directed to God alone and such places only chosen for the stirring up of zeal and fervor by the memory of those blessed and glorious Champions of Christ. But whiles the world stood in admiration and the most esteemed of these Wonders as of the glorious beams of the triumph of Christ they were soon perswaded to call upon them as Patrons and Mediators whose power with God and notice of things done upon earth they thought that these Signs and Miracles approved Thus the Reliques of Martyrs beginning to be esteemed above the richest Iewels for the supposed virtue even of the very aire of them were wonderfully sought after as some divine Elixir sovereign both to Body and Soul Whereupon another Scene of Wonders entred namely of Visions and Revelations wonderful and admirable for the discovery of the Sepulchres and ashes of Martyrs which were quite forgotten yea of some whose names and memories till then no man had ever heard of as S. Ambrose's Gervasius and Protasius Thus in every corner of the Christian world were new Martyrs bones ever and anon discovered whose verity again miraculous effects and cures seemed to approve and therefore were diversly dispersed and gloriously templed and enshrined All these things hapned in that one Age and were come to this height in less than a 100 years But here is the wonder most of all to be wondred at That none of these miraculous Signs were ever heard of in the Church for the first 300 years after Christ until about the year 360 after that the Empire under Constantine and his sons having publickly embraced the Christian Faith the Church had peace and the Bodies of the despised Martyrs such as could be found were now bestowed in most magnificent Temples and there gloriously enshrined And yet had the Christians long before used to keep their Assemblies at the Coemeteries and Monuments of their Martyrs How came it to pass that no such virtue of their bones and ashes no such testimonies of their power after death were discovered until now Babylas his bones were the first that all my search can find which charmed the Devil of Daphne Apollo Daphnaeus when Iulian the Apostate offered so many sacrifices to make him speak and being asked why he was so mute forsooth the corps of Babylas the Martyr buried near the Temple in Daphne stopped his wind-pipe I fear I fear here was some Hypocrisie in this business and the Devil had some feat to play the very name of Babylas is enough to breed jealousie it is an ominous name the name Babylas yea and this happened too at Antioch where Babylas was Bishop and Martyr in the persecution of Decius Would it not do the Devil good there to begin his Mystery where the Christian name was first given to the followers of Christ Howsoever this was then far otherwise construed and a conceit quickly taken that other Martyrs bones might upon trial be found as terrible to the Devil as those of Babylas which was no sooner tried but experience presently verified it with improvement as you heard before So that all the world rung so with Wonders done by Martyrs that even holy men who at the first suspected were at length surprised and carried away with the power of delusion Besides the silence of all undoubted Antiquity of any such Sepulchral wonders to have happened in the former Ages the very manner of speech which the Fathers living in this miraculous age used when they spake of these things will argue they were then accounted novelties and not as continued from the Apostles times Chrysostome in his Oration contra Gentiles of the business of Babylas speaks thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If any man believes not those things which are said to be done by the Apostles let him now beholding the present desist from his impudency Ambros. Epist. ad sororem Marcellinam relating of a piece of the Speech he made upon the translation of the Bodies of Gervasius and Protasius and the miracles then shewed Reparata saith he vetusti temporis miracula cernitis You see the miracles of ancient times he means the times of Christ and his Apostles renewed S. August Lib. de civ Dei 22. cap. 8. in a discourse of the Miracles of that time saith We made an order to have Bills given out of such Miracles as were done when we saw the wonders of ancient times renewed in ours Id namque fieri voluimus cùm videremus antiquis similia divinarum signa virtutum etiam nostris temporibus frequentari ea non debere multorum notitiae deperire But alas I now began the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Latter times this was the fatal time and thus the Christian Apostasie was to be ushered If they had known this it would have turned their joyous shoutings and triumphs at these things into mourning The End which these Signs and Wonders aimed at and at length brought to pass should have made them remember that warning which was given the ancient people of God Deut. 13. If there arise among you a Prophet or a Dreamer of dreams and giveth thee a sign or a wonder And the sign or wonder come to pass whereof he spake unto thee saying Let us go after other Gods and serve them Thou shalt not hearken unto the words of that Prophet or that dreamer of dreams For the Lord your God proveth you to know whether you love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul. But why should I go any further before I tell you that even in this also the Idolatry of Saint-worship was a true counterfeit of the Gentiles Idolatry of Daemons Did not Daemon-worship enter after the same manner was it not first insinuated and at length established by signs and wonders of the very self-same kind and fashion Listen what Eusebius will tell us in his fifth book de Praeparat Evangel chap. 2. according to the Greek edition of Rob. Stephen When saith he those wicked spirits as he proved them to be which were worshipped under the names of Daemons saw mankind brought off to a Deifying of the Dead he means by erecting Statues and ordaining Ceremonies and Sacrifices for their memorials 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they insinuated themselves and helped forward their error 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by certain motions of the Statues which anciently were consecrated to the honour of the deceased as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by ostentation of Oracles and cures of diseases whereby they drave the superstitious headlong sometimes to take them to be some heavenly Powers and Gods indeed and sometimes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Souls of their deified worthies And so saith he the earth-neighbouring Daemons which are those Princes of the Air those Spiritualities of wickedness and Ringleaders of all evil were on all hands accounted for great Gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the memory of the Ancients deceased was thought worthy to be celebrated
place to my self for an house of Sacrifice 2 Chron. 7. 12 plainly implying That to be an house of Sacrifice was to be an house of Prayer Add to these that in 1 Mac. 12. 11. where the Iews in their Epistle to the Lacedaemonians speak on this manner We at all times say they without ceasing both in our Feasts and other convenient days do remember you in the Sacrifices which we offer and in our prayers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for in our prayers at our Sacrifices Certainly it may be gathered hence that Prayers were annexed to their Sacrifices and that Sacrifice was a Rite of Prayer The like we shall find in the first of Baruch where we read that those who were carried Captive with Iechonias made a Collection of Money and sent it to Ierusalem saying Behold we have sent you money to buy you Burnt-offerings and Sin-offerings and Incense and prepare ye the Meat-offering and offer upon the Altar of the Lord our God And pray for the life of Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon and for the life of Balthasar his son that their dayes on earth may be as the days of heaven just to that of my Text that they may offer Sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of heaven and pray for the life of the King and of his Sons Hence appears the reason why Iosephus when the Scripture mentions no more but that Noah offered a Sacrifice when he came out of the Ark attributes unto him a Prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Noah fearing lest God having adjudged men to a general destruction should every year thus drown the earth offered Sacrifices unto God beseeching him that hereafter all things may continue in that good order and primitive state c. I could be as plentiful in Profane Testimonies to this point as I have been in Sacred and could alledge the Testimonies of Homer where we have Examples of Sacrifices with the forms of Prayer of Herodotus and others But what need we the Testimonies of the Gentiles save to know that in this point the Iews and they agreed It is enough to have proved it out of Scripture that this was the use and nature of Sacrifice wherein I have been so much the longer because though the thing be of it self most apparent and evident yet it is very little taken notice of But you will enquire now What profit hath this Discourse or what use is there of this thing being known I answer Yes it will help our conceit very much to understand in what sense and for what respect the ancient Church called the Eucharist or Lord's Supper a Sacrifice and how harmless that notion was namely They took this Sacrament to have been ordained by our Blessed Saviour to succeed those bloudy Sacrifices of the Law and to be a Medium deprecandi Deum a mean of Supplication and address to God in the New Testament as they were in the Old by representing the Body and Bloud of Christ unto his Father 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to his appointment Forasmuch as they saw them both to be Rites of a like kind as consisting of Meats and Drinks both Epulae foederales Federal Feasts those of the Old Covenant this of the New 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Cup is the New Testament both Rites of atonement or for Impetration of Remission of sin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith our Saviour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This is my Bloud which is shed for many for remission of sins Besides the Eucharist was by the time of its institution as it were substituted in place of the Passeover which was a Sacrifice of that kind called Pacifica All these things considered how obvious was it for them to think that it was in the Institution intended for the same End and Use the other were namely for a Commemoration whereby to have access and find favour with God when we address our selves unto him in the New Testament And that this was no new device of later ages but derived from the first times may appear out of Cyril or his Successour Iohn of Ierusalem Author of the 5. Catech Mystag In the last whereof relating and expounding the meaning of that which was said or done at the celebration of the holy Eucharist according to the use of his time which was the Fourth Seculum current amongst other things he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. See this passage quoted in the foregoing Discourse Chap. 6. pag. 366. Yea that it was the use in the days of Constantine thus adhibere Eucharistiam ad preces to use the Eucharist as a Rite of impetration in their prayers appears out of Eusebius in his De vita Constantini lib. 4. c. 45. where speaking of a great Synod of Bishops assembled at Ierusalem by the Emperor's Command to celebrate the dedication of a Church erected over the place of our Saviour's Sepulchre and telling how the Bishops there met employ'd themselves during that Solemnity Some saith he by Panegyrick Orations set forth the Emperor's felicity others were employed in preaching and expounding the Mysteries of Holy Scripture another part 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did propitiate God and sought his favour by unbloudy Sacrifices offering unto God humble Prayers for the publick peace for the Church of God for the King the Author of so much good and for his children beloved of God namely as the Iews in their Sacrifices prayed for the life of the King and his Sons according to my Text. But for the more full understanding the notion and practice of this Age take also a passage of S. Austin it is in his 22. Book De Civitate Dei concerning one Hesperius c. See this passage quoted in the foregoing Discourse Chap. 5. pag. 363. But some will suspect perhaps that this Custome began in the days of Constantine No it did not It was in use in the days of Cyprian 60. years before as appears in his 16. Epistle ad Mosen Maximum Nos quidem vestri memores quando in Sacrificiis precem cum pluribus facimus c. See this passage quoted in the foregoing Discourse Chap. 5. pag. 362. Let us ascend a little higher yet unto the days of Tertullian within 200 years after Christ. He in his Book De Oratione makes express mention of Orationes Sacrificiorum Prayers that accompanied the celebration of the Christian Sacrifice such namely as S. Cyprian Bishop of the same City whereof Tertullian was Presbyter to wit of Carthage even now spake of And in his Book ad Scapulam Sacrificamus saith he purâ prece We sacrifice with pure prayer But you will say This is against me rather because he saith purâ prece implying their was nothing else No it is not For by purâ prece he means not nudâ solitariâ prece bare and naked prayer but prayer not defiled with shedding of bloud and smoke of Incense according to the
his Clavis Apocalyptica seven Copies whereof he sent into Ireland ‖ Viz. Dissert Le Numeriâ— Dan. cap. 12. v. 11 12. Speâ—â—men interpret Millen Apocalypt * That the Seventâ— Mâ—â—nary is by the whole School of the Cabâ—alists call'd The Great Day of Iudgment * namely such as Moses Law had prescribed for their Feasts and Solemnities ‖ namely them of old about Sacrificing and Circumcision c. Rev. 10. â— 2 Thess. 2. 8. * Rev. 13. 1. Object Answer Object Answ. Object Answer * Dan. 8. 23. See the last Discourse but one in Book III. Regnum Romanum est Regnum quartum Danielis Argum. 3. * Rev. 10. 7. Rev. 11. 15. * See this Prophesie of Tobit explained in pag. 579. * For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 25. 〈◊〉 Tâ—en shall be Signs So the Hebrews use that copulative and the Greek Testament with them Acts 1. Repl. Bâ—â—â— Iuâ— 7. 12. Ioseph 15. 5. Xiphil Ioseph Bell. 1. 13. S. Ier. in Dan. c. 11. Isocrat Alâ—â—ed Object Answer * Ch. 11. 15. Vâ—d Dâ—n Weeks Dan. 9. v. 25. * Iâ—â—â— 12. 7. * Dan. 7. 22. Matth. 24. 34. 2 Thess. â— 3. * I have had good occasion to know his name and some of his notions too * 〈…〉 * Witnesses and Keepers of the Primitive Doctrine * Chap. 4. * the little Book Revel 10. Vixit â—ndreâ—â— circa annum Christi 500. * Revel 11. verse 12. ‖ Verse 13. * Verse 14. * Verse 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Verse 13. * Verse 8. * Verse 9. * Verse 2. * Rom. 11. 11. See this more fully reâ—ed of in Ep. XVII See alsâ— in Book V. aâ— Trâ—ct styled The Mystâ—ry of S. Paul's Conversion * Vulgar Lat. Donec throni 〈◊〉 sunt LXX Thâ—odotion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chaâ—d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usurpatum de Solo inveniat apud Chald. Paraph â—â—â— â— v. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubi in 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sepâ—uag 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Verse 10. ‖ Verse 13. 1 Cor. 6. 2. 2 Thest. ch 2. ver 2 3. * See Epistle VIII * Chap. 11. 9. * Matt. 24. 29. * Because * Therefore Or I could say This apparition might be vouchsafed to some chief ones of them whom God should chuse and they as wiâ—nesses make it known to the rest A remarkable story of a great conversion of Iews wrought by Christ's apparition and voice from heaven according to that Apocal. 5. 10. Wâ— shall reign oâ— the earth N. B. * See Book III. pag. 664. * See Book III. pag. 664. See in Book III. pag. 710. â—rist ad Amicuâ—â— de Resurrestionâ— prima That the word Day in Scripture sometimes implies a long times or many years * See Dr. Twisse his First Letter to Mr. Mâ—de * In a MS. of Dr. Twisse there is a third Answer added in the Margin but whether it was added in the Paper of his Answers sent by Dr. Meddâ—â— to Mr. Mede appearâ— tur Answ. 3. It appears by Esa. 65. 20. that they who are sound alive at Christ's coming shall be â—bnoxioâ—s unto death but after death thâ—y shall rise ere the 1000 years be eâ—pâ—â—â— and reign 〈◊〉 Christ. 1 Thess. 4. * 1. Thesâ— 4. verse 16 17â— * In Geâ—â—ra Abodah Zarah c. 1. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mutabitur though we here translate it be moved movâ—bitur * See this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 explained by the Author in his Paraphr on 2 Pet. 3. ver 16. The explication of which verse was written by Mr. Mede in Dr. Twisse's Manuscript and not extant in the former Editions See Book III pag. 612. * See Epist. VIII ‖ See Epist. XV. * Revel 17. * Dan. 7. 24. * Vid. Gen. 22. 13. Exod. 14. 19. Iosh. 8. 2. 2 Kingâ— 9. 18. 2 Chro. 13 13. Ezck. 3. 12. alibi * See Book III. pag 463. pag 661. * In another 〈◊〉 of Mr. 〈◊〉 to Mr. Thoâ— Iohnson of Rochdale in Lancashire Novemb 9. 1636. â—here much of 〈◊〉 letter is transâ—ribâ—d in answer to the like Dâ—ubt is â—â—is added The Aâ—â—i-christian Hâ—rn with eyes and mouth that is qui cum revera Comu tantâ—m sit pro Capâ—e tamen sese â—erit cujus est proprtum oâ— oculos habere * In the Letter to Mr. T. I. this is add d now â—fter the division and dilaceration of the Empire but one of the Kingdoms ‖ The Horn. * this proud domineering Horn. * and invested * Verse 4 5 6. This and the two short Letters that follow though written at some distance of time are in this as in the former Edition joyned together as being preparatory to the better understanding of the large Letter immediately following * Ezek. 4. 6. * Anâ—al Eccles Tom. 4. See also chap. 5. 11. Ia the rest is no tittle difference throughout * For no where else is Messiah so termed but there * See the Scheme in pag. 430. of this Editio * erias * Iconisâ—is This Latin Epistle is of the same import with Epistle XXXVII This Letter containâ— Mr. Mede's thanks returned to M. Testard for his great respectsâ— wiâ—hal his reasons why he cannot concur with him in his notions about the Number of the. Beast's name * Vid. pag. 710. * Vid. pag. 713â— * Whâ—â—h I desire when you have used it to send me back again Ezek. 38. 17. explained * Ezek. 38. 2. Micah 5. Dan. 11. 35 36 explained * Namely of the end of the Greek Monarchy which in the holy account is not extended beyond Antiochus Epiphanes * i. primiâ— * â—on caeditur populus usquedum caedâ—tur princeps ejus in excelâ—o R. Sol. ad Esaiae 34. 5. See Mr. Mede's Conjecture of Gog and Magog in Book III. Pag. 713. * Thâ— Terra Australiâ— yet incognita might in part be peopled through that fry of Islands lying between it and Camboia in the Oriental Sea But of that Continent we know nothing whether it be fully inhabited or not Our Saviouâ—â— proof of the Resurrection from Exod. 3. 6. I am the God of Abraham c. explained Exod. 6. 4. Deut. 11. â—1 Vid. Luc 10. 5â— In the Old Testamâ—nt 〈◊〉 See Gen. 〈◊〉 12. 49. Iudg. 5. 〈◊〉 Mark those words well The land of thy pilgrimage The land whereon thy headlies Gen. 28. The land which thou seest Gen. 13. and the like And in S. Paul The place which he shouâ—d after receive for an inheritance Heb. 11. * 1 Cor. 15. * Of which this Great Author hath given a Specimen in his prefecting and more fully expressing such pieces of that Treause as he had occasion to exceâ—p and make use of in senâ—e Writings in this Volume as the judicious Reader may observe Huâ—us 〈◊〉 pag. 476. This Letter contains Mr. Dury's great respect to Mr. Mede and withal sollicits him to impart his thoughts about the best method of pursuing the design for a Pacification amongst the Protestant
Seven Seals But God heard his Prayers and Tears and upon the Lambs opening the Book he is bid Come and see Thus God made the place of his banishment Patmos an Island in the Archipelago to be to him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Valley of Vision another Peniel and Gate of Heaven and for the Oracles of Divine wisdom he there received infinitely more illustrious than Delos a neighbouring Island the middlemost and chief of the Cyclades so much famed for the birth and Oracle of Apollo In this Solitude the holy Angels and Christ Iesus the Sovereign over Men and Angels visited him and blest this Eagle-eyed Apostle with the discoveries of the particular Fates of the Church till the End of the World and Christs Second coming to Iudgement Agreeable to such holy Counsels and these great Examples was Mr. Mede's practice particularly when he entered upon the Apocalyps Accordingly in a Letter of his to Mr. W. his ancient Friend he tells him That it was his daily Desire and Prayer to God that he might not be led away with delusions as some unskilful and unstable souls had been in their attempts upon so abstruse a Book as the Apocalyps and that therefore his Hope was in God that he would not suffer him to fall as they had wretchedly miscarried but be merciful to him a sinner and withal he earnestly desires that others would pray for him as he would not cease to pray for them engaged in the like difficult labours In this humble strain does he express himself in that private Letter which needed not to be printed it treating upon what he hath more fully and clearly discoursed of in other Tracts published in this Edition Besides out of his printed Works upon the Apocalyps the Reader may observe the same For those two humble Addresses of his to God in the beginning of both his Clavis and Commentary upon the Apocalyps Tu qui Throno insides and Christe Dei Sapientia are pregnant proofs how sensible he was of the availableness of continued Prayer for the safe understanding of such Mysteries So far was he from leaning to his own Understanding and glorying in his own Wisdom just as Ioseph the Patriarch speaks of his interpreting Pharaoh's Dream Gen. 41. 16. It is not in me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Non ex sapientia mea says the Targum II. His Ingenuous Gratitude and Thankfull acknowledgements for any measure of Light received For Praise as it is in it self most comely a singular piece of the Beauty of Holiness the Souls best dress and most graceful deportment so likewise it is an effectual instrument and one of the most compendious means to the obtaining of greater Favours and Blessings Thus Daniel out of a due sense of Gods Goodness in revealing to him that Secret and Mystery of Nebuchadnezzar's Vision repeats and doubles his affectionate Praises in Chap. 2. 20 22 23. And he that was thus becomingly thankful for this First Favour had many other Mysteries imparted to him Mysteries of the greatest magnitude and importance as that of the LXX Weeks Chap. 9. containing besides other Secrets of Providence relating the Iewish State the highest Mysteries of the Gospel the Coming of Messiah into the World his Death the Time and the End or Intent thereof his Anointing Inauguration and being instated in his Sovereign Dignity and Regal Power over all and also that in Chap. 7. of the Second Coming of Christ in the Clouds of Heaven together with the Description of the Great Day of Iudgement and the Kingdom of Christ which should not pass away nor be destroyed as were those Four Kingdoms represented in this Chapter by the Four Beasts diverse one from another verse 3. and to name no more that Mystery of the Reign of Antichrist for so the Ancients understood it both in Chapter 7. 8 20. and Chapter 11. 36 c. together with the Time of his Discovery Chapter 12. 11 12. Nor was Mr. Mede's Practice less observable in this than in the foregoing Particular of which it were easie to produce many Instances This for one out of that above-mentioned Letter to Mr. W. to whom he had sent the First Draught of his Notions upon part of the Apocalyps As for me saith he I am conscious of my weakness and unworthiness being when these kind of thoughts first possess'd me looking another way with a prejudice incompatible with this But if it be found the least means of farther light to the Father of Lights be the Glory His Epistles are full of the like thankful acknowledgements When some admiring his rare Sagacity in the Mysteries of the Apocalyps and other Prophecies wrote to him in a strain full of respect and praise he was not forward to take Glory to himself but gave it as he ought to God telling them if there were any thing in his Meditations worthy of approbation he must ascribe it to Gods goodness towards him that had in any sort enabled him to endeavour ought whereby he might not live in the world altogether unprofitably and withal adds concerning his Clavis If this one thing be my Talent though but a single one I have sufficient wherefore continually to thank the Almighty and to beseech him that my husbanding thereof may be by his gracious instinct such as may be some occasion of farther light to others Agreeable to which expressions is that most Grateful acknowledgment with which he concludes his Clavis Apocal. Id extremum te volo Lector ut si mihi assidenti quid forte revelatum esse perspexeris aut tibi ipsi aut aliis ad haec mysteria profuturum id tot um Dei in me misericordiae acceptum referas cui ego ob tantillum Sapientiae ejus radiolum grates persolvere nunquam desinam The like humble and hearty praises for that portion of knowledge God had given him in these Mysteries and the Opportunity he had vouchsafed him to make it known to others so far as he had done either of which Favours he professes he deserved not the Reader may observe elsewhere in his Epistles And indeed a Soul so Humble and Meek and Thankful as his was is in the fittest disposition and has the fairest advantages for Divine light So true is that of Siracides Mysteries are revealed unto the meek He with whom God spake face to face as a man speaketh to his friend was the meekest man upon earth one whom that rare conjunction and Constellation of so great Accomplishments and Excellencies as his being learned in all the wisedom of the Egyptians his being mighty in words and deeds his forty days converse with God in the Mount his Greatness Power and Dignity together with the incomparable goodliness of his person did not swell into an haughty arrogant and imperious humour as it would have been apt to have made some the proudest men upon earth To conclude To return all Thankful
wanted the Original Manuscript to examine them by are in Book I. Discourse 40 41 42 43 44 45 47 48 49. In Book IV. Epist. 4 6 10 12 29 34 93 97. THE LIFE Of the Reverend and most Learned Ioseph Mede B. D. 1. IT hath been the practice of the best Historians sometimes in short Characters and sometimes in larger Descriptions to represent the Nature Sayings and Manners of those Persons whose Actions have rendred them Illustrious whether in War or Peace And it is a Custom very commendable for by this means a just Right is perform'd to the Glory of their Memories their Exemplary Vertues are preserv'd in the world by Monuments w ch Time cannot demolish and Ingenuous Readers are highly gratified who are naturally desirous to know as much as they can of those of whom they have heard any thing which is extraordinary 2. The same Reason hath made it a Custom to write the Lives of Authors eminent for their Learning and to annex them to their Works And indeed such Historical Pictures seem no where plac'd more fitly than in the Beginnings of those Books which were design'd by their excellent Authors to promote true Religion and Piety in the world Men being no less prepar'd for a chearful reception of Divine Truth when they see it presented by a Worthy person than they are apt to give an easie credit to good News when they are perswaded of the Integrity of him that brings it We have therefore attempted to give a Faithful though Imperfect Pourtrait of this Excellent Person the Author of the ensuing Discourses that the Reader may know what he was who in so high a degree obliged not only the Age wherein he lived but all succeeding Generations by his excellent Studies and exemplary Life The History whereof is briefly as follows 3. IOSEPH MEDE was born in October 1586. of Parents of honest rank at Berden in Essex and related as the learned Mr. Alsop did particularly remark in his Funeral Sermon to the Family of Sir Iohn Mede of Lofts-Hall in the same County who did much please himself in so worthy a Kinsman to whom also when Fellow of Christ's Colledge he sent his eldest Son to be his Pupil accounting it a singular felicity to have him under the care and conduct of so worthy and accomplish'd a Tutor 4. When he was about Ten years old both he and his Father fell sick at the same time of the Small pox to the Father it proved mortal to the Son very hazardous But Almighty God who designed him for a great Blessing to the world delivered him then out of that and afterwards out of other Dangers of which merciful Preservations he had by him his thankful Memorials the better to excite himself to a due celebration of the Divine Goodness His Mother afterward married one Mr. Gower of Nasing in Essex by whom he was sent to School first to Hodsden and after that to Wethersfield in Essex In which time going to London upon some occasion he bought Bellarmine's Hebrew Grammar His Master having no skill in that Language told him it was not a Book fit for him but he being of the same generous temper with Demonax who as Lucian reports was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would not be discouraged from the perusal of it but setting upon it industriously attain'd no small skill in the Hebrew Tongue before he left the School by these fair Blossoms giving an early assurance to his Friends of those excellent Fruits which he afterward brought forth being planted in a very fertile Soil and one of the most delightful Seats of the Muses in the University 5. His Friends being encouraged by the pregnancy of his Parts his assiduous Industry and Proficiency in Learning the best grounds of Hope sent him in the year 1602 to Christ's Colledge in Cambridge where he was admitted Pupil to Mr. Daniel Rogers Fellow of that Colledge When he had been there three years Mr. Rogers leaving the Colledge Mr. William Addison became his Tutor to whose Pupils after he was Bachelour of Arts he us'd to read as afterward when he was Master of Arts he moderated at Dis's upon the desire of his Tutor one of the then Proctors of the University 6. The Emprovements which he made in a short time by his industrious Wit were so conspicuous that they drew upon him the eyes not only of his own Colledge but of the whole University which could not but be the more observable in him because he wanted that felicity of Utterance which useth to set off slight parts and had so great an Hesitation in his speech as rendred his expression painful to himself and less pleasing to others Which made him decline as much as he might all publick Disputations and other Exercises as not to be perform'd by him without great difficulty his Labour in them as he was wont to tell his familiars being double to that of others in regard he was put to study not for matter only but for words not to express his mind for such words the matter being excogitated do not unwillingly follow and even offer themselves but for words that he could utter yea and to take care to dispose them too in that order that the contexture might suit with his Ability Wherein yet he in time became a rare Example how much a discreet observation of such an Imperfection can work toward the cure of it For by an heedful inspection into the nature of his defect what words he most stuck at either single or in conjuncture and at what times he was more or less free he attain'd so great a mastery over that Infirmity that he was able to deliver a whole Sermon without any considerable Hesitation 7. That also of his own relation is here not unworthy the remembring That not long after his entrance into Philosophical studies he was for some time disquieted with Scepticism that troublesome and restless disease of the Pyrrhonian School of old For lighting upon a Book in a neighbour-Scholars Chamber whether it were Sextus Empericus or some other upon the same Subject is not now remembred he began upon the perusal of it to move strange Questions to himself and even to doubt whether the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whole Frame of things as it appears to us were any more than a mere Phantasm or Imagination The Emprovement of this Conceit as he would profess rendred all things so unpleasant to him that his Life became uncomfortable He was then but young and therefore the more capable of being abus'd by those perplex'd Notions by which Pyrrho had industriously studied to represent the Habitation of Truth as inaccessible But by the mercy of God he quickly made his way out of these troublesome Labyrinths and gave an early proof that he was design'd for profound Contemplations by falling so soon upon the consideration of subjects so subtil and curious 8. By that time he had taken the Degree of Master of Arts he
votes are tendered Secondly He praies for Grace and Peace from them not as Authors but as the Instruments of God in the dispensation thereof Are they not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ministring Spirits sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of Salvation And if it be no Idolatry to pray unto God to give Grace and Peace from the outward Ministery of his Word no more is it to pray unto him for it from the invisible Ministery For certainly it is lawful to pray unto God for a blessing from an Instrument which he is wont to give us by an Instrument Secondly It may be said it being a Salutation that the words Grace and Peace need not be taken in that special and strict sense but in the large and general wherein Grace sounds favour at large and Peace all manner of prosperity In which sense no man will deny but the blessed Angels have an interest in the dispensation of the favours and blessings of God to his Church and so God may be prayed to to give them as he is wont by their Ministery Grace and Peace from him which is which was and is to come as the Author and Giver and from the Seven Spirits as the Instruments and from Iesus Christ as the Mediator There is yet one place more in the Apocalyps to confirm this Tradition Chap. 8. 2. I saw saith S. Iohn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Seven Angels which stood before God Is not this as plain as Tobit Why should then the one be accounted Magical rather than the other I add moreover that these Angels are those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Principes primarii or chief Princes mentioned in the 10. of Daniel 13. Michael one of the chief Princes saith the Angel there came to help me Now Michael we know is one of the Arch-angels and why therefore may not these chief Princes be those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof S. Paul speaks in his adjuration to Timothy I charge thee saith he before God and the Lord Iesus Christ and the Elect Angels not the good Angels at large but those Angeli eximii the Seven Arch-angels which stand before the Throne of God And it may not without reason be conjectured that those Seven chief Princes famed in the Persian Monarchie took their beginning from hence namely that Daniel who in respect of his account for wisdom and of his power under Darius the Mede had a main stroke in the moulding and framing the Government of that State caused the Persian Court to resemble that of Heaven ordaining Seven chief Princes to stand before the King Of which we find twice mention in Scripture as in the Book of Esther where they are recorded by name and styled the seven Princes of Media and Persia who saw the King's face and sate first in the kingdom and in the Commission granted to Ezra by Artaxerxes Ezra 7. 14. they are called the King's seven Counsellors Forasmuch as thou art sent by the King and his seven Counsellors c. And it may be the Church of Ierusalem when they chose Seven Deacons to minister unto their Bishop had an eye the same way HITHERTO of the Number of these Arch-angels now a word or two of their Office And that is First to be the universal Inspectors of the whole world and the Rulers and Princes of the whole Angelical host which appears in that they are called Principes primarii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chief Princes and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Archangels i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chief of the Angels their universal jurisdiction is meant by the words sent forth into the whole world whereas the rest are limited to certain places Secondly to have the peculiar Charge and Guardianship of the Church and affairs thereof whilst the rest of the world with their Polities Kingdoms and Governments is committed to the care of subordinate Angels who according to their several charges may seem to carry those names of Thrones Principalities Powers and Dominions That the charge of the Church quà talis belongs thus peculiarly and immediately to the Seven Arch-angels may appear by S. Iohn's saluting the Churches with a Benediction of Grace and Peace from their ministery and the typing of them by the Seven Eyes and Horns of the Lamb as Powers which the Father since he exalted Him to be Head of his Church hath annexed to his Iurisdiction Hence it comes to pass that we find these Angels peculiarly both before and in the Gospel to have been employed about the Church-affairs In the Old Testament the Angiel Gabriel one of the Seven revealed to Daniel the time of the restauration of the Iewish State and coming of Messiah and the Angel Michael one of the chief Princes was his assistant when he strengthened Darius the Mede who founded the Monarchy which should restore them and is in special termed Dan. 12. 1. the Prince that stood for Daniel 's people In the Gospel we find the same Angel Gabriel imployed both to Zachary and the Blessed Virgin with the Evangelical Tidings and that Zachary might take notice that he was one of the Seven he says unto him I am Gabriel that stand in the presence of God Likewise in the Churches combate with the Dragon Apocal. 12. 7 c. Michael and his Angels are said to be her Champions and in her quarrel to have cast the Dragon and his Angels down to the Earth And in this Prophecy of Zachary it is said that these Seven eyes of the Lord took care of one stone which Zorobabel laid for the foundation of the Temple and therefore the work could not be disappointed but should certainly at length be finished So as by this time we may guess the meaning of that which Hanani the Seer told King Asa 2 Chron. 16. 9. The Eyes of the Lord that is these Seven Eyes run to and fro through the whole Earth to shew themselves strong in the behalf of those whose hearts are perfect towards him DISCOURSE XI S. MARK 11. 17. Is it not written My House shall be called a House of Prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to all the Nations THEY are the words of our Blessed Saviour when he cast the Buyers and Sellers and Money-changers out of the Temple and forbad to carry any vessels through it Concerning which story it is worth observâ—â—â—on that our Saviour whilst he was upon earth never exercised any Kingly or coactive Iurisdiction but in vindicating his Father's House from prophanation And this he did two several times Once at the first Passeover after he began his Prophesie whereof you may read Iohn 2. 14 c. and now again at his last Passeover when he came to give his soul a sacrifice for sin This is that which S. Mark relates in this place as do also two other of the Evangelists S. Matthew and S. Luke The vindication of God's House from Prophanation how little account soever we are wont to
