Rochel Privileges of that City Pretences of the Duke Rochel has recourse to the King and makes an Ill Defence The Duke retires after reiterared Orders Importance of his Enterprise The Circle Assembles at Rochel and summons a General Assembly Which is not approv'd of by every Body The Deputies of the Circle are ill receiv'd at Court Reasons to prove that the Assembly is necessary Extremities to which the Male-contents are reduc'd The King's Temper The Original of the Fortune of Honoré Albert de Luines Some question'd whither he was Nobly Born Character of his Confidents Death of the Marshâ—â— d' Ancre Alteration of Affairs and confirmation of tâ—â— Ediâ—â—s Luines Marries into the House of Rohan The Assembly of Rochel deputes to the King and receives an order to break up They obey and resolve to protect the Churches of Bearn Their Cahiers National Synod of Vitré Deputation to the King Letters to the General Assembly and their Answer The Churches of Bearn and of Auvergnâ—â—â—â— disturb'd The Count of Sancerre commits Hostâ—… the City The Churches of the Province of the Country â—â— Foix and those of Provence ill us'd Leave given to Ministers to assist at Political Assemblies Places of Bailywicks establish'd but not exactly Rogueries committed by the converted Moors The Bishop of Lucon retires from the Queen The Jesuit Cotton out of favour Arnoux succeeds in his place A Sermon Preach'd at Court by him The Answer of the Ministers of Charenton to an Information exhibited against them Writings on both sides The Bishop of Lucon Writes against the Ministers Assembly of the Clergy The Bishop of Macon's Speech The Jacobins turn'd out of Mompellier They refuse to admit a Jesuit Preacher there The State of Bearn ill represented The Effect of this Speech A Decree Authorising the Jesuits to Preach at Mompellier A Decree of restauration of the Ecclesiastical Lands in Bearn Re-union of that Country to the Crown which is oppos'd â—…e Estates La Force and Lescun Deceit of the Coâ—â—t A Dissertation upon this matter Discontinuation of Hommage Inconveniencies of the Dis-union and Advantages of the ReVnion By whom the Vnion is pursued Motives of the Opponents and their answer to the Dissertation Publication of the Edict of Re-union The Clergy obtains the Decree of restauration of Church Lands which declares That the Deputies have been heard and the Writings seen Subtilty of the Clergy A Violent Speech The Bearnois endeavour to ward the Blow Remonstrances of Lescun Libels The State of Religion in Bearn Lescun obtains only Words Those of Bearn pâ—rsist in their oppositions Writings in favour of them Why the Clergy refus'd to take the reimplacement themselves An Answer to the Writing of the Bearnois The Sequel of the Answer Injustices against the Reform'd throughout the whole Kingdom Enterprizes upon the Cities of Surety The free Exercise of Religion hinder'd in sundry places Injustices of the
vigorously press'd They were afraid that the Marshal a'Ancre after this being Proud of their Defeat and moreover an Enemy to the Reform'd would inflict a Punishment upon them for the Resolutions taken at Nâ—â—es which had reduc'd him upon the very Brink of the Precipice But his unexpected fall remov'd the pretence of those Terrors When Fortune seem'd to have plac'd him above the reach of his Enemies a Tragical End was preparing for him by means which he never could foresee nor prevent The King was hardly minded at Court He was young and of a Weak Constitution He Lov'd Hawking and Music and pass'd his time in those little Amusements leaving the sole Authority of the Government to the Queen his Mother He was nevertheless Jealous of his Power even to Excess though he neither understood it nor could injoy it During the whole Course of his Life he never could exert it himself nor suffer it into the Hands of another It was equally impossible for him not to raise his Favourites to a vast degree of Power and to endure them when Possess'd of that Grandeur to which he had rais'd them himself By making them Rich he put them in a State to displease him The Excess of his Complaisance for them was as it were the first degree of his Hatred And I question whither an Example could be found in his History of any Favourite whose Death or Ruin he was concern'd for But his Sentiments were conceal'd in his own heart And whereas he only Communicated them to few those who are of Opinion that there is always a Mystery in the Conduct of Princes accus'd him of a Black and profound Dissimulation To say the Truth the reason of his silence was that he neither confided in himself nor in others and that he had a great deal of Timorousness and Weakness Most of those who have spoken of him acknowledge that he had Courage and that he did not lose his Judgment in danger that he lov'd and understood War that he was a good Scholar but that he was not capable of Reigning There was a Man about him whom no body was Jealous of because his parts were too mean to be fear'd He was suffer'd with him as a Man who amus'd him with the pleasure of Hawking which those who had the Authority were very well pleas'd to see him imploy'd about to the â—nd that they might do what they pleas'd They say that this Man begun to insinuate himself into the King's Favour by â— present he made him of two Wary Angles taught to Fly â—t small Birds in Hedges This Animal is not much larger than a Sparrow and is naturally addicted to peck others â—nd to keep them from his Nest So that Application and Care may easily form him for that small War to which he â—s naturally inclin'd This Present Inchanted the King who â—ook a great deal of Pleasure to see those little Birds imitate those of a higher Flight They diverted him at all times â—n Rainy Weather hâ— made them fly in his Chamber or in some Gallery He affected to go often to Mass to the Capuâ—ins their House being conveniently Seated to afford him that pleasure by reason that his way thither was through â—he Thuileries a Royal Garden in which he met with Birds which he caus'd to be taken by those Wary Angles He had a little Net set up at the End of the Hedge into which those Birds being thus pursued never fail'd to Intangle themselves and he took abundance of pleasure to see them pluck'd by those little Animals which he often carried himself upon his Finger with Bells and Varvels like Hawks And lâ—st that Pleasure should fail him sometimes for want of Birds he caus'd abundance to be taken and bred which he never set free again but to be taken by those Wary Angles Whereas the Reader may perhaps never find in any other Book which were the beginnings of the greatest Fortune that ever a Subject was rais'd to I thought I might make this digression to oblige him The Person I am speaking of was Luines a Man almost unknown and even during whose Favour some question'd whither he was born a Gentleman It is certain at least that he was very Poor And 't is reported that when he came first to Paris with Brantes and Cadenet his two Brothers they had but one Cloak amongst them which they wore by turns two of them remaining at home while the other was in the City or at Court about their common Affairs No Body thought him capable to perswade the King to any thing but the Pleasures of Hawking But they were mistaken and Luines having found the Ascendent he had over the King's Mind made use of it to destroy the Marshal d'Ancres Whither he were put upon it by the Male-contents who had gain'd him or whither he were Animated by the Spaniards who dreaded the Marshal's growing so Powerful as to have no longer occasion for them or whither he design'd to raise his Fortune upon the Ruins of that Wretch he took the advantage of the King's Foible which he knew and stuff'd his Head with Jealousies and Vexations against those who abus'd his Authority and Treasure Three Men serv'd Luines in that design Deagean a Suttle Violent and Ambitious Man who was first Clerk to Barbin the Queen's