and this he relateth by way of recapitulation as it was reuealed vnto him I saw saith he a great white throne and one that sate on it from whose face flew away both the earth and heauen and their place was no more found He saith not and heauen and earth flew away from his face as importing their present flight for that befell not vntill after the iudgement but from whose face flew away both heauen and earth namely afterwards when the iudgment shall be finished then this heauen and this earth shall cease and a new world shall begin But the old one shall not be vtterly consumed it shall onely passe through an vniuersall change and therefore the Apostle saith The fashion of this world goeth away and I would haue you with-out care The fashion goeth away not the nature Well let vs follow Saint Iohn who after the sight of this throne c. proceedeth thus And I sawe the dead both great and small stand before God and the bookes were opened and another booke was opened which is the booke a of life and the dead were iudged of those things which were written in the bookes according to their workes Behold the opening of bookes and of one booke This what it was hee sheweth which is the booke of life The other are the holy ones of the Old and New-Testament that therein might be shewed what God had commanded but in the booke b of life were the commissions and omissions of euery man on â—…th particularly recorded If we should imagine this to be an earthly booke 〈◊〉 as ours are who is he that could imagine how huge a volume it were or how long the contents of it all would be a reading Shall there be as many Angells as men and each one recite his deeds that were commited to his guard then shall there not bee one booke for all but each one shall haue one I but the Scripture here mentions but one in this kind It is therefore some diuine power â—…ed into the consciences of each peculiar calling all their workes wonderfully strangely vnto memory and so making each mans knowledge accuse or excuse his owne conscience these are all and singular iudged in themselues This power diuine is called a booke and fitly for therein is read all the facts that the doer hath committed by the working of this hee remembreth all But the Apostle to explaine the iudgement of the dead more fully and to shâ—…w how it compriseth greate and small he makes at it were a returne to what he had omitted or rather deferred saying And the sea gaue vp her dead which were within 〈◊〉 and death and Hell deliuered vp the dead which were in them This was before that they were iudged yet was the iudgment mentioned before so that as I said he returnes to his intermission hauing said thus much The sea gaue vp her dead c. As afore he now proceedeth in the true order saying And they were iudged euery 〈◊〉 according to his workes This hee repeateth againe here to shew the order 〈◊〉 was to manage the iudgment whereof hee had spoken before in these words And the dead were iudged of those things which were written in the bookes acâ—…g to their workes L. VIVES OF a life So readeth Hierome and so readeth the vulgar wee finde not any that readeth it Of the life of euery one as it is in some copies of Augustine The Greeke is iust as wee â—…d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of life without addition Of the dead whom the Sea and death and hell shall giue vp to Iudgement CHAP. 15. BVt what dead are they that the Sea shall giue vp for all that die in the sea are not kept from hell neither are their bodyes kept in the sea Shall we say that the sea keepeth the death that were good and hell those that were euill horrible â—…dity Who is so sottish as to beleeue this no the sea here is fitly vnderstood to imply the whole world Christ therefore intending to shew that those whome he found on earth at the time appointed should be iudged with those that were to rise againe calleth them dead men and yet good men vnto whom it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are dead and your life is hidden with Christ in God But them he calleth euill of whome hee sayd Let the dead bury their dead Besides they may bee called dead in that their bodies are deaths obiects wherefore the Apostle saith The 〈◊〉 is dead because of sinne but the spirit is life for righteousnesse sake shew that in a mortall man there is both a dead body and a liuing spirit yet said hee not the body is mortall but dead although according to his manner of speach hee had called bodies mortall but alittle before Thus then the sea gaue vppe her dead the world waue vppe all mankinde that as yet had not approached the graue And death and hell quoth hee gaue vp the dead which were in them The sea gaue vp his for as they were then so were they found but death and hell had theirs first called to the life which they had left then gaue them vp Perhaps it were not sufficient to say death onely or hell onely but hee saith both death and hell death for such as might onely die and not enter hell and hell for such as did both for if it bee not absurd to beleeue that the ancient fathers beleeuing in Christ to come were all at rest a in a place farre from all torments and yet within hell vntill Christs passion and descension thether set them at liberty then surely the faithfull that are already redeemed by that passion neuer know what hell meaneth from their death vntill they arise and receiue their rewards And they iudged euery one according to their deedes a briefe declaration of the iudgement And death and hell saith he were cast into the lake of fire this is the second death Death and Hell are but the diuell and his angells the onely authors of death and hells torments This hee did but recite before when he said And the Diuell that deceiued them was cast into a lake of fire and brimstone But his mistical addition Where the beast and the false Prophet shall be tormented c. That he sheweth plainly here Whosoeuer was not found written in the booke of life was cast into the lake of fire Now as for the booke of life it is not meant to put God in remembrance of any thing least hee should forget but it sheweth who are predestinate vnto saluation for God is not ignorant of their number neither readeth hee this booke to finde it his prescience is rather the booke it selfe wherein all are written that is fore-knowen L. VIVES IN a a place They call this place Abrahams bosome wherein were no paines felt as Christ sheweth plainely of Lazarus Luc. 16. and that this place was farre from the dungeon of the wicked but where it is or what is
Cattell dyed also so sore that one would haue thought the worldes vtter vastation was entered And then there was a winter how strangely vnseasonable The snow lying in the Market-place forty daies together in a monstrous depth all Tiber beeing frozen quite ouer If this hadde hapened in our times Lord how it would haue beene scanned vppon And then for that o great pestilence how many thousand tooke it hence which maugre all Aesculapius his druggs lasting till the next yeare they were faine to betake them-selues to the bookes of the Sybils p In which kind of Oracles as Tully saith well in his booke De diuinat the expounders of them are oftener trusted then otherwise gesse they neuer so vnlikely and then it was said that the pestilence raged so because that q many of the Temples were put vnto priuat mens vses Hereby freeing Aesculapius either from great ignorance or negligence But why were these Temples turned vnto priuate habitations without prohibition but onely because they saw they hadde lost too much labour in praying to such a crue of goddes so long and so becomming wiser by degrees had left haunting of those places by little and little and at length abandoned them wholy for the priuate vses of such as would inhabit them For those houses that as then for auoiding of this pestilence were so dilligently repared if they were not afterwards vtterly neglected and so incroched vppon by priuat men as before Varro should bee too blame to say speaking of Temples that many of them were vnknowne But in the meane time this fetch was a pretty excuse for the goddes but no cure at all for the Pestilence L. VIVES A Few a of the greatest The Plebeians either through hate to the Nobles or ambition in them-selues disturbed the common state exceedingly to assure and augment their owne pretending the defence of the peoples freedome notwithstanding in all their courses the Patriots opposed them abstracting from the peoples meanes to share amongst them-selues pretending the defence of the Senates dignity which the state would haue most eminent but indeed they did nothing but contend bandy factions each with other according to his power b deserts Some books put in incesserant but it hurteth the sence c Where then were All this relation of Augustines is out of Liuie read it in him least our repitition becomme both tedious and troublesome d It was scaled Incensum scaled and not incensum fired e SP. Aemilius This must be Melius assuredly by the history f Bed-spreadings It was an old fashion to banket vpon beds But in their appeasiue and sacrifical banquets in the Temples and in the night orgies they made beds in the place for the gods to lye and reuel vpon and this was called Lectisterium Bed-spreading the Citty being sore infected with the plague saith Liuie lib. 5. a few yeares ere it was taken by the Galles the Sybils bookes directed the first Bed-spreading to last eight dayes three beds were fitted one for Apollo and Latona one for Diana and Hercules one for Mercury and Neptune But how this can bee the first Bed-spreading I cannot see seeing that in the secular games that Poplicola Brutus his Collegue ordayned there were three nights Bed-spreadings Valer lib. 2. Censorin de die Natall g Another In yâ— Consulship of C L. Marcellus T. Ualerius was a great question in the Court about poisons because many great men had bene killed by their wiues vsing such meanes h Then grew wars Against the Samnites Galles Tarentines Lucans Brutians and Hetrurians after al which followed Pyrrhus the King of Epirus his warre But now a word or two of the Proletarij the Brood-men here named Seruius Tullus the sixt King of Rome diuided the people into six companies or formes in the first was those that were censured worth C. M. Asses or more but vnder that King the greatest Censure was but C X M. Plin lib. 33. the second contained all of an estate between C. and LXXV Asses the third them vnder L. the fourth them vnder XXXV the fift them vnder XI the last was a Century of men freed from warre-fare Proletarii or Brood-men and Capiti-censi A Brood-man was hee that was rated ML Asses in the Censors booke more or lesse and such were euer forborne from all offices and vses in the Cittie beeing reserued onely to begette children and therefore were stiled Proletarii of Proles brood or ofspring The Capite Censi were poorer and valued but at CCCLXXV asses Who because they were not censured by their states were counted by the poll as augmenting the number of the Cittizens These two last sorts did Seru. Tullius exempt from all seruice in warre not that they were vnfit them-selues or hadde not pledges to leaue for their fealty but because they could not beare the charges of warre for the soldiers in those daies maintained them-selues It may be this old custome remained after the institution of tribute and the people of Rome thought it not fitte that such men should go to warre because that they accounted all by the purse This reason is giuen by Valerius and Gellius But these Brood-men were diuers times ledde forth to the wars afterward mary the Capite Censi neuer vntill Marius his time and the warre of Iugurthe Salust Valer. Quintillian also toucheth this In milite mariano And here-vppon Marius their Generall was called Capite Census i Pyrrhus Descended by his mother from Achilles by his father from Hercules by both from Ioue This man dreaming on the worlds Monarchy went with speed at the Tarentines intreaty against the Romaines hence hoping to subdue Italie and then the whole world as Alexander had done a while before him k Who asking Cicero de diuinat lib. 2 saith that it is a verse in Ennius Aio and as in the text Which the Poet affirmeth that the Oracle returned as answer to Pyrrhus in his inquiry hereof Whence Tully writeth thus But now to thee Apollo thou that sittest vpon the earths nauell from whence this cruel and superstitious voice first brake Chrysippus fill'd a booke with thine Oracles but partly fained I thinke and partly casuall as is often seene in ordinary discourses and partly equiuocall that the interpreter shall need an interpreter and the lotte must abide the try all by lotte and partly doutful requiring the skil of Logike Thus farre he seeming to taxe Poets verse with falshood Pyrrhus is called Aeacides for Achilles was son to Peleus and Peleus vnto Aacus Virgill ipsumque Aeacidem c. meaning Pyrrhus l Pyrrhus was conqueror Pyrrhus at Heraclea ouerthrew Valerius Consull but got a bloudy victory whence the Heraclean victory grew to a prouerb but after Sulpitius and Decius foyled him and Curius Dentatus at length ouerthrew him and chased him out of Italy m And in this This is out of Orosius lib. 4. hapning in the Consulship of Gurges and Genutiuâ—… in Pyrrhus his warre n Prince of