God in him which is a Faith whereof there is no Gospel A true Faith is to believe Salvation to be attained through obedience to God in Iesus Christ who by his merits and satisfaction for sin makes our selves and our works acceptable to his Father A saving and justifying Faith is to believe this so as to embrace and lay hold upon Christ for that end to apply our selves unto him and rely upon him that we may through him perform those works of obedience which God hath promised to reward with eternal life For a justifying Faith stays not only in the Brain but stirs up the Will to receive and enjoy the good believed according as it is promised This motion or election of the Will is that which maketh the difference between a saving Faith which joyns us to Christ and that which is true indeed but not saving but dogmatical and opinionative only And this motion or applying of the Will to Christ this embracing of Christ and the Promises of the Gospel through him is that which the Scripture when it speaks of this Faith calleth coming unto Christ or the receiving of him Come unto me all ye that are heavy-laden and I will ease you Matth. 11. 28. See Iohn 5. 40. and chap. 6. 37 44 45. So for receiving Iohn 1. 12. As many as received him to them he gave power or priviledge to be the sons of God even to them that believe on his Name where receiving and believing one expounds another Now if this be the Faith which is saving and unites us unto Christ and none other then it is plain that a saving Faith cannot be severed from good works because no man can embrace Christ as he is promised but he must apply himself to do them Would we then know whether our Faith be true and saving and not counterfeit This is the only sign and note whereby we may know it if we find these fruits thereof in our lives and conversations For 1 Iohn 1. 6. If we say we have fellowship with Christ and walk in darkness we lye and do not the truth Ch. 2. 3. Hereby we know that we know him namely to be our Advocate with the Father and the propitiation for our sins if we keep his Commandments And ch 3. 7. Little children let no man deceive you He that doth righteousness is righteous even as Christ is righteous For if every one that believes in Christ truly and savingly believes that Salvation is to be attained by obeying God in him and so embraces and lays hold on him for that end how can such a ones Faith be fruitless DISCOURSE XXVII Acts 5. 3 4 5. But Peter said Ananias why hath Satan filled thine heart to lie to the holy Ghost and to purloin of the price of the land Whiles it remained was it not thine own and after it was sold was it not in thy power why hast thou conceived this thing in thine heart Thou hast not lied unto men but unto God And Ananias hearing these words fell down and gave up the ghost IN the 110. Psalm where our Saviour is Prophetically described in the Person of a King advanced to the Throne of Divine Majesty glorious and victorious The Lord said unto my Lord Sit thou on my right hand till I make thine enemies thy footstool c. amongst other Kingly Attributes and Graces it is said if it be translated as it should be That his people in the day of his power should offer him Free-will-offerings that is bring him Presents at the day of his Inauguration or Investment as a sign of their Homage For so was the manner of the East to do unto their Kings and therefore when Saul was anointed King by Samuel it is said of those sons of Deâ—ial which despised and acknowledged him not that they brought him no presents But of Messiah's people it is said Thy people in the day of thy power that is the day when thou shalt enter upon thy power or the day of thy Investment shall be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a people of free presents or shall bring thee Free-will-offerings It is an Elliptical speech 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and rightly expressed in the Translation of our service-Service-Book Thy people shall offer or bring the Free-will-offerings This we see fulfilled in the Story of the foregoing Chapter when after our Saviour's ascension into heaven to sit at the right hand of God which was the day of his power or Inauguration in his Kingdom assoon as this his Investment was published by sending of the Holy Ghost presently such as believed in him that is submitted themselves to his power and acknowledged him to be their King dedicated their goods and possessions to his service selling their lands and houses and laying down the money at the Apostles feet namely to be distributed as were the sacred Offerings of the Law partly to the maintenance and furnishing of the Apostles for the work whereabout they were sent and partly for the relief of the poor Believers which belonged to Christ's provision According to this Example one Ananias with Sapphira his wife consecrated also a possession of theirs unto God and sold the same to that purpose but having so done covetousness tickling them they purloined from the price and brought but a part of the summe and laid it down at the Apostles feet Then said Peter according to the words I have read Why hath Satan filled thine heart that is made thee so daring to lie unto the Holy Ghost and to purloin from the price of the field c The words I have read contain two things Ananias his Sin and his Punishment therefore His Sin in the third and fourth verses his Punishment in the fifth Ananias hearing these words fell down and gave up the ghost Concerning his Sin as appears by the relation I have already made it was Sacriledge namely the purloining of what was become holy and consecrate unto God not by actual performance but by vow and inward purpose of the Heart For as it is well observed by Ainsworth on Levit. 7. 16. out of Maimonid in his Treatise of offering the Sacrifice Chap. 14. Sect. 4 5. c. In vows and voluntaries it is not necessary that a man pronounce ought with his lips but if he shall be fully determined in his heart though he hath uttered nothing with his lips he is indebted And this is no private Opinion of mine the Fathers so determine it S. Augustine that Ananias was condemned of Sacriledge quòd Deum in pollicitatione fesellisset because he had deceived God had been false to him in what he had promised him And in another Sermon Ananiam detraxisse de pecunia quam voverat Deo Ananias purloined and kept back part of the money he had devoted to God S. Chrysostome in his 12. Homily upon this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The
be no gatherings when I come Which Institution seems to be derived from the Commandment of God in the Law twice repeated Let no man appear before the Lord empty For the words annexed to that Law Deut. 16. where it is applied to the three great Feasts when all Israel was to assemble to pray before the Lord in his Tabernacle the words I say there annexed sound altogether like unto these of S. Paul concerning the Lord's day Three times a year saith the Text there shall all the males appear before the Lord and they shall not appear before the Lord empty Every one shall give as he is able according to the blessing of the Lord thy God which he hath given thee Is not this the same in sense with S. Paul's Let every one lay by himself in store as God hath prospered him The Primitive Church after the Apostles followed the same precedent and our own Reformed Church hath ordained the same in her Service-book were it accordingly practised as was intended For after the Epistle and Gospel she appoints divers choice Sentences of Scripture to be read which exhort us to Alms and other Offerings to the honour of Almighty God and then as supposing it to be done in the Prayer for the whole estate of Christ's Church We humbly beseech him most mercifully to accept our Alms and receive our Prayers which we offer unto his Divine Majesty Shall I now need to exhort you Brethren thus to furnish and strengthen your Prayers which you daily offer unto God to couple them with Almsdeeds to come before God with a present and not empty-handed Whom neither God's Commandment the Practice of his Church the Example of his Saints nor the Acceptance of such Prayers as the hand which dealeth Alms lifteth up to him whom these will not move no words of mine will do it But some may say Would you have us always give Alms when we pray No I say not so but I would not have you appear before the Lord empty that is such as are not wont to give them nor mean to do For you may give them before or second your Prayers with them after you may have set and appointed times for the one as you have for the other Or when the Law of man injoyns you any thing in this kind do it heartily faithfully and with a willing mind without grudging that so God may accept it as a service done to him Or lastly Thou mayest do as the holy men in Scripture were wont vow and promise unto God if thy Prayer be heard to offer something unto him either for relief of the poor the Widow the Orphan aâ—d distressed one or the maintenance of his Service and Worship If God will be with me saith Iacob Gen. 28. 20 c. and keep me in this way that I go and will give me bread to eat and raiment to put on c. Then shall the Lord be my God and this stone which I have set for a pillar shall be God's house and of all that thou shalt give me I will surely give the tenth unto thee See the use of vowing by such as came to pray in God's House Eccles. 5. 4. If thou comest before God in any of these ways thou shalt not come empty-handed But send not thy Prayer single and alone The Prayer with Alms is the Prayer God loveth Hear what himself saith Psal. 50. 14 15. Offer unto God thanksgiving Alms is an Offering of Thanksgiving and pay thy vows unto the most High So call upon me in the day of trouble and I will deliver thee and thou shalt glorifie me NOW I come to the second thing I propounded The power and efficacy which Prayer and Alms have with God Thy Prayers and thine Alms saith the Angel are come up for a memorial or are had in remembrance in the sight of God God is said to remember our Prayers when he grants them our Alms and good deeds when he rewards them or in a word when he answers either of them with a blessing as on the contrary he is said to remember iniquity when he sends some judgment for it So God is said to remember Hannah when he heard her prayer for a Son 1 Sam. 1. 19. and Nehemiah speaking of his deeds of mercy and bounty shewed unto his poor brethren returned from captivity says Think upon me or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Remember me O my God for good according to all that I have done for this people Thus were Cornelius his Prayers and Alms remembred Prayers therefore and Alms be they performed as they should be are powerful and approved means to obtain a blessing at the hands of God To speak first of Prayer What is it that Prayer hath not obtain'd It hath shut and opened Heaven see the story of Elijah It hath made the Sun and Moon to stand still read the Book of Ioshna It is the Key that openeth all God's Treasures of blessings both spiritual and corporal For spiritual blessings Cornelius we see obtained thereby Illumination and Instruction in God's saving Truth And S. Iames saith If any man lack wisdom let him ask of God who giveth to all men liberally and it shall be given him Ephraim in Ieremy 31. 18. prays for converting grace Turn thou me O Lord and I shall be turned To whom God presently replies ver 20. Is Ephraim my dear Son is he a pleasant Child for since I spake against him I do earnestly remember him still Therefore my bowels are troubled for him I will surely have mercy on him saith the Lord. Prayer obtains remission of sins I said saith David Psal. 32. 5 6. I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin For this shall every one that is godly pray unto thee in a time when thou mayest be found Prayer also obtaineth corporal blessings When Heaven was shut and it rained not Elijah prayed for rain and it rained Hannah prayed for a Son and she conceived If we be sick saith S. Iames chap. 5. 15. The prayer of faith shall heal the sick Nehemiah prayed that he might find favour in the sight of King Artaxerxes Chap. 1. 11. and found it Chap. 2. 4. But some man will say If Prayer have such power and efficacy how comes it to pass that many even godly men oft pray and yet speed not I answer There are divers causes thereof Either 1. we pray not as we ought or 2. we are not disposed as we ought to be when we pray 1. We pray not as we ought either 1. when we pray not heartily or not constantly For God regards not formal and superficial prayer but prayer that comes from the Heart and loves to be importuned before he grant as our Saviour tells us in the Parable of the woman and the unjust Iudge whom though at first he would not hear yet importunity made him do her justice Or 2.
as we should For as corporal food doth rather hurt than nourish a body abounding with evil humors So the Soul being fraught with vices this heavenly food rather killeth than comforts it As Adam in the state of his Integrity might freely take and taste of all the Trees in the Garden one only excepted but after his transgression he was justly restrained So doth the Lord admit us unto his Table if we come worthily otherwise we are no welcome guests unto him Therefore as it was said to Moses when he came near the presence of God Pluck off thy shooes for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground So let all of us put off the shooes of our corruptions and then we may approach with comfort to the holy Table of the Lord. DISCOURSE XLVII DEUTERONOMY 16. 16 17. Three times in a year shall all thy males appear before the Lord thy God in the place which he shall chuse in the Feast of Vnleavened bread and in the Feast of Weeks and in the Feast of Tabernacles and they shall not appear before the Lord empty Every man shall give as he is able according to the blessing of the Lord thy God which he hath given thee THESE words are a commandment for the observation of the great and chiefest Festival times of the Law not only here mentioned but elsewhere injoyned in the Books of the Law as I think in three several places Exod. 23. 14. and again 34. 23. and also Levit. 23. The words I read consist of two parts First The Observation it self 2. A special duty required thereat The Observation it self comprehends four things 1. The Work or Action commanded which is To appear before the Lord 2. The Persons who every Male all thy Males 3. The Place where in a select place in the place which the Lord shall chuse 4. The Time when Three times in the year In the Feast of Vnleavened bread in the Feast of Weeks and in the Feast of Tabernacles The second part A special duty required at this solemn service and that is a duty of real thanksgiving viz. a holy present or oblation to be given unto God and that expressed First in the kind They shall not appear before the Lord empty Secondly in the measure Every one shall give as he is able c. Of these I am to speak in order and first of the first The Action enjoyned To appear before the Lord. To appear before the Lord is in an Holy Assembly to perform a Religious service unto him For in every such Assembly and Service he is present after a special and peculiar manner according to that of our Saviour in the Gospel Where two or three are gathered in my Name there am I in the midst of them And as when one man speaks unto another or hears another speaking unto him either is said to be in others presence So he that comes to speak unto God in Confession Prayer and Thanksgiving and hath God likewise speaking unto him either in the publishing of the Law in the promises of his Gospel in the receiving of his Sacraments and ministerial benediction is truly said to appear or come into the presence of the Lord. To appear therefore in God's presence is to be assembled in his publick Worship where there is as it were a mutual entercourse between him and us and in this it is differing from private Devotion where the one part only is acted and not the other Every day is a day of private Devotion yea every hour if occasion serveth but a Holyday's work is the publick service of God in a Holy Convocation Seeing therefore as often as we come together for the Worship of God in the Holy Assembly of the Church we appear in the presence of the Majesty of God himself it may admonish us of the reverence we are to use in such Assemblies If when we come into the presence of a Prince we think an awful fear and a more than ordinary reverence doth best beseem us in whatsoever we speak or do much more is this required of us when we approach the presence of the King of Kings and Lord of Hosts No gesture we use no word we speak no action we do but should be framed to express the awe and regard we owe unto so great and high a presence If Order be any where required it is here If idle and vain words be in a far less presence taken as contemptuous in this they cannot be less than merely blasphemous If any unseemly or unsutable gesture if any neglectful or regardless demeanour be elsewhere culpable here it is abominable when we are in his presence who is the God of Order and Beauty and gives us an express command to perform all points of his Service 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to order and with comeliness This makes him say to Moses when he appeared in the Bush Pluck off thy shooes from off thy feet for the place whereon thou standest is Holy ground Whence Solomon borrows his speech Eccles. 5. 1. Keep thy foot or look unto thy feet when thou enterest into the House of God This being as much as if he had â—aid Behave thy self in God's presence reverently Which in the words following he enlarges saying Be more ready to hear than to give the sacrifice of Fools v. 2. Be not rash with thy mouth and let not thine heart be hasty to utter any thing before God for God is in Heaven and thou upon Earth c. And hither belongs that of S. Paul 1 Cor. 11. 4 5 c. requiring a seemly habit and gesture of men and women in the Holy Assemblies the woman to pray covered in token of her subjection the man uncovered as a sign of his head-ship and superiority over the woman according to the use of those times and places And it is specially to be observed which he speaketh in the 10. Verse For this cause ought the woman to have power on her head that is the ensign of power to which she is subject because of the Angels i.e. because of the presence of God attended with multitudes of Angels For these are the Train of the Almighty and as it were the Guard attending and ministring unto his presence wheresoever he keeps his station they pitch round about him When Daniel saw him in the Vision thousand thousands ministred unto him and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him Revel 5. 11. I beheld saith S. Iohn and I heard the voice of many Angels round about the Throne and the number of them was ten thousand times ten thousand and thousands of thousands So when God appeared to Iacob going to Padan-Aram he saw the Angels of God descending and ascending upon a Ladder Whence it appears that wheresoever God keeps his Court his Train is with him and perhaps it were no error to affirm That the peculiarity of God's presence in one place more than another
condemned at the last day not for reaving the meat from the hungry but for not seeding their poor brethren not for stripping the naked out of his cloaths but for not cloathing him It will not be enough for thee that thou bringest forth no bad fruit but thou must bring forth good fruit Every Tree that bringeth not forth good fruit shall be hewen down and cast into the fire What if thou steal not from thy brother yet if thou open not thy hand to help and succour him thou art a Robber What if thou dost neither lie nor swear yet if thou makest not thy mouth a glorious organ and thy tongue a trumpet to sound forth and proclaim the love and mercy of God thou art a deep and a round offender What if no man can condemn thee for any evil yet unless God and thine own conscience shall commend thee for some good thou hast done thou art far from any Assurance of Faith or Knowing thou knowest Christ to be thy Redeemer The End of the First Book THE SECOND BOOK OF THE WORKS OF The Pious and Profoundly-Learned Ioseph Mede B. D. SOMETIME Fellow of CHRIST'S Colledge in CAMBRIDGE CONTAINING SEVERAL DISCOURSES AND TREATISES OF CHURCHES AND The Worship of God therein Horat. de Arte Poet. Fuit haec Sapientia quondam Publica privatis secernere sacra profanis Corrected and Enlarged according to the Author 's own Manuscripts THE CONTENTS OF THE SECOND BOOK Of Churches 1 COR. 11. 22. Have ye not Houses to eat and drink in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or despise ye the Church of God pag. 319 The Reverence of God's House ECCLES 5. 1. Look to thy foot or feet when thou comest to the House of God and be more ready to obey than to offer the Sacrifice of fools pag. 340 The Christian Sacrifice MALACHI 1. 11. From the rising of the Sun even unto the going down of the same my Name shall be great among the Gentiles and in every place Incense shall be offered unto my Name and a pure Offering for my Name shall be great among the Heathen saith the Lord of Hosts CHAP. I. The Text a Prophecy of the Christian Sacrifice according to the judgment of the ancient Fathers in the Second Third and Fourth Centuries The difficulty of explaining the Christian Sacrifice The Reasons of this difficulty The Method and Order propounded for this Discourse pag. 355 CHAP. II. The Christian Sacrifice defined and briefly explained The two parts or double Object of this Sacrifice What meant by Sacrificium Quod what by Sacrificium Quo. pag. 356 CHAP. III. The words of the Text explained and applied to the foregoing Definition of the Christian Sacrifice Incense denotes the rational part of this Sacrifice Mincha the material part thereof What meant by Mincha purum Two Interpretations of the Purity of the Christian Mincha given by the Fathers a third propounded by the Author pag. 357 CHAP. IV. Six Particulars contained in the Definition of the Christian Sacrifice The First viz. That this Christian Service is an Oblation proved out of Antiquity How long the Apostles Age lasted or when it ended Proofs out of the Epistles of Clemens and Ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how distinguished in Ignatius The Christian Service is properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but improperly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the strict and prime sense of the word pag. 360 CHAP. V. The Second Particular That the Christian Sacrifice is an Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer proved from Iustin Martyr Tertullian Clemens Alexandr c. The Altar or Holy Table anciently the place of the publick Prayers of the Church Prayer Oblation and Sacrifice promiscuously used by the Fathers when they speak of the Christian Sacrifice The Conjunction of Prayer and the Eucharist argued from Acts 2. 42. and from Ignatius ad Ephes. The three parts of which the Christian Synaxis consisted pag. 362 CHAP. VI. The Third Particular That the Christian Sacrifice is an Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer through Iesus Christ Commemorated in the Creatures of Bread and Wine Sacrifices under the Law were Rites to invocate God by That the Eucharist is a Rite to give thanks and invocate God by proved from several Testimonies of the Fathers and the Greek Liturgies A passage out of Mr. Perkins agreeable to this notion What meant by that usual expression of the Ancients speaking of the Eucharist Through Iesus Christ the great High Priest By Nomen Dei in Mal. 1. Iustin M. and Irenaeus understood Christ. Why in the Eucharist Prayers were to be directed to God the Father pag. 365. CHAP. VII The Fourth particular That the Commemoration of Christ in the Creatures of Bread and Wine in the Eucharist is a Sacrifice according to the style of the ancient Church How Sacrifices are distinguished from all other Offerings A Sacrifice defined The Universal Custom of mankind to contract or confirm Covenants and Friendship by eating and drinking together This illustrated from Testimonies of Scripture and humane Authors Sacrifices were Federal Feasts wherein God and men did feast together in token of amity and friendship What was God's Mess or portion in the Sacrifices The different Laws of Burnt-offerings Sin-and-Trespass-offerings and the Peace-offerings Burnt-offerings had Meat and Drink-offerings annexed to them and were regularly accompanied with Peace-offerings That Sacrifices were Feasts of amity between God and men proved by four Arguments The reason of these phrases Secare foedus and Icere foedus That in those Sacrificial Feasts and also in the Eucharist God is to be considered as the Convivator and Man as the Conviva This cleared by several passages in this as also in the following Chapter pag. 369. CHAP. VIII The Fifth Particular That the Body and Bloud of Christ in the Eucharist was made of Bread and Wine which had first been offered to God to agnize him the Lord of the Creature This proved from the Testimonies of Antiquity next to the Apostles times and from ancient Liturgies as also from the Fathers arguing from this Oblation of the Creature in the Eucharist to God that the Father of Christ was the Creator of the world in confutation of some Hereticks in their days and lastly from S. Paul's parallel of the Lord's Supper and the Sacrifices of the Gentiles Two Questions answered 1. Whence may it appear that our Saviour at the Institution of the Eucharist did first offer the Bread and Wine to God to agnize him the Lord of the Creature 2. Is not the celebration of the Eucharist in the Western Churches whether the Reformed or the Roman therefore defective because no such Oblation is there in use pag. 372. CHAP. IX The Sixth Particular That Christ is offered in the Eucharist Commemoratively only and not otherwise This Commemorative Sacrifice or the Commemoration in the Eucharist explained That Christ is offered by way of Commemoration only was the sense of the ancient Church This proved from ancient
dari cur immaniter CONVENTICVLA dirui in quibus summus oratur Deus pax cunctis venia postulatur Magistratibus Exercitibus Regibus Familiaribus Inimicis adhuc vitam degentibus resolutis corporum vinctione c. He alludes unto the burning of the Books of Scripture and demolition of the Christians Oratories by Diocletian of which see Eusebius Lib. 8. c. 2. And know from hence when Arnobius wrote Nay Origen himself one of the first brought to depose against us if Rufinus his Translator deserve my credit will in his Homily upon the 9. chap. of Iosua testifie both for Churches and Altars among Christians in his time For thus he allegorizeth there the story of the Gibeonites whose lives Iosua and the Elders spared but gave them no better entertainment than to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for the Congregation and for the Altar of the Lord Sunt quidam in Ecclesia saith he credentes quidem habentes sidem in Deum acquiescentes in omnibus divinis praeceptis quÃque etiam erga servos Dei religiosi sunt servire eis cupiunt sed ad ornatum ECCLESIAE vel ministerium satis prompti paratÃque sunt in actibus verò suis conversatione propria obscoenitatibus vitiis involuti nec omnino deponentes veterem hominem cum actibus suis sed involuti vetustis vitiis obscoenitatibus suis siâ—ut isti i. Gabaonitae pannis calceamentis veteribus obtecti praeter hoc quòd in Deum credunt erga servos Dei vel ECCLESIAE cultum i. ornatum videntur esse devoti nihil adhibent emendationis vel innovationis in mores c. And a little after Veruntamen sciendum est quantum ex hujuscemodi figurarum adumbrationibus edocemur quòd si qui tales sunt in nobis quorum fides hoc tantummodo habet ut ad ECCLESIAM veniant inclinent caput suum sacerdotibus mark here a custom officia exhibeant servos Dei honorent ad ornatum quoque ALTARIS vel ECCLESIAE aliquid conserant non tamen adhibent studium ut etiam mores suos excolant actus emendent vitia deponant castitatem colant iracundiam mitigent avaritiam reprimant rapacitatem refraenent sciant sibi qui tales sunt qui emendare se nolunt sed in his usque in senectutem ultimam perseverant partem sortémque ab Iesu Domino cum Gabionitis esse tribuendam Thus Origen by his Interpreter And if any where Rufinus may be trusted sure he may in this forasmuch as in his Peroration in Epist. ad Romanos he hath given us his word that in his translation of this and the next Book he took not his wonted liberty to insert or alter any thing but simply expressed every thing as he found it Hear his words Illa saith he quae in Iesu Nave in Iudicum librum in 36 37 38. Psalm scripsimus simpliciter expressimus ut invenimus non multo cum labore transtulimus Vide locum Erasmi Censuram Lib. Origen Besides he that but considers the matter together with the brevity of this Homily cannot see a possibility how these passages can be an addition or supplement of the Translator's unless he made the whole Homily because the contents of them are the only argument thereof and being taken from it nothing would be remaining Lastly Because the fore-alledged words of Lactantius are so usually brought against us though they be nothing urgent and his time be altogether repugnant to any such inference yet absolutely to take away all scruple let us hear him also Instit. Lib. 5. c. 2. expresly giving evidence for us and that even by the name of Templum Ego saith he cum in Bithynia literas oratorias accitus docerem contigissét que eodem tempore ut Dei Templum everteretur duo exstiterunt ibidem qui jacenti atque objectae veritati the Christian verity nescio utrùm superbiùs an importunius insultârunt See the rest which follows This was when the Edict of Diocletian came forth for the demolishing of the Christian Churches And thus having removed that stumbling-stone which hath been the main inducement to the contrary opinion so prejudicial to those works of religious bounty and piety I hope my Proofs will find the freer passage with those of understanding and judgment to whose pious consideration I have devoted this my Discourse THE REVERENCE OF GODS HOUSE ECCLESIASTES 5. 1. Look to thy foot or feet when thou comest to the House of God and be more ready to obey than to offer the sacrifice of fools for they know not that they do evil SOLOMON whom God chose to build that sacred and glorious Temple to his Name it hath pleased his holy Spirit to make also our principal Instructor how we ought to demean our selves in such sacred places This appears as by that his solemn and famous Prayer made at the Dedication thereof so also by this Scripture which I have now begun to read the first seven verses of this Chapter if we will rightly understand them being wholly spent upon that argument and containing precepts and instructions fitted to the several duties of holy worship we are to perform both at our coming thither and whilest we remain there To unfold them all were too much for the shortness of the time allotted me May it please you therefore to vouchsafe me your Christian patience and charitable attention whilest I utter my thoughts upon the words I have now read For the better and more distinct explication whereof consider in them these two parts An Admonition and a Caution 1. An Admonition of reverent and awful demeanour when we come to God's House Look to thy foot or feet when thou comest to the House of God 2. A Caution not to prefer the secondary Service of God before the first and principal Be more ready to obey than to offer the sacrifice of fools for they know not that they do evil In the first or Admonition I will consider two things 1. The Place God's House 2. The Duty of those who come thither Look to thy feet Of these in order and first of the Place God's House SECTION I. THE House of God is the place set apart for his Worship and service and so hath peculiar Relation unto him wherewith being invested it becomes sacred and holy not only whilest Divine duties are performed therein as some erroneously affirm but as long as it is for such use namely according to the nature of other Sacred things which continue their state of separateness and sanctity so long as that relation they have unto God wherein this Sanctity consists is not quite abolished To erect and set apart such Places as these for the exercise of the Rites of Religion is derived from the Instinct of Nature and approved of God from the beginning It began not with that Tabernacle or ambulatory Temple which Moses caused to
may be gathered in some sort out of those words of Exodus whereupon we have so long dwelt as where the recording of God's Name and his coming thither are spoken of as two but is more strongly evinced by such instances of Scripture where the Lord is said to have been specially present in places where this Record of his Word and Sacraments was not as for example to Moses in the Bush to Iacob at Bethel and the like The true Ratio therefore of this SHECINAH or Speciality of Divine Presence must be sought and defined by something which is common to all these and not by that which is proper to some only Well then to hold you no longer in suspence This Specification of the Divine presence whereby God is said to be in one place more than another I suppose under correction to consist in his train or retinue A King is there where his Court is where his train and retinue are So God the Lord of Hosts is there specially present where the Heavenly Guard the blessed Angels keep their sacred station and rendezvous That this is consonant to the revelation of holy Scripture I shew first from the collection or inference which the Patriarch Iacob makes upon that Divine vision of his at Bethel where having seen a ladder reaching from heaven to earth and the Angels of God ascending and descending upon it Surely saith he the Lord is in this place and I knew it not How dreadful is this place It is no other but the House of God even the gate of Heaven that is Heaven's Guild-hall Heaven's Court namely because of the Angels For the Gate was wont to be the Iudgment-Hall and the Place where Kings and Senators used to sit attended by their guard and ministers Secondly I prove it from that interpretative expression used in the New Testament of the Lord's descent upon Mount Sinai when the Law was given intimating that the Specification of the presence of the Divine Majesty there also consisted in the Angelical retinue there encamping For so S. Steven Acts 7. 53. You who have received the Law by the disposition of Angels and have not kept it S. Paul twice first Gal. 3. 19. The Law was added because of transgressions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordained by Angels in the hand of a Mediator and again Heb. 2. 2. he calls the Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word spoken by Angels Howbeit in the story it self we find no such thing expressed but only that the Lord descended upon the Mount in a fiery and smoking cloud accompanied with thunders and lightnings with an earthquake and the voice of a trumpet Whence then should this expression of S. Steven and the Apostle proceed but from a supposition that the Special presence of the Divine Majesty wheresoever it is said to be consisted in the encamping of his sacred retinue the Angels for that of himself He who filleth the Heaven and the Earth could not descend nor be in one place more than another Yea all the Apparitions of the Divine Majesty in Scripture are described by this retinue That of the Ancient of days coming to judgment Dan. 7. 10. Thousand thousands ministred unto him and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him to wit of Angels Whence we read in the Gospel that Christ our Saviour shall come in the glory of his Father that is with an Host of Angels as the Holy Ghost himself in the same places expounds it for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Glory here signifies the Presence of the Divine Majesty In the same style of the same Appearing prophesied Enoch the seventh from Adam Iude verse 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Behold the Lord cometh with his holy Myriads or ten thousands for so it ought to be rendred and not as we have it with ten thousand of his Saints Wherefore here the vulgar Latine comes nearer which hath Ecce venit Dominus in sanctis millibus suis. A like expression whereunto of the Divine presence we shall find in Moses Blessing Deut. 33. 2. The Lord saith he came from Sinai unto them i. unto Israel and rose up from Sâ—ir unto them he shined forth from mount Paran he came with his holy ten thousands or holy Myriads for so it should be translated then it follows from his right hand went a fiery law for them From whence perhaps that notion of the Iewish Doctors followed by S. Steven and the Apostle That the Law was given by Angels had its beginning And thus you have heard out of Scripture What that is whereby the Special presence of the Divine Majesty is as I suppose defined that is wherein it consists namely such as is appliable to all places wherein he is said to be thus present even to Heaven it self his Throne and Seat of glory the proper place as every one knows of Angelical residence Now according to this manner of presence is the Divine Majesty to be acknowledged present in the Places where his Name is recorded as in his Temple under the Law and in our Christian Oratories or Churches under the Gospel namely that the heavenly Guard there attend and keep their rendezvous as in their Master's House according to that vision which the Prophet Esay had thereof Esay 6. 1. I saw the Lord saith he sitting upon a Throne high and lifted up and his train filled the Temple Septuagint and Iohn 12. 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the Angels and Seraphims his stipatores as may be gathered from that which immediately follows verse 3. where it is said The Seraphims cried one unto another Holy Holy Holy is the Lord God of hosts the whole earth is full of his Glory This King Agrippa in Iosephus intimates in that Oration he is said to have made unto the Iews a little before that fatal siege dehorting them from rebelling against the Romans where speaking to the people hard by and in view of that sacred Temple he hath these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I call to witness your sacred Temple and the holy Angels of God namely which encamp there The â—ame is implied in that of the 138. Psalm ver 1 2. according to the translation of the Septuagint and Vulgar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In conspectu Angolorum psallam tibi Adorabo ad Templum sanctum tuum confitebor Nomini tuo Before the Angels I will sing praise unto thee I will worship towards thy holy Temple and praise thy Name And according to this sense I understand that of Solomon in this Book of Ecclesiastes within two or three verses of my Text concerning vows to be made in God's House When thou vowest a vow defer not to pay it Better it is thou shouldest not vow than vow and not pay Suffer not thy mouth to cause thy flesh to sin neither say thou BEFORE THE ANGEL It was an error that is Let not such a foolish excuse come from thee in the
Nations of the Orient especially that Rite of Discalceation or putting of their shoes still used and continued amongst them unto this day when they come into their Temples and Sacred places Which that I affirm not without good warrant in case any one shall doubt thereof these Testimonies following will sufficiently evidence First That Symbole of Pythagoras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 OFFER SACRIFICE AND WORSHIP WITH THY SHOES OFF. What mystical or symbolical sense he intended I enquire not but it is plain his expression alludes to some such custom then used by those who came to worship in the Temples of their Gods Wherein that my collection fails me not Iustin Martyr will bear me witness in his second Apology where he tells us That those who came to worship in the Sanctuaries and Temples of the Gentiles were commanded by their Priests 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to put off their shoes which their Gods learned saith he by way of Imitation from that which the Lord spake to Moses out of the flaming Bush Loose thy shoes from off thy feet for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground This Testimony for the antiquity of the practice is without exception Yet by the Father's good leave I am prone to think that those words unto Moses gave not the first beginning unto it but were an admonition only of the Divine presence thereby commanding the Rite then accustomed in places so hallowed and that therefore it was rather as other Religious Rites derived unto the Gentiles by Tradition from the Patriarchs before Moses of whom both the Iews and those Nations of the Orient which agreed with them in this custom were descended Concerning whose present custom Drusius in his Notes upon Iosua affirmeth Quòd etiam nunc apud plerasque Orientis Nationes piaculum sit calceato pede Templorum pavimenta calcâsse That even to this day among most of the Nations of the Orient it is reputed a piaculary crime to tread upon the pavements of their Temples with their shoes on their feet For the Iews in particular that this Rite of Veneration was anciently used by them in Places sanctified by the Divine Presence Maimonides puts us out of doubt telling us in his Beth Habbechirah chap. 7. That it was not lawful for a man to come into the Mountain of God's House with HIS SHOES ON HIS FEET or with his staffe or in his working garment or with dust on his feet and the like The same hath Rabbi Solomon upon the 19. of Levit. ver◠30. It is further confirmed by their modern practice in their Synagogues even here in these Western and colder parts of the world where though no such custome be in use as in the Orient nor our manners with conveniencie capable thereof yet they still observe it as far as the guise of the West will permit them an argument it descends unto them by a strong and rooted Tradition from their forefathers My Author is Buxtorf Synagog Iudaic. lib. 5. c. 5. where he hath these words Ante Synagogam vel scholam ipsorum ferrum quoddam habent immuratum ad quod quilibet calceos immundos aut coenosos abstergere tenetur idque Solomonis authoritate qui Custodi ait pedem tuum Quisquis crepidis indutus est is eas immundas de pedibus suis detrahere tenetur prout scriptum est Solve calceamenta tua de pedibus tuis c. that is Before their Synagogues they have a certain iron fastned in a wall whereat every one is bound to make clean his foul or dirty shoes and that by the authority of Solomon who saith Look to thy foot c. Whosoever hath slippers on is bound they being foul to put them quite off viz. before he enters into the Synagogue according as it is written Loose thy shoes from off thy feet c. And for the Mahumetans what they do in their Mosquees Bartlemew Georgivez who was a long time a captive amongst them can best inform us in his Book De ritu ceremoniis Turcarum Quicunque saith he veniunt ad vrationem debent abluere manus pedes c. postremò ter spargunt aquam super capita recitando haec verba ELHEMDV LILLAHI i. gloria Deo meo Deinde exutis calceamentis Patsmagh dictis iisque ante januam Templi relictis introeunt alii NVDIS PEDIBVS alii habentes munda calceamenta Mesth dicta That is Such as come to pray their duty is first to wash their hands-feet c. at last they sprinkle water over their heads thrice repeating these words ELHEMDV LILLAHI that is Glory be to my God Then putting off their shoes called Patsmagh and leaving them before the door of the Temple they enter some barefooted others having a clean kind of Sandal which they call Mesth namely as the custom is with us when we pull off our hats to wear a cap. Lastly That we may not want an instance among Christians Zaga Zabo an AEthiopian Bishop sent Ambassador from David King of the Abyssines to Iohn the third King of Portugal above an hundred years since in his description of the Religion and Rites of the Abyssine Christians thus informs us Prohibitum est apud nos saith he nè aut gentes aut canes aut alia hujusmodi animalia in Templa nostra intrent Item non datur potestas nobis adeundi Templum nisi NVDIS PEDIBVS neque licet nobis in ipso Templo ridere obambulare aut de rebus prophanis loqui neque spuere aut screare in ipso Templo Quia Ecclesiae AEthiopum non sunt similes terrae illi ubi populus Israel comedit Agnum Paschalem decedens ab AEgypto in quo loco propter terrae pollutionem jussit eos Deus comedere indutos calceamentis zonis accinctos sed similes sunt monti Sinai ubi Dominus locutus est Mosi dicens Exue calceamentatua de pedibus tuis quoniam terra quam pedes tui premunt sancta est That is it is prohibited amongst us that either Pagans or dogs or any other beasts should come into our Churches Moreover it is not permitted to us to go into the Church but BARE-FOOTED nor is it lawful for us in the Church to laugh or to walk up and down or to speak of secular matters no not to spit hank or hem in the Church Because the Churches of AEthiopia are not like unto that Land where the people of Israel ready to depart out of Egypt ate the Paschal Lamb where because of the pollution of the countrey God commanded them to eat it with their shoes on their feet and their loins girded but they are like unto Mount Sinai where God spake unto Moses saying put off thy shoes from thy feet for the ground whereon thy feet tread is holy Thus Zaga Zabo of the Abyssine Christians whereof he was a Bishop And till the contrary be shewed me I am prone to believe that some other Christians of