Creature betray'd his Master and came every Night to give the King an Account how they play'd with his Power Marcillac an inconsiderable Person who Traffick'd for his Service seconded in the day time by his Discourse what the other had advanc'd Desplans a Souldier in the Guards had a share in the said Conspiracy Deagean was the only Man of Parts among them But he had too much Genius for Luines who in order to be rid of him bounded his Fortune to a Place of President in the Chamber of Accompts of Grenoble where he sent him to reside under pretence of watching the Conduct of Lesdiguieres The King being perswaded by those Agents of Luines who among other things never fail'd to acquaint him with the Murmurs of the People against the disorders of the Government was at a Loss which way to rid himself of his Wardship He had a mind to Fly to Meaux there to Summon his Subjects from all Parts to his Assistance Some propos'd to him to go to the Parliament upon some Pretence and there to cause the Marshal to be seiz'd in his Presence and to give an Order for his Tryal But Luines either Dreading the King's Weakness or the Queen's Authority chose to have him Seiz'd in the Louvre The King gave Order to Vitri to do it who apparently had receiv'd secret Orders from Luines about it to whom the King having sent him back again to know his Pleasure he carry'd the thing farther than it was design'd He caus'd him to be kill'd on the 4th of April under pretence that he had leave so to do in case he made any resistance Yet he
fit Instrument to manage the King's Inclination to his Advantage But he was cruelly deceiv'd and this Villain paid him for his good Will like a true Jesuit So that he also was forc'd to retire at the end of some Years Thus the King left the Management of his conscience as well as of his Kingdom to the discretion of his Favourites and changing his Affection according to their Pleasure he allow'd them to Reign into the most secret parts of his Confessions and of his Thoughts This Jesuit was Arnoux known at Court by Conferences and Sermons which had gain'd him some Esteem Amongst the Sermons he was most noted for he Preach'd one at Fontain bleau before the King in which he attack'd the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd and maintain'd that the Passages cited in the Margin were falsely alledg'd This Accusation could not fail of being taken notice of in a Court in which there were abundance of Officers and Lords who did profess the Reform'd Religion So that upon the Disputes occasion'd by the said Sermon the Jesuit who had not advanc'd this Proposition with an Intention to retract it gave a Memoir of the Falsiâ—…ies he pretended to observe in the said Quotations to a Reform'd Gentleman who desir'd it and the said Gentleman gave it to Du Moulin The Ministers were not as yet reduc'd to suffer every thing without making a defence Moreover they were firm and vigorous in their Repartees and particularly when they met 〈◊〉 Jesuit in their way they never fail'd to speak of the Merits of his Sect. Therefore Du Moulin who had a Sprightly Wit 〈◊〉 Fruitful Imagination a heart full of Zeal and who as it â—as been own'd by his very Adversaries did Write with as much Politeness as Force and Ease was not long before he Answer'd the Jesuit having first Consulted Montigni Duâ—ant and Mestrezat his Colleagues in the Ministry They gave it the Title of Defence of the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd Churches of France against the Accusation of Arnoux the Jesuit c. which they Dedicated to the King They mention'd with some Vigour in the Dedication the Services the Reform'd had done to the State and they us'd the Jesuits in it in the same manner as all Persons of Honour had us'd them till then They did not forget the last Estates held at Paris and the Controversie that had been mov'd there concerning the Independency of Kings who they said had lost their Cause by the Faction of the Clergy Arnoux and the Jesuits being nettl'd at this Letter caus'd a great deal of Noise to be made about it So that almost as soon as the Book appear'd they inform'd against the Work against the Author and against the Printer The Lieutenant Civil or Common Judge having first taken Cognizance of it that Affair was soon after remov'd before the Parliament which occasion'd a Dispute in point of Jurisdiction between the Great Chamber and the Chamber of the Edict The first pretended to retain the Cause as being a Civil Cause and the last would have it Try'd before them as being an Affair of Religion This Contestation was determin'd by a Decree of the Council bearing Date July the 20th which refer'd the Cause to the King And within a fourth Night after it another Decree was made in which the King forbad the Dedicating of any Book to him without his express leave suppress'd that of the Ministers forbad the reading of it or to keep it under certain Penalties and order'd the Provost of Paris to Prosecute the Printer This Decree dictated by the Jesuits only serv'd to set a greater value upon the Book Divers Pamphlets were dispers'd on both sides upon that Subject among which there was one which acknowledg'd Arnoux the Jesuit to be the Aggressor and that pretended that it was a Crime in the Ministers to have dar'd to defend themselves So that according to the Maxims of that Writer the Condemnation of the Ministers could only be look'd upon as an Oppression of Innocence so much the more Unjust that though those who had been attack'd had been punish'd the Aggressors had not so much as receiv'd a â—light Reprimand It was agains this Book of the four Ministers that the Bishop of Lucon resolv'd â—â— Write He insisted particularly upon their Letter and endeavour'd to prove that they had fill'd it with falshood He made all his Efforts to justify the last Estates But he did it by Reasons which he knew to be false better than any Body which most of those that had been concern'd in what past there could easily have convinc'd him of That manner of Writing was an effect of his fear It was the Stile that best pleas'd the Jesuits whom that Bishop was then as loth to offend as he despis'd them since when he found himself in a more prosperous Fortune About the time the Synod was at Vitre the Clergy was Assembled at Paris and vigorously prosecuted the Project they had form'd in the last Estates in Order to the Ruin of the Reform'd The Bishop of Macon made a Speech to the King â—â— the second of June at the Head of the Deputies of that Body And it is easie to Judge by the Style of it that the Catholicks were no longer inclin'd to use the Reform'd equitably He call'd the Reform'd Monsters and compar'd their Church to Agar styling it a Concubine He acknowledg'd that the Clergy dissembled with them and only Tollerated them for the sake of Peace He maintain'd that the Catholick Churches were happier under the Turks where the free Exercise of their Religion was allow'd than in those Places where the Reform'd were Masters His Complaints were grounded particularly upon Three Points The first was that the Bishop â—f Mompelier having been desirous to introduce Reform'd Jacobins into the Monastery the Friars of that Order had in the â—aid City by the Consent as he said of the Old ones of the General of the Order and by the Authority of the Parliament of Thoulouse the Inhabitants instead of allowing that Alteration had not only refus'd to receive the New ones but â—ad turn'd the Old ones out of the City But the Bishop did not say what had induc'd the Inhabitants to do it The Bishop of Mompelier had for a long while occasion'd continual â—isorders and disputes there and had offended the Reform'dâ—y â—y the boldness of his Enterprises Whither it were then â—hat they were afraid that these New Friars under pretence of an Austere Reformation might be indued with a more selitious Spirit and consequently more capable to second the said Prelate in his designs or whither it were that remembring the Original of that Order which had Signaliz'd it self from its first Formation by a thousand Massacres and who had acquir'd the Government of the Inquisition in Spain by such Qualifications they were afraid these New comers might introduce this Spirit of Fury and Cruelty in Mompelier and might have secret