eyther excerciseth the humility or beates downe the pride nothing a at all in nature being euill euill being but a priuation of good but euery thing from earth to heauen ascending in a degree of goodnesse and so from the visible vnto the inuisible vnto which all are vnequall And in the greatest is God the great workeman yet b no lesser in the lesse which little thinges are not to be measured to their owne greatnesse beeing neare to nothing but by their makers wisedome as in a mans shape shane his eye-brow a very nothing to the body yet how much doth it deforme him his beauty consisting more of proportion and parilyty of parts then magnitude Nor is it a wonder that c those that hold some nature bad and produced from a bad beginning do not receiue GODS goodnesse for the cause of the creation but rather thinke that hee was compelled by this rebellious euill of meere necessity to fall a creating and mixing of his owne good nature with euill in the suppression and reforming thereof by which it was so foyled and so toyled that he had much adoe to re-create and mundifie it nor can yet cleanse it all but that which hee could cleanse serues as the future prison of the captiued enemy This was not the Maniches foolishnes but their madnesse which they should abandon would they like Christians beleeue that Gods nature is vnchangeable incorruptible impassible and that the soule which may be changed by the will vnto worse and by the corruption of sinne be depriued of that vnchangeable light is no part of God nor Gods nature but by him created of a farre inferiour mould L. VIVES NOthing a at all This Augustine repeats often and herein do al writers of our religion besides Plato Aristotle Tully and many other Philosophers agree with him Plato in his Timaeus holds it wicked to imagine any thing that God made euill he being so good a God him-selfe for his honesty enuied nothing but made all like him-selfe And in his 2. de rep he saith The good was author of no euill but only of things good blaming Hesiod and Homer for making Ioue the author of mischiefe confessing God to be the Creator of this vniuerse therby shewing nothing to be euill in nature I will say briefly what I thinke That is good as Aristotle saith iâ—…â—…s â—…etorik which we desire either for it selfe or for another vse And the iust contrary is euil wâ—…efore in the world some things are vsefull and good some auoideble bad Some 〈◊〉 and indifferent and to some men one thing is good and to others bad yea vnto one man at seuerall times seuerall good bad or neuter vpon seueral causes This opinioÌ„ the weaknesse of our iudgements respects of profit do produce But only that is the diuine iudgement which so disposeth all things that each one is of vse in the worlds gouernment And hee knoweth all without error that seeth all things to bee good and vsefull in their due seasons which the wise man intimates when hee saith That God made all things good each in the due time Therefore did hee blesse all with increase and multiplication If any thing were alwayes vnprofitable it should bee rooted out of the creation b No lesse Nature is in the least creatures pismires gnats bees spiders as potent as in horses oxâ—…n whales or elephants and as admirable Pliny lib. 11. c Those This heresie of the Manichees Augustine declareth De heres ad Quod vult deum Contra Faust. Manich. De Genes ad liter Of the error that Origen incurreth CHAP. 23. Bvt the great wonder is that some hold one beginning with vs of all thinges and that God created all thinges that are not of his essence otherwise they could neuer haue had beeing And yet wil not hold that plaine good beleefe of the Worlds simple and good course of creation that the good God made all thinges good They hold that all that is not GOD after him and yet that all is not good which none but God could make But the a soules they say not part but creatures of God sinned in falling from the maker being cast according to their deserts into diuers degrees down from heauen got certaine bodies for their prisons And ther-upon the world was made say they not for increase of good but restrrint of bad and this is the World Herein is Origen iustly culpable for in his Periarchion or booke of beginnings he affirmes this wherein I haue much maruaile that a man so read indiuine scriptures should not obserue first how contrary this was to the testimony of scripture that confirmeth all Gods workes with this And God saw that it was good And at the conclusion God saw all that hee made and loe it was very good Auerring no cause for this creation but onely that the good God should produce good things where if no man had sinned the world should haue beene adorned and filled b onely with good natures But sin being commited it did not follow that all should be filled with badnes the far greater part remaining still good keeping the course of their nature in heauen nor could the euil willers in breaking the lawes of nature auoyd the iust lawes of the al-disposed God For as a picture sheweth well though it haue black colors in diuers places so the Vniuerse is most faire for all these staines of sins which notwithstaÌ„ding being waighed by themselues do disgrace the lustre of it Besides Origen should haue seene and all wise men with him that if the world were made onely for a penall prison for the transgressing powers to bee imbodyed in each one according to the guilt the lesse offenders the higher and lighter and the greater ones the baser and heauier that then the Diuels the worst preuaricators should rather haue bin thurst into the basest that is earthly bodies then the worst men But that we might know that the spirits merits are not repaid by the bodies qualitie the worst diuell hath an c ayry body and man though he be bad yet of farre lesse malice and guilt hath an earthly body yea had ere his fall And what can be more fond then to thinke that the Sunne was rather made for a soule to be punished in as a prison rather then by the prouidence of God to bee one in one world as a light to the beauty and a comfort to the creatures Otherwise two ten or en hundred soules sinning all a like the world should haue so many Sunnes To auoyd which we must rather beleeue that there was but one soule sinned in that kind deseruing such a body rather then that the Makers miraculous prouidence did so dispose of the Sunne for the light comfort of things created It is not the soules whereof speake they know not what but it is their owne soules that are so farre from truth that they must needes be attanted and restraned Therefore these three I
the vnbridled out-rage of dissolute souldiers at the sacking of Cities For when HALARICVS was ready to enter into the Citty he caused two Edicts to bee proclamed to his souldiers The one was that euery man should abstaine from slaughter and laying violent handes vpon any person because such cruell deedes did highly displease him The other was that whosoeuer had taken Sanctuarie in the temples of the chiefe Apostles should haue no harme done vnto them nor those holie temples bee prophaned by any and that the offendor should suffer death The City of Rome was taken by the Gothes after it was founded Anno. M. C. L. XIIII Cal. April PLAVIVS and VARRO being Consulls But after what manner is was taken the Historiographers make small relation PAPT STA EGNATIVS saith that he had the manner of the taking of it out of the workes of PROCOPIVS a Greeke author and that hee did not a little maruell why the Interpreter did wittingly and willingly ouer-skippe that place or if it were so that hee lighted vpon an vnperfect booke that hee tooke no better heed to marke what was wanting I my selfe haue not seene PROCOPIVS the Greeke author therefore the truth of the cause shall relie vpon the credit of EGNATIVS a man verie industrious and learned as farre as I canne iudge by his workes These are his words ensuing HALARICVS had now besieged Rome the space of two yeares when HONORIVS remayning carelesse at Rauenna was neither able nor durst come to succor and releeue the Citty For hee regarded nothing lesse then the wel-fare and safety of the City after the death of STILICO hauing no care to place another Generall in his roome which might haue managed the warres against the Gothes These things were motiues to stirre vp the Gothes to besiege the Cittie perceiuing that either the Romane souldiers daylie decaied or that they went about their affaires without any corage But when they found that they could not winne it by force hauing besieged it a long time in vaine then their barbarous enemies turne their thoughts to attempt what they may doe by policy And now they beginne to make a false shew of their departing home into their owne country wherefore they call three hundered young men out of their whole army excelling in actiuity of body and corage of minde which they giue as a present to the Noble-men of Rome hauing instructed them before hand that by their lowly carriage and obsequious seruice they should bend themselues to win the fauor and good liking of their maisters that on a certaine day concluded betwen them about noone-time when the Romane princes were either a sleepe or idly disposed they should come speedily to the gate which is named Asinaria Porta there suddenly rushing vpon the keepers murder them speedely and then set open the gate for their country-men to enter beeing ready at hand In the meane while the Gothes prolonged their returne dissembling cunningly that some-time they wanted this thing and some-time that At last these three hundered young men wakeâ—…il to take the tide of oportunity dispatched their taske coragiously which they had vndertaken at the appointed day set the gate wide open to their countri-men and friends Now the Goths hauing gotten entrance rifle ransack spoile and wast the whole City procuring far greater dishonor shame vnto the Roman Nation then they did losse by the taking of it There are some which thinke the gate was set open by the meanes of PROBA a most famous wealthy woman pittying the lamentable and distressed case of the common people who died euery where like brute beasts pined with famine and afflicted with grieuous diseases There are two things worthy of serious marking first that HALARICVS made an Edict that no violence or harme should be offered vnto them which fled into the Temples of the Saints especially of Saint PETER and PAVL which thing was carefully kept Next when it was told HONORIVS being at Rauenna that Rome was lost hee thought it had beene meant of a certaine French-man a quarrellous and fighting fellow whose name was ROME maruelling that hee was so soone gone with whom hee had so little before beene most pleasant And thus much writeth EGNATâ—…VS Now the most blasphemous and wicked people faâ—…sly imputed the cause of all their miseries and enormities vnto the Christian Religion denying that euer it would haue come to passe that Rome should haue beene taken if they had kept still the Religions deuoutly obserued by their Ancestors and commended by tradition vnâ—…o their Posterity As though the French-men before time had not taken wasted and ransacked that Citty for the very same cause namely for the breach of their oth yea at that time when the prophane ceremonies of their Heathenish Religion as they say were in their chiefest prime and pride And as though few Christian Emperors had managed their affaires well or as though the decay of the Empire and ruine of it did not begin vnder the Emperors of the Gentiles And as if HONORIVS had not lost Rome by the same negligence and sloathfulnesse that GALIENVS lost Aegipt Aâ—…a 〈◊〉 passing the matter ouer with a pleasant test when newes came vnto him of thâ—… lâ—…se of them Wherefore against these slanderous persons who would haue beene enemies and aduersaries of the Christian Religion though no calamity had happened to them AVGVSTINE wrote two and twenty bookes defending the Citty of God that is to say the Christian Religion against the rage and fury of their frantick and impious calumniations FINIS The argument out of the second booke of the Retractations of Saint Augustine TRiumphant Rome ruinated and deiected from her throne of Maiesty into a gulphe of calamity by the violent irruption of the barbarous Gothes managing their bloudy wars vnder the standard of ALARICVS the worshippers of false and many gods whom wee brand in the fore-head with the common name of heathenâ—… Pagans began to breath out more damnable and virulent blasphemies against the true GOD then their bestiall mouthes had euer breathed out befâ—… labouring with might and maine to lay a heape of slanders vpon the neck of Christian relâ—…on as the wicked Mother of all this mischiefe and murderer of their worldly happinesse Wherefore the fire and zeale of Gods House burning within my bowells I resolued to compile these bookes of the Citty of God to batter down the strongest hold of their bitter blasphemies and dispel the thick clowds of their grosse errors Some yeares passed ouer my head before I could compile and finish the whole frame of this worke by reason of many intercedent affaires whose impatient hast of quick expedition would admit no delay But at last this great and laborious worke of the Citty of God was ended in two and twenty bookes of which the first fiue rebate the edge of their erronious opinions which build the prosperity of humane affaires vpon such a tottering foundation that they thinke it cannot stand long
them in these wordes b Gens inimica mihi Tyrrhenum nauigat aequor Ilium in Italiam portans victosque penates The nation that I hate in peace sayles by with Troy and Troyes falne Gods to Italy c Yea would any wise-man haue commended the defence of Rome vnto Gods already proued vnable to defend them-selues but suppose d Iuno spoke this as a woman in anger not knowing what shee said what saies the so often surnamed e godly Aeneas him-selfe does he not say plainly f Panthus Otriades arcis Phoebique sacerdos Sacra manu Victosque deos parvumque nepotem Ipse trahit cursuque amens ad limina tendit Panthus a Priest of Phaebus and the Tower Burdned with his falne gods and in his hand His poore young nephew flyes vnto the strand Doth he not hold these Gods which he dares call falne rather commended vnto him then he to them it being said to him g Sacra suosque tibi commendat Troia penates To thee doth Troy commend her Gods her all If Virgill then call them fallen Gods and conquered Gods needing mans helpe for their escape after their ouerthrow and fall how mad are men to thinke that there was any witte shewen in committing Rome to their keeping or that it could not be lost if first it lost not them To worship conquered and cast Gods as guardians and defenders what is it but to put by good deityes and adore wicked i diuells Were there not more wisdome shewen in beleeuing not that Rome had not come to this calamitie vnlesse it had first lost them but that they had long since come to nothing had not Rome beene as the especially carefull keeper of them Who sees not that will see any thing what an idle presumption it is to build any impossibility of beeing conquered vpon defenders that haue bene conquered and to thinke that Rome therefore perished because it had lost the Gods k guardians when possibly the onely cause why it perished was because it would set the rest vpon such soone perishing guardians Nor listed the Poets to lye when they sung thus of these subuerted Gods it was truth that inforced their vigorous spirits to confesse it But of this more fitly in another place hereafter At this time as I resolued at first I wil haue a little bout as wel as I can with those vngrateful persons whose blasphemous tongues throw those calamities vpon Christ which are onely the guerdons of their owne peruersnesse But wheras Christs name alone was of power to procure them their vndeserued safety that they do scorne to acknowledge and being madde with sacrilegious petulancy they practise their foule tearmes vppon his name which like false wretches they were before glad to take vppon them to saue their liues by and those filthy tongues which when they were in Christes houses feare kept silent to remaine there with more safety where euen for his sake they found mercy those selfe-same getting forth againe shoot at his deity with al their envenomed shafts of mallice and curses of hostility L. VIVES QVo a semel Horace Epist. 