rational part of our Christian Sacrifice which is Prayer Thanksgiving and Commemoration Mincha the material part thereof which is Oblatio farrea a Present of Bread and Wine BUT this Mincha is characterised in the Text with an attribute not to be overpast Mincha purum In omni loco offeretur incensum Nomini meo Mincha purum In every place Incense shall be offered to my Name and a pure Mincha The Meat-offering which the Gentiles should one day present the God of Israel with should be Munus purum a pure Offering or as the Septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a pure Sacrifice Let us learn if we can what this Purity is and wherein it consisteth or in what respect the Gentiles Oblation is so styled 1. Some of the Fathers take this Pure Offering to be an Offering that is purely or spiritually offered The old Sacrifices both of the Iew and Gentile were offered modo corporali in a corporeal manner by slaughter fire and incense but this of Christians should be offered only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by way of Prayer and Thanksgiving as Iustin Martyr expresses it whence it is usually called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a reasonable and unbloudy Sacrifice namely of the manner of offering it not that there was no material thing used therein as some mistake for we know there was Bread and Wine but because it is offered unto God immaterially or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only which the Fathers in the first Council of Nice call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be sacrificed without sacrificing rites This sense of Pure Sacrifice is followed by Tertullian as may appear by his words ad Scapulam where speaking of the Christian Liturgy Sacrificamus saith he pro salute Imperatoris sed quomodo praecepit Deus purâ prece Non enim eget Deus Conditor Vniversitatis odoris aut sanguinis alicujus haec enim Daemoniorum pabula sunt We offer Sacrifice for the health and welfare of the Emperor but it is according as God hath commanded the Sacrifice of pure prayer For God the maker of the World stands not in need of the smell or savour or of the bloud of any creature These indeed are the food and diet which the Devils love Also in his third Book against Marcion cap. 22. In omni loco offertur Sacrificium Nomini meo In every place Sacrifice shall be offered to my Name sacrificium mundum and a pure Sacrifice that is saith he gloriae relatio benedictio laus hymni giving glory to God blessing praise and hymns which he presently calls munditia sacrificiorum the purities of Sacrifices The same way go some others But this sense though it fitly serves to difference our Christian Sacrifice from the old Sacrifices of the Iews and Gentiles and the thing it self be most true yet I cannot see how it can agree with the context of our Prophet where the word Incense though I confess mystically understood is expressed together with Munus purum a pure offering For it would make the Literal sense of our Prophet to be absurd and to say In every place Incense is offered to thy Name and an Offering without Incense And yet this would be the Literal meaning if Pure here signified without Incense 2. Let us hear therefore a second Interpretation of this Puritie of the Christian Mincha more agreeable to the dependence of the words and that is à conscientia offerentis from the disposition and affection of the offerer according to that of the Apostle Tit. 1. 15 16. To the pure all things are pure but unto them that are defiled and unbelieving is nothing pure but even their mind and conscience is defiled They profess they know God but in works they deny him The Iews offering was prophane and polluted because it proceeded not out of a due belief and a conscience throughly perswaded of the Greatness of their God that he was the Creator and Lord of the whole earth but rather some petty and particular God like the Gods of other Nations But the Gentiles who should see him not only the God of one Nation but universally acknowledged over all the earth should have no such reason to doubt but firmly believe him to be the Great God Creator of heaven and earth and worship him as such and so their Offering be a Pure Offering not polluted with unbelief And it is to be observed that all the ancient Christian Liturgies begin with this acknowledgment For the Summe of the Eucharistical Doxology when the Bread and Wine is first presented before God is comprehended in that of the Apocalyps Thou art worthy O Lord to receive glory and honour and power for thou hast created all things and for thy pleasure they are and were created And to this way of interpreting the Purity of the Christian Sacrifice to wit from the conscience and affection of the offerers the Fathers mostly bend Irenaeus lib. 4. cap. 34. Sacrificia non sanctificant hominem non enim indiget Deus sacrificio sed conscientia ejus qui offert sanctificat sacrificium pura exsistens Quoniam igitur cum simplicitate Ecclesia offert justè munus ejus purum sacrificium apud Denm deputatum est Sacrifices do not sanctifie a man for God stands not in need of any of our Sacrifices but the Conscience of him that offers being pure sanctifies the Sacrifice And because the Church offereth with Simplicity with a Conscience purified from all malice and hypocrisie rightly therefore is her Oblation accounted by God a Pure Sacrifice And a little after Oportet enim nos oblationem Deo facere in omnibus gratos inveniri fabricatori Deo in sententia pura fide sine hypocrisi c. For it behoveth us to present God with our Oblations and in all things to be found thankful unto God our maker with pure minds and faith unfeigned with stedfast hope and fervent love offering unto him the First-fruits or a Present of his Creatures Neither is Tertullian whom I alledged before for the other interpretation averse from this for in his fourth Book Cont. Marc. c. 1. Sacrificium mundum a pure Sacrifice that is saith he simplex oratio de conscientia pura sincere Prayer proceeding from a pure Conscience But this conscientious purity they seem to restrain at least chiefly to freedom from malice as that singular purity whereby this Christian Sacrifice is differenced from that of the Iew because none can offer it but he that is in charity with his brother according to that in the Gospel When thou bringest thy gift unto the Altar and remembrest thy brother hath ought against thee Go first and be reconciled to thy brother c. And therefore in the beginning of this Christian Service the Deacon was anciently wont to cry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let no man have ought against his brother and then followed osculum sanctum the kiss of reconciliation Thus the Fathers of the
shewed That a Sacrifice was nothing else but a Sacred Feast namely Epulum foederale wherein God mystically entertained Man at his own Table in token of amity and friendship with him Which that he might do the Viands of that Feast were first made God's by oblation and so eaten of not as of Man's but God's provision There is nothing then wanting to make this sacred Epulum of which we speak full out a Sacrifice but that we shew That the Viands thereof were in like manner first offered unto God that so being his he might be the Convivator Man the Conviva or the Guest And this the ancient Church was wont to do this they believed our Blessed Saviour himself did when at the institution of this holy Rite he took the Bread and the Cup into his sacred hands and looking up to Heaven gave thanks and blessed And after his example they first offered the Bread and Wine unto God to agnize him the Lord of the Creature and then received them from him again in a Banquer as the Symbols of the Body and Bloud of his Son This is that I am now to prove out of the Testimonies of Antiquity not long after but next unto the Apostles times when it is not likely the Church had altered the form they left her for the celebration of this Mystery I will begin with Irenaeus as the most full and copious in this point He in his fourth Book cap. 32. speaks thus Dominus Discipulis suis dans consilium Primitias Deo offerre ex suis Creaturis non quasi indigenti sed ut ipsi nec infructuosi nec ingrati sint eum qui ex Creatura panis est accepit gratias egit dicens Hoc est curpus meum Calicem similiter qui est ex ea Creatura quae est secundùm nos suum sanguinem confessus est Novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem quam Ecclesia ab Apostolis accipiens in universo mundo offert Deo ei qui alimenta nobis praestat primitios suorum munerum in Novo Testamento Our Lord counselling his Disciples to offer unto God the First-fruits or a Present of his Creatures not for that God hath any need thereof but that they might shew themselves neither unfruitful nor ungrateful He took that Bread which was made of his Creature and gave Thanks saying This is my Body and he likewise acknowledged the Cup consisting of the Creature which we use to be his Bloud And thus taught the new oblation of the New Testament which the Church receiving from the Apostles offers throughout the world unto God that feeds and nourisheth us being the First-fruits of his own gifts in the New Testament And Cap. 34. Igitur Eâ—clesiae oblatio quam Dominus docuit offerri in universo mundo purum sacrificium reputatum est apud Deum acceptum est ei non quòd indigeat à nobis sacrificium sed quoniam is qui offert glorificatur ipse in co quod offert si acceptetur munus ejus Per munus enim erga Regem honos affectio ostenditur Therefore the Oblation of the Church which our Lord taught and appointed to be offered through all the world is accounted a pure Sacrifice with God and is acceptable unto him not because God stands in need of our Sacrifice but because the offerer is himself honoured in that he offers if his Present be accepted For by the Present it appears what affection and esteem the Giver hath for the King he honoureth therewith He alludes to that in Malachi 1. 14. I am a great King saith the Lord of Hosts Ibid. Oporiet nos oblationem Deo facere in omnibus gratos inveniri Fabricatori Deo Primitias earum quae sunt ejus Creaturarum offerentes hanc oblationem Ecclesia sola puram offert Fabricatori offerens ei cum gratiarum actione ex Creatura ejus It behoveth us to present God with our Oblations and in all things to be found thankful unto God our Maker offering unto him the First-fruits of his Creatures and it is the Church only that offers this Pure Oblation unto the Creator of the world while it offers unto him a Present out of his Creatures with thanksgiving In the same place Offerimus autem ei non quasi indigenti sed gratias agentes Dominationi ejus sanctificantes creaturam But we offer unto him not as if he needed but as giving thanks to his Soveraignty and sanctifying the Creature He alludes again to that in this Chapter of Malachi v. 6. If I be Dominus where is my fear saith the Lord of hosts unto you O Priests that offer polluted Bread ubon mine Altar My next witness shall be Iustin Martyr in time elder than Irenaeus though I reserved him for the second place He in his Dialogue with Tryphon the place before alledged telling the Iew That the Sacrifices of Christians are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Supplications and giving of Thanks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that these are the only Sacrifices which Christians have been taught they should perform in that thankful remembrance of their food both dry and liquid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein also is commemorated the Passion which the Son of God suffered by himself Here is a twofold commemoration witnessed to be made in the Eucharist The first as he speaks of our food dry and liquid that is of our meat and drink by agnizing God and recording him the Creator and giver thereof the second of the Passion of Christ the Son of God in one and the same food And again in the same Dialogue Panem Eucharistiae in commemorationem passionis suae Christus fieri tradidit Christ hath taught us that the Eucharistical Bread should be consecrated for the Commemoration of his Passion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that withall we may give thanks to God for having made the world with all things therein for man and for having freed us from that evil and misery wherein we were and having utterly overthrown Principalities and Powers by him that became passible according to his counsel and will To which he immediately subjoyns the Text and applies it to the Eucharist Thus Iustin Martyr My third witness is Origen in his 8. Book Contra Cels. Celsus saith he thinks it seemly we should be thankful to Demons and to offer them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but we think him to live most comelie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that remembers who is the Creator unto whom we Christians are careful not to be unthankful with whose benefits we are filled and whose Creatures we are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is And we have also a Symbol of our Thanksgiving unto God the Bread which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Where note that the Eucharistical Bread is said to be a Symbol not only of the Body and Bloud of Christ but a Symbol of that Thanksgiving which we render to the Creator through him Again in
negaveris Davidem roga quare Opus illud tam Magnificum respondebit Quia Dei illud palatium est non hominum Solomonem Quia inquit major est Deus noster omnibus Diis At hi fines ceremoniales non sunt ergò praecipuus saltem Magnificentiae istius scopus fuit moralis condecentia non verùm rei in Christo futurae umbra At magnam nobis invidiam conflatum eunt de pauperum indigentia Indignum enim esse ut Auro splendescant Templa haec externa dum viva Spiritûs sancti Habitacula fame contabescant inediâ in pauperes ut simus lapides nimiùm in lapides profus◠Fatebor equidem nec invitus in Templa non insumendum quod alibi meliùs aut potiùs collocandum Bonum enim quod efficit quò minùs fiat quod magis bonum bonum mihi non videtur malum censeo At interim meminerint velim hujusmodi sermonis autores nos non absolutè sed comparatè locutus de Templorum Ornatu ut nè sint minùs quà m hominum aedes ornatae Deinde sciant non Templa sola hoc quod intorquent ariete sed Regum conquassari Palatia sed multas privatorum aedes Pauperes egent Quin igitur tu aedes tuas dirue quin Regum Nobilium palatia demolire Pauperes egent Quid igitur tibi tantus domi aulaeorum tapetum apparatus Quid tot contignationum concamerationum deliciae Quid reliqua supellex otiosa ornatus supervacuus Aufer aufer haec inquam sine quibus tibi satis erit domi pauperi inde multum eleemosynae Postea si indigeant pauperes causam non dico quin Templis omnem auferas ornatum imò ipsa non enim pro Templis homines sed pro hominibus Templa sunt condita ut in re Sabbatica dixit Servator Ut enim David si aliunde habuisset quod comederet sanctos panes non comedisset ita neque tu extra hunc casum spoliabis Sacra Dum aliunde Veritas potest confirmari Deus non est eò advocandus Iuramento dum aliis res dubia disceptari modis ad Sortes non est recurrendum quippe hoc esset temerè Dei nomen sumere profanare quod sanctum est Idem hîc puta nisi extrema urgeant nec spolianda Sacra nec minuenda Sed pergunt nobis adversari Patrum quosdam aiunt in hunc quem nos tuemur Ornatum effatos multa At verò Patrum dicta nihil ad nos qui nullum Ornatum in specie ponimus sed Sacra non sacris Ornatu Magnificentiâ praeire volumus aedificiis Nec Patrum istorum argumentis Templorum modò sed etiam civilium aedificiorum ornamenta perstringi Denique nego Patres istos Templorum Ornatum simpliciter damnare sed immodestum sed indecorum sed gravioris momenti rebus praelatum sed superstitiosum malâ mente susceptum Ipsos videat cui otium est in verbis eorum disertè inveniet hoc ipsum In summa Quod Christus Pharisaeis menthae◠anethi decimationem satagentibus graviora Legis omittentibus id illi ingerunt sui aevi Pharisaeis Graviora illa praecipuè facienda sed minora haec non omittenda ATQUE ita jam plenè absolvi de Magnificentia transeo ad alteram quam feci Ornatûs Templarii speciem Munditiem scilicet rem cumprimis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sacra decentem maximé Argumenta communia quae multa possem taceo propria tantùm ingero Et Primò Praesentiam Divinam minimè decere Immunditiem Id adeò verum est ut Israelitarum Castris Munditiem mandaret Deus propter singularem suam in iis Praesentiam Quia inquit Iehova indefinenter ambulat in medio castrorum tuorum eripiendo te ideo Castra tua sancta sunto neque conspiciat in te turpitudinem ullius rei nè avertat se à te Deuter. 23. 14. Secundò Templa honorificè habenda sunt at Immundities contemptum maximum vilissimam vilitatem arguit Unde Iehu 2 Reg. 10. 27. AEdem Baalis contumeliâ quam potuit maximâ affecturus in Latrinam vertisse dicitur At ille Baalis Idoleum nos Christi proh pudor Domus in Latrinas vertimus Adeò nobis in Deum ignominia non est quâ Nebuchadnezar majorem non invenit quâ Dei nostri blasphematorum aedes conspurcaret quà m ut in latrinas sterquilinia redigantur Postremò adeò Templis Munditiem convenire putavit magnus ille Gentium Doctor ut Corpora fidelium Templis assimilans argumentum inde duceret de iisdem morum vitae impuritate non temerandis Vos Templum estis Dei viventis quapropter impurum nè attingite 2 Cor. 6. Si imaginem Templi non deceat Immundities certè non decebit ipsum The End of the Second Book THE THIRD BOOK OF THE WORKS OF Ioseph Mede B. D. The Third Book OF THE WORKS OF The Pious and Profoundly-Learned IOSEPH MEDE B. D. Wherein are contained I. Clavis Commentationes Apocalypticae II. Opuscula nonnulla ad Rem Apocalypticam spectantia III. A Paraphrase and Exposition of S. PETER 2 Ep. Ch. 3. IV. The Apostasy of the Latter Times V. DANIEL'S Weeks with two other Tracts upon DANIEL Corrected and enlarged according to the Author 's own Manuscripts DANIEL S. IOHN Dan. 12. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 THE CONTENTS OF THE THIRD BOOK I. Clavis Apocalyptica pag. 419 II. Commentarius in Apocalypsin pag. 437 III. Appendix ad Clavem Apocalypticam i.e. 1. Dan. Laweni Stricturae in Clavem Apocal pag. 541 2. Responsio ad D. Laweni Stricturas pag. 550 3. Lud. de Dieu Animadversiones in Clavem Comment Apocalypt pag. 556 4. Responsio ad Ludovici de Dieu Animadversiones pag. 569 5. Epistola ad Amicum de Resurrectione Prima Millennio Apocalyptico pag. 571 6. De Gogo Magogo Conjectura pag. 574 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heb. 2. 5. pag. 577 8. Prophetia Tobiae moribundi de Duplici Iudaeorum Captivitate Statu Novissimo pag. 579 IV. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Remains on some passages in the Apocalyps enlarged with several Additions CHAP. I. General Considerations concerning the Order and Connexion of the Apocalyptical Visions pag. 581 CHAP. II. Particular Considerations for the understanding of the Scheme pag. 582 CHAP. III. Mr. Mede's Defence of his own and Answer to certain Objections of a Friend pag. 586 CHAP. IV. Mr. Mede's further clearing of some passages in the foregoing Chapter with some observations upon Dan. 12. 11. Apocal. 11. 19. ch 15. 5. pag. 589 CHAP. V. Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Wood's special accommodation of the four first Trumpets Apocal. 8. pag. 591 CHAP. VI. His Answer to Mr. Wood's three Arguments endeavouring to prove That the Vials are immediate Consequents of the seventh Trumpet pag. 592 CHAP. VII The Virgin-company of the 144 thousand Sealed ones Apocal. 14. briefly
the Ground and Rule of it III. If the Order Method and Connexion of the Visions be framed and grounded upon supposed Interpretation then must all Proofs out of that Book needs be founded upon begged principles and humane conjectures But on the contrary if the Order be first fixed and setled out of the indubitate Characters of the letter of the Text and afterward the Interpretation guided framed and directed by that Order then will the variety of Expositions be drawn into a very narrow compass and Proofs taken from this Book be evident and infallible and able to convince the Gain-sayers IV. This is that Method which I endeavoured to represent in my Scheme and demonstrate in the Tractate annexed In which therefore you shall find all Interpretation set apart and as it were disclaimed and all the Reasons founded upon the bare letter of the Text taking no notice at all of any Event or Interpretation whatsoever but leaving all at full liberty only reserved that the Order and Synchronism which I represent out of the Text be no way violated thereby and so let the Interpretation be what it may be V. I dare not be confident that this Order and Series which I have deduced and represented is in no part thereof faulty and swerving howsoever for the main I am well perswaded and think that if not this yet something like it ought to be thought on But he that shall espy the errors of mine I desire him to shew me them by such Arguments only as my self make my grounds namely from the Characters which the letter of the Text affordeth and not from Interpretation because Interpretation as I said is to be fitted unto the Order and not the Order to follow it VI. But for example sake yield me a-while that this which I have exhibited is indeed the true Representation of the Order and Connexion of the Apocalyptical Visions See then how admirable the use thereof will be for Interpretation For if we can once be assured of the meaning of some one principal Vision how evident then and ruled will the way be from it to find and discover the rest Will it not be like a Mariner's Card to guide our way in this mystical Sea For example Are we assured what the Prophecy of the Whore of Babylon means For here here I say we must first pitch and therefore mark it the Angel himself of purpose expounds this Vision only of all the Visions this Book or Scheme representeth Do we know then what this meaneth If we do then behold the Scheme and see there what will follow viz. 1. That all the Visions contemporating with Babylon's times must be expounded of such things only as belong to the times of Babylon's whoring 2. All Visions preceding must be interpreted of things foregoing it 3. All Visions following of things to be after it c. Verbum intelligenti sat est What a number of ambiguities uncertainties and varieties of interpretation will this cut off and strike dead at a blow It would be as fetters and cords to hold in yea as a ginn to intangle our desultorious and shifting Interpreters especially our Adversaries who do súsque déque miscere omnia The Consideration of these things will make the Apocalypse to appear for the frame and quality thereof the admirablest Prophecy in Scripture And as much as the divine Revelation of Spiritual Truths in the New Testament surpasses the Old for evidence and clearness so the Prophetical part of the New for the fabrick and sureness of the grounds for Interpretation exceeds all the Prophecies of the Old CHAP. II. Particular Considerations for the understanding of the Scheme c. I. OMitting the Vision of The seven Churches which is not generally granted to be a Prophecy The whole Prophetical part of the Apocalypse following consists of Two main Prophecies both of them beginning their race at the same Epocha or Terminus à quo of time and concluding together likewise at the same Goal or Terminus ad quem that is they begin ab iisdem carceribus as we speak and run ad candem metam The first of these is Prophetia Sigillorum The Prophecy of the Seals reaching from the 4. Chap. until almost the end of the 10. which is represented in the upper-half of the Scheme The second is Prophetia Libri The Book-Prophecy beginning at the 8. verse of the 10. Chap. and reaching to the end of the Book which is represented in the lower or under-half of the Scheme So that the Book of The Revelation might fitly have been divided into two Tomes and the second Tome to have begun at the 8. verse of the 10. Chap. at these words And the voice which I heard from Heaven namely chap. 4. 1. spake unto me again i. e. begun anew and said Take the Book And I took the Book And he said unto me Thou must prophesie again that is begin a new Prophecy ab ovo Consider it Certainly such a division would be most easie for interpretation if also every several Vision in each Tome was cast into a several Chapter or Section And it cannot be denied but the division of Chapters especially in the New Testament being but of humane institution is sometimes so ill ordered that it doth much prejudice the Reader in understanding the meaning of the Holy Ghost II. That the Times of the Inner Court begin with the Beginning of the Seals Now if this Second or Book-Prophecy do begin ab ovo from the same Beginning of time whence the Seals began and without doubt the Seals begin at the Beginning of the Apocalyptical time and runs over anew those times which the Seals before traced till it concludes with them will not then this reasoning be very reasonable viz. If the whole Prophecy of the Book comprehends the whole time of the Prophecy of the Seals then the Beginning of the Prophecy of the Book begins at the Beginning of the Times of the Seals But the Beginning of the Book-Prophecy in the Text is The surveying of the two Courts of the Temple the first Court measured the second uncapable of measure One of these two then must begin at the Beginning where the Seals began But the Second Court cannot for it synchroniseth with the Times of the Beast Ergo the Former must that is The Inward Court within which the Temple it self stood being capable of the Divine measure must note some condition of things and times which forewent and preceded the Rising of the Beast and the Treading down of the Second and Outward Court by the Gentiles And is there not as much need and use of a measure to distinguish of the different States of the Visible Church in the diverse Times and Ages thereof as of the differing Members of one and the same time Consider it And this granted will open a door for discovery of far more admirable matter than doth the confounding of both Courts into one Time I confess I was
have pitched upon 365 because then upon Iulian's death the Dragon was dethroned again from the Imperial rule never to recover it any more howsoever the Draconical or Ethnick worship which Iulian had restored was publickly exercised by allowance of the succeeding Emperors though Christians and not put down for many years after Wherefore the Event hath made manifest that God would none of this Epocha else should we have seen some tokens of it ere this time The next is Anno 376. from whence the 42 months would expire 1636. This hath more probability than any other he hath named because the year 376 was the beginning of the Reign of the Emperor Gratian who first of all the Christian Emperors renounced the great Pontificality long annexed to the Imperial dignity and refused the Pontifical Stole when it was tendred him according to the custom by the Collegium Pontificum saying it was unlawful for a Christian whereas all the former Christian Emperors mirabile dictu had admitted it being installed and instyled still Pontifices Maximi and according to that office ordered all business concerning the Ethnick ceremonies by their deputies So long therefore as the Emperours were still the Dragon's Pontifices he had yet some title at least some titular dignity in the Roman Sovereignty and the losing thereof may be reckoned a remarkable step of his dismounting and downfall and so no marvel if he might then be brought to go seek out some other Pontifex to undertake his service But the doubt will be here whether it were this year wherein Gratian rejected the Pontificality or some other for the year is not yet set down in Story only it may most probably be thought to be the first year of his Reign à morte Patris for he was created Augustus in his Father's life-time Secondly In the same year 376 the Goths entred the Empire and so the foundation was laid also of the Political downfal of the same But what Alstedius his Reasons be to pitch upon that Epocha I know not he seems for this and the rest of his Chronology to rely upon Astrological grounds from the great Conjunction But though I believe these rarer Conjunctions may fit and dispose the Bodies of men for some such work as God will do by them yet I think them not sufficient to determine times especially seeing they have no influence upon Polities and States directly and quà talia but only make some extraordinary impressions upon the Bodies of particular men born under them which being many when they come to years may cause a predominancy of some singular disposition in their lives fit for such alterations and changes as God shall direct and lead them to His third Epocha is 382. which would bring out the 42 months Anno 1642. Of this I see no reason he gives but Astrological the insufficiency whereof for that purpose I have already shewed He might with greater probability have pitched upon 394. when was that famous battel and victory of Theodosius against Eugenius and Arbogastes coming with a mighty Army to restore Ethnicisme which Theodosius had utterly abolished and after which Ethnicisme never made head any more in the Empire This therefore might be reckoned for another remarkable moment of the Dragon's downfal Or he might have pitched upon the year 410. the time when Alaricus took and sacked Rome the Lady of the world a most remarkable moment of the Political ruin of the Caesarean Sovereignty The former of these Epocha's would bring out the 42 months Anno 1654. the latter 1670. But all these things depend upon the Divine will In cujus manu sunt tempora opportunitates His last Epocha is 433. from which the 42 months would expire Anno 1693. For this Epocha of his I find no reason but à posteriori drawn from the expiring of Daniel's numbers Dan. 12. 11 12. which he addeth one upon the head of another and so makes 2625 to the End of the World which reckoned from the destruction of Ierusalem will come out Anno Christi 2694. from which he takes away for the Regnum Sanctorum 1000 years so there remain but 1694 at which time the 42 moneths of Antichrist must be finished because then the 1000 years of Christ's Reign begin Now if the 42 months end then they began about 433. This is the sum of that Computation But for my par◠I think the meaning of those dayes in Daniel to be to another purpose then to design the End of the World Secondly That they are not to be reckoned one upon the head of another but both from one and the same beginning Thirdly That their Epocha is not the Destruction of Ierusalem by Titus but that Prophanation of the Temple by Antiochus Epiphanes which the Angel but newly mentioned in the same Vision whereas that of the Destruction of Ierusalem by Titus was in a Vision some years before and not like to be referred hereunto and that which was so newly mentioned iisdem verbis in the same Vision overslipped Yet I am not of Iunius his mind neither who would have them taken for bare days and determinated in the persecution of Antiochus I suppose them Prophetical days that is so many years and their times already expired But I have no time to enter into this dispute The 42 months extend to the burning and sacking of Babylon not to the extinguishing of Antichrist which shall be some while after as appears Revel 19. The reason of the limitation concealed If I seem to incline to some moments rather than other yet would I still be construed according to my first protestation against precise determination of Years in this business I. M. CHAP. XI A brief Discourse of the Thousand years mentioned in Revelation 20. With some reflexions upon Eusebius and S. Hierom. TOuching the Question of the Thousand years you may see I have demonstrated them to follow the Times of the Beast and of the false-Prophet and consequently the Times of Antichrist And if the Apocalypse be Canonical Scripture it must needs be granted there is such a time to come or we must deny either Rome which now is to be Babylon◠or the Beast to be Antichrist or Antichristendom which those who opposed the ancient Chiliasts found so necessary as forced them having no other way to avoid their Adversaries directly to deny the Apocalypse to be Scripture nor was it re-admitted till they thought they had found some commodious interpretation of the 1000 years And yet the Apocalypse hath more Humane not to speak of Divine authority than any other Book of the New Testament besides even from the time it was first delivered But we see what the zeal of opposition can do This Dogma of the 1000 years Regnum was the General opinion of all Orthodox Christians in the Age immediately following the Apostles if Iustin Martyr say true and none known to deny it then but Hereticks which denied the Resurrection and held that
the God of Abraham Isaac and Iacob was not the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ. This was the reason why Irenaeus maintained it in his book Contra omnes Haereses and Tertullian against the Marcionites Eusebius who found out one Gaius to father it upon Cerinthus deserves no credit he was a party and one of those which did his best to undermine the authority of the Apocalypse Nor did any know of any such Gaius but from his relation And if there were any such he should seem to be one of the Hereticks called Alogi who denied both S. Iohn's Gospel and Apocalypse as is testified in Epiphanius and their time jumps with the Age which Eusebius assigns to Gaius Yet I deny not but some might maintain very carnal and intolerable conceits about this Regnum of a thousand years as the Mahumetans do about their Paradise But these are not to be imputed unto those Primitive Fathers and Orthodox Christians S. Hierom was a chief Champion to cry down this Opinion and according to his wont a most unequal relator of the Opinion of his Adversaries What credit he deserves in this may appear by some Fragments of those Authors still remaining whom he charged with an Opinion directly contrary to that which they expresly affirmed And yet when he had stated it so as it must needs be Heresie and Blasphemy whosoever should hold it he is found to say he durst not damn it because multi virorum Ecclesiasticorum Martyrum ista dixerunt Comment in Ierem. 19. 10. many Eccleâ—astical persons and Martyrs affirm'd the same In a word I cannot chuse but agree so far with them That these 1000 years are yet to come This I hold with Alstedius But what shall be the modus and condition of that Kingdom that is what it means it may be I have some singular conceit differing from them both I am sure from Alstedius Piscator and others of that opinion But I were better speak nothing thereof than too little and to speak fully would require in a manner the Interpretation of the whole Apocalypse In a word I will reveal thus much viz. That the Seventh Trumpet and the Thousand years contained therein is that Magnus dies Domini and Magnus dies Iudicii or Dies magni Iudicii The Great Day of the Lord The Great Day of Iudgment The Day of the Great Iudgment so much celebrated amongst the Iews in all their Writings and from them taken up by our Saviour and his Apostles Not a Day of a few hours as we commonly suppose but continuatum multorum annorum intervallum a continued space of many Years wherein Christ shall destroy all his Enemies and at length Death it self beginning with Antichrist by his revelation from heaven in flaming fire and ending with the Vniversal Resurrection during which space of time shall be the Kingdom of the Saints in the New Ierusalem This I can affirm with the most That Antichrist shall not be finally destroyed till the Day of Christ's appearing unto Iudgment and yet not fall into that which some charge the Chiliasts with That this Reign should be after the Day of Iudgment For I give a third time in or durante magno Die Iudicii in or during the Great Day of Iudgment I. M. CHAP. XII A Censure by way of Correction returned to a Friend concerning an Exposition of his of the 20. Chapter of the Apocalypse somewhat exorbitant 1. THat the Reign of Christ here described is after the Times of Antichrist if either the Beast or the False-prophet be he is apparent without interpretation both because all those Times the old Dragon Satan was not tied up but at liberty to seduce the Nations and because verse 4. one sort of those who should reign with Christ a thousand years are said to be such as had not worshipped the Beast neither his Image nor had received his mark upon their foreheads or in their hands which necessarily presupposeth The Beast His Image and Marking to have already been 2. What the Quality of this Reign should be which is so singularly differenced from the Reign of Christ hitherto is neither easie nor safe to determine farther then That it should be the Reign of our Saviour's Victory over his Enemies wherein Satan being bound up from deceiving the Nations any more till the time of his Reign be fulfilled the Church should consequently enjoy a most blissful peace and happy security from the heretical Apostasies and calamitous sufferings of former times But here if any where the known shipwrecks of those who have been too venturous should make us most wary and careful that we admit nothing into our imaginations which may cross or impeach any Catholick Tenet of the Christian Faith as also to beware of gross and carnal conceits of an Epicurean happiness misbeseeming the Spiritual purity of Saints If we conceit any Deliciae let them be Spirituales which S. Austine confesseth to be Opinio tolerabilis se hoc opinatum fuisse aliquando Lib. 20. De Civit. Dei cap. 7. a tolerable Opinion and that he also was sometime of the same judgment 3. The Presence of Christ in this Kingdom shall no doubt be glorious and evident yet I dare not so much as imagine which some Ancients seem to have thought that it should be a Visible Converse upon earth For the Kingdom of Christ ever hath been and shall be Regnum Coelorum A Kingdom whose Throne and Kingly Residence is in Heaven There he was installed when he sate down on the right hand of the Majesty on high Heb. 1. and there as in his proper Temple is continually to appear in the presence of his Father to make intercession for us Rom. 8. 34. with Heb. 9. 24. Yet may we grant he shall appear and be visibly revealed from Heaven especially for the Calling and gathering of his ancient People for whom in the days of old he did so many wonders This S. Iohn in this Book as our Saviour in the Gospel â— seems to intimate by joyning those two Prophetical passages of Daniel and Zachary in one expression Behold he cometh in the clouds and every eye shall see him and they also which pierced him The first part which our Saviour expresses more fully by the Sign of the Son of Man coming in the clouds of Heaven c. is Daniel's in a Vision of this Kingdom we speak of Behold saith he one like the Son of Man came with the clouds of Heaven And there was given him Dominion and Glory and a Kingdom that all People Nations and Languages should serve him The other part is out of Zachary prophesying of the Re-calling of the Iews And I will pour upon the house of David and upon the inhabitants of Ierusalem the spirit of grace and supplication and they shall look upon me whom they have pierced Though these words of Zachary are not in our Saviour's expression but in stead thereof that which immediately