any Jealousies and represented that the said City was a Refuge to many peaceable Families who were come thither out of the Country and elsewhere to avoid the Spoils of War That their Terrors would be revived in case the Appearance of Surety they expected to find in the City should be removed and the natural Inhabitants would forsake all themselves if he received a Treatment of which they would think the Consequences would prove fatal to them All this produc'd nothing but Promises by Word of Mouth and in Writing Sign'd by the Constable and by the King himself to return him the Place in a certain time and to amuse him in the mean time they â—…rt him the Title of Governor and put Count de Saulx Grand-Son to Lesdiguieres who still profess'd the Reform'd Religion into Saumur to keep the Place as long as the King said that he would detain it but in order that Du Plessis might only have the Shadow of the Government a Catholick Garison was put in it Soon after that Du Plessis retir'd to his House of La Foret upon Saivre where he soon discover'd that he was fooled This Disgrace drew a thousand Reproaches from the Assembly upon him They called him Coward Hypocrite and Deserter They had been jealous of him for some time and they had â—…ke to have seiz'd upon Villarnoul the last time he came to Rochel with the Instructions of his Father-in-Law His Councils which always thwarted those of the Assembly and that were ever contriv'd with Lesdiguieres had created great Jealousies so that the seizing of Saumur which was only a Trick of the Court was lock'd upon in the Assembly as a piece of Treason of Du Plessis which they upbraided him with in very disobliging Terms Time justify'd him even to those that were most suspicious and when they saw him dye within some years after it without having receiv'd from the Court the just Recompence either of the Government or of the Expences he had been at nor yet of his Goods and particularly of his Books which had been expos'd to a kind of Plunder nor of the Amunitions he had paid for with his own Money nor of several other things in which he had been a great Sufferer they found that the Court had impos'd upon his Good Nature and Sincerity The King published another new Declaration at Aâ—ort on the 27th of May which declaring all the Cities and Persons Criminal who sided with the Assembly and particularly the Cities of Rochel and St. John d'Angeli of which the one harbor'd the Assembly and the other was preparing to sustain a Siege forbad all the Reform'd to adhere to that Party or to acknowledge the General Assembly or any other Assembly Circles Abridgments Councils of Provinces or Congregations that held any Correspondence with the Assembly of Rochel or that should be held without positive Leave from the King All their Adherents were declar'd guilty of High-Treason in it and Condemn'd to the Punishments expressed in the Ordinances The Cities of Rochel and of St. John d'Angeli and those that follow'd their Examples were depriv'd of all the Grants Priviledges Franchises and other Favours they had obtain'd from the Kings But that which was most remarkable was a Command made to all the Reform'd Gentlemen and others of what Quality soever even in the Cities and Communities to repair to the register Office of the Bayliwick or Seneshalship of their Precinct there to declare that they would serve the King against those that adhear'd to the Assembly That they did renounce all manner of Communication with them and that they disown'd whatever might be resolv'd on there or in any other Assemblies of the same Party which the King more over would oblige every one of them to give in Writing for their Discharge This was Executed with so much Severity that the Duke de Sully and the Marquess de Roâ—y his Son were forc'd to serve as Examples to others and to sign the Declaration in the Terms of that Ordinance Care was taken to send a particular account to Court of the manner in which it had been rejected or received in those Places where it was sent and it was observable that where-ever there were persons brib'd by the Court the Obedience was very exact Thus far the King had met no manner of Opposition and all the Governors of the Places of Surety that happen'd â—…e in his Way deliver'd up their Places to him with as much Ease as Du Plessiâ—s but their Prudence had â—â—â—e Interest in it They all secur'd Recompences for their Cowarâ—iâ—e and that Commerce was so much in vogue during that War that no body surrender'd up aâ—…own to the King without obtaining something for it Even four of them who had surrender'd their Towns up generously to the King at first without bargaining for it bethought themselves seeing the Advantages others got by their Obedience and prevail'd with some Places to revolt in order to have an Opportunity to make a Treaty by which they might get something Parabere surrender'd Niort with Ostentation Loudrieres who was only Deputy Governor in Fontâ—nai le Comâ—e deliver'd the Place without acquainting the Governor with it who was absent After which he had the Confidence to lock himself up in St. John d'Angeli in order to form some Division there under pretence of Serving during the Siege of that City which the King threatned and Soubise was either so imprudent or so ill inform'd as to receive him Chateaâ—nâ—â—â— Governor of Pons suffer'd himself to be gain'd by Lesdiguieres though he had been one of the honest and most obstinate of the Assembly The Truth is that the Court seem'd to Besiege that Place the better to colour that Treaty Those Bargains were in vogue even in those Provinces where the King was not in Person and Monâ—â—mmâ—ry who Commanded in Pâ—nterson a small Sea Port Town in Normandy deliver'd it up to the King on certain Conditions Aâ—genton the only Place of Surety the Reform'd had in Bâ—â—ry was deliver'd up to the Prince of Conde upon the Account of such a Bargain As soon as the King was Master of any Place he caus'd the Fortifications to be demolished which might have seemed strange had not the World had evident Proofs before of the Diâ—ingenuity of those that Govern'd him Those Towns which surrender'd at the first Summons could not be treated as Rebels and whereas they belong'd to the Churches yet for above three years to come according to the last Brief confirm'd since by the Writing the King had given to Du Plessis the King ought to have been satisfied with their Submission without depriving the Reform'd who kept within the Bounds of Duty and who surrender'd them so handsomly of those Refuges But the Design of that War was to revoke the Briefs and whatever Distinction the Court had promis'd to make between the Reform'd that were Peaceable and the Factious they were resolv'd equally to take all the