2. Commonly cited to proue the power of custome in young and tender mindes such is this too Neque amissos Colores Lana refert madefacta fuco Wooll dyde in graine will not change hew nor staine b Gens inimica Aeneads the 1. Iuno was foe to Troy first because they came from Dardanus sonne of Ioue and Electra one of his whores Secondly because Ganymede Trois son being taken vp to heauen was made Ioues cup-bearer and Hebe Iunos daughter put by Thirdly because Antigone Laomedons daughter scorned Iunos beauty being therfore turned into a storke Lastly because shee was cast in the contention of beauty by the iudgement of Paris Priams sonne c Yea would any wise man The discourse of these Penates houshould or peculiar Gods is much more intricate then that of the Palladium I thinke they are called Penates quasi Penites because they were their penitissimi their most inward proper Gods Macrobius holdes with them that say they are our Penates by which we do penitùs spirare by whom we breath and haue our body by whom we possesse our soules reason So the Penates are the keepers or Gods Guardians of particular estates The Penates of all mankind were held to be Pallas the highest Aether Ioue the middle Aether and Iuno the lowest Heauen also hath the Penates as Martianus Capella saith in his Nuptiae And on earth euery Citty and euery house hath the peculiar Gods Guardians For euery house is a little Citty or rather euery Citty a great house And as these haue the Gods so hath the fire also Dionysius Halicarnasseus writeth that Romulus ordained perticular Vesta's for euery Court ouer all which his successor Numa set vp a common Vesta which was the fire of the Citty as Cicero saith in his 2. De legibus But what Penates Aeneas brought into Italie is vncertaine Some say Neptune and Apollo who as we read built the wals of Troy Other say Vesta For Virgill hauing said Sacra suosque c. To thee doth Troy commend her Gods c. Addes presently Sic ait manibus vittas Vestamque potentem Aeternumque adytis effert penetr alibus ignem This said he fetcheth forth th' eternall fire Almighty Vesta and her pure attire Now I thinke Vesta was none of the Penates but the fire added to them and therefore the Dictator and the rest of the Romaine Magistrates on the day of their instalment sacrificed to Vesta and the Gods guardians Of this Vesta and these Gods thus saith Tully in his twentith booke de natura deorū Nam vestae nomen c. The name of Vesta we haue from the Greekes it is that which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And her power is ouer fires and altars Therefore in the worship of that Godesse which is the guardian to the most inward and internall things all the praiers and sacrifices offered are externall Nor are the Penates far different from the power aforesaid being either deriued from Penu which is whatsoeuer man eateth or of penitūs in that they are placed within and therefore called of the Poets Penetrales chamber or closetary gods Thus far Tully But here is no time for further dispute of this matter Dionysius in his first booke saith he saw in a certaine blinde obscure temple not far from the Forum two Images of the Troian gods like two young men sitting and hauing Iauelins in their hands two very old peeces of worke and vpon them inscribed D. Penates and that in most of the temples were Images in fashion and habit like these old ones I make no question these were Castor and Pollux for in other places they are called the Romanes Penates which Prudentius testifies vnto Symmachus in these wordes Gemini quoque fratres Corruptâ de matre nothi Ledeia Proles Nocturnique equites celsae duo numina Romae Impendent c. And the two
it hath been done or no but de Iure whether it were to be done or no. For souÌ„d reason is before example al authorities to the contrary as wherevnto all examples do consent being such as by their excellence in goodnesse are worthily imitable neither Patriarch Prophet nor Apostle euer did this yet our Lord Iesus Christ when hee admonished his disciples in persecution to flie from city to city might haue willed them in such cases to make a present dispatch of themselues and so to avoide their persecutors hadd hee held it fitte But if hee neuer gaue any such admonition or command that any to whome hee promised a mansion of eternity at their deaths should passe vnto their deaths on this fashion lette then the heathen that know not God produce al they can it is plainly vnlawful for any one than serueth the onely true God to follow this course But indeed besides Luâ—…ia of whome I think we haue sufficiently argued before it is hard for them to find one other example worth prescribing as a fitte authority for others to follow besides that a Cato only that killed him-selfe at Vtica b not that hee alone was his owne deaths-man but because he was accounted as a c learned and d honest man which may beget a beleefe that to do as hee didde were to doe well VVhat should I say of his fact more then his friendes and e some of them learned men haue said who shewed far more iudgement in disswading the deed and censuring it as the effect of a spirit rather deiected then magnanimous And of this f did Cato him-selfe leaue a testimony in his owne famous Sonne For if it were base to liue vnder Caesars victory why did he aduise his son to this willing him to entertaine a full hope of Caesars clemency Yea why did he not vrge him to go willingly to his end with him If it were laudable in Torquatus g to kill his sonne that hadde fought and foyled his enemy though herein he had broken the Dictators commaund why didde conquered Cato spare his ouerthrowne sonne that spared not him-selfe VVas it more vile to bee a conquerour agaynst lawe then to indure a conquerour against honour What shall wee saie then but that euen in the same measure that hee loued his sonne whome hee both hoped and wished that Caesar woulde spare in the same didde hee enuy Caesars glory which hee h should haue gotten in sparing of him also or else to mollifie this matter som-what he was ashamed to receiue such courtesie at Caesars hands L. VIVES THat a Cato The Catoe's were of the Portian family arising from Tusculum a towne of the Latines The first of this stocke that was called Cato that is wise and wary was Marcus Portius a man of meane discent but attaining to all the honours of Consull Censor and of Triumph His nephewes sonne was Marcus Portius Cato both of them were great and yet innocent men The first was called Maior or the Elder the later Minor or the younger The younger beeing a Leader in the ciuill wars of Pompey tooke his that was the common weales and the liberties part against the vsurparion of Caius Caesar Now Pompey beeing ouercome by Caesar at Pharsalia and Scipio Metellus Pompey his father in law in Affrica this Cato seeing his faction subuerted and Caesar beare al down before him being retyred vnto Vtica a Citty in Affrike and reading Platoe's Phaedâ—… twise ouer together the same night thrust him-selfe through with his sword b Not because he alone No for many in other warres had slaine them-selues least they should fall into the hand of the enemie and in this same warre so did Scipio Metellus Afranius King Iuba c Learned A stoyke and excellently skill'd in the wisdom of the Greeks d Honest the wisdom and innocencie that was in both these Catoes grew into a prouerb and hereof saith Iâ—…all Tâ—…rtius 〈◊〉 Caelo cecidit Cato Now Heauen hath giuen vs a third Catâ—… Velleius Paterculus writing vnto Uinicius thus describeth this Cato Hee was descended from Marcus Cato that head of the Porcian family who was his great grandfather hee was a man like vertues selfe and rather of diuine then humane capacity hee neuer did good that he cared should be noted but because hee could not doe any thing but good as holding that onely reasonable which was iust free was hee from all the corruptions of man and euermore swayed his owne fortune to his owne liking Thus farre Uelleius to omit the great testimonies of Seneca Lucane Tully Saluste and others of this worthy man e some of them learned It is recorded that Apollonides the Stoike Demetrius the Peripatetike and Cleanthes the Phisicion were then at Utica with Cato For he loued much the company of the Greeke Philosophers and his great grand-father neuer hated them so much as he respected them And vpon the night that he slew himselfe on saith Plutarch at supper there arose a disputation about such things as really concerne the liberty of a man wherein Demetrius spoke many things against Cato's constant assertions of the praise of such as killed themselues which indeed was so vehement that it begot a suspicion in them all that hee would follow the same course himselfe f This did Cato himselfe Plutarch writeth that when Cato came to Vtica he sent away his followers by shipping and earnestly preswaded his sonne to goe with them but could not force him to forsake his father This sonne of his Caesar afterwardes pardoned as Liuy saith lib. 114. and Caesar himselfe in his Commentaries of the African warre Hee was as Plutarch saith in his fathers life much giuen to venerie but in the battaile of Phillipi fighting valiantly on his cozen Brutus his side for his countries freedome hee was slaine scorning to leaue the fight when the chiefest captaines fled g to kill his sonne Titus Manlius Torquatus made his sonnes head bee cut off for fighting contrary to the edict though he returned with victory But of this else-where h should haue gotten by sparing of him Commonly knowne is that saying of Caesar to him that brought newes of Cato's death Cato I enuy thy glory for thou enuiedst mine and would not haue it reckoned amongst mine other famous actes that I saued Cato Caesar wrote two bookes called Anticatones against Cato as Cicero and Suetonius testifie The Cardinall of Liege told mee that he saw them both in a certaine old librarie at Liege and that hee would see they should bee sent me which if he do I will not defraud the learned of their vse and publication That the Christians excell Regulus in that vertue wherein he excelled most CHAP. 23. BVt those whom we oppose will not haue their Cato excelled by our Iob that holy man who choose rather to endure all them horrible torments a in his flesh then by aduenturing vpon death to auoide all those vexations and other Saints of high credit and
not to destroy Carthage but euen not to beginne a warre with the Carthaginians without a lawfull and sufficient cause Liuie and others c As if they were young punies Ualerius writeth that Appius Claudius vsed often to say that imployment did far more extâ—…l the people of Rome then quiet that excesse of leisure and rest melted them into slothfulnesse but the rough name of businesse kept the manners of the cittie in their pristine state vndeformed when the sweet sound of quiet euer ledde in great store of corruption d When Carthage was raized Salust in his war of Iugurth saith thus for before Carthage was raized the Senate and People of Rome gouerned the weale-publike wel quietly and modestly betwixt thâ—…-selues nor was there any contention for glory or domination amongst them the feare of the foes kept all the Citty in good arts orders but that feare being once remoued and abolished then the attendants of prosperous estates pride and luxury thrust in vnrestrained e And bloudy sediâ—… As first that of Tiberius Gracchus then that of Caius his brother in which two was the first ciuill effusion of Cittizens bloud beheld the first of these happened tenne yeares after Carthage was destroyed f By continual giuing of worse and worse causes For through the sedition of Caius Gracchus was the office of the Tribuneship inuented and bestowed on Liâ—… Drusus whom the Senators opposed against the Gentlemen who stood for the law that Gracchus had made Hence arose the war called Sociale Bellum because Drusus reformed not the citty as hee promised and hence arose the warre of Mithridates who taking aduantage of this discord of Italie made many thousands of the Italians that traffick'd in his dominions to bee slaine and hence arose the ciuill warre of Marius who sought to gette the vndertaking of this Prouince and warre of Mithridates from Sylla And from the seedes of this warre sprung the warres of Sertorius Lepidus the conspiracy of Catiline and lastly the warre of Pompey And from that sprung the Empire of Caesar and after his death the ciuil warres of Anthony of Brutus and Cassius at the Philippi of Sextus Pompeius in Sicilia and that of Actiâ—… And lastly the common-weales freedome turned into a tiriannical monarchy By what degrees of corruption the Romaines ambition grew to such a height CHAP 30. FOr when 〈◊〉 eâ—…er this lust of soueraignty cease in proud mindes vntill it 〈◊〉 by coâ—… of honours attained vnto the dignitie of regall domination And if their ambition didde not preuaile they then hadde no meane to continue their honours Now ambition would not preuaile but amongst a people wholly corrupted with coueteousnes and luxury And the people is alwâ—…s infected with these two contagions by the meanes of affluent prosperity which Nasica did wisely hold fit to be fore-seene and preuented by not condiscending to the abolishing of so strong so powerfull and so ritch a citty of their enemies thereby to keepe luxurie in awfull feare that so it might not become exorbitant and by that meanes also couetousnesse might be repressed Which two vices once chained vp vertue the citties supporter might flourish and a liberty befitting this vertue might stand strong And hence it was out of this most circumspect zeale vnto his country that your said high Priest who was chosen by the Senate of those times for the best man without any difference of voices a thing worthy of often repetition when the Senate would haue built a a Theater disswaded them from this vaine resolution and in a most graue oration perswaded them not to suffer the b luxurie of the Greekes to creepe into their olde conditions nor to consent vnto the entrie of forraigne corruption to the subuersion and extirpation of their natiue Romaine perfection working so much by his owne onely authoritie that the whole bench of the iudicious Senate being moued by his reasons expresly prohibited the vse of c those