16. 16 and 23. A little while and ye shall not see me and again a little while and ye shall see me because I go to my Father And in that day when I am gone to my Father ye shall ask me nothing Verily verily I say unto you whatsoever ye shall ask the Father in my name he will give it you Verse 24. Hitherto ye have asked nothing in my name ask and ye shall receive Heb. 7. 25 26. Wherefore he is able to save them to the uttermost that come unto God by him seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them For such an High Priest became us who is made higher than the heavens How is it then that some extenuate that kind of Saint-worship wherein Prayers are not made unto them directly but God is prayed to in their names and for their mediation sake to grant our requests Is it not a denial of Christ's Prerogative to ascribe unto any other for any respect of glory or nearness to God after death or otherwise that whereof he alone is infeoffed by his unimitable Death triumphant Resurrection and glorious Ascension Certainly that which he holds by incommunicable title is it self also incommunicable To conclude therefore with the words of S. Paul 1 Tim. 2. 5. There is but one God and one Mediator between God and men the man Christ Iesus As God is one so is the Mediator one for it is a God-like Royalty and therefore can belong but to one There is but one God in Heaven without any other Gods subordinate to him therefore but one Mediator there without any other Mediators besides him As for the Angels and blessed Saints they have indeed a light of Glory too but they are but as lesser Lights in that heaven of heavens And therefore as where the Sun shines the lesser Stars of heaven though Stars give not their light to us So where this glorious Sun Christ Iesus continually shineth by his presence sitting at the Right hand of God there the Glory of the Saints and Angels is not sufficient to make them capable of any Flower of that Divine honour which is God-like and so appropriate to Christ by right of his heavenly exaltation in the Throne of Majesty Whatsoever Spirit saith otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 holds not the head but is a Christ-apostate-spirit which denies the Faith of Christ's Assumption into Glory and revives the Doctrines of Daemons The way being now cleared I may I hope safely resume my Application which I have already given some taste of That this Doctrine of Daemons comprehends in most most express manner the whole Idolatry of the Mystery of iniquity the Deifying and invocating of Saints and Angels the bowing down to Images the worshipping of Crosses as new-Idol columnes the adoring and templing of Reliques the worshipping of any other Visible thing upon supposal of any Divinity therein What copy was ever so like the sample as all this to the Doctrines of Daemons And for the Idolatry of the Eucharist or Bread-worship though it may be reduced to Image-worship as being the adoration of a Sign or Symbole yet let it be considered whether for the quality thereof it may not be taken rather for an Idolatry of Reliques the Body and Bloud of Christ in the Sacrament being the Mystical Reliques which he left us as Monuments of his death till he come Whichsoever it be I must confess it hath a strain above the Abominations of the Gentiles who though they supposed some presence of their Daemons in their Images and Reliques yet were they never so blockish as to think their Images and Reliques to be transubstantiated into Daemons But to come to the main again I will confess for my self that I cannot think of this Daemon-resemblance without admiration nor do I believe that you will hear without some astonishment that which I am now to add further That the advancers of Saint-worship in the beginning did not only see it but even gloried sed gloriatione non bonâ that they had a thing in Christian practice so like the Doctrines of Daemons We heard before that Plato in his Respub would have the Souls of such as died valiantly in battel to be accounted for Daemons after death and their Sepulchres and Coffins to be served and adored as the Sepulchres of Daemons Eusebius lib. 13. Praepar Evangel cap. 11. quoting this place adds with it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These things do befit at or after the decease of the Favourites of God whom if thou shalt affirm to be taken for the Champions of the true Religion thou shalt not say amiss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence it is our cusâ—ome to go unto their Tombs and to make our prayers at them and to honour their blessed Souls The purpose of Eusebius here was to shew as a preparation to draw men to Christianity how well the present use of Christians in honouring the memories of their Martyrs by keeping their assemblies at their Sepulchres did agree with that of the Gentiles so much commended by Plato in honouring their champions and worthies for Daemons after death But alas in the next Age after it proved too-too like it indeed For these ear-rings which the Christians had borrowed or stolen from the Gentiles at their coming out of AEgypt presently became a golden calf as soon as the woman the Church came into the wilderness yea and Aaron the Priest had a foul part in it too Read the eighth Book of Theodoret De curandis Graecorum affectionibus whose Title is De Martyribus or in the mean time take these few passages thereof Thus he speaks having quoted that passage of Hesiod for Daemons commended by Plato If then the Poet Hesiod calls good men after their decease the Guardians and Preservers or Deliverers of mortal men from all evill and accordingly the best of Philosophers in confirmation of the Poet 's saying would have their sepulchres to be served and honoured I beseech you Sirs he speaks to the Greeks why do you find such fault with what we do For such as were eminent for Piety and Religion and for the sake thereof suffered death we also call Preservers and Physicians in no wise do we term them Daemons God forbid we should ever fall into such a desperate madness but the hearty friends and servants of God That the Souls of holy men even when they are out of the Body are in a capacity of taking care of mens affairs Plato affirms in the eleventh Book of his Laws The Philosopher you see bids men believe even the vulgar reports that is the relations and stories which are commonly talk'd of concerning the care which deceased Souls have of men But you do not only disbelieve us and are utterly unwilling to hearken to the loud voice of the Events or Effects themselves The Martyrs Temples are frequently to be seen famous for their beauty and greatness They that are in health pray for the
chiefly intended in the Text by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. were the main authors and advancers of Saint-worship proved from the Testimonies of Chemnitius S. Austine Gregory of Tours as also Eunapius a Gentile Writer That Monks and Friers were the Ringleaders and chief advancers of Image-worship appears in that during the Iconomachicall Controversie in the East the greatest part of the Storm fell upon those of the Monastick profession That the Idolatry of the Mass-God was promoted by the same persons NOW let us see and behold with admiration the truth of this part also of this Prophecie Where first observe that this Singular kind of life began even just at the time when the Doctrine of Daemons was to enter For Paulus Thebaeus and Anthony the first patterns thereof died the former in the reign of Constantine the latter a little before the year 360 whence or near unto which we began our reckoning before of the first entrance of Saint-worship into the Church About that time Monks till then having been confined to AEgypt Hilarion brought them into Syria and presently S. Basil gave them a certain rule to live together in form of a Polity and with the assistance of his brother Gregory Nyssen and Gregory Nazianzen who all entred this new kind of life dispersed them over all Asia and Greece whose encrease was so wonderful that almost in an instant they filled the World and their esteem was so great that there was scarce a man of note but took upon him this kind of life Though therefore it be most true that our Apostle's prophecie will be verified which soever of the two either such as themselves entred the Restraint of a Monastick life or those who approved taught and maintained the holiness of that Profession as the rest did were the Ringleaders and Foster-fathers of this Defection for both come within the verge of such as forbid marriage and command to abstain from meats yet we will not content our selves with so loose an application but see what an hand Monks and Friers themselves chiefly I suppose intended by the Holy Ghost had in this business And first in the first Doctrine of Daemons Adoring of Reliques and Invocation of Saints Where that which I first speak of shall be in the words of Chemnitius lest some more tender of the honour of our Fathers upon earth than of the glory of our Father in heaven might take exception Hear therefore not me but Chemnitius in his Examen Concilii Tridentini About the year of our Lord 370 per Basilium Nyssenum Nazianzenum in publicos Ecclesiae conventus occasione orationum Panegyricarum Invocatio Sanctorum invehi incepit eodem tempore cùm ab iisdem authoribus Monachatus ex AEgypto Syria in Graeciam introduceretur Et videtur saith he haec sive portio sive Appendix Monachatûs fuisse By Basil Nyssen and Nazianzen upon occasion of Panegyrical orations Invocation of Saints began to be brought into the publick Assemblies of the Church at the same time when by the same Authors the Profession of Monastical life was brought out of AEgypt and Syria into Greece and it seems saith he that this was either a part or an appurtenance of Monkery c. Again speaking of S. Ambrose when he had once turned Monk howsoever he was before Non tamen nego inquit Ambrosium tandem cùm Monachatum à Basilio mutuò sumpsisset etiam ad Invocationem Sanctorum inclinare coepisse ut patet ex libro De viduis I deny not saith he but Ambrose at length when he had once borrowed Monkery from Basil began also to incline to the Invocation of Saints as appears in his book De viduis Thus Chemnitius And that you may yet further see how operative Monks were in this business hear S. Augustine De opere Monachorum cap. 28. Tam multos hypocrit as sub habitu Monachorum usquequaquam dispersit Satan circumeuntes provincias nusquam missos nusquam fixos nusquam stantes nusquam sedentes Alii membra Martyrum si tame◠Martyrum venditant omnes petunt omnes exigunt aút sumptus lucrosae egestatis aut simulatae pretium sanctitatis The Devil saith he hath dispersed in every corner such a crew of Hypocrites under the habit of Monks gadding about every Countrey sent no whither staying no where every where restless whether sitting or standing Some sell the limbs of Martyrs if so be of Martyrs and all are asking all exacting either the expences of a gainful poverty or the hire of a counterfeit sanctity These were those surely which occasioned that Rescript of Theodosius the Emperor Nemo Martyrem distrahat nemo mercetur Let no man sell let no man buy a Martyr whereby we may gather what honesty was like to be used amongst them We know Laudat venales qui vult extrudere merces Merchants use to commend their commodities Gregory of Tours who lived and died somewhat before the year 600 tells us this Monachos quosdam Roman venisse ac prope Templum Pauli corpora quaedam noctu effodisse qui comprehensi fassi sunt in Graeciam se ea pro Sanctorum reliquiis portaturos fuisse That certain Monks came to Rome and near unto S. Paul's Church in the night-time digged up certain bodies who being apprehended confessed they meant to have carried them into Greece for Reliques of Saints The same Author l. 9. c. 6. Hist. Franc. relates a Story of another counterfeit a Monk who pretended to come out of Spain with Martyrs Reliques but being discovered they were found to be Roots of certain Herbs Bones of Mice and such like stuffe and he tells us there were many such seducers which deluded the people And he said true there were many indeed and many more than Gregory took for such even those he took for honest men For though it must not be denied but God had some of this Order which were holy men and unfeignedly mortified notwithstanding their errour in thinking God was pleased with that singularity of life yet must it be confessed that the greater part were no better than Hypocrites and Counterfeits and that the lamentable Defection of the Christian Church chiefly proceeded from and was fostered by men of that profession as in part we have heard already And if you can with patience hear him speak I will add the testimony of Eunapius Sardianus a Pagan Writer who lived in the dayes of Theodosius the first about the year 400. In the life of AEdesius most bitterly inveighing against the Christians for demolishing that renowned Temple of Serapis at Alexandria in AEgypt he speaks in this manner When they had done saith he they brought into the holy Places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those which they call Monks Men indeed for shape but living like Swine and openly committing innumerable villanies not to be named who yet took it for a piece of Religion thus to despise the Divinity he means of Serapis For then saith he whosoever
the rest of the Apostles but the particular Fates and States of that Kingdom were never known till Christ revealed them to S. Iohn in the Apocalyptical Visions The like I say of the Fourth or Roman Kingdom the general revelation whereof could not but be before the opening of the sealed Book in the Apocalyps since it had then been so long a time in the world as it was grown past the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and had fulfilled what it was to fulfil upon Daniel's people 4. As for the Persecutions of the Church I deny the argument either of the Seals or Trumpets to be the Roman persecutions of Christ's Kingdom or that any of them have reference to persecutions save the Fifth Seal only or that any thing contained in them was made known to Daniel save the Catastrophe only represented in the last Trumpet which the Angelus tonitruum proclaims there to be Consummatio Mysterii Dei prout annunciavit servis suis Prophetis The finishing of the Mystery of God as he hath declared to his servants the Prophets and therefore cannot be denied to have been both foretold and expected for the general although not for the Manner Time and Order in serie rerum gerundarum till now 5. Howsoever my Tenet here be yet your Assertion That the Romans persecution was revealed to none till Christ revealed it to Iohn cannot stand unless you deny the coming of the man of sin who is a limb of that Kingdom to be any part of the Churche's afflictions For this was revealed unto S. Paul both for the quality and the fall thereof viz. That Christ should destroy it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I make no doubt but S. Paul learned out of the seventh of Daniel where that ruffling Horn also is not destroyed until the Son of man comes in the clouds of heaven to receive that Universal Kingdom which shall never suffer persecution 6. But whereas you say that the ruffling Horn of the Fourth Beast is Antiochus Epiphanes I demonstrate the contrary by this one Argument The ruffling Horn reigns until the Ancient of days comes in fiery flames to destroy him and to give judgment unto the Saints of the most High and until the time comes that the Saints possessed the Kingdom viz. until the Son of man comes in the clouds of heaven to receive a Kingdom wherein all Nations People and Languages should serve and obey him Daniel 7. verses 9 10 11 13 expounded ver 22 26 c. But Antiochus Epiphanes reigned not until this time for he died 160 years and more before the Birth of Christ and almost 200 years before his Ascension the least of which numbers is a longer space of time than was from the death of Alexander unto Antiochus Ergò Antiochus Epiphanes is not that ruffling Horn. The changing of Times and Laws whereby the power of this Horn is described is an Oriental phrase to express potestatem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nor are Times here to be taken in so abstract a notion but concretely for status rerum tempora varianâ—ium or Res quibus variatur status temporum as are mutationes Rerumpub regiminis rerum Times for things done in time whereby the Times are altered such as are the alterations of States and Governments According to which notion Dan. 2. 21. it is said of God that he changeth times and seasons he removeth Kings and setteth up Kings and I Chron. 29. 30. that the Acts of David were written in the Books of Samuel Nathan and Gad the Seers with all his reign and his might and the times that went over him and over Israel and over all the Kingdoms of the Countries And whether the Pope if I say he is that Horn took not upon him a power of changing such Times as these I shall not need to tell you And yet take Times in your own Notion and it would make a shift to fit him as well as Antiochus To your Second Position The proof of your Second Position That the Fourth Beast Dan. 7. is not able sufficiently to express the Roman Empire is in the mainest part Petitio principii wherein that is taken for granted which is in question For you take for granted that the Type of the Roman Empire in the Apocalyps borrows his Ten horns from Daniel's fourth Beast as a distinct Beast from it But I say he borrows them not they are his own proper and native horns Daniel's Beast and he being one and the same Beast I grant that the Apocalyptical Beast for the shape of his body is beholding to Daniel's three first Beasts but that he borroweth any from the fourth I deny Nor do Horns more or fewer distinguish the species of a Beast For in the Apocalyps there is a Lamb with seven horns and a Lamb with two horns and yet for kind a Lamb still So Daniel's He-goat had first one horn and afterward four horns and yet the same Goat still c. The correspondence in number of the several Heads of Daniel's four Beasts put together with the seven heads of the Apocalyptical Beast is but casual Neither can it be proved that the Fourth of Daniel's Beasts had but one head as is here to be supposed for the third Beast hath the four heads and the other three but one a piece For the mentioning of the Head which bore the ten horns in the singular number Verse 20. proves no more it had but one head than the mentioning of mouth likewise in the singular number Apoc. 13. ver 2 5 6. proves the Apocalyptical Beast had buâ— one mouth For indeed the Ten horns were all upon one head as well in the Apocalyptical Beast viz. upon the seventh or uppermost head as in Daniel's Beast and the mouth of the Apocalyptical Beast was the mouth also of the seventh head to act the state of which head S. Iohn saw him rise out of the Sea c. And whereas you speak of an insufficient expression of the Roman Empire by Daniel's Fourth Beast you may perceive by that I have said before that it would well enough agree with my Principles to grant it my Tenet being That the Fourth Beast should not be so distinctly with all accoutrements revealed unto Daniel as it was unto S. Iohn because the specification of the several States and Fates thereof was yet sealed and unrevealed And the third Kingdom was not so distinctly revealed to Daniel in the Leopard Chap. 7. as it was two years after to the same Daniel in the great He-goat Chap. 8. c. The dispensation of God in these Revelations is to be measured according to his pleasure and the use of the Church c. But it is now three a clock and I have no more time I had much rather confer of these things by word of mouth wherein perhaps I could give better satisfaction Conference by writing is wont to multiply it self into so much paper as takes away a great deal of my
4. That I may therefore gather all this Controversie into a short summe I find your Tenet to stand charged with three not tolerable Inconveniences of interpretation The one in the first Vision where you interpret In the days of those Kingdoms to be After the days of them where the matter spoken of will no ways bear it though the Preposition would The second in the second Vision where you will be forced to interpret until the time came the Saints possessed the Kingdom until some 200 years before that time A third is That you are forced for making good your Exposition of the Kingdoms to deprive the Church of those principal passages of Scripture whereon she hath always grounded her faith of the Second coming of Christ. If I found mine charged with any one such I should begin to misdoubt the truth thereof I might add a fourth That besides all these you forsake that Exposition and Application of these Kingdoms which the Church hath universally followed from her infancy And who can easily be perswaded that the Doctors of the Church immediately following the Apostles and while some of the Apostles disciples were yet living should be ignorant of the meaning of so main a Prophecy whereupon depended the demonstration of the verity of Christ's coming and that too whilst those disputes were still hot between the Iews and Christians The Fathers are to be considered here not in respect of greater learning or infallibility of Spirit than ours but as Testes Custodes doctrinae primitus acceptae because it cannot be presumed they could be ignorant of it being so near or would change it being so pious and good Now the inducements which should perswade an Opinion burthened with such inconveniences had need be very powerful But when I examine every thing I find the main and only pillar which you suppose will bear up your building against all assaults whatsoever to be but a weak one namely That nothing was revealed to Daniel which was contained in S. Iohn's sealed Book because none could open that Book but Christ and he opened it not till his Revelation shewed to Iohn That there is a flaw in this illation is apparent because there are two main and principal matters of the argument of that Book which cannot be denied to have been revealed before namely of Antichristâ— persecution and of the Second coming of Christ to judgment the first whereof was revealed to S. Paul though out of another Book the other is plentifully revealed throughout the New Testament before S. Iohn saw his Visions I answered therefore before and answer still That the Subject matter of the Apocalyptical Book is not that which was never in no sort revealed before but never in that order form and particularity of Fates Acts and Circumstances wherein it was revealed then The subject of that Prophetical history is the Roman Empire together with the Church or Kingdom of Christ contained therein the one is equally the subject thereof as well as the other Now it is not denied but the Church or Kingdom of Christ was revealed before both for the Being Quality Fate and Prevailing not to the Apostles only but to Daniel also why not then the Roman Empire In the same sense wherein that which concerned the one was revealed before or remained sealed till now in that sense was that revealed or sealed till now which concerned the other Here you brought a Catalogue of divers particulars concerning the Fourth Monarchy revealed to Daniel but to what purpose I cannot devise unless you could prove there were no other particulars of Succession Fates and Acts which were still to remain sealed until the Lamb should reveal them to S. Iohn For I affirmed not that no particulars of the Roman Kingdom were revealed to Daniel but that not those which were now first revealed to S. Iohn As namely none of the Acts and Fates of this Fourth Kingdom were particularized to Daniel but those of the latter end of it only when the Horn was to rule the rest which concerned the former part of his time were represented to him only in general in imagine confusa the more ample and large decyphering thereof being deferred till Christ himself should come and unfold all unto S. Iohn when also Daniel's most particular part was yet to be revealed much more particularly in the Metropolis quality of Blasphemy degrees and manner of destruction That which I have said of the Roman Empire partly revealed and partly sealed must be accommodated also to the history of the Church or Kingdom of Christ the other part of the subject of this Apocalyptical Book which though it were in some degree revealed before yet never in such order and specification of Fates and Circumstances as now The consideration of the one will easily clear the scruple you make concerning the other And for conclusion you must remember that I yield you all this time your sense of the sealing and unsealing the Apocalyptical Book which you know some interpret to a far other purpose I have a little time and paper enough left I will look over your Papers and answer such particulars more as I think need answering 1. I know not what it is you contend for about the Two States of Christ's Kingdom If you grant the Kingdom of Christ at his Second coming shall be of a different state from that of his First you grant as much as serves my turn and the Kingdom is neither more nor less eternal because some State thereof is not eternal An infant when it comes to be adultus is the same numero still but the stature is not the same but diverse 2. You affirm the duration of the Fourth Kingdom holds proportion with the legs because the three former do with their parts If they do tell me how your Third Kingdom of Alexander and his progeny which lasted but 18 years holds proportion with the belly of the Image I think it will be but a girt belly The Persian Monarchy represented by breast and arms lasted about 200 years that is ten or eleven times as long as your Third Kingdom did If this proportion holds in this Image the breast and arms must be ten or eleven times as long as the belly And if you read belly and thighs the proportion will be a great deal worse For I suppose you make your Fourth Kingdom 280 years long the same proportion therefore which 280 hath to 18 your legs must have to the belly and thighs that is quindecupla 3. Whatsoever time of Messiah's appearing Almighty God pointed out by Daniel's 70 weeks yet I believe not that any Iew before the Event could infallibly design the time without some latitude because they could not know infallibly where to pitch the head of their account until the Event discovered it yet in some latitude they might I think we have as good skill in that computation as the Iews could have and yet you see we yet vary about it
more quiet meditations Nihil affirmo sed propono I had thought when I began to propound something to your further meditations out of the seventh of Daniel But you see I am grown past a Letter and can scarce any longer make my Characters legible and therefore here with my best respect to your self I end desiring God to enlighten us daily more and more in the knowledge of his Truth and so I remain Yours to be commanded in all the duties of Friendship Ioseph Mede Christ's Colledge Nov. 11. 1629. EPISTLE XV. Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Meddus touching the Day of Iudgment Worthy Sir I Have now found some little time to make some kind of Answer to your Letter of the last week save one You desire me to point out the particulars wherein I differ from that Lutheran But this I cannot do without making a censure of the whole Discourse which would ask me some labour and besides I have not now the Book by me But by the way the Stationer which told me he had six of them was deceived Indeed he had six Books which he thought to be the same but four of them were Discourses of Law by some error sorted together with them You secondly desire me to point out the places of the Old and New Testament appliable to my Tenet of the Day of Iudgment Where I understand not well whether you mean of the Regnum to be then or of the acception of the word Day for a long space of time even of a thousand years But I suppose you mean the former to which therefore I will say something the rather because I know you will communicate it to Doctor Twisse to whom I had intended some such thing in my Letter I sent by you to him but time would not suffer me to write it then having spent both it and my paper in other discourses before I was aware That which I have to say is this The Description of the Great Day of Iudgment Dan. 7. THE Mother-Text of Scripture whence the Church of the Iews grounded the name and expectation of the Great Day of Iudgment with the circumstances thereto belonging and whereunto almost all the descriptions and expressions thereof in the New Testament have reference is that Vision in the seventh of Daniel of a Session of Iudgment when the Fourth Beast came to be destroyed Where this great Assises is represented after the manner of the great Synedrion or Consistory of Israel wherein the Pater Iudicii had his Assessores sitting upon Seats placed Semicircle-wise before him from his right hand to his left I beheld saith Daniel verse 9. till the Thrones or Seats were pitched down namely for the Senators to sit upon not thrown down as we of late have it and the Ancient of days Pater consistorii did sit c. And subaudi I beheld till the Iudgment was set that is the whole Sanhedrim and the books were opened c. Here we see both the form of Iudgment delineated and the name of Iudgment expressed which is afterwards yet twice more repeated First in the amplification of the tyranny of the wicked Horn verse 21 22. which is said continued till the Ancient of days came and IVDGMENT was given to the Saints of the most High i. Potestas judicandi ipsis facta And the third time in the Angel's interpretation verse 26. But the IVDGMENT shall sit and they shall take away his dominion to consume and destroy it to the end Where observe also that cases of Dominion of Blasphemy and Apostasie and the like belonged to the jurisdiction of the great Sanhedrim From this description it came that the Iews gave it the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Day of Iudgment and the Day of the Great Iudgment whence in the Epistle of S. Iude verse 6. it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Iudgment of the Great Day From the same description they learned that the destruction then to be should be by fire because it is said verse 9. His throne was a fiery flame and his wheels burning fire A fiery stream issued and came forth before him and verse 11. The Beast was slain and his body destroyed and given to the burning flame From the same fountain are derived those expressions in the Gospel where this Day is intimated or described The Son of man shall come in the clouds of heaven The Son of man shall come in the glory of his Father with his holy Angels Forasmuch as it is said here Thousand thousands ministred unto him c. and that Daniel saw One like the Son of man coming with the clouds of Heaven and he came to the Ancient of days and they brought him or placed him near him c. Hence S. Paul learned that the Saints should judge the world because it is said that many Thrones were set and verse 22. by way of Exposition that Iudgment was given to the Saints of the most High Hence the same Apostle learned to confute the false fear of the Thessalonians that the day of Christs second coming was then at hand Because that day could not be till the Man of Sin were first come and should have reigned his time appointed Forasmuch as Daniel had foretold it should be so and that his destruction should be at the Son of mans appearing in the clouds whose appearing therefore was not to be till then This is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Paul whom the Lord saith he shall destroy at the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his coming Daniel's wicked Horn or Beast acting in the wicked Horn is S. Paul's Man of Sin as the Church from her Infancâ—e interpreted it But to go on While this Iudgment sits and when it had destroyed the Fourth Beast the Son of man which comes in the clouds receives dominion and glory and a Kingdom that all people nations and languages should serve and obey him verse 14. which Kingdom is thrice explained afterwards to be the Kingdom of the Saints of the most High verse 18. These four Beasts saith the Angel are four Kingdoms which shall arise But viz. when they have finished their course the Saints of the most High shall take the Kingdom c. Again verse 22. The wicked Horn prevailed until the time came that the Saints possessed the Kingdom Again verse 27. When the fourth Beast reigning in the wicked Horn was destroyed the Kingdom and dominion and the greatness of the Kingdom under the whole heaven is given to the people of the Saints of the most High c. These Grounds being laid I argue as followeth The Kingdom of the Son of man and of the Saints of the most High in Daniel begins when the Great Iudgment sits The Kingdom in the Apocalyps wherein the Saints reign with Christ a thousand years is the same with the Kingdom of the Son of man and Saints of the most High in Daniel Ergo It also
also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be whether the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be paragogical or an ancient slip of the Scribe For the Syriack translates it dedi and in the Hebrew it answer to to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All this to be so the words following evince viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 How will it cohere else They gave c. as the Lord commanded me Must it not needs be I gave c. Thirdly the Evangelist for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would as should seem have us read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is adverbum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or as S. Matthew more freely translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esther chap. 1. v. 8 15 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 often in that Book If it be considered how aukwardly those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stand in that sentence and how disturb'd they make the Syntax it will breed suspicio mendi And if one of the Apostles of our Lord play here the Critick it is no sin to follow him say the Masorites what they will 2. Reg. 20. 12 c. Esay chap. 39. tot are but two Copies of the same history yet are there two or three differences questionless from the hand of the Scribe as  2 Reg. 20. Esay 39  Ver 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ver. 1. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. If it be apparent one letter is changed for another here why may it not be in other places I durst shew no such conceits as these but to so great an Antiquary as your Lordship to whom the possibility of corruption by writing is so well known or rather the impossibility of the contrary Who knows what time will discover cum Elias venerit EPISTLE XXXII Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Osbourn's Quaere's touching some passages in Daniel and the Revelation Qu. 1. WHether Daniel and the Revelation are Prophecies transfused into one another or that Daniel reaches no farther than the destruction of Ierusalem Answ. I conceive Daniel to be Apocalypsis contracta and the Apocalyps Daniel explicate in that where both treat about the same subject namely what was revealed to Daniel concerning the Fourth Kingdom but summatim and in gross was shewed to S. Iohn particulatim with the distinction and order of the several Fates and Circumstances which were to betide and accompany the same And that therefore Daniel's Prophecie is not terminated with the First but reacheth to the Second coming of Christ as appears by the description of that glorious coming and the great Iudgment Dan. 7. and his prophecie of the Resurrection Chap. 12. This hath been the constant Tradition of the Church from the Apostles days to this last Seculum and was of the Church of the Iews before and at our Saviour's time And if the Apostles had ever taught the Church otherwise it could never so timely so wholly so generally have been forgotten Quest. 2. How was the Book of Apocalyptical predictions sealed until the Lamb opened it Apoc. 5. if Daniel and the other Prophets wrote any thing of them Answ. Whatsoever the meaning be of that sealing and unsealing the Apocalyptical Book it cannot be so far urged as to infer the Contents thereof were in no wise â—evealed until that unsealing that is until S. Iohn saw his Revelation For the contrary is apparent First of the Day of Iudgment and Resurrection at Christ's glorious coming in the clouds which is the main But and scope of the Apocalyps and yet was foretold by Daniel or some other of the Prophets or else upon what Scripture did the Church of the Iews found their faith concerning both Secondly The Reign of Antichristâ— which should precede that glorious coming is no small part of the argument of the Apocalyps yet was that revealed before S. Iohn saw his Visions if you will not grant to and by Daniel yet you must by S. Paul 2 Thess. 2. which was at least 40 years before the Apocalyps was given But he that considers S. Paul well will find that he borrowed that piece and the ground of his Demonstration from Daniel of which more by and by In a word The Fourth Kingdom and that tyrannical Dominion which should foregoe the Son of mans coming in the clouds of heaven was revealed summatim in genere before S. Iohn's Visions but the series rerum gerendarum therein from the First to that Second and glorious appearing of Christ particulatim in specie was never revealed or unsealed till then Quest. 3. All things go round That which is is that which was and that which shall be What therefore though the expressions in S. Iohn be the same with those in Daniel yet may the times and things prophesied of not be the same Answ. 'T is true all things go round and the course of Divine government runs in a circle or repetition of the lame things So that the Fates and Sequels of things foretold in the Prophets may be again and again repeated and the Prophecies of them as it were often fulfilled namely by way of Analogy but not of Propriety But whither tends this I suppose to make the ruffling Horn in Daniel and S. Iohn's blaspheming Beast to be diverse though the expression and description be the same If this be it I meet with it thus The Vision of the Son of mans coming in the clouds of heaven Dan. 7. is in propriety the Second and Glorious coming of Christ as appears by that coming so often described from thence in the New Testament and our Saviour's using of the title of the Son of man with reference thereto as who though now he appeared in humility yet was the same which one day as Daniel prophesied should appear so gloriously Vid. Matth. 26. 64. Mark 14. 62 c. Adhibe Iohn 12. 34 c. But if this be so then that Dominion which Daniel saw immediately to precede this coming must be in propriety that Tyranny of the wicked one which should precede that Second and Glorious coming of Christ. Ergo not the Tyranny of Antiochus Epiphanes but of Antichrist And upon this ground did S. Paul build that Demonstration of his 2 Thess. 2. That the Day of the Lord could not be at hand to wit because the Kingdom of that wicked one which Daniel had foretold he should abolish at the appearance of his coming was not yet in the world Quest. 4. Whether Nebuchadnezzar's Image contained more Kingdoms than were then in the world or whereof himself was Master Answ. More Kingdoms than were then in the world I see no reason why it might not nay why it should not For it was a Vision of Kingdoms that were to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 afterward verse 29 45. and the Kingdom of Christ one amongst them Yet was Rome a
Kingdom then as well as Macedon or Persia. Contain more Kingdoms than were comprehended in the Provinces he was Master of I am sure it did namely that of Macedon no part of which neither of the rest of Greece was ever subject to the Babylonian Monarchy nor any more but some of their Colonies of the Asian shore to the Persian Nor is this so strange since the form and shape of the Image consists not in the identity of place and bounds of Dominion though for a great and the principallest part it were the same but in the order of succession which each Kingdom was to have to that which went before it namely one of them should subdue and inherit another till a fifth Kingdom came which should never be subdued or destroyed nor left as the rest were to another people Quest. 5. Whether Daniel's Visions there where the Angel expoundeth them be so mystical as not in propriety expounded by the Angel Answ. I understand the Interpretation of every Vision according to the propriety of the Letter and not to be a new Allegory needing another mystical interpretation yet for all this I see no more necessity why the Roman Kingdom should be described if Daniel any where describes it from its situation to the West as those of the Seleucidae and Lagidae are by North and South than the Persian is by the East For the Holy Ghost chuseth such Characters for distinction as he listeth nor is tied to one way of characterizing but doth it variously Besides that Character of West-situation being common to the third kingdom and anticipated in the vision thereof chap. 8. 5. could not distinguish the fourth from it Quest. 6. Whether Daniel understood not his own Visions especially when the Angel told him the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in that from the tenth Chapter to the end Answ. 'T is one thing to understand the Interpretation of a Vision another to understand the Application of the Interpretation namely to what times and places it belongeth Where the Angel gave Daniel the Interpretation or meaning of the similitude of any Vision I doubt not but he understood what such similitude meant as that by Beasts were meant Kingdoms by Horns Kings and the like But the Application of the Interpretation unless where the Angel sometimes applied it I believe he understood not especially in the last Vision where himself says so I heard saith he but I understood not And no marvel for the Angel tells him Those words were closed up and sealed till the time of the end And it is to be observed that in that last Prophecie the Vision is not described but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Interpretation only reported The Vision out of the last verse of the tenth Chapter may seem to have been some Book or Writing which either conveniently could not or the Holy Ghost thought not fit to describe Decemb. 17. 1632. Ios. Mede EPISTLE XXXIII Sir William Boswell's Letter to Mr. Mede touching some of his Books sent him Good Mr. Mede I Know the Iudgment and current of rhe world is for present thanks upon kindness Non me qui caetera vincit Impetus Above four months since with Letters from Mr. P. full of your and his Affection I received four Copies of your Comment upon the Apocalyps a large time to make accompts and acknowledgment true but both are so much the riper and better seasoned My thanks I shall ever be renewing Your Books I sent one to Domenico Molins a most learned noble Gentleman of Venice Another by my Lord Ambassador Anstruther and his Chaplain one Mr. Iohnson an honest learned friend of mine into Germany The third I bestowed upon Dr. Rivet long and lately Professor of Divinity in Leyden now Tutor to the Prince of Aurange his Son whose name and extraordinary worth you know by his works The fourth I send to Scholars and acquaintance here Some Animadversions I am promised which I forbear to touch at present In general it is commended for a modest discreet learned regular and of all in that list most verifiable discovery if you forbear your Millenarian Fancy Copies are very much sought and certainly these parts would have taken off above two hundred if sent at first It is an errour and fault in our Printers Visum non fieri extramittendo In a word you have set their teeth on edge and I am pressed by many to procure them sight of all other things you have written by name your large notes upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad Tim. 4. 1. they will come very seasonably because there is in hand since and by order of the Synod of Dort a new Translation of the Bible into Dutch with marginal Annotations at large to be printed in a folio Copy wherein the Translators understanding English perfectly acknowledge the use and excellency of our last and authentick English Translation Dan. Heinsius likewise tells me by Letter that he is upon the New Testament in what manner I shall know at meeting I find the Zone here for Ecclesiastick Affairs temperate at present and quiet though now and then producing Capreas saltantes and such trifling Meteors which busie natures will be raising as if to keep within the lists of obedience and to do their work plainly and quietly were but a Dulman's part Sic volvere Parcas The Treaty between these Vnited and the other Catholick Provinces is slow-footed inter futura contingentissima Si quid in hac scena scire aves aut aliud quicquam à vetere veróque amico velis fac sciam For I shall ever love Ioseph Mede as an honest old friend and think upon him tanquam Academiam in Academia being his most affectionate to serve him Hague 31 21 Maii 1633. William Boswell An Advertisement THat the Reader may the better understand the occasion and purport of the following Epistle he is to know that after Mr. Mede had published his Clavis and Commentary upon the Apocalyps Mr. Haydock of Salisbury an aged Gentleman acquainted him with some Objections he had against the form of the Seven-sealed Book expressed in his Apocalyptick Scheme viz. 1. That the ancient form of Books was in several sheets of Parchment fastened at one end only and so rolled up together Hence those expressions in Psal. 40. 7. Hebr. 10. 7. Luke 4. 17. 2. That the form of the Seven-sealed Book Apocal. 5. ought to be such as might satisfie the Lamb ' s intention which had an eye unto Prius and Posterius in regard of the sequel of the insuing History For that part which belongs to the First Seal ought to be viewed before the Second or the rest were opened whereas in the form of the modern Books according to which form Mr. Mede had described the Seven-sealed Book in his Scheme no use can be made of any part or leaf in the Book until all the Seven Seals be opened But in the form of the Roll when every part or