â—â—d forfeited their Right if they had any That they were the perpetual occasion of renewing the Troubles That it was beâ—w a King to think there should be such Reasons of mistrust between him and his Subjects that his word and Faith should â—â—t be as good as Places of Security 'T was also there maintain'd That at first those Cities were not given to the People â—â—t to the Princes of the Blood who had sided with 'em That â— reality they were of no use to the Reformed because the â—ant of 'em never could warrant 'em from being attacqu'd by â—e King That 't was not to be thought that the King had any â—â—sign to ruin the Reformed tho he had taken their Cities from â—â—â— And he prov'd That 't was nor the Aim of the Council either by an Extract out of a Book call'd Les Armes Victoriâ—ses du Roy wherein it was made out that it was a great piece of injustice to force the Conscience and that there was nothing incompatible with the welfare of the State in the Toleration of â—wo Religions This Francophilus was of opinion That the Reformed might be suffer'd to hold Ecclesiastical Assemblies under certain Conditions to reduce Colloquies from four to one in a year but to hold Provincial Synods but once in three years nor for one Province to hold correspondence with another noâ— to have any more National Synods or if they had not to meâ—â— above once in six years with the King's permission and in such a place as he should be pleas'd to appoint under the oversight â—â— a Commissioner to be present on the King's behalf As for Politie Assemblies he deem'd it necessary that they should be suppress'd as pernicious or to suffer 'em only at some time three years after the National Synods He observ'd that the Nobility were never present at those Assemblies but only to flatter and get Pensions whether in Peace or War at the expence of the Common Cause That the Commissioners of the Third Estate had the same Ends That it was dishonest unprofitable and dangerous for Ministers to leave their Churches to be present â— those Meetings And in a word he would have all these Meetings to be very rarely held and after another manner then tiâ—â— that time they had bin allow'd As to the Money of which the Reformed demanded restitution he was of opinion That â—â— ought not to be restor'd 'T was in his opinion Money ill bestow'd which serv'd only to defray the Expences of Assemblies where nothing but War was talk'd of The disingaging of private Persons was to be referr'd to the King's Prudence who was â—â— judge upon whom it was proper to confer his Favours and how far it was fitting for him to extend 'em provided those Favour were requested not with their Arms in their hands and with Rebellious Expostulations but with tears in their Eyes and testimonies of Repentance He concluded That if Peace were offer'd upon Conditions dishonourable to the King a War would be more advantageous The Contents of that Treatise may well be thought to be written by a Person well inform'd of the Court's Intentions since that afterwards they put in practise every thing that he asserted The War then was continu'd and after the taking of several Little Places that might annoy the Army the King sate down before Mompellier But the Prince of Condé who had the Command of these petty Enterprizes discharg'd his duty after a most cruel manner Always some unfortunate Creatures were 〈…〉 to be executed in those Cities that were surrender'd 〈…〉 himself and 't is a wonderful thing that those Rigorous Proceedings did not animate the Reformed to be more obstinate in their Resistance For there was not any Place that yielded which could not have held out much longer or that might not we obtain'd at least an honourable Capitulation Lunel was â—e of those unfortunate Cities where the Garison that sustain'd â—e Siege underwent all the Cruelties that could be expected or â—r'd from a faithless Enemy For that instead of being safe conducted as they ought to have been they were almost all 〈…〉 to pieces by the Soldiers of the Prince's Army who gave but â—â—â—y slight and superficial Orders to prevent the slaughter All â—e Paggage which they carry'd out was pillag'd and they who â—â—d committed this Barbarous Action re-enter'd Lunel with a â—ring confidence carrying away those people Prisoners who â—â—ve them any hopes of Ransome and making them the Porters â— their Booty as if it had been the Prize of a just and lawful â—ar But by good luck for some of those Prisoners Bassomâ—rre happen'd to be at the Gate as the Soldiers were coming â—â—t who caus'd some of 'em to be hang'd order'd the Prisoners to be set at liberty and their Baggage to be restor'd ' em â—owevert his was all the justice that was done to recompense the â—ughter of the greatest part of the Garison that march'd out â—â—ch an Action as this committed by the Reformed would have â—â—en a copious Subject for Fenouillet's Eloquence to have engag'd upon Moreover Several of these Places had bin half demolish'd and the Reformed being too late convinc'd of the truth of what 〈…〉 had often formerly repeated to 'em that the too great â—â—mber of Places which they coveted to hold in their hands did not weaken up and keep their Forces too much separated they â—â—eâ—e desirous to preserve their Men for the most important Ciâ—â—s as Nimes Vsez Mompellier and some others Their Reâ—â—tance in those of lesser Importance was only to amuse the Eneâ—ys Army and that they might waste their Time their Ammunition and their Men. Which makes it apparent whither the Catholicks had any reason to complain that the Reformed demolish'd their Houses and levell'd the Fortifications of their Castles since they as little spar'd their own Houses as such Townâ— also which they had no mind to defend The Duke of Mommorency likewise obtain'd some small Advantage over the Reiters and the Lansquenets But the reducing of Aiguesmortes which Chatillon surrender'd to the King was of greater consequence He had held it a long time as 〈◊〉 were in trust and he was so well fix'd there that the Assembly who depriv'd him of the Government of the Circle and who put him out of Mompellier notwithstanding the numerous Party which he had there could not dispossess him of that Place All that they could do was to declare the City 〈◊〉 Associate with Chatillon in his Desertion and to look upon 〈◊〉 as a Town in hostility against ' em Nor had they made but a very lame Answer in the behalf of that Nobleman to the Manifesto publish'd against him by the Assembly The whole was reduc'd to a bare denial of those things which were laid 〈◊〉 his Charge which in reality were too evident or to excuse some things as done out of a good Intention All the rest was only stufft with Recriminations and Reproaches But his Advancement
him entitl'd La Chemise â—aâ—glante de Henri IV. or The Bloody Shirt of Henry IV. which reflected upon the King's Honour so that d' Aistres was degraded and excommunicated by the Synod But Galand was not satisfi'd with this Ecclesiastical Punishment and therefore he caus'd the Book to be condemn'd to the Flames by the Party Chamber then sitting at Beziers That Chamber had bin remov'd from Castres during the Troubles and that City having a great desire to have it restor'd to her again compli'd with all Galand's Projects whose Testimony she was in hopes would be favourable to her at Court. Upon these Considerations it was that she gave him a Writing wherein she disown'd the Negotiations in Spain and join'd with him to hinder the Duke of Rohan's Deputies which he sent to the Synod from being admitted as also to be a means that his Conduct was there censur'd In a word the thing was carri'd so far that Marmet the Dukes Minister being come to Castres about particular business was not permitted to be in the Town above twenty four Hours though he protested that he had neither any Letters nor any Commission from his Master But the Duke having rightly foreseen what he was to expect from Galand had taken his Measures quite another way For he gave his Letteres to the Synod to Bearfort a Deputy from Cevennes and a kind of Manifesto which he had writ in his own Justification to another Minister So that they who held Intelligence with Galand finding their Designs prevented durst not attempt any thing farther In the mean time Blandel and Bauterne were deputed to carry to the King the Nomination of the General Deputies and the Synod after they had sate seven weeks brake up The Deputies made a very submissive Speech to the King Which done the King out of the six Persons nominated made choice of the Marquess of Clermont Calerande and Bazin to reside near his Person These New Deputies were charg'd with large Memoirs of Grievances that were sent 'em from all parts Paulet Minister of Verzenobres had been driven from his Church