mooueable seates which the Romaines began as then to vse in the beholding of Playes How earnest would hee haue beene to haue cleansed the citie of Rome of the d Playes themselues if hee durst haue opposed their authoritie whom he held for Gods being ignorant that they were malitious Diuels or if hee knew it then it seemes hee held that they were rather to bee pleased then despised For as yet that heauenly doctrine was not deliuered vnto the world which purifying the heart by faith changes the affect with a zealous piety to desire and aime at the blessings of heauen or those which are aboue the heauens and freeth men absolutely from the slauery of those proud and vngracious Deuills L. VIVES BVilt a a Theater Liuie in his 48. booke and Valerius Maximus de Instit. antiq write that Ualerius Messala and Cassius being Censors had giuen order for a Theater to bee built wherein the people of Rome might sitte and see playes But Nasica laboured so with the Senate that it was held a thing vnfit as preiudiciall to the manners of the people So by a decree of the Senate all that preparation for the Theater was laide aside and it was decreed that no man should place any seates or sitte to behold any playes within the citie or within a mile of the walles And so from a little while after the third Affrican warre vntill the sacke of Corinthe the people beheld all their playes standing but as then Lucius Memmius set vp a Theater for the Playes at his Triumph but it stood but for the time that this triumph lasted The first standing Theater Pompey the Great built at Rome of square stone as Cornelius Tacitus writeth lib. 14. the modell whereof hee had at Mytilene in the Mithridatique warre Cauea here in the text signifieth the middle front of the Theater which afterward was diuided into seates for the Gentlemen seuered into rankes and galleries Some-times it is taken for the whole audience as Seruius noteth vpon the eight of the Aeneads b The luxurie of the Greekes the Grecians had Theaters before the Romaines many ages and the very Greeke name prooues that they came first from Greece For Theater is deriued of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is spectare to behold c Those moueable seates standing but for a time For such Theaters were first in vse at Rome before the standing the continuing Theaters came in and were made with mooueable seates as Tacitus saith and the stage built for the present time d The Playes themselues Such as were presented vpon the Stage whereof in the next booke we shall discourse more at large Of the first inducing of Stage-playes CHAP. 31. BVt know you that know not this and marke you that make shew as if you knew it not and murmur at him that hath set you free from such Lords that your Stage-playes those a spectacles of vncleannesse those licentious vanities were not first brought vp at Rome by the corruptions of the men but by the direct commands of
man reade Liuy lib. 1. Dionysius and Plutarch of his whole life besides diuers others e all to insufficient This is plaine for they fetched lawes frō others f it is not reported Yes he fained that he conferred with Aegeria but she was rather a Nimph then a goddesse besides this is known to be a fable g the most learned Here I cannot choose but ad a very conceited saying out of Plautus his comedy called Persa Sagaristio the seruant askes a Virgin how strong dost thou think this towne is If the townsmen quoth shee againe bee well mannered I thinke it is very strong if treachery couetousnesse and extortion bee chased out and then enuie then ambition then detraction then periury then flattery then iniury then and lastly which is hardest of all to get out villanie if these be not all thrust forth an hundred walls are all too weake to keepe out ruine Of the rape of the Sabine women and diuers other wicked facts done in Romes most ancient and honorable times CHAP. 17. PErhaps the gods would not giue the Romaines any lawes because as Salust a saith Iustice and honestie preuailed as much with them by nature as by lawe very good b out of this iustice and honestie came it I thinke that the c Sabine virgins were rauished What iuster or honester part can be plaide then to force away other mens daughters with all violence possible rather then to receiue them at the hand of their parents But if it were vniustly done of the Sabines to deny the Romaines their daughters was it not farre more vniustly done of them to force them away after that deniall There were more equitie showne in making warres vpon those that would not giue their daughters to beget alliance with their neighbours and countrimen then with those that did but require back their owne which were iniuriously forced from them Therefore Mars should rather haue helped his warlike sonne in reuenging the iniury of this reiected proferre of marriage that so he might haue wonne the Virgin that he desired by force of armes For there might haue beene some pretence of warlike lawe for the conqueror iustly to beare away those whom the conquered had vniustly denied him before But he against all law of peace violently forced them from such as denied him them and then began an vniust warre with their parents to whom hee had giuen so iust a cause of anger d Herein indeed he had good and happy successe And albeit the e Circensian playes were continued to preserue the memory of this fraudulent acte yet neither the Cittie nor the Empire did approoue such a president and the Romaines were more willing to erre in making Romulus a deity after this deed of iniquitie then to allow by any law or practise this fact of his in forcing of women thus to stand as an example for others to follow Out of this iustice and honesty likewise proceeded this that g after Tarquin and his children were expulsed Rome because his sonne Sextus had rauished Lucresse Iunius Brutus being consull compelled h L. Tarquinius Collatine husband to that Lucresse his fellow officer a good man and wholy guiltlesse to giue ouer his place and abandon the Cittie which vile deed of his was done by the approbation or at least omission of the people who made Collatine Consul aswell as Brutus himself Out of this iustice and honesty came this also that h Marcus Camillus that most illustrious worthy of his time that with such ease sudued the warlike Veientes the greatest foes of the Romaines and tooke their cheefe citty from them after that they had held the Romains in ten yeares war and foiled their armies so often that Rome hir selfe began to tremble and suspected hir owne safety that this man by the mallice of his backe-biting enemies and the insupportable pride of the Tribunes being accused of guilt perceiuing the citty which he had preserued so vngrateful that he needs must be condemned was glad to betake him-selfe to willing banishment and yet i in his absence was fined at ten thousand Asses k Being soone after to be called home again to free his thankelesse country the second time from the Gaules It yrkes me to recapitulate the multitude of foule enormities which that citty hath giuen act vnto l The great ones seeking to bring the people vnder their subiection the people againe on the other side scorning to be subiect to them and the ring-leaders on both sides aiming wholy rather at superiority and conquest then euer giuing roome to a thought of iustice or honesty L. VIVES SAlust a saith In his warre of Catiline speaking of the ancient Romaines he saith thus The law is a ciuill equity either established in literall lawes or instilled into the manners by verball instructions Good is the fount moderatour and reformer of all lawe all which is done by the Iudges prudence adapting it selfe to the nature of the cause and laying the lawe to the cause not the cause to the lawe As Aristotle to this purpose speaketh of the Lesbian rule Ethic. 4. This is also termed right reason as Salust againe saith in his Iugurth Bomilchar is guilty rather by right and reason then any nationall lawe Crassus saith Tully in his Brutus spake much at that time against that writing and yet but in right and reason It is also called equitie ' That place saith Cicero for Caecinna you feare and flie and seeke as I may say to draw mee out of this plaine field of equitie into the straite of words and into all the literall corners in this notwithstanding saith Quintilian the iudges nature is to bee obserued whether it be rather opposed to the lawe then vnto equitie or no. Hereof wee haue spoken some-thing in our Temple of the lawes But the most copious and exact reading hereof is in Budaeus his notes vpon the Pandects explaining that place which the Lawyers did not so well vnderstand Ius est ars aequi boni This mans sharpenesse of witte quicknesse of iudgement fulnesse of diligence and greatnesse of learning no Frenchman euer paralleld nor in these times any Italian There is nothing extant in Greeke or Latine but he hath read it and read it ouer and discussed it throughly In both these toungs he is a like and that excellently perfect Hee speakes them both as familiarly as he doth French his naturall tongue nay I make doubt whether hee speake them no better hee will read out a Greeke booke in Latine words extempore and out of a Latine booke in Greeke And yet this which wee see so exactly and excellently written by him is nothing but his extemporall birthe Hee writes with lesse paines both Greeke and Latine then very good schollers in both these tongues can vnderstand them There is no cranke no secret in all these tongues but he hath searcht it out lookt into it and brought it forth like Cerberus from darknesse into
razed out Surely the loue of Saluting one another was great in Rome Highly was hee honored that was saluted and well was hee mannerd that did salute but great plausibility attended on both both were very popular and great steps to powrefulnesse Salust in Iugurth Truely some are verie industrious in saluting the people All the Latines writings are full of salutations b Sardanapalus The Grecians called Sardanapalus Thonos Concoloros Hee was the last King of the Assyrians a man throwne head-long into all kinde of pleasures Who knowing that Arbaces the Median prepared to make warres against him resolued to trie the fortune of warre in this affaire But beeing conquered as he was an effeminate fellow and vnfit for all martiall exercises hee fled vnto his house and set it on fire with himselfe and all his ritches in it Long before this when hee was in his fullest madnesse after pleasures hee causes this epitaph to bee engrauen vpon his tombe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Tully translates it thus Haec habeò quae edi quaeque exaturata voluptas Hausit at illa iacent multa et preclara relicta What I consum'd and what my guts engross't I haue but all the wealth I left I lost What else could any man haue written saith Aristotle in Cicero vpon the graue of an Oxe rather then of a King hee saith he hath that being dead which he neuer had whilest hee liued but onely while he was a wasting of it Chrysippus applies the verses vnto his Stoicisme hereof reade Athenaeus lib. 5. Tully his opinion of the Romaine Common-wealth CHAP. 21. BVt if hee be scorned that said their common-wealth was most dishonest and dishonorable and that these fellowes regard not what contagion and corruption of manners doe rage amongst them so that their state may stand and continue now shall they heare that it is not true that Salust saith that their common-wealth is but become vile and so wicked but as Cicero saith it is absolutely gone it is lost and nothing of it remaines For hee brings in Scipio him that destroied Carthage disputing of the weale-publike at such time as it was a presaged that it would perish by that corruption which Saluste describeth For this disputation was b at that time when one of the Gracchi was slaine from which point Salust affirmeth all the great seditions to haue had their originall for in those bookes there is mention made of his death Now Scipio hauing said in the end of the second booke that as in instruments that go with strings or wind or as in voices consorted there is one certaine proportion of discrepant notes vnto one harmony the least alteration whereof is harsh in the care of the skilfull hearer and that this concord doth â—…onsist of a number of contrary sounds and yet all combined into one perfect musicall melody so in a cittye that is gouerned by reason of all the heighest meane and lowest estates as of soundes there is one true concord made out of discordant natures and that which is harmony in musike is vnity in a citty that this is the firmest and surest bond of safety vnto the commonweale and that a commonweale can neuer stand without equity when hee had dilated at large of the benefit that equity brings to any gouernment and of the inconuenience following the absence therof then c Pilus one of the company begins to speake and intreated him to handle this question more fully and make a larger discourse of iustice because it was then become a common report d that a commonwealth could not be gouerned without iniustice and iniury herevpon Scipio agreed that this theame was to be handled more exactly and replied that what was as yet spoken of the commonwealth was nothing and that they could not proceed any farther vntill it were proued not onely that it is faulse that a weale publike cannot stand without iniury but also that it is true that it cannot stand without exact iustice So the disputation concerning this point being deferred vntill the next day following in the third booke it is handled with great controuersie For Pilus he vndertakes the defence of their opinion that hold that a state cannot be gouerned without iniustice but with this prouision that they should not thinke him to bee of that opinion himselfe And he argued very diligently for this iniustice against iustice endevoring by likely reasons and examples to shew that the part hee defended was vse-full in the weale publike and that the contrary was altogether needlesse Then e Laelius being intreated on all sides stept vp and tooke the defence of iustice in hand and withal his knowledge laboured to proue that nothing wrackt a citty sooner then vniustice and that no state could stand without perfect iustice which when hee had concluded and the question seemed to be throughly discussed Scipio betooke himselfe againe to his intermitted discourse and first he rehearseth and approueth his definition of a commonwealth wherein he said it was the estate of the commonty then he determineth this that this commonty is not meant of euery rablement of the multitude but that it is a society gathered together in one consent of law and in one participation of profite Then he teacheth f the profite of definitions in al disputations and out of his definitions he gathereth that onely there is a commonwealth that is onely there is a good estate of the commonty where iustice and honesty hath free execution whether it be by g a King by nobles or by the whole people But when the King becomes vniust whom he calleth h Tyranne as the Greekes do or the nobles be vniust whose combination hee termeth i faction or the people them-selues be vniust for which hee cannot finde a fit name vnlesse he should call the whole company as he called the King a Tyran then that this is not a vicious common-wealth aswas affirmed the day before but as the reasons depending vpon those definitions proued most directly it is iust no common-wealth at all for it is no Estate of the people when the Tyran vsurpeth on it by Faction nor is the commonty a commonty when it is not a society gathered together in one consent of law and one participation of commodities as hee had defined a commonty before VVherefore seeing the Romane Estate was such as Saluste doth descipher it to bee it was now no dishonest or dishonorable Common-wealth as hee affirmed but it was directly no common-wealth at all according vnto the reasons proposed in that discourse of a common-wealth k before so many great Princes and heads thereof and as Tully himselfe not speaking by Scipio or any other but in his owne person doth demonstrate in the beginning of his fift booke where hauing first rehearsed that verse of l Ennius where he saith Moribus antiquis res stat Romana virisque Old manners and old men vpholden Rome Which verse quoth Tully whether you respect the