historiae profanae ad pium usum transferuntur quam postremam ob causam O quà m opto ut lucem videat ejusdem Authoris Scriptum quo Originem Pontificiae Religionis ex Ethnicisâ—â—o egregiè demonstratam intelligo Et quidem video eum pag. 116. lin 7. Comment Apocalyp tale quid citare Scribe quaeso an impressum Interim velim D. Duncus hunc Comment Apocalyp consideret judicet annon suum interpretandi modum hic Author accuratissimè secutus sit An igitur audebit dicere hanc Apocalypseos interpretationem Analysin esse infallibilem Thus you see how our affections of your worthy labours begin to turn into a true judgment and right value Yet I should be glad too to spend more of my affections upon you in writing oftner if many other weighty and publick occasions would give me leave But I know you will excuse me and remain confident that I am always 6. Martii 1634. Your very assured and affectionate friend to serve you Samuel Hartlib EPISTLE XLV Mr. Mede's modest Answer excusing himself and his Book Worthy Mr. Hartlib THanks for your good affection in rejoycing for that you conceive to tend to my honour Yet I see not why I should think much better of my self for it It is the hap of many a Book that hath no worth in it as I see daily to find applause and entertainment when a good Book is often scarce taken notice of Why may not mine then notwithstanding all this be of that sort I confess it is far better accepted than ever I looked for This is enough Yet might it be any furtherance but in the smallest degree to draw a Prince to our Religion I should think then I might have cause of glory But alas I dare not so much as give such a conceit entertainment Howsoever because you send me abroad and the Book contains a Paradox which is but generally and tenderly touched and not fully explicated lest I might be reputed in this generality to be of the same Opinion that Piscator and some others are who avouch a Millennium Regni as I do but not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so their conceit far differing from mine I thought not amiss to send you these inclosed Papers wherein those that shall study that point shall find my opinion competently explicated at least so far as may secure them that I cherish no gross and groundless error When you have made that use of them you think fit I would desire you to send me them again for I have no other Copies and they are sometimes useful to me in giving satisfaction If Mr. Dury hath read my Book you may communicate them with him else it will not be to purpose I would I knew whether he had a Book or not The Book he sent me down from De Dieu I have now at length and but newly received I read De Dieu's Letter but this morning and would have written to Mr. Dury in answer to his kind Letter but that I am all overwhelmed at present with business and distractions and am of a disposition that can tend but one thing at once I pray howsoever remember my service to himâ— the next week I shall be at leisure I hope to write to him For your excusing your seldom saluting me with your Letters it needs not I am sensible of the trouble my self and therefore most ready to hold others excused Thus my time is spent and I must to other writing work So with my best affection I rest Christ's Colledge March 11. 1634. Your assured Friend Ios. Mede EPISTLE XLVI Ioh. Duraei Epistola ad Ios. Medum Gratiam Pacem CUM Lugduno-Batavorum Clarissime Doctissime Vir discessurus valedicerem Rev. Domino De Dieu quocum mihi à multo tempore notitia intercesserat Fidei meae commisit suas hasce in Acta Apostolorum Annotationes vobis tradendas Graâ—ulatus mihi sum de qualicunque hac occasione ipsi tibi simul inserviendi aut saltem testandi erga te praesertim cujus Pietatem atque Eruditionem meritò omnes piè doctivenerantur Studium affectum meum quo tuam virtutem prosequor Hanc igitur scribendi ansam nactus nolui meo voto deesse ampliùs quo in tuam aliquando irrepere familiaritatem exoptavi Multa illa praeclara optimorum nominatim Domini Hartlibii de tuis dotibus testimonia animum meum ad haec vota desideria inflammârunt Dabis igitur Vir eximie veniam pro tua humanitate meo affectui cujus impulsu haec scribo ut liceat mihi imposterum tuo culâ—ui mea studia dedicare pro re nata te per Literas salutare siquid dignum tuà notitiâ in communibus studiis occurret Impraesentiarum nihil adhuc ad manum est praeter hoc Decretum ab Ordinibus Imperii factum in negotio Pacis Ecclesiasticae meo rogatu capessendo in illo videre poteris quousque divina Clementia meis conatibus praeter ultra exspectationem faverit atque ut illi mecum eo nomine gratias agas rogo Quae reliqua in hoc instituto promovendo sunt communicatione digna videbuntur suo tempore suggerentur ut siquid ab Eruditione Prudentia tua accedere possit ad hanc causam juvandam id meo quodam jure in Communione Sanctorum postulare impetrare queamâ— Valâ— Vir mihi maximopere colende Dabam raptim Londini 4. Kal. Mart. 1634 5. Vestrae Pielatis Observantissimus Iohannes Duraeus EPISTLE XLVII Ios. Medi Epistola ad Ioh. Duraeum Doctissime Ornatissime Vir DIutius factum est cùm tuas Literas accepi nec respondi In causa fuit quòd Librum ad me à Clarissimo viro Domino Lud. De Dieu missum Vehicularii incuriâ ante superiorem septimanam non acceperim tunc autem cùm scribendum esset aliis occupationibus scriptiunculis adeò distinebar ut vel tantillum otii temporis huic officio non suppeterit Duplici verò beneficio me affecit Vir clarissimus doctissimúsque omni laude superior Dominus Ludovicus De Dieu tum quòd eruditissimi Libri sui munere me honorare voluerit tum quòd unâ eâdémque operâ quasi tesserâ quadam in manus traditâ mihi ad amicitiam tuam viam patefecerit Viri quem verè heroicum illud Religiosae Pacis procurandae studium mihi jamdudum omnibus bonis amabilem reddiderat Deo quinetiam charum acceptum Macte vir beatissime talem enim te Christus ipse pronunciat hoc animo hâc virtute Utinam autem ità ferret conditio mea essémque porrò ab ingenio prudentia satìs instructus ut tibi in tam sancto munere inservirem Nunc verò illud ultrà quà m voto commendatione non licet Nos enim hîc ut scias qui inferioris subsellii sumus ab aliorum pendemus arbitrio neque sine illorum
apud LXX â—a omittitur qui tamen loco ejus illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non habent Retinendum est omnino illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quia circumstantiam loci continet in quem conjici debebant argentei in quem conjectos à Iuda esse Matthaeus docet vers 5. Et si Thesin illam tuam sequi liceat quidni Rom 10. 9. crisin exercuisse dicatur Apostolus in illum locum Mosis Deuter 32. 21. Ego ad zelum provocabo eos ut LXX habent sed Paulus citat vos Aliâ viâ existimo Vir Clar. ejusmodi loca esse expedienda quà m tantae libertatis concessione Nolim taenm cuiquam sententiâ meâ praejudicatum Reliquum est Vir amicissime ut ob praeclarum tuum munus quo affectum tuum erga me ingentem maximopere es testatus quà m possum maximas agam gratias Vsus eo est per aliquot menses adhuc utitur Cl. Vir ac Theologiae hîc Professor D. Antonius Walaeus qui ex Ill. Ord. mandato novae in linguam vernaculum Novi Testamenti transtationi cum aliis incumbens prae caeteris Apocalypsin notis marginalibus illustrandam nactus operam tuam vehementer laudat sibique ejus usum gratulatur quo nomine majores etiam tibigratias debemus Accipe jam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 levidense mearum in Acta Apostolorum Animadversionum tuo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nequaquam par sed quale ab homine cui angusta est eruditionis supellex proficisci potuit cui animus melior quà m facultas Accipit hasce ad te deferendas D. Duraeus Vir omni doctrinae virtutum genere ornatissimus nobÃsque amicissimus nec cuiquam nisi pessimo invisus Hunc si amas méque cum ipso in ejusdem amicitiae societatem intromittere dignaris erit utrique cur nobis gratulemur Faveat sanctissimis tuis laboribus benignus Deus téque Ecclestis Reipub. literariae diu incolumem conservet Datum Lugd. Batav 10. Ianuar. 1635. Reverentiae tuae studiosissimus Ludovicus de Dieu Superser Clarissimo doctrinâ virtuléque summo viro D. Iosepho Medo amico ac fautori honorando EPISTLE XLIX Ios. Medi Epistola ad Lud. de Dieu Reverende Clarissime Vir DUplici me beneficio affecisti tum quòd Libri tui eruditissimi munere me ornare volueris tum quòd unâ eâdémque operâ quasi tesserâ quadam in manus traditâ mihi ad Domini Ioannis Duraei amicitiam viam patefeceris Viri quem verè heroicum illud Religiosae pacis procurandae studium mihi dudum omnibus bonis amabilem reddiderat haec verò occasio primùm de facie notum in interiorem familiaritatem acceptum Utroque hoc nomine Vir Clarissime gratias tibi ago meritissimas inprimis ob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tuum tam praeclarum omnimodâ eruditione refertum cuique meum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quicquid tu dixeris nullatenus conferri potest imò videor liberalitate isthâc mcâ omnino foenus exercuisse quaestum fecisse si fas dicere improbissimum De mendis autem corruptione Textûs Hebraici non est mihi tecum in ea causa reciprocandi animus Fateor enim ultro hîc siusquam alibi cautè religiosè agendum imò sentiendum Interim tamen mallem mendum alicubi agnoscere quà m in inexplicabilem difficultatum Labyrinthum compelli unde me haud expedirem nisi absurdiuscula quaeque multò minùs verisimilia prout nonnunquam ab aliis factum video comminisci vellem Unum tantùm ant alterum in Responsione tua notabo Primum quòd in collatione historiae 2 Reg. 25. cum eadem Ierem. 52. non videris id animadvertisse in quod ego animum praecipuè intenderam nempe capite illo Regum v. 3. verba nonnulla omissa esse sine quibus historiae veritas salva esse non potest eadem verò ex Ieremia facilè tutò restitui posse Conferamus invicem 2 Reg. 25. 3. sic legitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ier. 52. 6. sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quis hîc non videt verba illa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sine quibus narrationis veritas non constat è contextu Regum excidisse Simile mihi observâsse videor 1 Paral. 6. 28. in illo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atqui primogenito Samuclis nomen fuit Ioel non Vashni imò eo nomine memoratur in hoc ipso capite non nisi quinque abhinc versibus Censeo igitur excidisse nomen Ioel olim sic scriptum fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et silii Samuelis primogenitus Ioel secundus Abijah LXX certè sic legerunt confirmatur ex 1 Sam. 8. 2. ubi legitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nè dicam planè absurdum esse nomen cuique esse inditum ex voce cum Vau copulativa praefixa nam quid quaeso significabit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quocunque modo tractes quà m secundus Alterum quod notabo est to Textum LXX Zach. 11. 13. leviter tantùm inspexisse ex eo quòd affirmes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud illos non haberi háncque causam esse cur neque apud Evangelistam compareat At nisi me quoque fefellerunt oculi LXX hîc cum Hebraeo habent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Praeterea Evangelistam hîc LXX non esse secutum argumento est quòd totam pericopen aliis ferè verbis enuntiet Haec sunt Vir clarissime quae eruditissimis tuis quas tanquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquod apud me servare decrevi reponenda duxi nec plura Deus Opt. Max. eruditissimos tuos conatus ad Reipublicae literariae emolumentum nominis sui gloriam indies magìs magÃsque provehat téque quà m diutissimè incolumem servet Ità vovet Claritatis Virtutis tuae studiosissimus Ios. Medus EPISTLE L. Dr. Twisse's Fifth Letter to Mr. Mede applauding his Conjecture concerning Gog and Magog and the first peopling of America as also his proof of the Resurrection from Exod. 3. 6. with a Post-script relating partly to a report of Mr. Selden's Censure of his Book upon the Apocalyps HOw exceedingly am I beholden unto you first for your pains in affording me so liberal Letters especially considering with what recreation and delight I read them but above all for your love in communicating your thoughts And I dare profess though I have not seen your face whic I heartily desire at mine house but I will think of preventing that suit and first take a time to visit your self at Cambridge yet you cannot communicate them to one that holds them more dear Alas had it not been for your help I had been to this day a stranger in the mystery of God while all my thoughts are employed in making up the breach which these degenerate Times have caused in the mystery of God's grace But I have a desire to receive information and God hath made me
maintain in the spirits perfected And why should it be any discomfort to me that Christ in his Manhood is gone to ruine Antichrist and to reign with his Saints and that I must stay till my turn comes to reign with him I have written to Mr. B. in answer to his Letter wherein he made relation of whereabouts he had written to you and what you answered him whereupon I took occasion to write unto him and to acquaint him with the Praecognita you speak of In one of your former Letters you told me of a Chappel-exercise you had to communicate unto me when I returned that of Gog and Magog which truly I had forgotten in my last to entreat but since perusing your Letters and lighting upon it I resolved the next time I wrote to put you in mind of your promise which whether it be the same you have wrote of concerning Dan. 11. I know not I could not neglect to write unto you with the first to acquaint you with my receit of yours which came to my hands Apr. 4. and to give you many thanks for your love and pains which I shall never requite save with love if that may be a requital as your acceptance may make it I commend you from my heart to the Grace of God and your studies as mine own to the Divine benediction and rest Newbury April 6. 1635. Yours ever in the Lord extreamly obliged W. Twisse Post-script A strange Book came lately to my hands of the variation of the longitude of places on earth by the variation of the Compass which was formerly supposed to be invariable That which 54 years since was found to be deg 11 22 years agoe was found to be but deg 7 and the last year but deg 4. Dr. L. my neighbour desires to be remembred unto you He told me a story of Mr. Selden what he delivered to my Lord Herbert concerning you as namely that you took it unkindly that he would not believe that a Trumpet signified a thousand years I made answer on your behalf as I thought good EPISTLE LI. Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's Fifth Letter expressing the great Candour and Freedom of his spirit as to differences in Opinions and how little affected he was with the report of Mr. Selden's Censure of his Book An Answer to an Exception concerning the State of the Millennial felicity in Seculo futuro A Vindication of Lactantius and others from the calumnies of some Antichiliasts The reason why Hierom was afraid to mention Iustin Martyr where he speaks of the ancient Chiliasts SIR SOME business that calls upon me will make me be short at this time That which I called a Chappel-exercise was a diverse thing from this I last offered to send you namely a little thing for understanding S. Paul's allegation out of Psal. 8. Hebr. 2. concerning the exaltation of the nature of Man to which God hath subjected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This last is a large Discourse upon 1 Tim. 4. delivered first at several times by way of Common-places as we call them in the Colledge and in certain Sermons at S. Mary's but at what time my Notions in the Apocalyps were yet but raw and the Mystery of the Millenary Kingdom not understood So you will find in it many things not consentaneous to my present notions and some other things that my maturer thoughts could now correct or wipe out Well whatsoever they be I send you them both The little one hath another conceit annexed to it which I was not so well aware of viz. of Zipporah's circumcising I would fain but could not tell how to separate it from the other unless I should write it out anew which I had rather than undergo hazard as you see the imputation of Vanity For Mr. Selden he is a Gentleman by whose Writings I have learned much and make no slight esteem of but otherwise utterly unknown unto me I never saw him in my life nor he me nor was there ever any entercourse between us by letter word message or otherwise Nor did I ever hear any Censure of his concerning my Book or any particular therein till now much less replyed to any such thing reported to me or took it unkindly as you say he told my Lord Herbert Surely it was but some scheme of discourse that passed from some body gratis when my Book was discoursed of But the author of that scheme was more deceived in me than he could have been in any man else There are I think few men living who are less troubled to see others differ in opinion from them than I am whether it be a Vice or Vertue I know not So far is it from me to take it unkindly that I should not be believed in a Paradox If any man can patiently suffer me to differ from him it nothing affects me how much or how little they differ from me Which disposition so much the more encreaseth in me as I take dayly liberty to examine either mine own former persuasions or other mens opinions But if I should go on I should perhaps discover too much my indifferency this way Let it pass I am no niggard according to my ability to impart what I know but it is where I find some appetite as you say otherwise my familiarist friends some of them are as ignorant of my Notions as any stranger For if they discover no stomach I use not to examine them no not to offer them and it would be in vain Pauci enim inviti discunt 'T is true that Glorified bodies have no need of inheritance temporal for their maintenance and nourishment but for their mansion and habitation they have need of a place of abode The Creatures upon earth were not all made no not the most of them for mans eating and drinking but for his glorifying the Wisdom Goodness and Power of his Creator in the contemplation of them Such a use is not unbefitting the Sons of the Resurrection And what use should many of them have had but this if Man had continued in the Integrity of his first Creation Like scruples will arise in a mans mind concerning the State of Beatitude in the heavenly mansions as What should a glorified Soul do there with a Body and bodily Senses What Objects are there to entertain them Some body and if I am not much deceived our Mr. Perkins somewhere in his Works I had thought in his Aurea Armilla but now cannot find it in the English nor have I the Latin Copy moving a question To what use the Renovated Earth after the Last Iudgment should serve answers For the solace of the glorified Saints who should sometimes live in Heaven and sometimes on Earth alledging for this conceit that in Apocal. 5. 10. Thou hast made us unto our God Kings and Priests and we shall reign on earth Were it not more agreeable to Reason to affirm That seeing Man consists of two parts a Body and a Soul each shall
corruptione itidem mutatione liberabitur Itaque hominis causà in cujus gratiam major hic mundus creabatur primùm renovatus tandem faciem induet multò â—ùm jucundiorem tum pulchriorem M. Deinde autem quid superest Aud. Vltimum generale Iudicium Veniet namque Christus ad cujus vocem mortui omnes resurgent animâ corpore integri atque in throno Majestatis suae residentem videbit totus mundus post excussionem autem conscientiae cujusque extrema sententia pronunciabitur Tunc temporis filii Dei perfectè possidebunt Regnum illud immortalitatis aeternae vitae quod illis praeparatum fuit ante jacta fundamenta mundi regnabunt cum Christo in aeternum Impii verò qui non crediderunt abjicientur in ignem aeternum destinatum diabolo angelis ejus I send you this passage as I did the former that you might admire with me what this Author meant whether such expressions could fall from him by mere chance or whether they argue not some further notion in this Mystery than was common and ordinary though those to whom the review and approbation of the Book was committed were not capable to observe it CONCERNING Ezekiel's Vision of the measuring of the Temple I have no no Notions either general or special worth relation Only I suspect some Mystery to be in the Numbers as in the New Ierusalem in the Apocalyps I observe all the Numbers to be 12 or multiplied thereof with reference I suppose to the 12 Apostles But whether the Number of Ezekiel's measures should have reference I cannot yet so well comprehend I have been sometimes tampering that way and methought they seemed to suit very well with the Name of God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the letters whereof are 3 in each and the Numbers they signifie 1. 5. 6. 10. 30. For these are the Numbers or the Radices of the Numbers of nigh all Ezekiel's measures Notwithstanding I give my self but little satisfaction in so Cabbalistical a conceit Yet seeing the measures of the City in Ezekiel cap. ult in sine are diverse from those of S. Iohn in the Apocalyps if the Cities be the same the Numbers also must have some identity in a Mystery which they have not in the Letter one fitted to the time of the Law the other to the time of the Gospel But he that can tell me how to unfold this Mystery shall be my Master CONCERNING my application of the King of the South and the King of the North to the Saracen and Turk who should plunder the Roman Empire in his latter end 't is not my conceit alone but Mr. Brightman's upon that part of Daniel And 't is true which you guess that I incline to apply the King of the North's going forth upon the tidings from the East and the North in a fury to destroy and to that purpose to plant the Tabernacles of his palace in the glorious mountain of Holiness to the Iews return and the expedition of Gog and Magog into the Holy land For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place is constantly in this Book a description of the Holy land See chap. 8. 9. and this chap. vers 16 and 41. The tidings from the East and North may be that of the return of Iudah and Israel from those quarters For Iudah was carried captive at the first into the East and Israel by the Assyrian into the North namely in respect of the Holy land and in those parts the greatest number of each are dispersed at this day Of the reduction of Israel from the North see the Prophecies Ier. 16. 14 15. and chap. 23. 8. also chap. 31. 8. Or if this tidings from the North may be some other thing yet that from the East I may have some warrant to apply to the Iews return from that of the Sixth Vial in the Apocalyps where the waters of the great River Euphrates are dried up to prepare the way of the Kings of the East If you can digest this application of the Kings of the South and North to the Saracen and Turk I will then desire you to consider the notation of the Time when which saith the Holy Ghost v. 40. should come to pass 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the time of the End that is of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Roman Kingdom which what they are you will find in my Discourse upon 1 Tim. 4. And to this you may refer that Question of Daniel in the next chap. vers 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 How long shall this latter end of wonderful things be which the Angel answers For a time times and a half referring to his former Vision thereof chap. 7. 25. Of the same Latter times he asketh yet again vers 8. incertus mirabundus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord what are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which our Translation turns but untowardly And further than this I cannot go in Daniel The next is all dark But it may seem the Angel tells the Prophet in those last Numbers when and how long it should be before this Mystery of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be understood For so he intimates both vers 4. Shut up the words and seal the Book until the time of the End and again vers 9. The words are closed up and sealed till the time of the End and then None of the wicked shall understand but the wise shall understand vers 10. Now you know the Mystery of Antichrist whereon the knowledge of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wholly depends was not discovered till a good part of them were run out What if those Numbers vers 11 12. point out that time counting from the Prophanation of Epiphanes But I confess I know not here which way to take This I intimate was an old Notion which I can neither satisfie my self in nor yet meet with another better grounded Io. Mede EPISTLE LV. Dr. Twisse's Seventh Letter to Mr. Mede desiring to know his thoughts touching Genuflexio versus Altare Worthy Sir and my dear Friend THese are only to give you to understand that your Packet is arrived safely in my hands your Letters your Manuscripts two larger upon 1 Tim. 4. and the other of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a third less Time will not serve me to express the content I take in them the satisfaction you give me in your Letters I am taken with the meditation of the slavery of the Creature ever since the Fall of Adam in bondage to them that are slaves to sin and what that bespeaks of better times both for the Creature and for us the passages of the Form of Doctrine prescribed by the Council of Nice the Catechism in K. Edward's days and the rest And like enough the land of Canaan shall have preeminence above all the
before me Shall not the Observation of our Christian Sabbath continue after Christ's coming with his Saints amongst the Nations that are saved from that Deluge of fire though it be Irenaeus his phrase yet I learnt it from you wherewith the Earth and all the works thereof shall be burnt up And if it be urged that by the same reason the Festivities of the New-moons shall have their place in Christâ—s Kingdom as well as Sabbaths and by consequence the Ceremonies of the Iews be restored I answer it followeth not the words may be rendred From month to month as the Geneva doth If we read it From New-moon c. with our last English yet it is not necessary to understand it of any peculiar Festivity denoted thereby least of all Iewish And we Christians in Cathedrals Colleges and great Towns have our Monthly Communions all the year over And seeing I am upon it what think you of Matth. 24. 20. Pray that your flight be not in the Winter nor on the Sabbath-day We know Dr. Andrews B. of Winchester as well as Mr. Dod apply it to our Christian Sabbath And to my judgment it is a strange fiction to apply it to unconverted Iews that our Saviour should stir them up to pray who scorned the Gospel whereby alone we come acquainted with such an Admonition and certainly scorned Christ's Instructions and how can we think that God would hear the prayers of such and was it fit that our Saviour should lay such a ground for the countenancing of their prayers yea and their Iewish Sabbath too And now truly Sir there is no Book that I desire to study more than your self I have found great freeness and acceptance with you hitherto I hope I shall do so still I heartily desire God's blessing upon your person and studies as upon my self and mine I shall ever rest Newbury April 5. 1636. Yours in my best respects exceedingly obliged Will. Twisse EPISTLE LXVI Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's 7 Quaere's viz. about the antiquity of Synagogues among Iews the and of Even-song in the Christian Church as also about the meaning of some difficult places of Scripture viz. Matth. 24. 20. Matth. 25. 31 c. Isa. 66. 23 c. SIR I Turned over the leaves both of the Bishop's and D. Heylin's Book when they came newly out that I might see their Principles and the way they went further I am not acquainted with them because I took no pleasure neither in their Conclusions nor their Grounds which if they be urged would overthrow a great deal more than they are aware of 1. If there be any such Author the Dr. opposeth for affirming the Sabbath to have been comprehended under one of the 7 Commandments of the Sons of Noah I suppose it is Godwyn in his Moses and â—aron Lib. 1. cap. 3. 2. That of Aben Ezra upon Exod. 20. 10. seems to me to be very evident for that Opinion For though it be as much as I can do to understand a piece of Rabbinism yet methinks this passage if it be translated will sound thus Ecce non dubium est quin dictio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tu comprehend 〈◊〉 unumquemque qui est silius praecepti Ideirco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Filius tuus Filia tua sunt parvidi quorum requies est super te tibique incumbit officium custodiendi eos ne quicquamfaciant quod tibi vetitum sit Similiter de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Servo tuo Ancillâ tuâ quoniam in potâ— state tua est tui est officii custodire eum neque sinere eum ut serviat alteri Sin minùs tu transgredieris praeceptum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Non facies quòd eo spectat ut quiescat Servus tuus Ancilla tua perinde ut tu ipse sunt exposult Moses Dominus noster viâ quam commemoravi Et secundùm hunc Doctorem vovebii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peregrinus qui est intra portas tuas quod non facturus sit opus in Die Sabbati neque in Die Expiationum Propterea scriptum est secundò Peregrinus Similiter atque de praecepto Nuditatis cùm secundùm hunc Doctorem vovebit quòd custoditurus sit praeceptum Nuditatis eodémque modo de Comestione sanguinis This Dominus Moses he here cites I take to be Rabbi Moses Haddarschan who lived an hundred years before him and was Master to R. Solomon Iarchi Maimonides whom Ainsworth cites for the contrary opinion and Aben Ezra were both of an age and contemporaries 3. For Synagogues I am inclined to believe they were before the Captivity and not first taken up there as the more common opinion is But how to evict it against him that shall obstinately maintain the contrary I confess I know not That in Act. 15. 21. Moses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath in every City them that preach him being read in the Synagogues every Sabbath-day will not reach so far yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is more than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If I should allege that of Psal 74. 8. They have burnt up all the Synagogues of God in the land they would say as Iunius doth that this Psalm was composed under the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes and indeed that which follows We see not our signs there is no more any Prophet neither any among us that knoweth how long may seem to argue it cannot be meant of that vastation by Nebuchadnezzar for then there were both Prophets and those that knew how long But if this be granted there will arise another difficulty viz. That either this Psalm is no Canonical Scripture or That some part of the Canonical Scripture was written long after Malachy when there was no Prophet and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had ceased And if this why not the first Book of Maccabees There remains but yours Lev. 23. 3. which to me hath appearance of probability but he that were refractory would pick some hole or other either in the word translated Convocation or in dwellings especially in the first See Vulgat and LXX But did not the Levites shall we think teach the people out of Ierusalem in the places abroad where they dwelt And did not the people use to resort to such as could teach them on Sabbath-days and New-moons What doth that of the Shunamite argue else 2 Kings 4. 23 where her husband saith unto her Wherefore wilt thou go to him the man of God to day It is neither New-moon nor Sabbath If this had they not some place where to resort and assemble Besides were there not then Colleges of Prophets and Prophets Sons in Israel In the same chapter we shall find they had and an hundred men in a place vers 43. and in chap. 6. initio that they had Houses where they lived together Did not the Israelites erect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Houses of false worship too may Could they think of building Places to transgress God's commandment
messenger of this ill news May 2. Vale. EPISTLE LXXII Dr. Twisse's Fourteenth Letter to Mr. Mede touching Mr. Potter's Discourse of the Number of the Beast viz. 666. Worthy Sir and my dear Friend YOV have communicated unto me many precious things which makes me to acknowledge my self more indebted to you than to all the men in the world And the more glad I am when I light upon any thing that is worth your knowledge This last week I received a Letter from Mr. Potter enclosing two other Letters one of his own to Dr. Turner in answer to another of his both which I have sent you Therein you shall see how Mr. Potter's discovery works already like wax before it sees the light of the Press I had formerly wrote unto him what your judgment was upon the Abstract I sent you as your self wrote unto me and as I heard also from Mr. Hall But lately Mr. Hartlib sent me a Copy of your judgment morefull since you received the compleat Copy wishing me to send it over unto Mr. Potter which I did and he is glad as he professeth to me to hear that you esteem so well of his Interpretation and over and above adds that if any man think so well of it as to translate it into Latine he will not be sorry for it Nay he is willing to add something to it concerning the First Beast and the Second Beast and the Image of it He is exceedingly desirous to know his judgment of it in such sort that he hath a mind either to write or to go over unto him I pray let him have a sight of it and entreat him to set down his judgment concerning it Now Sir concerning the occasion of these Letters I will shew you what he writes to me Mr. Potter had understood from Oxford that Dr. T. who is one of the Mathematick Professors there had alledged against his Book That the Root of 666 was not 25. but this was by those who told him of it accounted so slight and untrue an Objection that Mr. Potter did not regard it But after this being with he told him that Dr. T. told the Vice-chancellor that Mr. Potter was out in the Mathematical part of it Hereupon Mr. Potter wrote unto Dr. T. and receiving no Answer wrote a second time thereupon Dr. T. answered which Answer of his I here send you with Mr. Potter's large Answer unto him wherein you shall find not only the vanity of Dr. T 's Exception but a strange Mystery discovered even to admiration I have sent you Mr. Potter's own Letter for fear lest in transcribing I should miss in the calculation of the Numbers He desires to have the Letters again when we have perused them and transcribed them I pray return them by Mr. Hartlib I commend me heartily to the continuance of your love and rest Newbury Aprill 30. 1638. Yours ever in true affection and great obligationâ— Will. Twisse I pray remember my due respect to Dr. Bainbrigge the Master of your House EPISTLE LXXIII Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's Fourteenth Letter touching Mr. Potter's Notions of the Number of the Beast with some Observations of his own concerning his Book Worthy Sir I Thank you heartily for Mr. Potter's Letter I confess I have an especial esteem of his Discourse but little looked that what I wrote carelesly to Mr. Hartlib demaning my opinion thereof should have come to his hands Concerning this Letter I am perswaded the Doctor 's Exception is fully and sufficiently answered namely That the Root of a Number ought to consist of Unities of the same denomination with the Unities of the principal whose Root it is and that if the Unities be of another denomination it is not the Root of that Number but of another I see also a fair possibility of a discovery of new Mysteries even in the Fractions but perhaps it will not be so safe to discover them until they be well armed unto those who are not well affected to the main For it is sufficient with a great many to discredit a Tenet if they can but find any thing not defensible brought toward the maintenance thereof Verbum sapienti I care not if I acquaint you with what came into mind upon my first cursory reading of the Letter the one an Observation the other as I found afterward a mistake of Mr. Potter's meaning 1. First when I read him applying the Fractions 41 51 to the Latitude of Rome I called to mind that the old Astronomers and most of our Maps make the Latitude of Rome to be 41 degrees and about 50 or 51 minutes The later Mathematicians promote it some minutes farther Northward but Rome was big enough when time was to bear the difference of a few minutes And if that which Mr. Gellibrand observed be true it is possible that the Latitudes of some places may be a little changed since Ptolemy's time by some motion of the Earth whatsoever it be The Mistake was this 2. As I ruminated upon his application of the Denominator of the Fractions 51 to so many Italian miles which I well understood not at my first cursory reading I fell into this conceit that his meaning had been that a Degree in a great Circle had contained but 51 Italian miles whereas we suppose 60 and that therefore 41 51 was as much as 41 fifty one Italian miles that is 41 Degrees a Degree being 51 Italian miles That which led me into this conceit was his mention of Snellius who in his Eratosthenes Batavus which I had sometime look'd upon but it is many years since as I remembred made a Degree to contain some miles less than 60. Whether my memory fails me I know not for the Book I never saw but once in the Stationer's shop But when I read the Letter the second time with more deliberation I found his meaning to be That Rome lay under such a Parallel as whereof every Degree contained 51 Italian miles but this supposes I think that a Degree of a great Circle should be above 60 Italian miles which how near or far off it be from Snellius his experimental definition I know not My skill in Mathematicks is but little only so much as makes me able to understand a Discourse in that kind In my younger time I studied the Grounds of those Sciences but ever since neglected them and therefore if I commit any Soloecisms in talking of such matters I must be excused I will add also some of my thoughts concerning his Book 1. That there is no such Argument to prove the Divinity of the Apocalyps and consequently to convince an Atheist of the Divinity of the whole Scripture whereto this Book gives testimony as the strange agreement between Ezekiel's Lineal and S. Iohn's Cubical measures of the city Ierusalem for the compass and Area thereof both the numbers and denomination of Measures being so differing as they are and those of S. Iohn besides to be derived from 12.