by violence The Marquis of Varennes Governor of Aiguemortes had as badly us'd Bancillon Minister of the Place Censtans Minister of Pons had been a long time Prisoner at Bourdeaux where he was still detain'd and Billot Minister of la Roche Chalais had been treated after the same manner though they ought both to have bin releast by the Edict of Peace The Cardinal of Sourdis and the Bishop of Maillezais persecuted the Church of Monravel where they attaqu'd in general the Right of Exercise and in particular several Members of it by Processes and other Acts of Violence The Church of Motte had labour'd very near under the same Extremities That of Serveriettes had bin also turmoil'd and harrass'd and several Churches of Guyenne and Languedoc had bin so absolutely ruin'd during the War that the Synod was constrain'd to recommend 'em to the Charity of others The Parlament of Pau had given out Decrees which forbid Consistories to censure Fathers Mothers or Guardians that sent their Children to Catholic Schools nay to the very Colledges of the Jesuits The Parlament of Tholouse had given out several Warrants to arrest the Bodies of several Inhabitants of Briteste for a Fact that was pardon'd by the General Amnesty Berard Advocate of the Court of Judicature at Soumieres had been imprison'd for no other Crime but for abjuring the Catholic Religion And the Reformed were still disturb'd upon the score of their Burials The Advocate-General James Talon caus'd several Decrees to be issu'd forth in one year upon this occasion of which the most favourable ordain'd no more then that before the Bodies were digg'd up information should be given whether it could be done Conveniently And what was singular in the Advocate-General's Reasons was this That to deprive a Gentleman of a purchas'd Right he had recourse to the pre-possess'd Fancy of the Catholics who sought to be buried in Churches that they might have a share in the benefit of Suffrages and Prayers Which being refus'd by the Reformed that they ought not to enjoy that advantage which they never minded themselves As if the Controversy between the Catholics and the Reformed about the benefit or unprofitableness of Prayer for the Dead had had any Relation to the Rights of a Lord of a Soile whose Ancestors had purchas'd the Priviledge of being buried in the Church which they had both founded and endow'd Upon which it may be observ'd that the Burial of the Dead in Churches was an effect of Superstition as the Advocate-General expresly acknowledg'd and set forth at large the degrees of the progress of it This Honour said he having been at first conferr'd upon Martyrs not because they were buried in Churches but because Churches were built over their Tombs it was also afterwards allow'd the Priest to holy Persons to those that enrich'd the Church by their Donations to Founders and lastly to those that were able to pay for it So that to speak properly there was only the Founders Right which had any other foundation then that of Superstition since he might pretend to it as a perpetual Evidence and Monument of his Liberality Neverthelesss James Talon could find in his heart to prefer a Right acquir'd by the Superstition of the People and the Covetousness of the Priests before a Priviledge which deriv'd it's original from the Bounty of a Founder The same James Talon caus'd a Legacy of a Reformed bequeath'd to the Poor to the Treasurer of the Hospital of the City of Chartres For which the Pretence was That according to the Edict the Poor of both Religions were to be reliev'd which if that reason had bin good had bin sufficient to have destroy'd the XLII Article of Particulars but this Decree was made the 7th of January There was another made in March after two Hearings which annull'd the Marriage of la Ferte Imbault and forbid him to keep company with the woman whom he had marry'd and the reason for it was because he was a Knight of Maltha and for that it was contrary to his Vow As if his Profession of a contrary Religion could not unty him from such a superstitious Engagement A man may judge by these trials of a Parlament where Justice was not altogether unknown how the Reformed were handl'd in others who lookt upon it as a meritorious Act to load 'em with Vexations and unjust Sentences The King himself also set forth some Declarations by which the Edict was considerably violated Upon the 12th of January came forth one which exempted the Ecclesiastics from pleading for the possession of their Benefices and Goods which were thereunto annex'd in Courts where any of the Reformed sate and which referr'd 'em to the next Catholic Judge The 10th of December appear'd another which ordain'd that Processes should be adjudg'd at Pau by all the Judges that should be found upon the Bench without
up their Opinions which they sent to the King the Seventh of May. They asserted that there were several Places within the Province where the Exercise was permitted which were serv'd by one of the same Ministers and this they thought could not be prevented because the Articles of the Edict upon which the Right and Privilege of Exercise was founded did not confiâ—e 'em to the place of the Ministers Residence no more then the Memoirs sent by the King to the Commissioners who lookt after the execution of the Edict But they presuppos'd that under the Pretences of Marriage Baptism or some other Occasion the Ministers took the liberty of preaching in places where they had no right and that might happen out of a respect which the Ministers had for the Gentlemen whose Houses were not precisely qualifi'd for the settlement of a Right of Exercise The Commissioners pretended that they had provided against that Abuse and advis'd the King to forbid the Ministers and all the rest of the Reformed under the Penalties of the Edicts This Advice was follow'd in Council and produc'd a Decree of the 26th of September which copi'd it out almost word for word which for some time gave some respit to the Persecutions begun by the Bishop of of Valence One thing happen'd this year which afforded not a little Consolation to the Reformed For the Receiver of the Taxes of Vivaretz presented a Petition to the Council that he might be discharg'd because he could not raise the Money which was laid out upon his Division Now the principal ground of this Petition was the ruin of Privas the Inhabitants of which Town durst not venture as yet either to build their Houses â—â—r to till their Lands because they were not yet allow'd by Authority to resettle themselves in opposition to the Rigorous Terms of the Act or Edict of 1629. The Council by 〈…〉 Decree of the 15th of February referr'd the Receiver to Miâ—…n Intendant of Languedoc for his Advice And Miron's Adâ—…ice was To moderate the Severity of the Edict and to â—ermit that the Inhabitants of Privas might return to their Habitations and resettle themselves in the City and withal â—o leave the Offices of the City free without distinction of Religion He also accompani'd his Advice with good Reasons of which the chiefest were That all the Rebels were â—ead or had made amends for their Offence that the greatest part of 'em were slain at the taking of the City that a good â—any were dead of the Pestilence that rag'd for three years together that those few that remain'd had faithfully serv'd â—he King and ventur'd their Lives in his Service against the Lord of the Place that the Wives and Children both of the â—ne and the other had suffer'd enough to expiate both their Husbands and their Parents Crimes that the Lord of the place had bin the only hindrance that obstructed those poor People from resetling themselves and that there was no likeâ—…ood of finding Catholicks anow elsewhere to repeople the City The Council was mov'd with these Reasons and Miâ—…'s Advice was follow'd and put in execution But in regard â—…ere was nothing so much preach'd up at that time as the Conâ—…ncy of the Royal Word