breuity or the verity mee seemeth he m spoake out as an oracle for neither the men vnlesse the city had had such manners nor the manners vnlesse the city had had such men could either haue founded or preserued a common-wealth of that magnitude of iustice and Empire And therefore before these our daies the predecessors conditions did still make the successors excell and the worthy men still kept vp the ordinances of honorable antiquity But now our age receiuing the common-wealth as an excellent picture but almost worne out with age hath not onely no care to renew it with such collours as it presented at first but neuer regarded it so much as to preserue but the bare draught n and lineament of it For what remainder is there now of those olde manners which this Poet saith supported Rome doe wee not see them so cleerely worne out of vse and now so farre from beeing followed that they are quite forgotten what neede I speake of them men The manners perished o for want of men the cause whereof in iustice wee should not onely bee bound to giue an account of but euen to answere it as a capitall offence It is not any mis-fortune it is not any chance but it is our own viciousnesse that hath taken away the whole essence of our common-wealth from vs and left vs onely the bare name This was Cicero's owne confession p long after Africanus his death whom he induceth as a disputant in this worke of his of the Common-wealth but yet q some-what before the comming of Christ. Which mischieues had they not beene r divulged vntill the encrease of Christian Religion which of all those wretches would not haue beene ready to callumniate Christ for them But why did their gods looke to this no better nor helpe to saue the state of this weale-publike whose losse and ruine Cicero bewaileth with such pittifull phrase long afore Christ came in the flesh Nay let the commenders thereof obserue but in what case it was euen then when it consisted of the ancient men and their manners whether then it nourished true Iustice or no and whether at that time it were honest indeed or but glossed ouer in shew which Cicero not conceiuing what hee sayd confesseth in his relation thereof But by Gods grace wee will consider that more fully else-where for in the due place I will doe what I can to make a plaine demonstration out of Cicero's owne definitions of the common-wealth and the people spoken by Scipio and iustified by many reasons either of Scipio's owne or such as Tully giues him in this discourse that the estate of Rome was neuer any true common-wealth because it neuer was guided by true iustice Indeed according to some other probable definitions and after a sort it was a kind of common-wealth but far better gouerned by the antiquity of the Romaines then by their posterity But there is not any true iustice in any common-wealth whatsoeuer but in that wherof Christ is the founder and the ruler if you please to call that a common-weale which we cannot deny is the weale of the commontie s But if this name being els-where so common seeme too discrepant for our subiect and phrase truely then there is true iustice but in that Citie wherof that holy scripture saith Glorious things are spoken of thee thou Cittie of God L. VIVES IT was a presaged I doe reade praesentiebat hee foresawe for praesciebater it was presaged b at that time when one of the Gracchi When as Tiberius Gracchus had promullgated the lawe Agraria to the great griefe and amazement of the Patriotts and would haue his tribuneshippe continued still thereby to haue beene more secure against their iniuries and had effected that no one man should possesse aboue fiue hundred acres of grounde Scipio Nasica beeing followed by the Senate killd him Scipio Africane beeing at the sametime in warres at Numance His body was throwne into Tyber This Affricanus is hee whome Tully bringeth in disputing in his garden with Laelius and Furius of the common-wealth alittle before his death Hee was murthered as it is thought by the meanes of Cayus Gracchus Tiberius his brother and Sempronia sister to the Gracchi and wife to Scipio c Then Pylus When as betweene the second and last African warre the Athenians sent Ambassadors to Rome Carneades the Academicke Critolaus the Peripatetike and Diogenes the Stoik the most excellent Philosophers of that age Carneades either to exercise his faculty or to shew his wit made an elegant and excellent oration for iustice in the presence of Cato the elder Galba and diuers other great men and the next day after hee made another for iniustice vnto the same audience wherein hee confuted all the arguments for iustice which hee brought the day before and alleadged more strong ones for iniustice this he did to shew his sect which teacheth neuer to affirme any thing but onely to confute what others affirme Out of the later of these orations hath L. Furius Pylus his proofes who was held for a cunning latinist and went about his subiect of iniustice with farre more dexterity of learning then the rest to stirre vp Laelius his inuention in commendations of his contrarie As Glauco did in Plato's 2. booke de Republ. praysing iniustice to make Socrates shew his cunning in praise of iustice d That a common-wealth could not It is an old saying without iustice Iupiter himselfe cannot play the King Plut. de doc Princ. And seeing that the weale-publicke for the generall good of it selfe and liberty is often compelled to vse extremity against the Citizens priuate and also often-times in augmenting the owne powre breaketh the lawes of equity in encroaching vpon others both which notwithstanding fell still very well out the Romaines altered the old saying and made it A weale-publike cannot bee gouerned without iniustice This Carneades touched as Lactantius affirmeth and told the Romaines themselues who possessed all the world that if they would bee iust that is restore euery man his owne they must euer returne to their cotages and lead their liues in all pouerty and necessity e Then Laelius This controuersie doth Cicero speake of in his Laelius also f The benefite of a definition Plato Aristotle and all the old Philosophers both held and taught that the course of all disputation ought to bee deriued first â—…om the definition For you cannot make a plaine discourse of any thing vnlesse you first lay downe what it is Rodolphus Agricola in his first booke de Dialectae inuentione saith That this manner of defining is very vse-full both for the vnderstanding of the matter which beeing opened in the definition it is maruellous to see how it doth as it were point out the limmite of knowledge to which all our notions must bende and also for the authority of the disputer for no man can bee held to vnderstand a thing more perfectly then hee that can
physicke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iatros is a Physitian Obstetrix a mid-wife and Archiatri were also the Princes Physitians Iustin Codic Of the Comites and Archiatri which the Spaniards call Protomedici c. o Great pestilence Oros. lib. 4. In the entrance of the first Affrican warre p In which Cice. de diuini lib. 2 at large of the Sybils and their books q Many of the temples The Sooth saiers answer in Tullies time concerning the prodigies was yâ— very same Cic. Orat. de Aruspic respons The miseries of the Romaines in the Affrican warres and the small stead their gods stood them therein CHAP. 18. BVt now in the wars of Affrica victory still houering doubtfully betwixt both sides and two mighty and powerful nations vsing all their might power to reciprocrall ruine how many petty Kingdomes perished herein How many faire citties were demolished or afflicted or vtterly lost How sar did this disastrous contention spread to the ruine of so many Realmes and great Estates How often were the conquerors on either side conquered What store of men armed and naked was there that perished How many ships were sunke at â—…eas by fight and tempest Should we particularize wee should become a direct Historiographer Then Rome beeing in these deep plunges ran head-long vnder those vaine and rediculous remedies for then a were the Secular plaies renued by the admonition of the Sibils books which institution had bin ordained an hundred yeares before but was now worn out of al memory in those so happy times The high priests also b renued the sacred plaies to the hel-gods with the better times had in like manner abolished before nor was it any wonder to see theÌ„ now reuenged for the hel-gods desired now to becom reuellers being inriched by this continual vncesing world of men who like wretches in following those blody vnrelenting wars did nothing but act the diuels reuels and prepare banquets for the infernal spirits Nor was there a more laudable accident in al this whole war then that Regulus should be taken prisoner a worthy man and before that mishap a scourge to the Carthaginians who had ended the Affrican war long before but that he would haue bouÌ„d the Carthaginians to stricter conditions then they could beare The most sodaine captiuity the most faithful oth of this man and his most cruel death if the gods do not blush at c surely they are brazen-fac'd and haue no blood in them Nay for all this Romes wals stood not safe but tasted of some mischiefe and all those within them for the riuer Tiber d ouer-flowing drown'd almost al the leuel parts of the citty turning some places as it were into torrents and other some into fens or lakes this plague vshered in a worse of fire e which beginning in the market-place burned al the higher buildings therabouts sparing not the owne f harbor and temple of Vesta where it was so duly kept in by those g not so honorable as damnable Votaresses Now it did not only continue here burning but raging with the fury wherof the virgins being amazed h Metcllus the high Priest ran into the fire and was half burned in fetching out of those fatal reliques which had bin the ruin of i three citties where they had bin resident k The fire neuer spared him for all he was the Priest Or else the true Deity was not there but was fled before though the fire were there still but here you see how a mortal man could do Vests more good then she could do him for if these gods could not guard them-selues from the fire how could they guard their citty which they were thought to guard froÌ„ burnings and inundations Truly not a whit as the thing shewed it selfe Herein we would not obiect these calamities against the Romains if they would affirme that al these their sacred obseruations only aime at eternity and not at the goods of this transitory world and that therefore when those corporall things perished there was yet no losse by that vnto the endes for which they were ordained because that they might soone be made fit for the same vses againe But now such is their miserable blindnesse that they think yâ— those idols that might haue perished in this fiery extremity had power to preserue the temporall happines of the citty but now seeing that they remained vnconsumed and yet were able to shew how such ruins of their safeties and such great mischiefs hath befalne the citty this makes them ashamed to change that opinion which they see they cannot possibly defend L. VIVES THen were a the secular plaies I think it will not be amisse if I say somwhat of those plaies from their first originall Ualesius Sabinus a rustick as the best were then praying for his three sick children heard a voice yâ— said they should recouer if he would carry them ouer Tiber to Terentum there recreate them with the warm water of Dis and Proserpina Valesius dreaming of the citty Terentum though it were far off and no such riuer as Tiber neer it yet hiring a ship sailed with his sons to Ostia setting them on shore to refresh them-selues in Mars his field he asked yâ— ship-master where he might haue som fire he replied at the adioining TerentuÌ„ for ther he saw som that the sheapheards had made it was called Terentum of Tero to weare because the riuer ware away the shore or because Dis his alter was there inhumed Ualesius hearing the name commanded the shippe to put ouer thether thinking this was the place meanâ—… by the Oracle and departing to the citty to buy an altar hee bad his seruants meane while to digge a place for it They digged 20. foot deep and there they found an old altar inscrib'd To Dis and Proserpina This the Romaines had inhumed after their infernall sacrifices beeing to fight with the Albasnes for so the deuil bad them doe ere they ioyned battaile Ualesius returnes and finding the altar offers blacke offrings to Dis and Proserp and spreading beddes for the gods staied there three nights for so long after were they sicke with reuells and dances that these children had escaped this sicknesse This custome P. V. Poplicola one of Valesius his progeny brought into the Citty in the first yeare of the freedome Three daies and nights the people watched at the altars of Ioue and Apollo offring a white bull and certaine children whose parents were liuing sung a song to Apollo Then watched they at Iuno's offring a white Heifer this was in the day time on the night at Dianas Proserpina's Terra's and the Destenies offring black creatures and burning of tapers and then were Stage-plaies presented to Apollo and Diana and the Circian Games and those stately and famous spectacles were called the Secular plaies because they were acted once euery age taking an age here for the longest space of mans life Some giue it more yeares some lesse as it is in