How could this be but from Divine inspiration when S. Iohn as the rest of the Apostles was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and far enough from skill in Algebraical subtilties 2. That the Virgin-Company which follow and carry the mark of the Lamb and the Synagogue of the Beast which follow him and receive his mark are evidently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even secundùm literam besides their meaning not obscure namely That the one represents the true Church the other the Anti-church or Church of Antichrist If therefore Mr. Potter had fetched the Number of the true Church from this Virgin-Company perhaps his discovery of the Mystery of the Anti-numerus of the Beast would have appeared more evident and convincing For though the Number of the Wall of the New Ierusalem import as much as the Number of Christ's Church yet it doth it but remotely many things being first requisite to be granted by way of Postulata and therefore obscurely in comparison of the Number of the Virgin-Company I wonder therefore what the reason is he never mentions or alludes to this Number throughout the whole Treatise nay he affirms twice that the Number 144 is only to be found in the 21. chap. of the Apocalyps Which is true indeed in Unities but in Thousands not Was it the Thousands that would have troubled him in his way That Solertia which with so much happiness broke through greater difficulties would soon have mastered this Or is it some interpretation he hath of that Vision which was not compatible therewith Thus I mused and reasoned with my self 3. In his answering of what might be objected concerning the Root of 666 and in particular when he gives reasons why the Holy Ghost intending the Root 25 amongst all the Numbers which might have been taken to that purpose between 625 and 676 should pitch upon 666 rather than any of the rest I saw a door open to save the life of mine own conceit of that Number That the Holy Ghost would intimate thereby that the Antichristian State should be an imitation of the Sixth head of the Roman Seven-headed Beast rather than the off-spring of the Apostles and therefore made his Number all of Sixes But the matter is not great whether it be saved or not if a better come in the room of it You would have me send Mr. Potter's Treatise to 'T is true he is skilled in Mathematicks in which respect it may be the named him but so vehemently prejudiced and professed against that Tenet of the Pope being Antichrist that it would be to small purpose if he could be gotten to read it which I believe he would hardly be I have no confidence in the strongest demonstration against a man that is prejudiced and engaged in the contrary Nay 't is strange how unwilling all men are to read any Discourse this way I carried Mr. Potter's Book to some opposite otherwise to and no enemies to that Tenet I commended it desired them to peruse it told them it was that would please them they delighting in Mathematical Speculations related to them the summe of the Contents and Grounds thereof and whatsoever might allure them I left it with them a competent time yet when I went to fetch it and know their opinion they had not read one leaf thereof nay gave me less hope than that they would then at the first and instead thereof made Exceptions against something I had told them out of it What should I hope then of men professedly opposite and passionate or if you will impatient besides and so less tractable If any man would tell of it and that in such a manner as might work in him a desire to see it I would be most willing to communicate my Copy with him which I took some care to be so transcribed as might allure a reader dividing it into certain Sections and prefixing the Contents of them in the beginning of the Book with other distinctions but altered nothing in the context of the Author I caused the Figures to be drawn according to art the hand reasonable neat and promising no trouble to the Reader well pointed throughout c. By this you may see I was willing to have it read Thus I have scribled somewhat with an ill pen and an ill hand If it be such as you can read and will excuse it is enough I send back your Letters with thanks And so with my best respect and prayers I rest Christ's Coll. May 23. 1638. Yours in all friendly affection Ioseph Mede EPISTLE LXXIV Dr. Twisse's Fifteenth Letter to Mr. Mede about Mr. Potter's Book and the Holiness of Times and Places with some reflexions upon a Passage in the Inscription of his Discourse upon 1 Cor. 11. 22. as also an Extract of Mr. Potter's Letter relating to some passages in Mr. Mede's Letter touching the Number 666. Dear Sir I Think my self happy that I am the medius Terminus to convey Passages between you and Mr. Potter I received this Letter from him but on Friday last which here I send you enclosed wherein you will find him to rest satisfied with that you write concerning as also how well he is satisfied with that of yours having nothing to except against ought but rather you extended that which he delivered somewhat farther than he intended it You see he is desirous to see the division of his Book into Sections made by your hands and marginal Annotations and what else you can hear objected by any against it I pray satisfie him as far as it lieth in your power He is a very meek and ingenuous man and now you see what way lie his studies I would you would imploy him in ought that you shall find needful for I find him very desirous to gratifie any friend As I wrote to him about some things which what they were I know not but he hath promised to answer unto all He is exceeding studious in his way But is it not possible to get his Book turned into Latine in your Vniversity especially this Vacation-time and things standing as they do with you I have lately received a Book from you by the hands of Mr. Hartlib for which I heartily thank you The Title you give in your Dedication Sublati discriminis inter sacrum profanum Assertori eximio I doubt will do you wrong with many and make them to conceive that the sacrum profanum you speak of is in your account only in respect of Place and not at all in respect of Time But I know the contrary which makes me wonder at it the more I had recourse unto you about the Holiness of Places long ago meerly for information and I was then as abrasa tabula apt to receive ought that I saw reason for But to this hour I am not satisfied whether the fault be in my Understanding or in my Affections God knows or in the insufficiency of Evidence convincing And that my Affection should sway me I have this
Potter's Book but by a sure hand for the Carrier I dare not trust It cost me to be written out to my mind besides mine own pains in distinguishing it and dividing the whole into 8 Sections and prefixing the Contents of every Section at the beginning and writing the margins with mine own hand and therefore I would not willingly lose it If I light upon a convenient messenger I shall send it The Analytical Table of the Apocalyps if you had not charged me therewith I should not have believed it had been still in my hands for I verily thought I had sent it back long before this and was a while very much afraid I must have sent you word it was lost yet at length I found it and have sent it herewith The Author of the Analytical Table differs from me wholly in the 20. Chapter and follows Mr. Brightman What I conceive you may find in my Commentationes Apocalypticae My difference will appear by these particulars 1. I hold but one Millennium and that to begin at the destruction of the Beast He holds two one beginning at Constantine another at the destruction of the Beast 2. I deny that Satan was ever yet tied up much less at the time of Constantine 'T is one thing to be dethroned and thrown down from Heaven that was at the time of Constantine another thing to be bound and close prisoner and not so much as peep out of his dungeon See my Synchronisms Clav. Apocal. Part. 2. Synch 4. pag. 22 23. 3. I take the Resurrection both of them First and Second to be proper and real he Metaphorical 'T is not safe to deprive the Church of those Texts whereon her faith of the Resurrection is builded For this interpretation will necessarily rob us of that of Daniel Chap. 12. also whereon I believe the Church of the Old Testament built her faith of that Article there being no such evident place besides in all the Old Testament 4. He seems to appropriate the Second Millennium which I think the only to the glory of the Iews only I extend it to the whole Catholick Church of the Gentiles when the Iews shall come into the fold and that the Apocalyps is properly and primarily the Gentiles Prophecy I mean of the Church of the Gentiles and of the Iews but by accident and coincidence only The Iews have prophecies enough of their own in the Old Testament In my Books and the papers I once sent you concerning this Point all this is easily to be seen With my best and wonted affection I rest Christ's Colledge April 16. 1638. Your assured Friend Ios. Mede EPISTLE XCVI Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib modestly excusing his own abilities and intimating what cause he had to decline coming forth in print with his Observation touching the Latitude of Rome Mr. Hartlib TOuching the Letter you sent me De necessitate Textualis interpretationis S. Scripturae I so fully agree with the Author in the former part thereof that I could not have expressed mine own thoughts thereabouts in mine own words better than he hath done in his But for the latter part alas it is nothing so I know my self better than any man else and I am conscious that I am infinitely far from any such ability as he collecteth out of a little diligence perhaps in a Discourse or two If I have hit upon any Truth it is wholly to be attributed to my indifferency in such searches to embrace whatsoever I should find without any regard whether it were for the advantage of one side or other and not to any ability beyond others Freedom from prejudice studium partium or desire to find for this side rather than that which I confess I endeavour as much as I can possibly to subdue my self unto is sufficient with a little diligence to discover more than I have yet done without any such great learning I confess I know my self to have so little of that this Gentleman supposeth me to have that the very reading thereof hath made me more than half melancholick ever since I am bound to love him and take it kindly that he hath any good or favourable conceit of me or ought of mine But no man can make me believe that I have those abilities I have not yea 't is somewhat burthensome and unwelcome to me to bethought to have Ex animo loquor Yea I am almost so uncharitable as to suspect this is some stratagem to work me to something I know not what But let it go I could tell some tales of my Altare of another strain that would make you think I have no great joy to come in publick as I think I can safely say I did never yet plenâ voluntate but yielding to other mens importunities or desires yet I know not whether I shall yet rest and keep my thoughts and my self in my Cell In a word Mundus amat decipi magis quà m doceri and will never entertain any man well that shall deal ingenuously with them He must look to have Micaiah's luck He must say true and yet not prophesie against Ahab If he does he must to Pound and to hard meat for it For mine to Dr. Twisse there is something wherein I had not fully informed my self about the Latitude of Rome as having not Ptolemy by me I said the old Astronomers made the Latitude thereof 41. 50. minutes the later promoted it some minutes more to the North. When I wrote so I trusted to Io. Stadius who makes it so and supposed he had derived it from those before him But after looking upon Maginus his Ptolemy I find that Ptolemy according to him makes it but 41. and 40. min. and some others and some Maps less The sum is this Ptolemy 41. 40. Stadius and others 41. 50. Maginus himself 42. 2. Origanus 42. 4. The Middle is about 41. 51. I have no time to enquire further nor Books at hand I pray transcribe this in yours to Dr. Twisse lest he send my notion or mistake to Mr. Potter without this correction though it be not material For by his words to you I suspect he means to do it which occasioned me to add this Thus with my wonted affection I rest and am Christ's Coll. Iune 4. 1638. Yours Ioseph Mede EPISTLE XCVII Mr. Mede's Letter to a worthy Friend touching some Papers of his printed without his privity Worthy Sir I Thank you very heartily for your Book and kind Letter as I should have done long ago for another Book you sent me But I have entangled my self a long time with so much needless writing to no purpose as it makes me sometimes glad of any pretence to be idle when I should not For what you say of a Scribe it was I that took order to have such a one sent to you not you to me I 'le assure you you have performed more than I durst have thought of doing though you please to profess yourself my Disciple
35 Schism the evil and danger of it 876 Scripture The Holy Scripture is not to be kept in an unknown tongue 190. whether the silence of Scripture be an argument sufficient to conclude against matter of fact 840. an account of some Idioms or Forms of speech in Scripture 161 and 347 349 380 285 and 352 Sea what it signifies in the Prophetick style 462 The Sealing of the 144000 in Apocal. 7. what it means 584 Seed of the Woman meant of Christ's person and Christ mystical 236 Serpent why the Devil took this shape 223 289. the Curse was pronounced upon both the Serpent and the Devil 229. what kind of Serpent was accursed 230. how God could in Iustice punish the brute Serpent 229 230 his Curse was To go upon his Breast and not only on his Belly 231 232. as also To feed on dust 233 234. Enmity between Man and the Serpent 234. The Serpents Seed meant of the Devil and wicked men 236. The Serpents Head or Headship is Principatus mortis 237 Set Forms See Prayer Seven eyes of the Lord are the seven Archangels 41 43 Seven Heads of the Beast signifie both 7 Hiâ—s and 7 Successions of different sorts of Governours 524 Seven Seals in Apocal. 6. what is meant thereby 441 917 c. Seven Trumpets See Trumpets Seven Vials See Vials Seventy Weeks See Daniels Weeks Seventy years See Years Shechinah or Gods special presence in a place is where the Angels keep their station 343 c. Sheep set at Christs right hand 841 Shiloh the name of Messiah 34 it signifies a Peace-maker 35 Silence in holy offices was a point of Religion 458 Simeon Metaphrastes his fabulous Legends 682 c. his design therein 683 c. Sin compared in Scripture to an Heavy Burthen in respect of the Weight of Punishment and of Loathsomness 151. the reason of Sins Loathsomness 152. Conformity between the Sin and Punishment in 4 particulars 144. the hainousness of a Sin to be estimated from the hearts election 350. Commission of one Sin makes way for another 135. what it is to forsake Sin 207. Rules to know whether our purpose to forsake Sin be real 152 153 Sin-offering what 287 Sincerity of Heart what it is how it may be known and attain'd 217 218 Sitting at Gods right hand what it signifies 638 639. that it is a priviledge appropriate to Christ. ibid. Some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word doth not always in Scripture imply a small number 648 c. Socinian Tenets censured 869 883 Son of man whence Christ is so called 764 788 Spirit sometimes in Scripture signifies Doctrine 626 Spirit and truth See Worship in spirit and truth Spirits Good or Evil how they appear and converse with men 223 224 Spiritual blessings were veiled in Earthly Promises under the Law 249 250 Stealing is either by Force or by Fraud both forbidden in the 8 Commandment 132. See more in Theft Sun Moon and Stars what they are according to the Prophetick style in the Political world 449 450 466 615 Synagogues how they differ'd from Proseucha's 66. their antiquity 839 Synchronisms what 491. their usefulness 431 581 T. TAbernack of meetingâ— so call'd from God's meeting there with men 343. Feast of Tabernacles wherein it was a Figure of Christ 266. how it was neglected to be kept from Iosua's time to Nehemiah's 268. what this Omission may seem to imply 268 Table sometimes in Scripture put for Epulum or the Meat it self 386. Table of the Lord in 1 Cor. 10. why so called 375. the name Table not used in any Ecclesiastical Writer before 200 years after Christ 860. Table and Altar how they differ 389 Holy Table Name and Thing 844 Temple what the Gentiles Notion of a Temple was 335 336. why the primitive Christians for the most part abstain'd from the name Temple 336 337 Temple at Ierusalem it s 3 Courts in our Saviours time 44 45. it was the Third or Gentiles Court that was prophaned by the Iews and vndicated by our Saviour 45 46. This Temple is called in Scripture Gods Throne 438 439 917. In what respects it was a Type of Christ. 48 407 263 Temples of the Heathen why they are said by the ancient Fathers to be nothing else but the Sepulchres of dead men 633 Ten Horns signifie in Dan. and the Apocal. Ten Kingdoms into which the Roman Empire was shivered 661. that they belong to the Seventh or Vppermost Head of the Beast 499 737 Ten Kings See Ten Horns Teraphim what they were and how they answered to Vrim and Thummim 183 Terumah or Heave-offering defined 288 the Terumoth or Heave-offerings were either First-fruits or Tithes or Frâ—e-will-offerings 290 Theft in no case lawful 133. the trial of it in doubtful cases was in the Iewish Polity by the parties Oath Hence Perjury and Theft are forbidden together in Scripture 133 Three Kings whom the Little Horn should depress to advance himself 779 Throne to be taken up to Gods Throne what 494 Thummim See Vrim Thunder See Bath Kol Time Times and half a Time what 497 656 744. Times of the Gentiles 753. Times put for Things done in time 737 Tithes How the question of the due of Tithes is to be stated 120 Tituls why Houses and Churches were so called 5 327 328 Tobit's prophesie of the Iews Captivity and Restauration explain'd 579 Transubstantiation promoted by lying Miracles 688 Trees what they signifie in the Prophetick style 460 Trespass-offering how it differed from the Sin-offering 287 Tribes why the 12 Tribes are in Apocal 7. reckoned in a different order than elsewhere in Scripture 455 c. Tribute See Rent Trumpets Seven Trumpets their meaning 595 Turks why described in Apocal. 9. by the army of Horsemen 473 Twelve why each of the 24 Courses or Quires of Singers in the Temple consisted of Twelve 3 Typical speeches often true in the Type and Antitype 285. when what is attributed to the Type belongs to the thing typified 468 V. VEspers See Even-song Vials Seven Vials their meaning 585 923. the agreement between the 7 Vials and 7 Trumpets 585 Vintage what it means in the Propherick style 521 c. Visions Apocalyptick whether represented in the Seven-sealed Book to be seen or to be read by S. Iohn 787 An Vnrepentant Sinner is an Insidel 153 Vnworthy receiving See Sacraments Vows The 3 Vows common to all Monks viz. Vow of Chastity Poverty and Abstaining from meats the Fourth Vew viz. of Obedience not common to all nor so old 689 Vrim and Thummim what they signifie 183. they were a Divine Oracle ibid. the Matter thereof and the Manner of enquiring thereby 184 185. How Vrim and Thummim did typisie something in Christ. 185 186 W. WAldenses See Albigenses White To walk in white To be clothed with white raiment what meant thereby in the Apocalyps 909 Whore and Whoredom meant according to the Prophetick style of Idolatry 645 646. Whoe of Babylon in Apocal. 17. why this Vision only of all
343. p. 347. ‖ p. 823. * Besides some mentioned in another loose paper Acts 1. 3. 1 Pet. 1. 10 11. Acts 3. 22. Rom. 3. 21. Act. 26. 22 23. * Disc. XXIX p. 13â— * Epist. XLVIII * As in p. 334 to 339. and in many others * Ecclus. 51. 15 * Vers. 20. * See Book I. Disc. II. * Sâ—e Disc. XLIIâ— * See Book IV. pag. â—â—4 * See Book I. Disc. 49 50. not published before * Sect. 2. at the end * In the like strain he somewhere speaks of his skill in Chaldeeâ— as also in the Mathematicks which yet was great in others esteem how little soever it was in his own * See Book III. p. 666 671. * See Ep. 23. p. 777. See pag. 569. * Gen. 41. * Rom. 15. * This is mentioned both in the beginning and in the end of the Apocalyps Ch. 1. 3. and Ch. 22. 7. * For such an impossible condition is the understanding of this Book suppos'd to be according to that Hypothesis * In his way of interpreting 2 Thes. 2. Dan. 7. he departs also â—â—â—m the sense of the Ancients and forsakes those common Sentiments and Notions wherein the Fathers generally agree touching the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the man of Sin the Fourth Beast and Little Horn the Son of Man's coming in the clouds the Stone cut out of the mountain without hards besides other passages in thâ—se ch in ch 11. ‖ See Dr. More 's Mystery of Gâ—dliâ—ess Book 5. ch 15 16 17. and his Synopsis Prophetica Book 2. ch 2 3 4 c. * Gen. 49. * 〈…〉 p. 43. ‖ See Ep. 29. * See pag. â—â—2 * So the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used * Vid. Clemâ— Constir Cyrill Hierof Catech. * See pag. 652. * See pag. 531 772. * of this Edition ‖ Disc. XLVIII * Disc. XLIX ‖ Disc. L LI An. 1613. Disc. LII An. 1615. Disc. LIII An. 1614. * Heb. 5. * 1 Cor. 9. * Vid. Enarâ—â—t in Psal. 138. * Book III. pag. 581. * Except that Tract in Chap. 9. of the Remains he of a â—ater date * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pâ—â— in Paneg. Bene saâ—ienter Majores insâ—â—uerunt ut rerum agendarum initium 〈◊〉 Precationibus capeâ—â—â—ur * Psal. 111. * Chap. 1. 5. * In Dâ—al cum Tâ—yphon * Dan. 2. 18. * Vers. 32 c. * Apoc. â— 5. 4. * Chap. 6. 1. * Isai. 22. ‖ Gen. 37. 28. * Prov. 3. * Prov. 3. * Psal. 33. praise is comely for the upright * 1 The Babylonian 2 that of the Medes and Persians 3 The Greek 4 the Roman * Of these Numbers 1290 1335 see Mr. Mede's Revâ—latio Antichristi in pag. 717. * See Ep. 14. pag. 759. * 1 Cor. 14. 30. * See Ep. 41. * Chap. 3. â—9 * Exod. 33. * Num. 12. * Acts 7. * Deâ—t 9. * Chap. 9. 23. * Chap. 10. 11. * Matth. 7. ‖ Prov. 2. 4. * Eccles. 9. 10. * 1 Tim. 4. â—Sis totus in illis * So he calls his Study or Chamber in Ep. 97. * The rest of it is about News and therefore was not published in this Edition * Chap. 17. * Psal. 119. * De Resâ—urr carn ‖ Hom. 2 in Io. * 2 Pet. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clem. Aâ—ex in Proâ—rept * 2 Tim. 3. ‖ Apocal. ch 6. 8. * Chap. 9. 2 3. ‖ Vers. 14 c. * A Lion a Bullock a Man and an Eagle * Vid. p. 913. ‖ Vid. p. 447 pag. 909. ‖ Ch. 26. 18. * See Comment Apoc. p. 473. ‖ Alexander did affect to be call'd and worshipped as the Son of Iupiter Hammon the upper part of whose Image was a Goat and in his Pictures and Coins he would be represented 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Iud. 19. ‖ Gal 5. 22. See a particular account of such Prophetick Symbols as these mâ—he Authors Comment Apoc. p. 448 449 459 466. and a yet more particular account in Dr. More 's Prophetick Alphabet in his forementioned Synâ—psis Prâ—pâ—â—â—â—a Book I. Ch 3 6. 7 8 9. * 2 Ep. 1. * De Sophist Elench l. 2. c. ult * See pag. 431 432. See also pag. 381. * See the last lines in his Epistles p. 86â— * Acts 17. 11. * Phil. 1. 10. * Iude 16. * De rita beata * Pag. 550. * 〈◊〉 p. 748. * Ep. 8. p. 742. * Pag. 567 569. ‖ Pag. 567 569. * Hence also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Ager 〈◊〉 aâ—â—s ‖ See pag. 790. c. * Pag. 877. ‖ 1 Esde 4. * l. 5. * Luke 8. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezek. 22. 26. Zeph. 3. 4. * 2 Ep. 3. * 1 Kings 4. ‖ Psal. 51. * Ier. 45. ‖ 1 Tim. 6. 9. * 1 Pet. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ‖ Rom. 16. * Psal. 51. * Rom. 12. 3. * 1 Cor. 8. * Phil. 4. * 1 Cor. 2. * Io. 7. * The râ—st of the Letter did not need to be published it treating either of private business or of what he has in other Letters of Tracts more fully spoken of * Matth. 13. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Hos. 8. 12. * Chap. 16. * 2 Cor. 1. * See Epist. 51. * 2 Cor. 11. 27. * Ier. 48. * Isa. 40. * 2 Cor. 4. * Psal. 119. * 2 Thess. 2. * Col. 1. * Apocal. 7. * A Country-town not far from BishopsStoriford * â—nno 1610. * Upon 1 Cor. 11. 22. ‖ Upon Levit. 19. 30. Sanctuarium meum reveremini * See Dr. Iâ—â—son's Life written by E. V. and his Ep. Dedicat. before hiâ— l. Book upon the Creed * Prov. 3. * Gen. 6. ‖ Ecclus. 44. * Psal. 107. * 1 Cor. 13. * See Dan. â— 44. ch 7. 14. Esay 6â— 17. ch 66. â—2 with many other placâ—s in that Prophecy * See Mr. Medes â— Letter to Dr. Meddus p. 77â— * See his Remains p. 603. where he would have us wary and careful that we admit nothing into our imaginations which may cross or impeach any Catholick Tâ—net of the Christian Faith ‖ See his Preface before his Commentary p. 435 and what he adds at the end of his Specimen dâ— mille annis Tubae Septimae p. 532. * See also his Epistle to Lud. de Dieu pag. 571. In quam sententiaâ—â— de Millenario â—e nuâ—â animi levitate aut studio praeâ—â—stero dâ—â—apsum credas velim sed postquam alia omnia frusâ—rà tenâ—âssem tandem rei ipsius claritudine perstrictum Paradoxo succubuissâ— * See his Apolâ—gy edit 3. p. 451. * See this Testimony illustrated and vindicated from a corrupt reading p. 533. * See Epistle LII pag. 813. * See his Remains p. 6â—â— * 2 Ep. c. 3. * Pâ—â—â— 24. * Prov. 17. * Titus 1. a Acts 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Times of cool refreshing b Isai. 59. * 2 Pet. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c Ch. 3. 17. d Ver. 15. e Io. 8. 23 â—e are from beneath * Rev. 21. 24. * Ch. 17. 16. * See Ep. 96. p. 881. * Anno 〈◊〉 * Chap. 47. 17. * Psal. 111. * In this Edition these besides some others are published with some Enlargements out of the Original MSS. ‖ 1 Pet. 5. * 1 Pet. 3. * Eccles. 3. ‖ Chap. 32. â—uk 15. Ioh. 16. * Wisd. 9. ‖ Act. 15. * Iob 13. 7. * That by the gifts of Prophecy in 1 Cor. 13. and in other places is meant the gift of interpreting Scripture is clearly proved by the Learned Dr. Hâ—â—â—â—ond and others * 1 Cor. 13. 7. Charity covereth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all things * Ier. 20. ‖ 1 Cor. 13. 6. Charity rejoyceth not in iniquity * Num. 12 * Chap. 10. * 1 Pet. 3. * 1 Tim. â— * Prov. 14. ‖ Ecclus. 35. * Iam. 2. * So some render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gal. 6. Chap. 30. * Gal. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. ‖ Luke 6. 35. * Rom. 12. * Luke 6. 32. * Micah 6. 8. ‖ â— Cor. 9. * Ecclus. 35. 〈◊〉 32. * Ecclus. 35. * Esay 58 ‖ 2 Cor. 9. * Luke 6. * Psal. 10. ‖ Psal. 17. * Phil. 3. * Matth. 6. * See this at large and particularly related in the Appendix to Mr. Mede's Life Sect. I. * Prov. 11. * The Title of the Sermon is The Decease of Lazaruâ— * Psal. 112. ‖ Prov. 19. 17. * Eccles. 11. 1. * 2 Cor. 9. * Hebâ— 10. * Psal. 112. * Phil. 3. Wâ—â—sâ— God â—s the 〈◊〉 Belly * Heb. 13. * Tit. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ‖ Chap. 3â— * Hebr. 6. 5. â— * 2 Tim. â— * Ephes. 3. * Matth. 7. ‖ Ezek. 33. * Io. 5. 42. * 1 Iohn 5. * Chap. 1. 27. * Psal. 119. 6. I have respect unto all thâ— Commandments * See Dâ—scourse 43. pag. 238. * See Book V. Chap. 7. which seems to be an Essay or First Draughâ— of his Notioâ—s upon that Subject * Chap. 5. 20. * See his Defence of the Answer to the Admonition pag. 349. * In Ep. ad Er. Ducaeum * Febr. 25. 1635 6. That learned Tract of his about the Numbers in Dan. 12. is call'd by him Revelatio Antichristi it was finished by him three years before his death And in Epistle 98 written within less than two months before his death it is plain whom he means there by the Man of Sin and Antichrist See pag. 882 pag. 834. * 2 Thess. 2. * 1 Cor. 15. ‖ 2 Pet. 1. * Grotius upon the place expounds this phrase by that in Plantus Vâ—â— venâ—us estâ— velum verâ—ere * Non paâ—lar me quicquam nescire de eo quem amem Plin. * Prov. 20. 25. * 1 Cor. 14. 40. ‖ Verse 26. * In his Character of the Country Parson Ch. 13. 2 Sam. 24. Levit. 3. This Concio ad Clerum now published was preach'd Anno 1618. * 1 Pet. 2. ‖ Heb. 13. 1 Pet. 2. * Chap. 10. * 1 Cor. 3. * Iam. 3. * Iam. 1. * Psal. 51. * In 1 Io. 2. 10. it 's render'd an occasion of sâ—umbling a In his De velandis virginibâ—s l. 1. c. 3. b Aliuding perhaps to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. in 1 Cor. 8. 10. * Gal. 1. 10. The like is related in the life of F. Paul of Venice a person of eminent parts of a clear Head and profound Iudgment concerning the constitution of his body D' ordiâ—ario stavâ—â—rè giorui alle volie tutâ—a la sâ—ttimana senza che le parti naturali destinati allâ— espulâ—ione dâ— glâ— escrementi sacessero iâ—or ' officio c. * Iaâ—â— 1. ‖ 1 Thess. 4. * Luke 21. ‖ 1 Pet. 4. * Heb. 2. 7. ‖ See this more largely discoursed of in his Apostasie of the Latter Times * Psal. 137. * Upon Febr. 1. 1638 9. ‖ 2 King 22. The Preface to Mr. Herbert's Remains observes of those 3 pious persons Dr. Iackson Mr. Herbert Mr. â—â—râ—ar that they spake Prophetically of the like Events * Dr. Steward late Dean of the Royal Chappel c. * In his Advertisements touching the Controversâ— of the Church of England * Ibid. * See Book 4. Epist. 2. * Mr. Bedel afterwards B of Kilmore * See Book 4. Epist. 29. Then Clouds began to gather in the North. See his Discourse upon Acts 5. 3 4. * See Book 1. Discourse 21. * And sometimes thus Where was the Meal before the Corn was ground * Of the preferment in Ireland that was offer'd him Vide suprâ— * The thrice Renowned Sir Thomas Rowâ— who after so many Ambassages to almost all the Princes and States in Christendom and to the greatest Emperors beyond Christendom all which were managed with admirable Dexterity and Success and Satisfaction was last of all Ambassador extraordinary to Ferdinand III. Emperor of Germany who gave him this Character I have met with many Gallant Persons of many Nations but I sâ—arce ever met with an Ambassador till now * See the Funeral Sermon c. Matth. 6. 9. * Gen. 41. 32. Matth. 18. 19. Matth. 6. 9. Luke 11. 2. * By which they are wont otherwise to render the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As the 〈◊〉 once or twice in this place and eâ—â—â—wâ—â—re sometimeâ— render the same word See Esay 24. 14. Micah 4. 3. 1 Sam. 2. 2. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iosh. 24. 19. Apoc. 4. 18. Ch. 5. 12. V. 13. As Gen. 31. 42 53. Psal. 76. 11. So the Chaldee uses their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and more than once renders I A H the name of God by it * So Editio Complâ— Andreaâ— Exempl 15. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jurâ— Apoc. 15. 2. * Mat. 5. 17. * According as in that Matt. 22. 40. On these two Commandments viz. To love God above all and our neighbour as our selves hang all the Law and the Prophets and in that Luke 16. 29. They have Moses and the Prophets 1 Chron. 29. 11. c. Numb 16. 37 38. Iohn 17. 17. V. 18. V. 19. De Moâ—ogamia cap. 12. Malach. 1. 6 8 12 14. 1 Cor. 10. 11. * Heaâ—â— the 〈…〉 called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Catholick Church * Rom. 12. 2. Iam 4â— 4. 1 Iohn 2. 15. 1 Pet. 4. 2 3. Gal 6. 14. Iam. 1. 27. 1 Iohn 3. 3. 1 Pet. 1. 15. Ephâ—s 4. 17. to verse 25. a Gemara Sanhedrin in Perâ—k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Maâ—em Hal. Mâ—lachim c. 9. Vide Schick de Iure Regio Hebraeorum p. 128 129. Acts 10. 〈◊〉 ch 11. 3. Acts 17. 4. De bello Iudaico lib. 6. ca. 6. Grac. 〈◊〉 See Levit. 17. * 〈◊〉 Disceâ—â—se XV. * For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is often put for oâ— and the sense then but indefinite * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xenophâ—n In eam classem â—â— ascribâ— Plutarâ— in Solone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In