which they would have had to be â—he Subjects only security they forgot to be so punctual as â—hey ought to have bin in demanding the Revocation of the last â—dict in due Form and so the Children were punish'd in our â—ays for the over-confidence of their Fathers They had done â—etter had they follow'd the Politic Maxim of the Cardinal himself who to oblige the Duke of Lorrain to give him some assured Pledge of his Word told him He must have other Security then the Word of a Prince who was guided by Infusions â—rom without and had already broken his Promise And indeed the King was incens'd against the Reformed by so many sorts of People and there was so little reliance on the Promises that had been made in his Name till the Present time that it would have bin more proper to have demanded oâ— him verifi'd Letters Patents for the Security of this Reestablishment But the Ministers of Paris were not so favourably us'd by reason of a certain Book that was publish'd under this Title The Eucharist of the Ancient Church This Book was writter by one Aubertin and he had the Approbation of his threâ— Collegues Mestrezat Drelincourt and Daille They assum'd the Quality of Pastors of the Reformed Church and of Ministers of the Gospel Aubertin also who dedicates his Book tâ— his Flock call'd 'em the Faithful of the Reformed Church of Paris Bellarmin and Baronius were stil'd as well in the Title as iâ— other Places Enemies of the Church Now the Clergy's Agent bethought themselves of a short way to confute this Booâ— which made a great noise For instead of answering thâ— Book they endited the Author and his Approvers and letting alone the Matters of Fact and Reasons they attack'â— the Titles of the Book and the Preface and the Terms 〈…〉 the Allowance Against Aubertin there was a Warrant giveâ— out to seize his Body by a Decree of the Privy Council dateâ— July the 14th importing That if he could not be taken that he should be cited to appear within three short days and the Approvers were summon'd to make their personal appearance Thâ— Affair made a great noise but came to little being as it werâ— stifl'd in the birth and producing for this time no other theâ— verbal Prohibitions The Book was no longer sought after so that the Success encourag'd the Author to review enlargâ— and handle the Matter from the bottom in a Thick Latin Volume which was never printed till after his death nor duâ—… any of the Impartial Catholic Doctors venture to refute 〈…〉 closely and roundly But the Reformed were constrain'd to look on and see the Rights of their Exercises violated in more then one place thâ—… Year The Council took from 'em Saujon by a Decree of thâ—… 18th of November because the Lord of the place was a Catholic Citois Seneschal of Richlieu which the King had erected into a Dutchy and Peerdom in favour of the Cardinal for the same reason obstructed the exercise at St. Gelin which is a Deâ—esne that holds of the said Dutchy And the Cardinal tho at the bottom he were not so nice as others in those things countenanc'd and approv'd what his Officer had done The Colledges also which they of the Religion hâ—d enjoy'd in places of which they had bin a long time Masters were miparty'd this Year by a Decree of the Council of the 23d of July The occasion of this Decree was a dividing of Voices which happen'd at Castres upon a Petition of the Catholics of several Cities who pretended to make the Edict of 1631 â—or miparty'd Consulships a President for the Colledges The Decree of the Council decided the division of Voices 〈…〉 their Favour and authoriz'd the Argument
their Coach cross the street where the procession was to pass upon Corpus Christi day The Bishop of Poitiers turn'd Informer but the Crime which they had endeavour'd to aggravate by long Proceedings and severe Informations produc'd no more then a Decree of the 10th of May in the Chamber of the Edict which condemn'd the Parties accus'd to pay the Bishops charges and summon'd 'em to the Chamber there to receive an admonition to behave themselves more modestly according to the Edicts A Proctors Servant Maid in Poitiers was accus'd of having utter'd several Blasphemies in the Abby of Montierneaf against the Images of the Virgin and the Saints That is to say that the silly Maid had inconsiderately asserted that they were Idols She was convicted of Contumacy because she had avoided Imprisonment by Flight And upon that sentenc'd to undergo the Amende Honourable to have her Tongue bor'd and to perpetual Banishment out of the Province of Poitâ—â— which Sentence was excuted upon her in Effigie The Bishop of Mompellier and Valence were Conservators of the Priviledges of the Universities of both those Cites The Bishop of Valence after several Decrees and a long Suit between him and the Members of the University came to an agreement with 'em in pursuance of which he drew up Regulations of which the chiefest was to exclude the Reformed from all Dignities The Purport of those Statutes was that high Mass should be said every Sunday at which the Rectors Doctors Regents Scholars Undergraduates and Strangers admitted into the Society should be present that the Bishop who is also Chancellor of the University should preside at all the Acts That the Vice-Chancellor and Rector should be Priests or at least Clerks and that they should take their Oaths Bare headed and upon their Knees Books also had their share of Catholick Severity For diâ— Moulin had publish'd a small Piece entituled The Capuchin Wherein he ridicul'd that Institution which dazl'd the Catholicks with such an outside of Zeal Thereupon with great Fervency they prosecuted the Condemnation of this Book And the Chamber of Castres being divided upon this Occasion that Division was determin'd upon the third of April and the Book was condemn'd to be burnt The Parlament of Bourdeaux also order'd the same Execution the 3d. of May. This very Book was also burnt at Poitiers the 12th of December by order of the Seneschal together with another Book entituled The Capuchins Journal I have already told ye that the Prince of Conde purchas'd Sancerre and that he had suppress'd the Exercise in that Place But his Zeal stop'd not at so small a thing He caus'd a Decree of Council to be set forth which forbid Burials in the Day time all manner of Funeral Pomp the Exposing of the Bodies before the Doors of their Houses Nor to misuse the Catholicks in word or deed nor any of the New Converts nor those who had a desire to change their Profession under the penalty of corporal Punishment It was fruther ordain'd that no Souldiers should be quarter'd in Catholick Houses till the Reformed had had their â—all share and that the charges of such Quarter and all other Municipal Expences should be levy'd upon the Reformed That the Taxes should be rated by three Catholicks and one Reformed but that they should be collected by three Reformed and one Catholick that the Reformed Assessor and Collectors should be chosen by the Reformed and the Catholick by the Catholicks So that every thing was so order'd that the Catholicks who were not the tenth part of the Inhabitants were the Masters of the Rest and might at their Discretion command the Estates and Liberties of others And 't is thought that some Personal Resentments transported the Duke to these unjust Revenges But the Cardinal's Death and the crazy Condition of the King caus'd a kind of Cessation of all manner of Business the whole Government being intent upon the Change that was like to happen so suddenly in the Kingdom For which reason the Reformed had a little Breathing time For I find but one Peremptory Decree of the Privy Council of the 3d. of March in Confirmation of another obtain'd by the Bishop of Luson upon a Petition the 20th of the Preceding May which sentenc'd Gagemont according to his own voluntary Offers to make his Excuses to the Vicar of St. Hilaire de Melle to consign sifty Franks into the Bishops Hands