Censorinus The Romaines called an C yeares an age as Valerius Antias Varro Liuie lib. 136. doe report But by the Quindecimvirs commentaries and Augustus his Edict together with Horace his verse it includes a space of ten yeares more and euery C. X. yeare those plaies were kept Though this verse of Horace Certus vndenos deciès per annos which Censorinus and others trust to I cannot see but may be read Certus vt denos decies per annos and so diuers doe reade it But there is another Greeke verse cited by Zosimus cut of the Sybills bookes hee saith wherein is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without point or accent Besides the crier called the people inthese words Come to those plaies that none of you euer saw nor hereafter euer shall see Hence came Vitellius flattery to Claudius presenting those plaies May you doe it often Poplicola as wee said first presented them Ab vrbe cond CCXLIIII yeares they were renewed Ab. vr Con. D. I. Consulls P. CL. Pulcher and L. Iuni. Brutus the XI yeare of the first African warre acted againe the third yeare of the second Punick warre Consulls M. Manlius M. Censorinus Fourthly before their time L. Aem. Lepidus and L. Aurel. Orestes Consulls the fift Augustus and Arippa presented hauing brought them to the iust time Consulls Furnius and Sillanus the sixt C L. Caesar too soone for the time Himselfe and L. Vitellius the third Consulls The seauenth Domitian after a true computation Himselfe and L. Minutius Ruffus being Consulls the eight Septimius Severus at their iust time Conss Chilo and Vibo the ninth Phillip Vostrensis ab vrbe Cond a M. years Aemilianus and Aquilinus being Conss Cassiodore Thus much of the Secular plaies from Varro Valer. Horat. L. Florus Festus Zosimus Herodian Suetonius Censorinus Cassiodorus Porphiry Aeron and Politian now to the rest b Renewed Here seemes a difference betweene the plaies of Dis and Proserpina and the Secular plaies but indeede there is none vnlesse Augustine diuide the infernall Orgies from the sacrifices offered at the same time to other gods and truely the Infernall Orgies and the Secular plaies seeme to differ in their originall for Festus saith thus The Tauri were games made in honour of the infernall gods vpon this occasion In the raigne of Tarquin the proude there falling a great death amongst the child-bearing women arising out of the too great plenty of bulls-flesh that was sold to the people herevpon they ordained games in honour of the Infernalls calling them Tauri Thus farre Festus Besides the Secular plaies were kept vnto Apollo on the day and Diana on the night but the Tauri were kept to the Infernall powres c Surely brasse Some put Aerei ayry for arei brazen and more fitting to Augustines opinion for the Platonists say the diuells are ayrie creatures whose doctrine Augustine doth often approue in some things as wee will shew hereafter In blushing the bloud adornes the face with red-nesse d Ouer-flowing Oros. L. 4. e Fire Ib. Liu. lib. 19. Ouid. Fast. 6. Sencca's declamers dispute whether Metellus should bee depriued of his Priesthood or no beeing blind the law commanding them to haue a perfect man to their Priest f Harbour and temple Because there was the fire worshipped as is immediately declared g Honoured Their honour was vniuersall great their very Magistrates gaue the way vnto Vâ—…stas Priests h Metellus L. Caecilius Metellus was High Priest twice Consull Dictator Maister of the Horse Quindecemvir in the sharing of the landes and hee was the first that led Elephants in Triumph in the first African warre of whom Q. Metellus his sonne left recorded in his funerall oration that he attained the ten things so powrefull and so admirable that the wisest haue spent all their time in their quest That is to bee a singular warriour an excellent orator a dreadlesse commander a fortunate vndertaker a especiall aduancer of honor an absolute man of wisdome a worthy common-wealths man a man of a great estate well gotten a father to a faire progenie and the most illustrious of the whole cittie Plin. lib. 7. cap. 4. i Three citties Ilium Lauinium Alba. k The fire neuer This place is extreamely depraued we haue giuen it the best sense befitting it Of the sad accidents that befell in the second African warre wherein the powers on both sides were wholy consumed CHAP. 19. BVt all too tedious were it to relate the slaughters of both nations in the second African warre they had so many fightes both farre and neere that by a their owne confessions who were rather Romes commenders then true Chroniclers the conquerours were euer more like to the conquered then otherwise For when Hannibal arose out of Spaine and brake ouer the Pirenean hilles all France and the very Alpes gathering huge powres and doing horrible mischieues in all this long tract rushing like an inondation into the face of Italy O what bloudy fields were there pitcht what battailes struck how often did the Romaines abandon the field how mans citties fell to the foe how many were taken how many were razed what victories did that Hanniball winne and what glories did he build himselfe vpon the ruined Romaines In vaine should I speake of b Cannas horrible ouer-throwe where Hanniballs owne excessiue thirst of bloud was so fully glutted vpon his foes that hee c himselfe bad hold a whence hee sent three bushells of rings vnto Carthage to shew how huge a company had fallen at that fight that they were easier to be measured theÌ„ numbred and hence might they coniecture what a massacre there was of the meaner sort that had no rings to weare and that the poorer they were the more of them perished Finally such a defect of souldiars followed this ouer-throw that the Romaines were faine to get e malefactors to goe to warre for quittance of their guilt f to set all their slaues free and out of this gracelesse crue not to supply their defectiue regiments but euen to g make vp a whole army Nay these slaues O h let vs not wrong them they are free men now wanted euen weapons to fight for Rome withall that they were faine to fetch them out of the temples as if they should say to their gods come pray let these weapons goe you haue kept them long inough to no end wee will see whether our bondslaues can doe more good for vs with them then your gods could yet doe And then the treasury fayling the priuate estate of each man became publike so that each one giuing what he was able their rings nay their very Bosses the wretched marks of their dignities being al bestowed the senat themselues much more the other companies i Tribes left not themselues any mony in the world who could haue endured the rages of those men if they had bin driuen to this pouerty in these our times seeing we can very hardly endure them as yâ— world goeth now although they haue store now to
it from these there is no cause of despaire Who knowes the will of God herein L. VIVES THe a Medians By Arbaces praefect of Media who killed Sardanapalus as scorning that so many thousand men should obey a beast Iustin. Oros. Plutar. Euseb. c. b From them The Monarchy of Asia remained with the Medians from Arbaces to Cyrus Cambyses sonne CCCL yeares Astyages was the last King whose daughter Mandane Cambyses wife was mother to Cyrus Cyrus being borne his grand-sire through a dreame he had caused him to be cast out to the wild beasts in the woods But by chance he was saued And beeing become a lusty youth entring into Persepolis hee commanded the people to make ready their axes and cut downe a great wood next day he made them a delicate banquet and in the midst thereof asked them whether they liked this day better then the other They all replied this day well saith hee as long as you serue the Medians the world shal be as yesterday to you but bee your owne Lords your selues and it wil be this day Herevpon leauying an army he ouer-threw his vncle and transferred the Monarchy vnto Persia. c Persians Their Kingdome continued from Cyrus to Alexander Philips sonne CCXXX yeares Alexander ruled Asia VI. yeares his successors after him vnto Seleucus and Antiochus the two brethren that is from the 104 Olympiade vnto the 134. at which time Arsaces a meane but a valorous fellow set his country free by meanes of the two brethrens discord and raigned King himselfe Thence arose the Parthian Kingdome lasting vnto Alex. Seuerus Caesars time at which time Xerxes the Persian subdued them and annexed them to the Persian crowne and this Kingdome was during in Augustines time Whereof read Herodian in Antoninus d After those The text of some copies followes Eusebius but the old bookes doe leaue out et quadraginta So that Augustine did not set downe his opinion amongst this diuersity of accounts but onely the ouerplus to shew onely that it was more then MCC yeares but how much more he knoweth not surely it was not an C. e Though The name of it remaineth as yet in the ancient dignity but with no powre What precious gods those were by whose power the Romaines hela their Empire to bee enlarged and preserued seeing that they durst not trust them with the defence of meane and perticular matters CHAP. 8. LEt vs now make inquiry if you will which God or gods of all this swarme that Rome worshipped was it that did enlarge and protect this their Empire In a world of such worth and dignity they durst not secretly commit any dealing to the goddesse Cloacina a nor to the goddesse b Volupia the lady of pleasure nor to c Libentina the goddesse of lust nor to d Vaticanus the god of childrens crying nor to e Cunina the goddesse of their cradles But how can this one little booke possibly haue roome to containe the names of all their gods and goddesses when as their great volumes will not doe it seeing they haue a seuerall god to see to euery perticular act they take in hand Durst they trust one god with their lands thinke you No Rusina must looke to the country Iugatinus to the hill-toppes Collatina to the whole hills besides and Vallonia to the vallies Nor could f Segetia alone bee sufficient to protect the corne but while it was in the ground Seia must looke to it when it was vp and ready to mow Segetia when it was mowne and laid vp then g Tutilina tooke charge of it who did not like that Segetia alone should haue charge of it all the while before it came dried vnto her hand nor was it sufficient for those wretches that their poore seduced soules that scorned to embrace one true god should become prostitute vnto this meaner multitude of deuills they must haue more so they made h Proserpina goddesse of the cornes first leaues and buddes the i knots Nodotus looked vnto Volutina to the blades and when the eare began to looke out it was Patelena's charge when the eare began to be euen bearded because k Hostire was taken of old for to make euen Hostilinas worke came in when the flowres bloomed l Flora was called forth when they grew m white Lacturtia beeing ripe n Matuca beeing cut downe o Runcina O let them passe that which they shame not at I loath at These few I haue reckoned to shew that they durst at no hand affirme that these gods were the ordainers adorners augmenters or preseruers of the Empire of Rome hauing each one such peculiar charges assigned them as they had no leasure in the world to deale in any other matter How should Segetia guard the Empire that must not meddle but with the corne or Cunina looke to the warres that must deale with nought but childrens cradles or Nodotus giue his aide in the battaile that cannot helpe so much as the blade of the corne but is bound to looke to the knot onely Euery p house hath a porter to the dore and though he be but a single man yet hee is sufficient for that office but they must haue their three gods Forculus for the dore q Cardea for the hinge and Limentius for the threa-shold Be-like Forculus could not possibly keepe both dore hinges and threa-shold L. VIVES CLoacina a Some reade Cluacina and some Lauacina but Cloacina is the best her statue was found by Tatius who raigned with Romulus in a great Priuy or Iakes of Rome and knowing not whose it was named it after the place Cloacina of Cloaca Lactant. Cipriaâ—… calles it Cluacina but it is faulty I thinke There was Uenus surnamed Cluacina or the fighter for Cluo is to fight Her statue stood where the Romaines and Sabines agreed and ended the fight for the women Plin. lib. 15. b Uolupia She had a chappell at the Theater Nauall neare the gate Romanula Varro de Ling. Lat. lib. 3. Macrob. Saturn The 12. Cal. of Ianuary is Angeronia's feast kept by the Priests in Volupia's chappell Verrius Flaccus saith shee was so called for easing the angers and troubles of the minde Masurius saith her statue stood on Volupia's alter with the mouth sealed vp to shew that by the pacient suppressing of griefe is pleasure attained c Libentina Varro lib. 3. of Libet it lusteth there was Venus Libentina and Venus Libitina but Libithina is another d Vaticanus Not Uagitarius as some reade Gell. lib. 16. out of Varro As vnder whome saith hee the childes first cry is which is va the firstsyllable of Vaticanus whence Vagire also is deriued and in old bookes it is Uatiganus not Uagitanus e Cunina The cradle-keeper and wich-chaser f Segetia Or Segesta Plin. lib. 18. for those gods were then best knowne Seia to bee the goddesse of Sowing and Segetia of the corne their statues were in the Theater g Tutilina And Tutanus hee and she guarders