2. 13 14 Phil. 2. 10. 〈◊〉 ver 6. Gen. 49. 6◠〈…〉 Verse 9. * Iâ—r 2. 11. Chap. 4. 9. Verse 11. Chap. 5. 12. Verse 13. * Origen contr Celsum lib. l. p. 46. Gr. â—g◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Vid. Num. 6. 26. Iudg. 6. 24. Psal. 85.7 c. Ca 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Verse 18. Acts 10. 43. Matth. 6. 15. Eph. 6. 2. * Matth. 6. 14 15. Verse 32 c. Verse 35. * Of the Corban see Discourse 〈◊〉 * Ephes. 4. 26. * Chap. 4. 12. * Verse 17. Matth 17. 10. Luke 1. 76. Verse 17. Mar. 1. 14 15 * Chap. 40. 3. Mal 4. 1. Verse 5. * 〈…〉 Mal. 4. 5. Ezek. 37. 24. * and Matth. 11. 14. Acts 10. 37. * Matt. 11. 21. ‖ Chap 4. 15. * Matt. 4. 15. Acts 1. 11. Acts 2. 7. Matt. 17. 5. Matt. 26. 32. Matth. 28. 7. Verse 10. Esay 9. 1 2 3 c. Iohn 7. â—1 Iohn 7. 41 52. 1 Sâ—m 16. 11. Verse 6. Eccles. 1. 2. Matt. 3. 2. * See 1 Mac cab 3. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â— Coram â—oelo â— coram Dâ—o Matth. 1â— Luke 17. 21. * Matt. 26. â—3 Gen. 3. 15. A twofold state of Christ's Kingdom 1 Cor. 15. 28. Why Christâ—s Kingdom is called The Kingdom of Heaven or of God Dan 2 32 33. Vers. 34. Vers. 35. Vers. 44. Vers. 45. Dan. 9. 24. Vers. 26. * luke 2. 25. 38. ch 19. 11. * Ioseph de bell Iud l. 7. c. 31. Tacit. l. 5. Hâ—stor Sueton l. 8. Matth. 2. 1. Eph. 2. 12. Rom. 9. 4 5. Repentance iâ— more than a Sorrow for sim. See Rom. 8. 1â— Col. 3. 5. Eph. 2. 5. Col. 2. 13. * Psal. 51. 17. Esay 57. 15. ch 66. 2. Matt. 25. 41. Ezek. 18. 23. 33. 11. Iohn 20. 21. Matt. 11. 28. Matt. 9. 17. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Cor. 15. 56. * Gen. 21. 12. Of this see Discourse XIII Luke 2. 14. Rev. 1. 5. 6. Mat. 25. 34. c. Vers. 42. Rom 6. 14. Gal. 5. 18. 2. 16. Rom. 3. 28. and elsewhere * Rom. 3. 27. Rom. 3. 23 10. Matt. 11. 30. * Rom. 6. â— Verse 1. Verse 3. 1 Sam. 10. 27. Acts 5. 3 4. * So in Fâ—th 7. 5. 't is said Who is he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whose heart hath filled him we read it that durst presume to do so Lud. de Dieu in Io. 11. Act. 5. Quis tantos spiritus sumpsit tam aud ax evâ—sit ut hoc facere sustineat The like phrase we have in Eccles. 8. 11. The heart of the sons of men is fully seâ— in them to do evil In the former place the LXX hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the latter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Serm. 25. De verb. Ap. * Serm. 〈…〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie both a thing cursed and a thing offered or consecrated which had a cursâ— laid upon it viz. a curse to him that medled with it 〈◊〉 Propriety Observat. 1. * See Discourse V. Observat. 2. Observ. 3. Vide Chrysâ—ft in Matt. 21. 12. * S. Ierom on this place affirms this to be one of the greatest Miracles wrought by our Lord. Iosh. 7. 2â— 1 Sam. 2. * 2 Chron. 3â— 21. Levit. 25. 4. * Dan. 5. 2. Veâ—s 6. Vers. 30â— * Hâ—s 6. â— Matt. â— 13. 12â— 7. * Matt. 6. 19. 20. Aâ—ur's Request Prov. 30. 8 9 * Deut. 7. 6 ch 14. 2. 26. 18. Observat. 1. Mark 10. 21. Matth. 15. 24. Matth. 19. 16. Verse 22. Matth. 10. 37. 19. 29. Luke 6. 20. Psal. 120. â— Ier. 49. 28. Num. 6 2. c. Observ. 2. Vers. 11. Vers. 13. Observat. 3. * Horat. Carm l. 2. Od. 10. Aurtam quisquis Mediocâ—â—atem Diligâ—t tutus caret obsolâ—â—â— Sordibus tects 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 Sobrius aulâ Seneca in Oedipo Fata siâ—câ—aâ— mihi Fingere arbitâ—to â—â—o c. Tuta me in dâ—â â—hat Vita decurrenâ—â—â—â The Reason of Agur's Reâ—uest Mar. 8. 36. 1 Cor. 10. 31. 〈…〉 Observat. 1. Observat. 2. Observat. 3. Prov. 3. 9. Psal. 24. 1. Iob 2. 4. Lev. 6. 2 c. Observat. 1. Observat. 2. Observat. 3. Observat. 4. Isai. 2. 2 3 4. Roâ— 11. 2â— Of thâ—s see in Book III. Treatise of Tâ—e Apostasie of the latter Times ch 10 1 King 19. 1â— See this more fully discoursed of in the Treatise of The Apostasie of the latter Times Book III chap. 9. Rom. 11. 11. * Acts 13. 46. chap 18. 6. chap. 28. 28. Rom. 11. 25. Verse 12. Dan. 2. 34. See in Book IV. Epistle 8. The Purport of the â—ouâ— Kingdoms in Damâ—â— * Dan. 2. 35. The first Consideration of Adonibezek's words Iudg. 1. 7. Observ. 1. 1 Tim. â— 3. Chap. 21. 13. 2 Sam. 12. 13 Verse 11. Verse 10. Verse 14. See also Psal. 52. 7. Observat. 2. Isaâ— 73. 2. Ier. 12. 1. Rev. 18. 7. Prov. 1. 7. * Var. hist. l. 4. c. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Pliny l. 7. nat hist. c. 5 1. Phereâ—â—dâ—s copiá serpentium ex corpore ejus erumpente exspiravit Gen. 18. 32. Ionah 3 4. Matth. 8. 10. Observ. 3. Matth. 7. 2. Chap. 35. 15. * Exod. 1. 22. 12. 29. * 2 Sam. 11. 4. Chap. 16. 22. * 2 Chr. 21. v. 4 17. 1 Kings 11. 5. 1 Kings 12. 20. Of this Otho or Hatto 11. see Trithemias Isengâ—inâ—us â— 10. Rerum Spir. c. Psal. 106. 18. A 〈◊〉 was kindled in their company seâ— flames burnt up the â—icked * Iudg. 19. 2 25. 1 Sam. 2. 22. c. Chap. â— 1â— Maâ—th 27. 25. Numb 13. 25. Num. 14. 33 â—â— Observat. 4. 〈…〉 Matth 4. 8. Chap. 19. 5. Gen. 3. 16. Verse 17. Verse 24. 2 Chron. 12. 10 Mar. 8. 36. The Second consideration of Adonibezek's words Observat. 1. Gen. 42. 21. Exod. 9. 27. Numb 21. 7. 2. Chro. 33. 12. Psal. 119. 71. Observ. 2. Psal. 73. 2 3. Observat. 3. Gen. 42. 21. Verse 22. Pâ—â—ris libamus auro saith the Poet that is Libamâ—â— patâ—â—â— ex auro Chalyboâ—◠〈…〉 * Exod. 23. 15. Mat. 11. 28 29 Sâ—n a burtheâ— and load in â—eâ—pect of â—â—e we giâ—t of Punisâ—ment Loathsomness The reason of Sin 's Loathsomness Heb. 11. 6. Ioh. 1. 29. â— Tâ—â— 12. 13. Matâ— 19. 6. Mat. 11. 29. Acts 4. 12. Iames 2. 〈◊〉 Matt. 7. 2â— Of Lowliness Matt. 5. â— 1 Sam. 16. 7. Prov. 3â— 8 9. * This was preached Anno 1625. when there was a great plague in London Iames 4. 6. 1 Pet. 5. 5. Of Meekness 1 Iâ—â—n 2. 3. * Esa. 48. 22. Phil. 4. 7. Prov. 31. 6. Luke 23 34. Nehem. 9. 17. Ioel 2. 13. Verse 11 12. Vers 13. Verse 14. Verse 15. Acts 10. 4. Verse 3. * Verse 4. * Verse 5. * Verse 6. Verse 2. See Discourses III. and XI Acts 15. * Acts 10. 45 46. Verse 20. Hag. 2. 7. See Discourse III. at the end * Exo. 23. 〈◊〉 Deut.
est tanto si delinquit peccatâ— major est Isidor * In Levit. 4. 3. the Sacrifice for the anointeded Priests that is the High Priest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the LXX and the Targâ—m of Onkâ—los render it was a Bullock and the same Sacrifice was to be for the whole People or Congregation Ver. 14. The Sacrifice for â—â—e Ruler or Prince was a Kid of the Goâ—ts a male Ver. 23. The Sacrifice for one of the common people was a Kid of the Goats too butâ— female Ver. 28. For any one private person was inferior to the Prince who was to bring a male as Abâ—n Ezra here observes * In Leviâ— 4. 3. the Sacrifice for the anciâ—â—ed Priests that is the High Priest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the LXX and the Targâ—â— of Oukâ—loâ— render it was a Bullock and the same Sacrifice was to be for the whole People or Congregation Ver. 14. The Sacrifice for â—e Ruler or Prince was a Kid of the Goâ—ts a male Ver. 23. The Sacrifice for one of the common people was a Kid of the Goats too butâ— female Ver. 28. For any one private person was inferior to the Prince who was to bring a male as Abâ—n Ezra here observes De â—ivit Dei lib. 3. cap. 1â— Rev. 12. 9. 20. 2. Maâ— 16. 5. Matth. 28. 3. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 2 Thes. 2. â— * Eph. 6. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Cor. 11. 14. Gen. 27. 36. Eph. 4. 27. * Matth. 7. * See Discourse 28. p. 144 c. Iudges 1. 7. * In the foregoing Discourse * Rom. 8. 21. * Ibid. Gen. 3. 17 18. * Nat. hist. l. 8. c. 21. * Cap. 27. * Some think these to be the Zuzims in Gen. 14. 5. Cic. l. 1. de Legibus Cum natura caeteras animantes abjecisset ad pastum solum hominem erexit c. Gen. 3. 7. Gen. 3. 15. Luke 15. 7â— 10. 1 Pet. 5. 8. 〈◊〉 7. 14. 1 Cor. 15. 56. Iohn 12. 31. Chap. 16. 33. * That these words are to be translated thus see it proved in Boâ—k III. in thâ— Dâ—course of The Apostasie of the latter times Chap. 1. * In the New Testament◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the pâ—oâ— is more than once put for the Iews 〈…〉 Actâ— 21. 28. and in Chap. 26 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pâ—ople and the Gentiles are opposed the like in Verse 23. as in Chap. 9. 15. are opposed the Gentiles and the children of Israel called in the two foregoing places the people See also Chap. 28. 17. 2 Pet. 2. 1. Matth. 13. 24. 25. 2 Pet. 1. 19. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. * By way of Irony False Prophets pretended the name of God * An inferior Order of Gods * In his Symposium * See this proved in Book III. in the Treatise of The Apostasie of the latter times in Chap. 3. Note that what immediately followed here in the former Edition is in this omitted because it is verbatim and with additions exprest in the forementioned Apostasie of the latter times in Chap. 3. Chap. 4. * 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 in Book III. in The Apostasie of the 〈…〉 in the beginning of Chap. 5. 1 Kings 15. 30 34. and elsewhere 1 Kings 12. 28. 2. Châ— 22. 3. See this more fully exprest in the Apostasie of the latter times in the end of Chap. 10. 2 Kings 22. See Comment in Apocal. Chap 17. in Book III. Note that what follow'd here in the former Edition is now omitted as being the very same with that in The Apostasie of the latter times about the middle of Chap. 10. where there is an Answer to this Question Whether and in what manner our Church was Visible under the Antichristian Apostasie and in what respects it was not â—isible and in both agreeable to the true Church under the Apostasies of Israel * Exod. 20. 2. See Deut. 29. 25. 2 Kings 17. 35. * 1 Thes. 1. 9. Conversion to Christianity is called a turning from Idols to serve the true God and to wait for his Son Iesus Christ Therefore Apostasie is a return to Idols from the true God and his Son Iesus Christ. * Exod. 16. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Cor. 10. 3 4. * Psal. 78. 24 25. Two Rocks out of which Israel drank * Exod. 17. 7. Numb 20. 1â— * Num. 20. 19 Deut. 26. Vide Psal. 78. 16. Psal. 105. 41. * Wisd. 16. 20. Thou didst send them from heaven 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bread prepared without their labour Gal. 3. 23. Exod. 16. 1â— 1 Cor. 2. 8. Matt. 11. 30. Iugum meum suave est Guslate videâ—e quoniam suaâ— is est Domiuns Psal. 34. 8. 1 Cor. 13. 9. 1 Ioh. 3. â— Esa. 53. 5 6. Chap. 55. 1. Iohn 4. 14. Exod. 12. Rev. 13. 8. Gal. 5. â— * S. Austin de Civ Dei l. 18. c. 11. idem in Ps. 73 muluâ—â—que alies in lociâ— S. Hâ—erâ—nym l. 2. com in Gal. 5. 6 Isidor l. 2. de differentiis Spirit dist 28. * This is frequently observed by S. Austin as in Ep. 120. ad Honoratum l. 10. de Civ Dei c. 15. l. 4. contra faullum Maâ—ch c. 11. l. 1. de 〈◊〉 contra Donat. c. 15. Luke 2 25 3â— 1. Pet. 1. 10. 11. * Iohn 1. 45. Obserâ—at 〈◊〉 Gâ—n 3. 1â— The 2 Covenants described of Works â— â—race What was 〈◊〉 open and what the secret or hidden Covenant under the Law Ier. 31. 33. Matt. 6. 33. Observat. 2. Mat. 26. 26 28 * Iohn 10. 7. Observat. 3. Iohn 6. 53. Hab. 2. 4. Matt. 26. 26 27. Luk. 19. 8. Matt. 14. 7. * Chap. 4. 9. Ch. 3. 16. Psal. 116. Observat. 4. * Peace-offerings were ever annexed to the Burnt-â—fferings that were for any particular persons and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Offerings for the whole Congregation * Lev. 7. 14. 32. * Deut. 16. 16. * or Gentileâ— 1 Cor. 10. 5. * Matt. 3. 17. Vers. 32. * So in Levit. 19. 19. Thou shalt not sow thy field with mingled seed * 2 Cor. 6. 14. * Levit. 24. 9. * Ch. 6. 25 26. * Ch. 7. 6. Matt. 7. 6. Lev. 11. 44 c. 1 Cor. 11. 27. Eph. 5. 29. Psal. 51. 14. 2 Cor. 10. 5. 1 Cor 11. 29. 1 Cor. 11. 3â— Psal. 95. 11. 2 Kings 9. 22. Psal. 69. 22. Matth. 26. 24. * In Ep. 118. In primo populo unicuique Manna secundum propriam voluntatem in ore sapiebat See this emphatically expressed in Wisdom 16. 20 21 * Luke 13. 26. Exod. 3. 5. Matth. 18. 20. Deut. 16. 16. 1 Cor. 14. 40. Exod. 35. * S. Ambrose as also the Greek Scholiasts by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here understand Velamen or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quâ— se viâ—o subditam indâ—ceâ— The Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies the womans â—â—il and rendred by the Targum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
the Sea there are Islands to be met with which are commodious for habitation fruitful and well watered and accommodated with convenient harbors and ports for those who are distrestat Sea to repair to for their safety so is it in the world which is a very troubled Sea tempestuous and tossed by reason of sin God hath here providâ—d Synagogues or Holy Churches as we call them wherein the Truth is diligently taught and whither they repair who are lovers of the Truth and desire in good earnest to be saved and to escape the judgment and wrath of God * Clâ—m Alex. in Opere Quis fit ille dives qui salvetur apud Euseb. Hist Eccl. lib. 3. â— 17. Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Also in this Century undoubtedly were extant those Fabricks in the Cemeteries of S. Peter in the Vaticane and of S. Paul in via Ostâ—nsi which could be no other thaâ— some Christian Oratories whereof Gains speaks in â—usib and calls Throphaea Apostolorum lib. 2. cap. 24. Ab Anno 200. ad 300. a All the day long shall the zeal of Faith speak to this point bewailing that a Christian should come from Idols into the CHURCH that he should come into the HOUSE OF GOD from the shop of his enemy that he should lift up to God the Father those hands which were the mothers and makers of Idols and adore God with those very hands which namely in respect of the Idols made by them are adored without the Church viz. in the Heathens Temples in opposition to God and that he should presume to reach forth those hands to receive the Body of our Lord which are imploy'd in making Bodies that is Images for the Demons That according to the Gentiles Theology Images were as Bodies to be informed with Demons as with Souls see the Treatise of the Apostasie of the latter Times chap. 5. in Book III. b The house of our Dove that is of our Dove-like Religion or the Catholick flock of Christ figured by the Dove c In short The Dove is wont to point out Christ. d Plain without such a multiplicity of doors and curtains e In high and open places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyril Hier. * Luke 1. 78. * Lib. 2. c. 57. al. 61. a Let the House be long and built Eastward * Apol. c. 16. * De Spect. â— 25. ad Vxoâ— l. 2. c. 9. De coâ—on miâ—t cap. 3. De velandiâ— virginiâ—us c. 3 13. b Coming to the Water to be baptized not only there but also somewhat asore in the CHURCH under the hand of the Bishop or Priest we take witneâ—s that we renounce the Devil and his Pomp and Angels and afterwards we are drenched thrice in the Water c The Temples of God shall be as common and ordinary Houses Churches shall be utterly demolished every where the Scriptures shall be despised d The Sacred Edifices of Churches shall become heaps and as a desolate lodge in an Orchard there shall be no more Communion of the precious Body and Bloud of Christ Liturgy shall be extinguished Singing of Psalms shall cease Reading of the Scriptures shall no more be heard * Ex Psal. 79. 2. caelesis similibus â—uâ—ta LXX IIebr in â—cervâ—â— seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 desolationes Cap. 49. e The Christians being in possession of a certain publick place and challenging it for theirs and on the other side the Taverners alledging that it belong'd of right to them the Emperor's Rescript in favour of the Christians was this That it was better that God should be worshipt there after what way soever than that it should be delivered and given up to the Taverners a 1. Weeping the first degree of Penance was without the Porch of the Oratorie where the mournful sinners stood and beg'd of all the Faithful as they went in to pray for them 2. Hearing the second degree was within the Porch in the place called Narthex the place where these penitent Sinners being now under the Ferula or censure of the Church might stand near to the Catechumens and hear the Scripture read and expounded but were to go out before them 3. Prostration or Lying along on the Church-pavement These Prostrate ones were admitted somewhat further into the Church and went out with the Catechumens 4. Standing or Staying with the people or Congregation These Consistentes did not go out with the Catechumenes but after they and the other Penitents were gone out stay'd and joyn'd in prayer with the Faithful 5. Participation of the Sacraments b How that by becoming all things to all men he had in a short time gained a great number of Converts through the assistance of the Divine Spirit and that hereupon he had a strong desire to set upon the building of a Temple or Place for Sacred assemblies wherein he was the more encouraged by the general forwardness he observed among the Converts to contribute both their moneys and their best assistances to so good a work This is that Temple which is to be seen even at this day This is that Temple the erection whereof this Great person being resolved to undertake without any delay he laid the foundation thereof and therewithal of his Sacerdotal i.e. Episcopal Prefecture in the most conspicuous place of all the City c Whereas all other Houses whether Publick or private were overthrown by that Earthquake this Gregorian Temple alone stood firm without any the least hurt He was made Bishop Anno 249. lived until 260. d The Lord's House e The Church f Thinkest thou O Matron which art rich and wealthy in the Church of Christ that thou dost celebrate or commemorate the Lord's Sacrifice that is that thou dost participate the Lord's Supper worthily as thou oughtest who dost not at all respect but art regardless of the Corban who comest into the Lord's House without a Sacrifice or Offering nay who takest part of the poor mans Sacrifice feedest on what he brought for his Offering and bringest none thy self Script â—n 253. a What then remains but that the Church should yield to the Capitol and that the Priests withdrawing themselves and taking away the Altar of our Lord Images and Idol-Gods together with their Altars should succeed and take possession of the Sacrary or place proper to the sacred and venerable Bench of our Clergy b The Altar of our Lord and the place for the sacred and venerable Bench of the Clergy c Idol-Gods and Images together with the Altars of the Devil d might enter into the House of God e The Emperour C. P. L. Galienus to Dionysius Pinnas Demetrius and the rest of the Bishops Greeting What I have been pleased graciously to do for the Christians I have caused to be published throughout the world viz. That all men should quit the Worshipping-places for the Christians use And therefore you may make use of the Copy of my Letters to the end ye may be secured from any future attempts to disturb you
blessed the Congregation which stood in the outward Court 2 Chron. c. 6. v. 12 3. and they sacrificed that day and all the time of the Feast viz. in the Courts though the Priests could not enter the Covered Temple for the glory of the Lord which filled it * Viz. the Trumpets * Chap. 8. 10. See before in Chap. 2. Sect. 6 * See before in Chap. 3. Sect. 1. * Chap. 7. * Chap. 14. 1. * Chap. 13. 11. * Chap. 14. 4. * Vers. 15. * Vers. 18. * Vers. 20. * Decemb. 27. * Num. 2. 2. a Ch. 3. 4. ch 6. 11. ch 7. 13. b Ch. 2. 11. ch 20. 6. 14. ch 21. 8. * The Lxx. have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Israil is often in the Psal. and elsewhere in Scripture called God's inheritance * Vers. 4. * Vers. 4. * 〈…〉 Vide Commâ—ns Apocal ad cap. 8. vers 8. * The Caesars were Pontifices maximi as well as Augusti and received the Pontifical Stole at their inauguration yea Constantine and his sons received the Stole and bore the Title though they executed not the Office Gratian was the first that refused both * The Demi-Caesars kept their Court at Ravenna never at Rome The Numbers of Times in Dan. 12. have also been taken definitely by those who yet differ about their Epocha * This is more fully demonstrated in the next Chapter * Roma meretrix rides the Beast under his last Head * Chap. 9. v. 5. * Vers. 15. * Chap. 16. 12 c. Dan. 10. 2â— * Targum Hierosolym Targum Ionâ—thanis * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * This is the Author 's own Argument to what follows See the meaning of those days in the Author 's learned Discourse De Nuâ—heris Danielis c. which is the last Discourse in this Third Book * Compare Dan. 11. 31. Chap. 12. 11. See page 531. * See pag. 534. * See in Book V. the words of Gaius out of Eusebius with the Author's Animadversions Thâ—s was wroté before his Comment on the Apocal. and so were the other Tracts in these Râ—mains except that in Chap. 9. be of a later date Dan. 7. 13. Zach. 12. 10. See in Book V. the Author 's short Tract styled The Mystery of S. Pauls Conversion or The Type of the Calling of the Iews Revel 20. 4. Chap. 20. 6. * See in Book IV. the Authors 2d Letter to D. Meddus where this is largely treated of See also above in this Book in the Appendix to the Apocal. his Epist. ad Amicum De Resurrectionâ— Prima c. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Vid. Act. Concil Niceni apud Gelas. Cyzicen l. 1. c. 23. â—l 24. ‖ In Catech. 14. * Hades is properly the place of Separate Souls whether good or bad after death * Ezek. 38. 15. chap. 39. 2. a If that which S. Peter here describeth were foretold by the old Prophets then must S. Peter be so expounded as it may be shewn in them and agree with them a This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or last days should seem to be the time of the Churche's Apostasie under Antichrist according to that of S. Paul 1 Tim. 4. 1. In the latter times some shall depart from the Faith giving heed to spirits of error and doctrines of Daemons For as the times of the fourth and last of Daniel's Kingdoms were the last times in general during which Christ was to come and found his Church and Kingdom so the latter times of the Fourth Kingdom being that period of a Time times and half a time wherein the wicked Horn should domineer are the latmost times of the last times or last times in special b I take Promise here for Res promissa the thing promised the Antithesis implying that to be the meaning viz. The scoffers say Where is the Promise of his coming Nevertheless we look for a New heaven and New earth according to his Promise But here is somewhat Reader in the application wherein thou mayest erre but be not thou uncharitable in thy censure nor think I am For although the crying down and condemning of the opinion of the Chiliasts will be found to be near upon the beginning of the times of the Antichristian Apostasie which I suppose to be called the last times and that the utter burying of that Opinion falls within these times yet thou must know 1. That there is not the like reason of the first Authors of crying down a Truth and of those who led by their authority take it afterward without further examination for an Error 2. To scoff is one thing and barely not to believe is another 3. 'T is one thing to deny a promise simply and another to deny or question the manner thereof as also to reject a Truth sincerely propounded and when it is intangled with errors as that of the later Chiliasts may seem to have been c I take Promise here for Res promissa the thing promised the Antithesis implying that to be the meaning viz. The scoffers say Where is the Promise of his coming Nevertheless we look for a New heaven and New earth according to his Promise But here is somewhat Reader in the application wherein thou mayest erre but be not thou uncharitable in thy censure nor think I am For although the crying down and condemning of the opinion of the Chiliasts will be found to be near upon the beginning of the times of the Antichristian Apostasie which I suppose to be called the last times and that the utter burying of that Opinion falls within these times yet thou must know 1. That there is not the like reason of the first Authors of crying down a Truth and of those who led by their authority take it afterward without further examination for an Error 2. To scoff is one thing and barely not to believe is another 3. 'T is one thing to deny a promise simply and another to deny or question the manner thereof as also to reject a Truth sincerely propounded and when it is intangled with errors as that of the later Chiliasts may seem to have been As touching the Iews and the impeachment of this Opinion amongst them in the latter times I find amongst the Doctors of the Gemara or Gloss of their Talmud which was finished about 500 years after Christ a Tenet of one R. Samuels often mentioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That there was to be no difference between the present state of the world and the days of Messiah but in respect of the bondage under the Kingdoms of the Gentiles only thereby opposing the more ancient opinion and tradition of the Renovation of the World After this time there appears to have been amongst the Iews a Sect of the followers of the opinion of this R. Samuel which at length was greatly advanced by the authority of that learned Maimonides who having drunk too deep of the Philosophy of Aristotle wherein he was admirably skilful became a
Reformed Churches This Letter signifies Mr. Mede's hearty well-wishing to Mr. Dury's Pacifick design but withal intimates his reasons why he judgeth himself not so fit and able to serve him herein Thus out of his great modesty he wrote at first to Mr. Dury but was afterward prevailed with to communicate what he thought most adviseable in this affair as appears by several Letters of his in Answer to Mr. Dury and Mr. Hartlib which the Reader will find toward the end of this Fourth Book Matth 5 〈◊〉 This Letter contains Lud de Dieu his Reply to that one part of Mr. Medâ—'s Letter which treated of some various Readings in the Hebrew Text. See that Letter of Mr. Medâ—'s in Book III. pag. 569. * Vers. 35. * Zâ—ch 11. 13. This Letter returns Mr. Medâ—'s thanks to Lud. de Dieu for the Book he sent him viz. his Notes upon the Acts of the Apostles with some Observations upon the foregoing Reply * Rev. 21 2â— * See 〈◊〉 XXI XXII * In the Mâ— there seems some mistake in the writing Rom. 8. * For how should a man interpret that Parable Luke 19. 11. and so forward with satisfaction and other like passages as Matth. 19. 28. Heb. 11. 8. c. and that a little before quoted Apocal. 5. 10. And how little footing will be found in the Old Test. of the Life to come unless we go this way to work * Apocal. 10. 2 Thess. 1. 10. N. B. Simile quid habet Irenaâ—uâ— lib. 5. c. 36. lin 6. a cap. 7. 18. b Psal. 27. 13. c Matt. 5. 5. d Esai 26. 6. * Mark this last I beseech you whether he could mean it otherwise than on earth The Sixth as also the seventh Letter of Dr. Twisse's are not entirely to be found among the Mâ—s. but only some pieces of them there was in the first Edition some confusion in the printing of them * Dan. 11. 45. * Vers. 44. * which I 〈◊〉 you to send back when you return my other papers N. B. * Sic vocat quod in terris tuâ—urum asserit utpose de coelo sive coelitus vel in quo coelesti Angelicâ vivetur vitâ * Vide. n. de Spectaculis c. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. 5. 6. 10. 30. * Dan. 11 44 45. explained See the foregoing verses explain'd in Book III. p. 674. * ch 16. 12. * Dan. 12. 11 12. At what time the Author wrote these lines it seems he had not perfected his thoughts concerning the meaning of these Numbers and the Epocha thereof but afterwards he wrote an elaborate Discourse expressing his last and more concocted thoughts concerning this Argument which the Reader may find in Book III. page 717. * Upon that Text Sanctuarâ—â—m meum reveremini Levit 19. 30. See Book II. p. 398. So yet among the Lutheranâ—e * See this in page 579. Herein you have satisfied me already as anon I observe * See Book 1. Discourse 9. * See Book 1. Discourse 14. Aâ—â—ic 3. Sect 26. Hostin de Origine Altarâ—â—m * So Hippocrates sometimes callâ— a burning-Fever as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 otherwise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. Apoca. 16. 8. 9. * This was printed at the end of the Remain upon the Apocalyps but wanted both the beginning and the latter part of this Letter * Whence Luke 2. 23. for that in the Law Whatsoever openeth the Womb is mineâ— is quoted Every Male that openeth the Womb shall be called Holy unto the Lord. * I must pass it by but see Exod. 29. 42. ch 30. 36. Num. 17. 4. in which God himself gives ratio nominis The Tabernacle of meeting where I will meet with thee ‖ Vers. 23. * Vers. 24. * Note that the LXX perpetually render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Tabernacle of meeting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Tabernacle of the Testimony as it is called in the N. T. and sometimes in the Old viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Ark 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein were the Tablâ—s which contained the Articles of the Covenant and Manna which was the Bread of the Covenant * So he hears them whensoever they are made yet is there one day in the week set apart for his solemn worship Eadenâ— est ratio Temperis Loci The Iewâ— report the Ark was set upon a stone placed at the West-end of the most Holy place See Maiâ—on apud Amsworth in v. 10. chap. 17. Num. S. Hierome implies as much in that speech of his Vt sciamus traditiones Apostolicas sumptas ex Veteri Testamento quod Aaron filii ejus Levitae in Templo fuerunt hoc sibi Episcopi Presbyteri atque Diaconi vindicant in Ecclesia * That which we usually in our Translation call Meat-offering might more fiâ—ly be termed Bread-offering for such it waâ—and consider that the Sacrifices being flesh were not eaâ—en without bread and drink which therefore were concomâ—â—nts of them * Iustin in Apolog. 2. Apoc. 21. 2◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maâ—th 12. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Viz. his Letter of Iuly 21. at what time he was very sick The Letter contains his thanks for the foregoing large Letter and also for some other Papers Mr. Mede sent particularly that about the Sabbath and the Lord's Day printed now in Book 1 pag. 55. on which argument he exspatiates in that letter which need not be printed there appearing no Answer to it among Mr. Mede's MSS. * He means Mr. Mede's Discourse on Zach. 4. 10. printed now in Book 1. pag. 40. and his Objection was this Do not the Olive â—râ—es by the oyl which they drop maintain the Lamps 〈◊〉 surely they maintain not those Seven Angels they rather maintain uâ— * See this printed in Book III. pag. 569. ‖ â—See Book III. pag. 571. and Book IV. pag. 786. ‖ â—See Book III. pag. 571. and Book IV. pag. 786. * Concerning the 7 Lamps * See the Discourse about the seven Archangels in Book I. pag. 41. * And what if he be the Stâ—ne with the seven eyes in Zach. 3. â— Dedi coram Iosualapidem i. e. dedi ei in successorem Pontificatûs Râ—gem Pontificâ—m For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in Scripture a King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as appears by Gen. 49. 24. where Iosua is firstly meant and Ephraim challenged much from the Prophecy as appears by their ambition and by Esa. 28. 16. where the Chaldee for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in Genesis they translate to another sense out of envy to Ephraim * Mat. 27. 9. 10 The Discourse upon this Notion was soon after finisht by him as appears by the following Epistle See the Discourse it self in Book III. pag. 717. * See Epistle XLIII * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * In this Letter of Mr. Mede'â— was enclosed â— his Latina Discourse De Numeris