and pay him the Costs and Charges of the Suit for not alighting nor putting off his hat upon his Meeting the Sâ—crament Fuzil Curate of St. Berthelemi at Paris being retir'd to Geneva in 1614 was there married His Children after his death went into France to sue for the Payment of a Sum of Money due to their Father for the Sale of an Inheritance six years before his Retirement But their Kindred by the Fathers side refusing to acknowledge 'em for lawful Heirs tho' born in Wedlock and in a Country where it was lawful for Priests to marry the Advocate General undertook the cause of the Kindred and in the Chamber of the Edict upon the 25th of February obtain'd a Sentence that the Children as Bastards in France could not have the Benefit of Succession The fifth of March a Decree was issu'd out at Bourdeaux against the Priviledges of the Party-Chamber A certain Recollect of the Mission of Bergerac went to Visit at Sigoules the Lady of Moulard pretending he had bin sent for by her Order being at that time sick In the nick of time in comes Belloi the Minister of the Place and opposes the Monks Design Upon which the Monk complain'd that Violence had bin offer'd him and obtain'd a Capias against the Minister who apply'd himself to the Party Chamber Now this was a cause purely within the verge of that Chamber But the Advocate General interpos'd and caus'd the Parlament to send for the Cause who gave him leave to pursue the Execution of the Decree But the Kings death which happen'd in May prevented him from any farther improving his powerful Zeal against the Reformed But to shew that he was still the same to his last Gasp he could not dye till he had exhorted with his own trembling Lips the Marshals La Force and Chastillon to turn Catholicks However he had the not Pleasure to see extinguish'd the Party which he had brought low For Providence reserv'd that satisfaction for Lewis XIVth who succeeded him The End of the Second Volume A COLLECTION OF EDICTS DECLARATIONS AND Other PIECES Serving for Proofs of the Second Part of the History of the EDICT of NANTES A Declaration of the King upon the Edict of Pacification given at Paris May 22. 1610. and verified the third of June the same Year LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr to all to whom these Present Letters shall come Greeting Since the unfortunate and detestable Assassination of our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father last Deceased whom God Absolve the Queen Regent our
with Equivocal Councils and Irresolutions Lesdiguieres form'd a Party separated from the rest and though all the Corruption of his Heart was not known the Reform'd were sensible that Interest was the chief Article of his Religion Chatillion had as much if not more Ambition than Piety and was as much ingag'd to the Court by the first as to Religion by the second La Trimouille was so young that it was not possible to judge what might be expected from him The Letters written by the Assembly of Rochel to the said Lords had produc'd no great effect and had neither been able to unite them among themselves nor yet to awaken them in favour of the Common Cause The Duke of Rohan Soubise his Brother and La Force were the only Persons who seem'd resolv'd to undertake every thing Moreover Affairs abroad afforded no prospect to hope that the Protestants would assist the Churches of France The House of Austria taking the advantage of the Troubles of the Kingdom began to execute their Projects in Germany and assuming the pretence of Religion in order to hinder the Catholck Princes from opposing them oppress'd the Protestants publickly Bohemia was full of Troubles and the ill success of the Arms which the People had taken up for the preservation of their Liberties made them lose in a short time both their Political Liberty and that of their Consciences These Confusions held all the Princes of the same Communion in suspence expecting the Event to see what measures they should take Prince Maurice was imploy'd in the Vnited Provinces and the Arminians afforded him too much business to permit him to ingage in the Affairs of France The King of England plaid the Theologian And while on one side he suffer'd People to give the Pope great hopes in his Name to restore his three Kingdoms to the Roman Communion he disturb'd all the North with Disputes which made him pass for a Zealous Protestant So that considering the present State of Europe it was impossible to expect a happy Issue of the Resistance of Bearn The King's Forces not being imploy'd elsewhere might all be sent that way and subdue the Country before the rest of the Reform'd had taken their final Resolutions Moderate Councils only serv'd to break their Measures and occasion'd great loss of time They prevail'd with those who only wanted a pretence not to meddle with any thing to forsake the Party of the others And the time which would have been necessary to put themselves in a posture of defence being consum'd in useless disputes when the King was ready to go into Bearn to force them to obey he found no body ready to resist him Too much consideration commonly ruines the Affairs of the People A little boldness is better in those Cases than slow considerate Proceedings Particularly when we are to deal with Enemies who esteem themselves to be above all Laws and who lay aside the Maxims of Integrity and Justice by reason that they know no other Rules of it but their Will That Prudence which sticks scrupulously to the Maxims of Probity is for the most part Unfortunate The Enemy takes the advantage of the Niceness of the Consciences of those he attacks and while they were deliberating about the Right of Resistance they afforded him time to prevent them Towards the end of the Year the Bearnois publish'd an Apology compos'd by Lescun with the advice and approbation of the Assembly of Orthez to whom it was Dedicated That piece was written at different times as may easily be discover'd by the management of it The Stile is not of a piece The Arguments are distinct and not well follow'd It is full of Allusions to Holy Writ and other Authors But yet it is good and solid and the Rights of Bearn were asserted in it with vigour enough to give a pretence to Charge the Author with a Crime of State for his boldness particularly because he speaks vehemently against Arbitrary Power altho' the respect due to the King be Religiously observ'd in it The Events of any consideration were noted in it by Years and by Days The Establishment of the Reformation in Bearn The Ancient Rights of the Country The Examples drawn out of the Old For which show that even in the beginning of the Thirteenth Century the People did not Swear Allegiance to their Soveraign till the Sovereign had Sworn to the Barons and to all the Court that he would be a faithful Lord to them that he would Govern them justly and that he would do them no prejudice The said Oath was renew'd in 1585 by the late King in imitation of his Predecessors The Author prov'd at large in it that the Laws only receiv'd their Force by and never could be alter'd without the Authority of the Prince and the consent of the Estates but more by the one without the other To prove which he brought several Examples He recited the alteration which was made in Bearn under Queen Jane and the Vengeance which Mongommery exerted against those who had oblig'd that Princess to fly by their Conspiracies A Vengeance which even Moluâ— one of the most cruel Persecutors of the Reform'd look'd upon as sent from Heaven by reason that the said Count reduc'd all that Country in three Days time and took all the Leaders of the Rebellion Prisoners After that Lescun related the said Expedition and all that pass'd upon the account of the Forfeiture and Seizure of the Ecclesiastical Lands until the Month of October of the said Year He observ'd the Falsity of what had been advanc'd by the Bishops who in order to be heard at Court pretended