durst nâ—… speake his mind freely of those gods because of the inueterat custome of his country k heauen and whome Tully with the Stoicks maketh the chiefe of the gods Of Varros reiecting the popular opinion and of his beleefe of one God though he knew not the true God CHAP. 31. ANd what say you to Varro whom we are sory should make plaies as an honor to true gods in religion though not in iudgment seeing he exhorteth men to the adoration of the gods so religiously doth not he confesse that he is not of the opinion of those that left the Romaines their religion and that if he were to leaue the citty any institutions hee would rather giue them their gods after the prescript of nature But seeing that the former hath beene of so long a continuance hee saith that it was but his duty to prosecute his discourse hereof from the eldest antiquities to the end that the people should â—…t be induced rather to honor then to contemne them wherein this iuditious writer sheweth that the things whereof he writeth would be contemptible to the people as well as to him-selfe if they were not kept in silence I should haue thought one might but haue coniectured this but that himselfe saith in many places that there is much truth which the people ought not to know nay and if it were all falsehood yet it were fit the people should neuer-the-lesse thinke that it were truth and therefore the Grecians shut vp their a Teletae and their b most secret mysteries in walles Here hee hath made a discouerie of all the politique gouernment of the world But the Deuills take great delight in this playing double making them-selues the maisters both ouer the deceiuers and the deceiued from whose dominion nothing freeth vs but the grace of God through Iesus Christ our Lord. This acute and learned man saith further that hee thinketh onely those to discerne God who teach that hee is a soule moouing and swaying the whole world and here-by though hee yet haue no firme holde of the truth for God is no soule but the soules maker yet if the Citties custome had permitted him assuredly hee would haue taught them the worship of one onely God and the gouernor of the world so that wee should but haue this onely controuersie wâ—…th him whether God were a soule or the soules maker He saith also that the old Romaines were a hundred three-score and ten yeares with-out Idols and had they beene so still quoth hee religion had beene kept the purer to prooue which hee produceth amongst others the Iewes and concludeth that who-so-euer they were that first inuented Images they freed the citty from all awe and added vnto errour beeing well aduised that the sencelesnesse of the Idols would make the gods them-selues seeme contemptible But whereas hee â—…aith they added vnto errour that prooues that there was some errour there before that Images came in And therefore his saying that these onely discerned God which called him a soule gouerning the world and his opinion that the gods honours would haue beene purer with-out Images these positions declare how neare the truth hee drawes For could hee haue done any good against such an ouer-growne error hee would haue shewed them how that one onely God should haue beene adored euen hee that gouerneth the world and thâ—… hee is not to bee pictured and the youth of the Cittie beeing set in so neâ—…e a path to the truth might easily haue beene perswaded afterwards that God was an vnchangeable nature creating the soule also These things being thus what euer fooleries those men haue discouered of their gods in their Bookes they haue beene laide open by the immediate hand of God compelling them to confesse them rather then by their owne desire to disswade them Wherefore that wee alledge from them is to controule those that will not see from what a damned slauery to the Deuill that same singular sacrifice of so holy bloud and the voutchsafing of the spirit hath deliuered vs. L. VIVES THE a Teletae A sacrifice most secret and most sumptuous so called because it consumed so much of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to end or to consume that some thinke they had their name from theâ—… perfection They belonged to the Sunne and Moone as Porphyry writeth and were besides expiations to Bacchus recorded in Orpheus and Musâ—…us Plat. de Rep. lib. 2. that tâ—…ght how to purge the sinnes of the Citties the liuing the dead and euery priuate man by sacrifices playes and all delights and the whole forme of it all was called â—…eletae Though Plaâ—… saith the Teletae belonged onely to the dead and freed men from all the euills in hell b Sâ—…cret Of Ceres and others c The old Numa forbad the Romaines to thinke that God had 〈◊〉 shape of man or woman Plut. in vit Num. Nor had they any picture at all oâ—… any God for the first hundred three score and teâ—…e yeares they built onely temples and little Oratories but neuer an Image in them for they held it a sinne to liken the better to the worse or to conceiue GOD in any forme but their intelligence Euseb Dyonys also saith that Numa built the gods temples but no Images came in them because hee beleeued that God had no shape Tarquinius Priscus following the Greekes foolery and the Tuscans first taught the erection of statues which Tertullian intimateth saying Goe to now religion hath profited For though Numa inuented a great deale of curious superstition yet neither was there temples nor statues as yet entred into the Romaines religion but a few poore thrifty ceremonies no skie-towring Capitols but a sort of little altars made of Soddes earthen dishes the perfumes out of them and the God in no place For the Greeke and Tuscane artes in Sculpture were not yet entred the Cittie What reason the Kings of the world had for the permitting of those false religions in such places as they conquered CHAP. 32. HEE faith also that in the gods genealogies the people followed the Poets more then the Philosophers and thence the olde Romaines their ancestors had their beliefe of so many sexes mariages and linages of the gods The reason of this I suppose was because the politique and wise men did especially endeuour to nousle their people in this illusiue maner and to make them not onely worshippers but euen immitators of the deuills that delighted to delude them For euen as the Deuills cannot possesse any but such as they haue deceiued so vniust and Deuil-like Princes perswaded their people to their owne vaine inuentions vnder the name of religion thereby to binde their affections the firmer to their seruice and so to keepe them vnder their soueraignties And what ignorant and weake man can auoide both the charmes of Princes and Deuils That God hath appointed a time for the continuance of euery state on earth CHAP. 33. WHerefore GOD that onely and true author of felicitie hee giueth
Obruit aduersas aciâ—…s reuolutáque tela Vertit in auctores turbine repulit hast as O nimium dilecte deo cui fundit ab antris Aeolus armatas hyemes cui miâ—…itat aether Et coniurati veniunt ad classica venti Swift victory needs not be sought Shee 's thine this fight thou and â—…hy father fought Their natiue strength nor did it boote the foe To man his fortes the trench and rockes fell flatte And left away for thee to enter at For thee the North-winde from the heights descended In whiâ—…le-windes raining all the darts they bended At thee on their owne brests in pointed showers O Gods belou'd to whom the stormy powers Raisd from the deepe in armes ethercall And windes are prest to helpe when thou doost call Tâ—… Claudiâ—…n hath it differing some-what from Augustines quotation It may be the versâ—…s were spred at first as Augustine hath them for he liued in Claudians time In the copie of Colâ—… it is râ—…d lust as it is in the text O nimium dilecte deo cui militet â—…ther c. And so in Orosius and 〈◊〉 e Footemen An office in court that was belonging to the speedy dispatch of the Princes message not much vnlike our Lackeys at this day Footmen they were called both of old by Tully and of late times by Martiall Suetonius mentioneth them in his Nero He neuer trauelled â—…r made a iourney saith he of Nero without a thousand Caroches their mules shodde all with silâ—…r his muletours all in silken raiments and all his coatch-men and foote-men in their bracâ—…lets and ritch coates And in his Titus Presently he sent his foote-men to the others mother who was a farre off to tell her very carefully that her sonne was well The Romaine Emperor remoouing into Greece gaue Greeke names to all the offices about them and amongst others these foot-men were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 runners Such they had of old also as Alexander the great had Philonides that ranne 1200. furlongs in one day Plinie f When they were They would not be quiet when the warres were finished but hauing no foes left to kill made them-selues some continually to practise murther vpon g Valens A chiefe Arrian hee did extreame harme to the Bishops and religious men in the Church and put many of them to death and sent Arian Bishops to the Gothes that desired to be instructed in the Christian faith h Humilitie The Thessalonicans cittizens of a towne of Macedonia so called hauing by a tumult begun in the Theater expelled the Magistrates out of the towne Theodosius being here-at greeuously offended intended to punish this iniurious act most seuerely yet by the Bishops intreaties pardoned them Not-with-standing the wronged parties hauing many friends in court that ceased not dayly to animate and vrge Theodosius to this reuenge at length being ouer-come by their intreaties hee sent an armie and put a many thousands of the citizens to death For which deed Ambrose Bishop of Millaine on good-Friday excommunicated him â—…arring him the Church vntill he had satisfied for his crime by a publick repentance He obeyed and prostrating himselfe humbly before the world as the old custome was professed himselfe repentant and sorry for his offence intreated pardon first of God and the whole hoast of heauen next of the Bishop and lastly of all the whole church and being thus purged was restored to the vse of Church and Sacraments Augustines inuectiue against such as wrote against the Bookes already published CHAP. 27. BVt now I see I must take those in hand that seeing they are conuicted by iust plaine arguments in this that these false gods haue no power in the distribution of temporall goods which fooles desire onely now goe to affirme that they are worshipped not for the helpes of this life present but of that which is to come For in these fiue bookes past wee haue sayd enough to such as like little babyes cry out that they would faine worship them for those earthly helpes but cannot be suffred The first three Bookes I had no sooner finished and let them passe abroade vnto some mens hands but I heard of some that prepared to make I know not what an answer to them or a reply vpon them Afterward I heard that they had written them and did but watch a a time when to publish it securely But I aduise them not to wish a thing so inexpedient b It is an easie thing for any man to seeme to haue made an answer that is not altogether silent but what is more talkatiue then vanitie which cannot haue the power of truth by reason it hath more tongue then truth But let these fellowes marke each thing well and if their impartiall iudgements tell them that their tongue-ripe Satyrisme may more easily disturbe the truth of this world then subuert it let them keepe in their trumperies and learne rather to bee reformed by the wise then applauded by the foolish For if they expect a time not for the freedome of truth but for the licensing of reproch God forbid that that should bee true of them which Tully spoake of a certaine man that was called happy in hauing free leaâ—…e to â—…ffend c O wretched hee that hath free libertie to offend And therefore what euer hee be that thinketh himselfe happy in his freedome of reproâ—…hing others I giue him to vnderstand that farre happyer should he be in the lacke of that licence seeing that as now hee may in forme of consultation contradict or oppose what hee will setting aside the affecting of vaine applause and heare what hee will and what is fit in honest graue free and friendly disputation L. VIVES WAtch a a time Many write against others and watch a time for the publication to the hurt of the aduersary and their owne profit Such men writing onely to doe mischiefe are to be hated as the execrable enemies of all good iudgments For who cannot doe iniurie And what a minde hath hee that thinketh his guifts and learning must serue him to vse vnto others ruine If they seeke to doe good by writing let them publish them then when they may doâ—… others the most good and their opponents the least hurt Let them set them forth whilâ—… 〈◊〉 aduersary liues is lusty and can reply vpon them and defend his owne cause Plâ—…â—…tes that Asinius Pollio had Orations against Plancus which hee meant to publish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 death least hee should come vpon him with a reply Plancus hearing of it tush saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is none but ghosts will contend with the dead which answer so cutte the combes of the â—…ions that all Schollers made ieasts and mockes of them b It is easye The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the voluntary censurer of the contentions betweene the greatest Schollers if 〈◊〉 silent presently condemne him and giue him for conquered without any other tryall and holding him the sufficient answerer that doth not hold his peace If both write