Dan. or Revelatioâ—â— Antichristi which he promised to finish in the foregoing Letter a See Epistle 41. and Apostasy of the latter times ch 16 17 b viz. 1290 and 1335 in Dan 12. This Letter of Mr. Mede's is in answer to some other Letter of Mr. E. not to the foregoing Letter the Answer to which is not yet come to our hands Tâ—â— to the like Doubis propounded by others what Mr. Mede answered may be seen in his Epistola ad Amicum Book III. page â—71 and in Book IV. Epistle 22. and Epistle 66. Sect. 6. * 2 of the 7 Precepts of Noah See Book I. page 19. It may be confirmed out of the Acts where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who were of the order of those Prosehtes of the Gate are found to frequent the Synagogues diligently every Sabbath-day as the Iews did Acts â—3 vers 14 42 43. ch 17. vers 1 4 17. ch 16. 13 14. ch 18. 4. * 2 Kings c. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tuns sequitur orandi forma * Out of conformation to the times of Worship and Prayer in the Iewish Church whose custome and practice herein gave opportunity and freedom at the beginning to exercise the like in the Christian there residing yea even sometimes in the chambers of the Temple it self which were wont to be taken up by Fraternities and Companies coming thither to worship But this could not be so regularly observed among the Gentiles without much difficulty and danger Consider Acts 2. 46. with Acts 3. 1. Ch. 4. 3. For the ninth hour answers our Evening-prayer and then began the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Iews This Sixth Section containing Tâ—e description of the great Iudgement accorded with Apocal. 20. was in the former edition of Mr. Mede's Epistles printed at the end of his First Letter to Dr. Meddus * Kaâ—rat â—â—junllim quae tempoâ— diâ—â—sa sorent Nâ—â—dum cum Agnus Lâ—â—rum suturâ—â—mâ— mâ—nu sedentis super Thronom resignandum acceperat quo temâ—ore â—ec omnia particielatiâ—â— distinctnis potefacienda crant The former part of this as also of the following Letter contains matter either of News or of private concern * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Rom. 10 * See Book III. page 571. 2 Chron. 34. * 1 Cor. 15. 52. * Vers. 51 52. * See this cleared in Epistle IXVI. Sect. 6. * This is that Epistola ad Amicum c. begâ—â—â—ng with C. â—onâ—ocie See 〈◊〉 printed in Book III. page 571. * viz. The Holy Table Name and Thing * See Epistle VIII page 743 * See Epist. LVI * Dan. 7. 25. * See this printed in Book II. pag. 398. * See this printed in Book II. pag. 340. * Exod. 3. 5. ‖ Ios. 5. 15. * Chap. 2. 10 * Mat. 23. 23. Iohn 4. * I meant Between Sacred Things Persons Times and Places and Prosane The neglect or violation of the respect due to all which may in a large sense be termed Sacriledge And then consider wheâ—her that of S. Paul Thou that hatist Idols dost thou commit Sacriledge God may not in time upâ—raid the Reformation wâ—th This was that I reached at But the Sanctification of Holy Time cannot possibly be maintained unless we admit the like for Holy Places Things Persons All move upon the same principles * This he corrects in Epist. LXXV * viz. his Discourse about Churches c. 1 Cor. 11. 22. In the first Edition page 660 was only printed a piece of this Letter which was all that could then be found or the rude draught of an Answer written in haste upon the backside of Dr. Twisse's Letter But in this is presented the whole Letter as it was perfected by the Author and copied ouâ— of the Original MSS. * Ecclesiast Hiâ—â—arch cap. 2. De Mysterio Baptismi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He adds to this the two places in the New T. and so affirms it is found but thrice in all But for my part I doubt whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in those places of the New T. at least both of them can be evinced to be used in that sense if a man should deny it The following Letters though some of them are of an ancienter date than some of the foregoing Letters are here placed together because most of them treat of the same Arguments viz. The right Notion of a Fundamental Article together with The best Method of pursuing and Procuring Peace amongst the Protestant Reformed Churches * Casp. Sâ—â—eso * His Claviâ— and Commentary upon the Apocalyps This Letter after thanks to Mr. Medâ— for his Book upon the Apocalyps as also for his well-wishingâ— to the Pacifick design among Protestants represents Mr. Dury's maâ—ner of Addreâ—â— and Treating with the Baâ—avian Churches and withall desires Mr. Mede's judgment thereof * 1 Cor. 6â— 4. In this Letter Mr. Durâ— represents the Heads of his design for a Pacification amongst the Pâ—â—â—â—â—ants particularly in Germany and withal intreats Mr. Mede's Advice thereupon In this Letter Mr. Mede approves the Heads and method of Mr. Dury's Pacifick design and advises him to urge men to define the Ratio of a Fundamental Article but withall intimates the reason why many are and will be averse from thinking of any such Definition * So should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be rendred not In hoc nor In hac re as the Valg and Erasmus nor Interea with Beza but with the Syriack and Arabick Propterea Hâ—braâ—smus est ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in sape valâ— propter Ceâ—â— Iâ—pâ—â— 1 Can. 7. * In this Edition pag. 427. * To the first of those years whereof Cyrus reigned 9. Vid. Can. Ptol. * Xenophon Cyropaed 2 Chron. 36. 22. Ezra 1. 1. * Ier. 25. 12. 29. 10. Dan. 9. 2. * Ier. 52. 28. * Seâ— this largely treated of in Book IV. Epist. XVII Isa. 59. 19. 4. 5. Dan. 7. 13. Zach. 12. 10. 2 Macc. 2. 8. Matth. 23. 39. Matth. 24. 27. 30. Revel 1. 7. * Isa 54. 13. Ier. 31. 34. â— Zaâ— 13. * Intelligâ—t áâ—ctum Petri cap. 3. c. * Seu vastitas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * See the rest of this quotation printed in Book IV. Epist 22. page 776. * Apocal. 13. 3. * Luther in c. 11. Genes Tom. 2. fol. 2. Conjiciâ— Deum certo suo consiâ—io in Abrahamo 60. annos intercidere voluisse nè ex annorum mundi certa ratione quisquam de fine mundiâ—certi aliquid prâ—dâ—cere prâ—sunâ—eret * Iuxta sâ—â—â—ent Clâ—mentis Alex. Eâ—leb Hieronym Theodoret. Occâ—men c. Plura de Hieronymo vide in Lib. III. pag. 602. Lib. IV. Ep. 51. in 〈◊〉 Epist. 64. * to be come or that is come That which is here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 2. 18. Antichrist is â—â—ne not shall come Simon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyril Catech. 6.
* Hâ—res 28. * Act. Ap. 15. Constit. Aposâ— 1. 6. cap. 8. * â—cil Romaâ—â— * 1 Io. 2. 18. 1 Ep. 2. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * i. Quaterniouis Regnerum a Transitio Siâ—â—â—â— exâ—mplum Soph Pasuk malè pâ—sitae vid. Gen. 23. 17. alibi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Articulus hâ—c loco non est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed ut alibi nonnunquam solet â—aniâ—m certum eximium quid dâ—sigâ—aâ— Sic Esai 7. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Tropo Prophetico Dii Subigi domari dicuntur cùm subiguntur Gentes Urbes quibus prae esse putabantur vide Esai 46. 2. Ier. 50. 2. 51. 44. item c. 48. 7. Quemadmodum vice versâ quod magìs mireris Diis servire politicè scilicet qui colla Gentibus quorum Dii fuerint submittere coacti sunt ut Deut. 4. 28. cum locis parallelis c. 28. v. 36 64. Ier. 16. 13. quibuscum compone 1 Sam. 26. 19. In quae omnia vide Chaldaeum Paraph. Hîc tantùm operae pretium erit expendere morem Romanis solennem cùm Urbes obsiderent Deos Deásve illarum praesides carmine evocandi Ãnque suas partes hostium tutelâ abjectâ adigendi Cujus formulam vide apud Macrob. l. 3. Saturnal c. 8. * Similâ—m praefixi usum 〈◊〉 Ezra 1. 5. lev 16. 21. Numer 5. 15. 32. 33. 33. 2. Hujus ediâ— p. 475 476. * Vel â—osque Maâ—uzzimos nimirum * Ephesus primitiva Ecclâ—siâ—e Typus plurima fortiter passae sed tandem in amore dâ—crescentis unde Apostasia 2 Thess 2. and 1 Tim. 4. 1. ‖ No more haâ—e the first 6 Trumpets only ingruss we know by the Text where the First of them beginneth and where the Sixth endeth * the Saracens * the same is said of the Woman's being in the Wilderness ch 12. 6. * Numb 16. * Hades is the state of Separate Souls whether good or bad after death * Vulgaâ— legebat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sanctus * Dan. 10. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Principâ—s prâ—marâ— * Vide Hieron ad Matth. 1. 1. 2. Christi filii Davidis filii Abraham Abraham genuit c. Vide Tractatam de Doctrinis Daemoniorum 1 Tim 4. 1. pag. 623. Vid. Resp. ad D. Lâ—weni Stricturas Lib. III. pa. 551. * Quid sâ—miendum sit de O 〈…〉 riticis hisce Vâ—de Comment Apocal p. 451. * in Pers. Trucul * Sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non tantum poenam sed culpam significat Ezech. 7. 23. * Tertul. adv Iudaeos c. 9. Sic Babylon apud Ioannem nostrum Romanae Vrbis figuram portat proinde magna Regno superba Sanctorum debellatricis Idem habet l. 3. adv Marcionem * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Isai. 63. 3â— Thren 1. 15. Targum 〈◊〉 * Civitaâ— magna * Rom. 25. Commutârunt veritatem Dei in mendacium c. * Vide Comment Apocal pag. 48. â—â—85 * Not four Heads as some coâ—ceive but four 〈◊〉 on one Head the Man's face being the forward â—ace * The Lxx. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heb◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 * Vâ—â—â— â— * The Song of the Resormed Churches all the time the 〈◊〉 are pâ—â—ring upon the Beast * Vers. â— * Vers. 6. * See the Author's clearer explication of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon Lud. de Dieâ—'s Letter to him pag. 569. SEAL 1. Chap. 6. 2. SEAL 2. Vers. 4. SEAL 3. Vers. 5. SEAL 4. Vers. 8. SEAL 9. Verse 9. SEAL â— Verse 1â— * Verse 13 14. * Verse 13 14. * Chap 8. 1. Verse 3. Verse â— TVBA â— Verse â— TVBA 2. Verse 8. TVBA 3. Verse 10. TVBA 4. Verse 12. TVBA 5. Ch. 9. 3. Verse 5. 10. TVBA 6. Verse 14. * Verse 15. ‖ Verse 20. * Verse 15. TVBA 7. Ch. 11. 14. * Ch. 16. * viz. the Prophecy of the Seals and the Prophecy of the Book opened * Ch. 11. â— * Ch. 12. 7. * Verse 9. ‖ Verse 1â—â— * Verse 6 8â— 14. * Ch. 11. 2. * Verse 3. Verse 7. 9. * See a farther account of her being in the Wilderness in the Short Observations Chap. 12. Comment Apocal in locum * Chap. 14. 1. * Chap. 7. 3. * viz. Ch. 7. * Ch. 13. 1. 11. ‖ Chap. 17. * Ch. 17. 8. * Verse 9. 10. * Verse 11. * Ch. 12. 3. * Ch. 17. 3. * Chap. 16. * Chap. 15. 1.
Discourses the First is added in this Edition all but the Second of them were made by him in his younger days and all of them but the Last are elaborate and argue his great reading and study The Last which is plainer than the rest was added because the latter part thereof especially is a fit Supplement to Discourse 39. and withal because the whole is a pregnant proof of his freedom from Vaingloriousness and Affectation a Disease to which Young men are most subject and that he knew as to discourse learnedly before capable Hearers and to prepare strong meat for those of full age so likewise to become weak to those that were weak in imitation of the Great Apostle of the Gentiles and when he was to speak before a Country-Auditory to express himself in a very plain and familiar way Which ability and readiness of condescending to the meanest capacity was a Vertue and Perfection in him worthy of praise and imitation rather than an unseemly debasement and lessening of himself The Great S. Augustine was pleas'd to humble himself to a yet lower condescension he would speak sometimes broken and barbarous Latine before some sort of Hearers so it were better understood by them as Ossum for Os c. upon the mentioning of which instance he adds Melius est ut nos reprehendant Grammatici quam ut non intelligant populi In general His Style is every where grave and proper and fitly expressive of his sense an argument that he was Master of his Notions and did fully comprehend them Nor is it easie to find many Writers that in treating upon Prophetical and Obscure Scriptures of any other Abstruse arguments have either illustrated them with that clearness that easie and punctual accommodation of them to their proper Events or represented their Notions so handsomely and advantageously as he hath done To be short In his Discourses and Sermons there is nothing that is light humorous and trifling no little pieces of Wit or slight Phancy no high-flown nor affected Modes of expression no needless Quotations of the meaner and less-significant Sentences out of Authors with which some such especially who are less acquainted with the inward sense and relish of Better things endeavour to make their Discourses look very fine and as they think wondrous learned hoping thereby to gratifie some weak and Childish minds and by them to be had in admiration whose Applause yet is in the esteem of Wise men a Disparagement No His great care was to make his Discourses rather substantial and solid sit to entertain such as are of a more Manly and serious spirit than gawdy and quaint and pleasing only to those that are but Children and not grown to be Men in Understanding as being well assured that to men of judgment as Petronius hath well observ'd Nihil esset magnificum quod pueris placeret His Generous Soul could not stoop so low as to humor these such a Pedantick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Affectation being in his account a certain sign of a Poorness and Narrowness of spirit a Littleness of Mind when it can thus vacare rebus tam exiguis his interesse ut suis. In a word what is related in the Life of Padre Paolo that Oracle of Venice the famous Author of the History of the Council of Trent and for his scarcely-parallel'd Accomplishments both Intellectual and Moral the Glory and Wonder of that Age Il miracolo di questo secolo as the learned and excellent Vincentius Pinellus of Padua did love to style him may with equal truth be said of Mr. Mede and his Writings viz. That here was an happy conjunction of those Excellencies which rarely meet in one and the same Subject Scienza humilita prudenza e mansuetudine ritir atezza officiosita seriosita e dolcezza brevita e chiarezza soavita e sodezza Knowledge and Humility Prudence and Meekness Retiredness and Officiousness Seriousness and Pleasantness Brevity and Clearness Sweetness and Solidity I might add a word concerning some other Tracts of his and particularly such as besides his Clavis Apocalyptica refer to the Apocalyps and make the three last Chapters in Book V. But concerning these there is an Advertisement there prefixed And for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Remains upon the Apocalyps this in short may suffice to be intimated That they were only an Additional Supplement to the first Draught of his Synchronisms privately communicated to some Friends and were not written after but before his Clavis Commentationes Apocalypticae which were his Last labours upon that mysterious Book and by these his Last Thoughts upon the Apocalyps should be farther cleared and rectified whatsoever may seem in those former Papers less perfect and satisfying Concerning other Tracts of his there are particular Advertisements inserted where thore was need in their proper places And thus much concerning the Author and his Writings I proceed to the last Head of Advertisements III. Advertisements touching the Methods and Helps whereby the Author arrived at such an eminent degree of skill in the more abstruse parts of Knowledge And because it is and ever was the General sense of all Wise and Vertuous persons in the World That the Divine Presence and Assistence is absolutely necessary and therefore to be implor'd in all weighty undertakings that which deserves first to be numbred amongst those Helps to knowledge is I. His humble and fervent Prayer to Almighty God the Father of lights to guide him into all Truth and to give him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a good understanding in all things This was S. Iames his advice If any man lack Wisdom let him ask of God and it shall be given him This was that memorable counsel that a venerable unknown person gave to Iustin Martyr in his Solitude after he had pass'd through the several Philosophies then in being the Stoick Peripatetick Pythagorean and Platonick as a preparation to his receiving the best Philosophy that is the Christian That he would study the Writings of the Holy Prophets and for his better success therein saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he should first and above all things pray unto God that the Gates of light might be opened unto him and in the following of this counsel this great Philosopher became an eminent Christian faithful unto death This was Daniel's practice Daniel whose Prophecy is much-what of the like colour and complexion with S. Iohn's Apocalyps he sets himself and engages the Three Children his companions to do the like to desire mercies of the God of Heaven concerning that Secret of Nebuchadnezzar's Vision of the Four Kingdoms represented by the Image of Four differing mettals And to mention only one Example more but such a one as is most pertinent on this occasion S. Iohn is said to have wept much that none was found that could open the Apocalyptick Book sealed with
leaf hath its several Label inserted in the proper distance with a Seal and several impressions of Emblematical Signature each several leaf being taken and unsealed in order the several matter therein contained will appear and no more of any of the rest till they be opened in order Thus far Mr. Haydock The Transcript of his Letter for the Original could not be met with being imperfect was not fit to be printed He also acquainted Mr. Mede in his Letter with a purpose he had to represent in lively Pictures the Apocalyptick Visions and sent him the Pictures of the Cherubins done by himself for a Specimen of his skill in that Art wherein he had exercised himself for many years having in his younger days translated out of Italian and published the works of Io. Paolo Lomazzo concerning The Art of Painting EPISTLE XXIV Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Haydock wishing him to perfect his design of representing the Apocalyptick Visions in lively Pictures and applauding his ingenious observation upon the form of the Seven-sealed Book Humanissime Cultissime Vir ACcepi literas tuas benevolentiâ humanitate plenas in quibus favorem meum ambis hominis scilicet nihili nedum ut tu putas papali nescio quo fastâ—dio digni Sed ut caetera quà m nihil sum sciam probè non sum tamen tam ab humanitate procul ut animo tam in me propenso par pari reddere nesciam Et verò tu abunde meritus es ut tibi faveam qui sic ultro compellas amicitiam defers De libello meo quod attinet si quid exinde fructûs vel ad te vel ad alios redierit Deo Opt. Max. in solidum sit gloria Ejus enim solius est quicquid est boni meum nihil praeter imbecillitatem ignorantiam Illud autem vehementer doleo quòd te priùs non novissem quà m Opusculum illud meum in lucem ediderim sanè multò ornatius operâ tuâ prodiisset Cherubinorum quadriformium Iconas quas misisti longè elegantissimas novo artificio visendas summa cum animi voluptate contemplor neque satìs pro merito suo laudare aut quod potiùs nullâ in talibus facultate praediâ—um fari decet admirari possum Utinam totius Consessûs Apocalyptici typum eâdem manu delineatum aliquando videre liceat Sane nusquam domum tibi à Deo collatum sanctiùs collocaveris quà m in divinissimae istius Prophetiae typis ad vivum delineandis Cylindri tui Sigilliferi ingeniosa observatio est quae priùs mihi licèt saepiuscule ea de re cogitanti in mentem non venerat imò an omnino talis Voluminis forma in qua uniuscujusque Sigilli reseratio novam ordine scripturam legentium oculis subjiceret dari possit addubitaverim De re verò ipsa adhuc incertus sum quid statuerem Aliquando in ea sententia fui Visiones istas Sigillares non literarum notis in volumine scriptas sed Iconibus quibusdam depictas sub Sigillorum tegellis latuisle iisque reseratis visui non ad legendum sed contemplandum ordine quamque suo patuisse atque ad hanc mentem verba ista ad Ioannem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haud ineptè accommodari posse Postea animadverti hanc opinationem meam Narrationi Apocalypticae universae non convenire utpote cum in Sigillo quinto sexto oratio rei visae tribuatur praeterea in Sigillo septimo Tubarum visa non simul eodem tempore exhiberi sed ordine successivè in aspectum produci observaverim Ad haec apparatum clangori praevium ità describi ut non nudis rerum visarum Iconibus in Volumine quocunque tandem id fiat modo depictis nec nudâ earundem scripturâ led omnino repraesentatione extrinsecâ rem gestam fuisse fateri oporteat Tandem igitur quoniam inconcinnum nimis videbatur solâ repraesentatione extrinsecâ rem peractam affirmare nihil prorsus conferente Libro in eam sententiam prolapsus sum Utrumque conjungendum esse dicendúmque Singula quidem Vaticinia in Volumine sive Signis Iconismis sive literis descripta exarata fuisse ea verò Ioanni caeterÃsque coelestis Dramatis spectatoribus non aliter quà m repraesentatione forinsecâ recitationis viam explente propalam fuisse facta Scilicet eodem ferè modo ac in Dramatis nostris Academicis fieri amat ubi actoribus cum libris adstent monitores Cùm enim neque Agnus ipse è libro recitaret quidquam neque Apostolus tam propinquus ei adesset stabat enim Agnus juxta seslorem Throni ut è resignantis manu legere potuerit necesse est eum hâc quam dixi ratione singula percepisse Hasce meditationes meas ut apud me expromerem effecit humanitas tua jam desino plura Deum verò Opt. Max. veneror ut selicem tibi senectutem vitam longiorem beatae illius prodromam largiatur Ian. 20. 163â—â— Tui studiorúmque tuorum pro merito aestimator I. M. EPISTLE XXXV Sir William Boswell's Second Letter to Mr. Mede touching his Book sent to Ludovicus de Dieu Good Mr. Mede I Am sure long ere this by my Brother T. B. you have understood which you shall by this present that your Letters of 15 March 13 May 9 11 16 Iune with Letters and a Book inclosed to Ludovicus de Dieu came safely to my hands in London as his unto him from you since my return hither For this last week he was President of a Provincial Synod held de decennio in decennium by the Ministers of Holland in this Town so as I delivered the token of your love with my own hand into his but in so busie a time I could not expect an Answer or other than thanks which he prayed me to render in abundance for the special honour you had done him thereby Divers other Letters Responsory to Beverovicius have been long expected but Salmasius delay in his wherein he would omit nothing set or fallen from the Ancients especially Philosophers to that purpose hath cast all other mens arrier whom I should be as glad to see because together with their learning I should how well they had learned tenere modum for ought I know a most necessary part of Scholarship and Philosophy It grieved me not a little that I could not see you in England but in recompence I hope now and then to see your countenance and affection in black and white for which you shall have returns from this place of all sorts it yields and you affect when I know what will be most wellcome being evermore Your most assured and ancient friend William Boswel Hague 25. Iuly 1634. EPISTLE XXXVI A Third Letter from Sir William Boswell to Mr. Mede touching his Book sent to Ludovicus de Dieu Good Mr. Mede WHat entertainment your Letters and Book found with Ludovicus de Dieu you
will see ere long by his own in answer his time hitherto having been taken up by being President in a Provincial Synod of Holland and publishing his Annotations upon the Acts of the Apostles It was sufficient for me to receive many thanks for the conveiance and that which was better better than Musick to hear innumerable commendations of so near a Friend though I knew them due for 't is no small pleasure to see debts paid where we think our selves to have Interest At my coming last into England I lay above three weeks wind-bound in the Briel where I enjoyed the company of the Minister Author of the inclosed which I have gained by my acquaintance and send it for your affection to the Argument by this bearer son of Desiderius Heraldus whose works and worth you know of old that you may for the Father's and my sake give him now and them conference and advice about such studies as he pursues wherein himself will open his own mind It will be a great kindness if Doctor Ward whom I pray salute from me will give him countenance and access at his times of leisure which you may procure and thereby oblige both him and me and his Father my old and singular friend You may see by this and that title how glad I should be to meet opportunities of doing any thing for your self that might assure you with what truth and readiness of serving you I shall ever be Your most affectionate Friend as of old William Boswel Hague Sept. 1634. EPISTLE XXXVII Monsieur Testard his Letter to Mr. Brooks about his translating Mr. Mede ' s Clavis Apocal. into French as also concerning the Number of the Beast's Name SIR I Have translated into French that I might communicate it to divers friends the Book you sent upon the Revelation which seems to me worthy admiration and full of comfort to those that expect the consolation of Israel I desire earnestly if it may be obtained the opinion of the Author touching a conceit came into my mind whilst I was reading the Book particularly that which he remarks upon the number of 144000 and upon 666 the name of the Pseudoprophetical Beast with the Reason he gives of the composition of the name all of 6 which is That the number of 666 ariseth from the multiplication of 3 Vnites joyned together making up the number of III. That these three Vnites set forth the three Offices of Christ which pertain to him incommunicably and distributively and conjoyntly considered All which the Pseudoprophetical Beast usurps conjoyntly in which consists particularly his Antichristianism And this multiplication produceth the number of 666 as also the multiplication of 12 by 12 which is the Apostolical number produceth the 144000. That for this reason the number of 666 is called the number of a man in the singular number because it is in one only man whereas the number of 144000 is a number of men in the plural number and drawn from the number of men If the Author hath set forth any other Treatises I desire earnestly you would send them to me From Bloys in France Iune 1634. P. Testard EPISTLE XXXVIII Mr. Brook's Letter to a Friend DOE me the favour as to request Mr. Mede to give some satisfaction to the request of this Gentleman my especial friend and to suffer some Manuscripts which he hath not yet published to be copied out to be sent him either in Latin or English I will satisfie his pains that shall undertake it with promise that nothing shall be communicated but to private friends Your assured Friend Ioh. Brooks Westminster 23. Feb. 1634. EPISTLE XXXIX Reverendo Doctissimo Viro D. D. Mede Paulus Testardus S. P. D. QVantâ me laetitiâ totum perfuderint Vir Reverende Doctissime quas ab amplissimo Viro D. Ioh. Brooks accepi literas quae singularem tuam erga me non modò immeritum sed ignotum humanitatem testantur desunt mihi verba voces quibus significem vix profectò eam capit animus Etenim non modò eae mihi exhibuerunt quae in mei gratiam dignatus es de mysterio Numeri Nominis Bestiae scripto explicare sed etiam de optatissimi ad tuam Dignitatem accessûs facultate mihi per eum facta certum fecerunt Isto V. R. D tanquam salvo conductu securus non diutiùs haesi quin ad te istas transmitterem quibus gratias quantas possum maximas R. tuae pro eximio isto beneficio referrem primùm ut ex animo refero tum Quaestionis quae ad te perlata fuit occasione descriptâ rem ipsam genuinam meam mentem ampliùs aperirem quod sic cum bona D.T. venia facio Praeteriit jam ferè triennium ex quo D. Brooks cum quibusdam Anglicè scriptis libris Clavim tuam Apocalypticam cum Commentariis pro liberali suo ergae me affectu misit Opus sine nomine sed invitante materiâ mittentis commendatione statim perlegi deinde saepius saaviter trahente Rationum turunt pondere atque industriae expositionis elegantiâ concinnitate relegi non tantùm Dei donum in te saepius miratus sed aliquid tibi assidenti ut loqueris alicubi revelatum addam extra ordinem facilè persuasus Dicam verbo Nihil unquam mihi visum in Apocalypsin non dicam quod cum Clavi tua Expositione aequandam veniat sed quod ad eas propè accedat Atque ut ità sumus naturâ comparati ut ejus boni cujus nos maximè oblectat fruitio cognitionem cum aliis facilè communicemus nec verò duntaxat cognitionem Bonorum spiritualium salutarium sed ipsam etiam tanta est eorum praestantia fruitionem horas aliquot quando sivit perpeâ—uus muneris mihi à Deo misericorditer demandati labor versioni Scripti tui in linguam Gallicam impendi ut pretiosissimi istius ac divini the sauri fruendi copiam amicis meis facerem si sine eorum quibus sine summa necessitate displicere est nefas offensa licuisset Publico etiam Versionem typis vulgandam curando suavissimam utpote proculdubio futuram consolationem iis omnibus qui Israelis Dei ut scitè vocas subrogati consolationem exspectant Regnúmque illud Christi Septimae Tubae deinceps aequè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Possúmque procul adulationis arte D. T. sincerè profiteri animum meum singulis tuis Expositionibus tam plenum praebuisse assensum quà m praeberi potest ab eo qui non caeco impetu sed ratione ducitur atque in re ut agnoscis ipse non parum difficili Ipsámque adeo rationem quam reddis Numeri nominis Bestiae Bicornis visam mihi convenicntissimam Nec enim quicquam in literis meis ad D. Brooks tanquam illud Expositioni tuae adversum patarem proponere unquam mihi fuit animus sed quod maximè ei