to be Authoriz'd by the Catholicks of Bearn and to be seconded by the Catholicks told them that the King had order'd the aforesaid Reversion or Restoration of his own accord from whence they concluded that it would be imprudent to refuse an advantage which offer'd it self Those good Prelates â—â— which one was of very obscure Birth as being Son of a Man who had been a Cobler Butcher and had kept a Caâ—aret those Prelates I say who made so much noise whenever the Reform'd took up Arms to defend themselves made â—o difficulty of taking them up to attack They made Assemblies Fortify'd their Houses gave Military Employments kept Guards as in time of open War and those Officers of Episcopal Creation never went abroad without being attended by Armed Men. In the next place he did refute the Bishop of Macon's Speech which I have mention'd before And he made this particular Remark upon it That this Prelate had taken his Exordium out of the same Subject from which that of a certain Libel â—ad been taken call'd The English Catholick written against Henryâ—… â—… So that the one began with the same Arguments in order to Exasperate the King against his Subjects as the other had done to make the Subjects rise against their King He approv'd the Book Printed at London
concerning the Rights of Bearn and he added divers Reflexions to it upon the Violation of Promises and upon the omission of the usual Formalities in the Decree of Restoration This among others was of great Consequence Dâ— Vaiâ— had assisted at the Judgment by virtue of his quality of Lord Keeper though being a Bishop he ought not to sit in the Council when the Affairs of the Reform'd were treated there according to the Answer made to the fourth Article of the Cahier of Loudun in which the King declar'd expresly that the Ecclesiasticks should withdraw whenever those Affairs were treated of there He observ'd the Unjust Precipitation of that Decree made after having return'd all the Writings and Productions to the Parties â—s if they had design'd to give it over notwithstanding which â—t had been judg'd without any new Adjournment given to the Parties concern'd And to the end they might not say that they had examin'd all the said Writings before the returning of them he gives a List of several other Acts which he design'd to joyn to the first Productions He observ'd that the Reimplacement promis'd by the King might be evaded by the Capricio of a Treasurer whereupon he cited the Example of the Country of Gex and of Bearn it self where the like Promises had prov'd ineffectual That the Demesne of Bearn was unalienable That the attribution of a perpetual Usufructuary was a real Alienation and consequently that the Reimplacement would only serve to render the Reform'd the more odious as injoying such an Income by a Title contrary to the Rights of the Country That without touching Regulations so often confirm'd the King might have given the Reimplacement to the Bishops who would have injoy'd it without fear of being depriv'd of it again whereas the Churches being oblig'd to accept it they might get it revok'd when they pleas'd That the King might think it a burthen to his Conscience at some time or other to see his Revenues imploy'd for the maintenance of the Reform'd Churches since it would not permit him then to suffer the Ecclesiastical Lands to serve for that use and that it was to be fear'd that the same Conscience would oblige him to take the Places of Surety from the Reform'd He also argued about the dispute of the Tithes maintaining that they are not due as a ground Rent but as a Religious Duty which cannot be paid by the Earth but by Persons and concluded that the Reform'd could not pay them to the Clergy with a safe Conscience In the next place he prov'd a Prescription of 40 Years and answer'd the two Exceptions of the Clergy viz. That it had been interrupted by the Protestations the Clergy had enter'd against it from time to time and that there can be no Prescription against the Roman Church unless of a hundred Years He reply'd to the first that as often as the Clergy had renew'd their Contestation they had been cast And to the second that in Bearn that Right is of â—â— force against the Old Law nor in France against Royal Ordinances He did not forget that in all the Writings that were made against Bearn absolute Power was sounded high and that they were not asham'd to publish that the pretentions of Bearn were good in time of old while they had a particular Lord but that belonging now to a King of France the Case was alter'd That is to say That the King 's Right was only force which according to the Opinion of the most Equitable â—n France is only a Right among Barbarians Whereas the Apology was only grounded on the Laws of the State very different from the particular Will of the Prince which may â—ary according to time while the others are constant and unvariable He upbraided the Jesuits with their Parricides and their Doctrine concerning the Authority of Kings and return'd the Catholicks some of the Darts they us'd to Lance against the Reform'd call'd the King Abraham the Roman Church and the King of Spain Hagar and Ishmael and the Reform'd and their Church Isaac and Sarah complaining that Agar and â—hmael would turn out Isaac and the true Children of the House unknown to Abraham And finally he protested in the Name of the Reform'd that not being the Agressors they would not be responsible for the Evils that might insue if being attackt they should be forced to make a Lawful defence He implor'd the assistance of all those that were of the same Belief and of all those that lov'd the good of the State lest those should expose themselves to the reproach made to Meroâ— by the Israelites Jâ—g 5. v. 23. of not being come to the assistance of the Lord and these to the Curtesie of the Cyclop He pretended this recourse to be founded on Right and Examples He tax'd the Favourite by the by of injoying Imployments which were only due to Princes of the Blood And he insinuated that the King had been the greatest gainer by the Treaty of Loudun and the Assembly which met at Rochel at the time of the Fall of the Marshal d' Ancre While Affairs were in this State in Bearn the Queen Mother was tyr'd with Blois where she was under Confinement as in an honourable kind of Prison Luines who had a mind to know her Secrets put a thousand unworthy Tricks upon her and Fool'd her and the Duke of Rohan pretending to come to an Accommodation with that Princess in order to discover those in whom she repos'd a Confidence He even made use of the Treachery of Arnoux the Jesuit who under pretence of Confession discover'd whatever she had upon her heart which he acquainted the Favourite with who improv'd it to his own advantage The Jesuit after so base a piece of Treachery disdain'd to excuse it and thought it sufficient in order to cover the Infamy of so base an Action to say that he had begg'd God's Pardon for it The Queen being Exasperated by the Treatment she receiv'd resolv'd to make her Escape She apply'd her self at first to the Marshal de Bouillon whose Ability she was acquainted with and who had a considerable City in which he might have afforded her a Retreat But he refus'd to engage in so great an Undertaking He only advis'd the Queen to apply her self to the Duke d' Epernon who was at Mets at that time very much disatisfy'd with the Court. The said Duke accepted her Proposals immediately and having taken the Queen in a place where he had appointed to meet her he carry'd her safe to Angouleme Luines was stun'd with that Blow which he did not expect He was sensible that he had disoblig'd all the Kingdom His prodigious Fortune created a Jealousie in all the Grandees and the People oppress'd by a thousand Vexations imputed it all as it is usual to the Avarice and Ambition of the Favourite Therefore he thought it better to stop the progress of the evil by Negotiations than to let