compared should bee in the guift of any of them Nor can their state and hight compared with the basenesse of an earthly Kingdome in respect of them bee a sufficient cloake for their defect in not beeing able to giue it because forsooth they doe not respect it No what euer hee bee that considering the frailty of mans nature maketh a scorne of the momentary state of earthly dominion he will thinke it aâ—… vnworthy iniury to the gods to haue the giuing and guarding of such vanities imposed vpon them And by this if that according as wee proued sufficiently in the two bookes last past no one god of all this catalogue of noble and ignoble godâ—… were fit to behold the bestower of earthly states how much lesse fit were they all to make a mortall man pertaker of immortality Besides because now wee dispute against those that stand for their worship in respect of the life to come they are not to bee worshipped for those things which these mens erronious opinion farre from all truth haue put as their proprieties and things peculiarly in their powre as they beleeue that hold the honouring of them very vsefull in things of this present life against whom I haue spoken to my powre in the 〈◊〉 precedent volumes Which being thus if such as adore Iuuentas flourish in vâ—…or of youth and those that doe not either die vnder age or passe it with the â—…fes of decrepite sicknesse If the chinnes of Fortuna Barbata her seruants 〈◊〉 â—…ll of haire and all others be beardlesse then iustly might we say that thus 〈◊〉 â—…ese goddesses are limited in their offices and therefore it were no asking liâ—…â—…nall of Iuuentas that could not giue one a beard nor were any good to 〈◊〉 â—…cted of Fortuna Barbata after this life that had not powre to make one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had a beard But now their worship beeing of no vse for those things in their powre seeing many haue worshipped Iuuentas that liued not to bee 〈◊〉 and as many honoured Fortuna Barbata that neuer had good beards and many without beardes that worshiped her were mocked by them that had beâ—…ds and scorâ—…â—…r is any man then so mad that knowing the worshipping â—…f thâ—…m to bee 〈◊〉 in those things whereto their pretended powre extendeth yet will beleeue it to be effectuall in the obtayning life eternall Nay euen those that did share out their authority for them least beeing so many there should some sit idle and so taught their worshippe to the rude vulgar nor these themselues durst affirme that the life eternall was a gift comprised in any of their powers L. VIVES BLessed a is the man The Septuagints translate it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That maketh the 〈◊〉 of the LORD his hope But the Hebrew originall hath it as Augustine citeth it Indeed the difference is not of any moment b Though they durst not They feared the lawes as they did the Areopagites at Athens as Tully saith of Epicurus c Being all Plato in Tiâ—… d Prâ—… to laughter Alluding to Virgill in his Palaemon Et quo sed faciles Nymphae risere sacello c. The shrine wherein the pleasant Nymphes were merry 〈◊〉 not call them Faciles pleasant or kind because they were soone mooued to laughter but beâ—…use they were soone appeased and easie to bee intreated Faciles venerare Napâ—…s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his Georgikes to adore the gentle Napaeae And in the same sence are men called Geâ—… â—…iles What may bee thought of Varro's opinion of the gods who dealeth so with them in his discouery of them and their ceremonies that with more reuerence vnto them he might haue held his peace CHAP 2. VVâ—… was euer a more curious inquisitor of these matters then Varro a â—…re learned inuentor a more diligent iudge a more elegant diuider or a â—…act recorder And though he be not eloquent yet is hee so documentaâ—… 〈◊〉 sententious that to reade his vniuersall learning will delight one that 〈◊〉 matter as much as Tâ—…lly will one that loueth wordes Yea Tully a himâ—…e leaueth this testimony of him that the same disputation that hee handleth in his Academicke dialogues hee had hee saith with Marcus Varro a man the most â—…ute and d doubâ—…lesse the most learned of his time c Hee saith noâ—… the moâ—…â—…quent because herein hee had his betters but most acute and in his Aâ—…kes where hee maketh doubts of all things hee calleth him Doutlesse the â—…st learned being so assured hereof that he would take away all doubt which hee â—…ed to induce into all questions onely in this Academicall disputation forgetting himselfe to bee an Academike And in his first booke hauing comâ—…ed his workes d Wee saith â—…ee in the Citty were but as wandring pâ—…lgrimes 〈◊〉 â—…kes brought vs home and taught vs to know what and whom wee were Thy 〈◊〉 age time religious and politique discipline habitations order all the formes causes 〈◊〉 kindes of diuine and ciuill discipline by these are fully discouered So great was his learning as e Terentius also testifieth of him in the verse Vir doctissiâ—… vâ—…decunque Varro Varro a man of vniuersall skill Who hath reade so much â—…t â—…ee wonder how hee hath had time to write and f hath written so much that we 〈◊〉 how any man should read so much This man I say so learned and so witty 〈◊〉 he bin a direct opposer of that religion he wrote for held the ceremonies 〈◊〉 â—…ay religious but wholy superstitious could not I imagine haue recorded 〈◊〉 â—…testable absurdities thereof then hee hath already But being a worshippeâ—… 〈◊〉 â—…ame gods a teacher of that worship that hee proffesseth he feareth that his worke should bee lost not by the enemies incursion but by the citizens negligence and affirmeth that with a more worthy and commodious care were they to bee preserued then that wherewith Metellus fetched the Palladium from the slaues and Aeneas his houshold gods from the sacke of Troy yet for all this doth hee leaue such things to memory as all both learned and ignorant do iudge most absurd and vnworthy to bee mentioned in religion What ought wee then to gather but that this depely Skild man beeing not freed by the holy spirit was ouer-pressed with the custome of his city and yet vnder shew of commending their religion gaue the world notice of his opinion L. VIVES TUlly a himselfe What Tully ment to handle in his Academikes his thirteeneth Epistle of his first booke to Atticus openeth fully beeing rather indeed a whole volume then an Epistle He writeth also de diuinat lib. 2. that hee wrote fourth bookes of Academicall questions And though he certifie Atticus that hee hath drawne them into two yet wanteth there much and of the two that wee haue extant Nonius Marcellus quoteth the second diuers times by the name of the fourth The place Augustine citeth is not extant in the bookes wee haue b Doutbtlesse the most Uarro in his life time when enuy stirre
is a great matter This diuinity or let mee say deity for this a word our Christians haue now in vse as expressly traduced from the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This diuinity therefore or deity is not in that politique Theology which M. Varro discourseth of in his 16. bookes that is the worship of any god there expressed will not yeeld to man eternall life hee that will not bee perswaded this is true out of our sixth booke last finished when hee hath read this I beleeue shall not finde any point of this question left vndiscussed for some perhaps may thinke that the selected gods of Varro's last booke whereof wee sayd some what and none but they are to bee honored for this eternall beatitude I say not herein as b Tertullian said with more conceite prehaps then truth if the gods be chosen like c scallions then the rest are counted wicked This I say not for I see that out of an elected sort another perticular election may be made as out of a company of elected souldiars one is elected for this office in armes and another for one not so weighty and in the church when the elders are elected the others are not held reprobate beeing all GODS good faithfull elect In architecture corner and foundation stones are chosen yet the rest are not refused but will fit other places Grapes are chosen to eate but they are not worth nought which we leaue for wine The matter is plaine and needes no farther processe Wherefore neither the gods nor their seruants are falty in that they are selected from many but let vs rather looke what the selected are and what is the end of their selection L. VIVES THis a word Vsed by Hierome Lactantius and Fulgentius the Greekes deriued the substantiue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diuinity from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diuine which substantiue the Christians tooke in as large a sence as the word it selfe Diuine and when the would expresse Gods nature with the fittest tearme they vsed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So doth Athanas. both the Gregories and other Grecians which they might rather do saith Quintillian then the Latines But yet all the strict rules of art could not keepe the latines from vsing Deitas the deity in expressing Gods proper nature nor is it extended so farre as Diuine is or diuinity for they are spoken of bookes deeds men c. But neither Deitas or Deus are praedicates for them though they bee diuine And therefore methinkes Ualla doth blame the Christian writers vndeseruedly to say they vse a new word not heard of before In Dialectica For to take away the Greekes authority of framing themselues words is to cancell their old priuiledges b Tertullian Of him read Hierome de scriptor Eccl. Hee was a Priest of Carthage Sonne to a vice consull quicke witted and vehement he liued in the times of Seuerus and Caracalla and wrot much which being recorded I surcease 〈◊〉 â—…count Ciprian the Martir passed not a day without reading a peece of his workes but called him his Maister yet fell hee to bee a Montanist through the enuy and malice of the clergy of Rome All this hath Hierome His bookes lay many ages lost at last this very yeare when this booke came forth Beatus Rhenanus of Sletstad a learned scoller found them in Germanie and set them forth at Frobenius his presse c Scallions Bulbus is a name to all rootes that are like onions Palladius vseth it for the lilly roote but the proper Bulbi are they that tâ—… Arabians all Mergarides and prouoke lust as Martiall shewes Plinny lib. 1. saith the chiefe of those Bulbi are the squillae or sea vnions of which sort the roote called Epimenidia is onely fit to eate Theophrast lib. 7. The rest are not for meate The selected gods and whether they be exempted from the baser gods functions CHAP. 2. THose a selected gods Varro commendeth in one whole booke and these they are Ianus Ioue Saturne Genius Mercury Appollo Mars Vulcan Neptune Sol Orcus Liber Pater Tellus Ceres Iuno Luna Diana Minerua Venus and Vesta In these 20 are 〈◊〉 males and 8. females Now b whether are they called select for their princiâ—…â—…arges in the world or for that they were more knowne adored then â—…he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because of their greater charges then may they not come to meddle 〈◊〉 â—…ty businesses of the baser gods But at the conception of the child 〈◊〉 those petty gods charges arise Ianus is making fit receit for the seede 〈◊〉 hath businesse in the seed also d Liber is making the mans seed flow â—…ly and Libera whome they say is Venus she is working the like in the 〈◊〉 all these are of your selected gods But then there is Mena the godâ—…â—…he female fluxe a daughter of Ioue but yet a base one And f this sway 〈◊〉 he giueth to Iuno also in his booke of the select ones amongst whom 〈◊〉 â—…eene and here is Iuno Lucina together with her stepdaughter Mena rule 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bloud And then there are two obscure fellowes of gods Vitumnus 〈◊〉 â—…us one giueth vitall breth and another sence to the child beâ—… These two base gods do more seruice here then all the other great 〈◊〉 gods for what is all that the heape together in the womans wombe 〈◊〉 life and sence but as a lumpe of g clay and dust L. VIVES THose a Selected To the twelue counsellor gods before remembred were twelue other added as Nobles but not Senators yet such as had greate charge in the world and greâ—… share in diuers consultations as others of other meaner sort haue sometimes Seneca 〈◊〉 that Ioue made Ianus one of the Conscript fathers and consull of the afternoone but 〈◊〉 â—…ee scoffeth though indeed all these god-stories are but meere fopperies And 〈◊〉 the couples Iupiter and Iuno Saturne and Tellus Mercury and Minerua but not â—…d but both of one science as Bacchus and Ceres Apollo Diana and are then Mars and Venus the two louers Uulcan and Vesta the two fires Sol and Luna the worlds two lights marry Ianus Neptune Genius and Orcus the goddesse vnchosen are all too base for them b Whether A problematique forme of argument c Saturne comming of Satuâ—… a thing sowne Var. de Lin. lat l. 4. d Liber Cicero de nat deor 2. saith that Liber Bacchus sonne to Ioue and Semele is one and Liber that the Romaines worship so reuerently with Libera and Ceres is another That these two later were Ceres children and so called Liberi Libera was daughter to Ceres and called Proserpina saith he In Uerr Actio 6. These three had a temple neare the great Circuite vowed by A. Posthumus Dictator and renewed by Tiberâ—… Caesar. Tacit. lib. 2. e Mena the Moone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greeke because the womens fluxe follows her motion Arist. de anima shee was the daughter of Ioue and Latona and therefore he calleth her Iuno's step-daughter But by this name she
is vnknowne to the Latines f This sway The women adored Iuno Fluona for stopping this fluxe at conceptions Festus g Clâ—… and dust alluding to mans beginning and end Genesis 1. In claye hee began and in dust bee shall end That these gods elections are without all reason since that baser gods haue nobler charges CHAP. 3. BVt why doth hee call so many of the selected gods to this charge and theâ—… Vitumnus and Bentinus get the principall offices of all the rest Select Ianus he maketh way for the seed select Saturne hee brings it select Liber hee puts it freely forth and so doth Libera a be shee Ceres or Venus to the women select Iuno with her daughter Mena's helpe brings fluxe of blood to b nourish the birth But base Vitumnus he brings life to it obscure Sentinus he giues it sence Which two guifts are as farre aboue the rest as they are short of reason For as the reasonable creature excelleth that which is but onely sensitiue as the beast so the sensitiue must needes excell that which hath neither sence nor life So that Vitumnus the quickner and Sentinus the sence-giuer had more reason to be selected then either Ianus the seed-guider Saturne the giuer or Liber and Libera the loosers which seede it were vnworthy to imagine vnlesse it were animated and made sensitiue which select gifts the select gods giue not but onely a couple of poore obscure fellowes that must stand at the doore when these are let in If they reply Ianus is god of all beginnings and therefore iustly openeth the wombe Saturne of all seede and therefore iustly worketh in the mans sowing of it Liber and Libera of the distillation of seede in all spermaticall creatures and therefore must worke in this dispersing of mans Iuno of all births and purgations and therefore iustly must haue a hand in the womans at this time Wâ—… what of Vitumnus and Sentinus haue they dominion ouer all things liuing and sensitiue If it bee granted then see how these two are aduanced For seedes to growe on earth is earths nature but to liue and haue sence that comes from the gods of the starres they say But if they say that these two haue swaye onely ouer fleshly sensitiues why then could not hee that giueth sence to fishes and all things else giue flesh sence also and extend his generall power through each peculiar what need then of Vitumnus and Sentinus If hee that rules life and sence rule all things else and gaue the charge of fleshly sensitiues to these his two seruants as a place of no credite Kept these selected gods so fewe attendants that they could not commit the said base offices to some of their followers but must debase all their cause of selection their nobility to bee ioyned fellow-worke-men with such a base couple Nay Iuno the selected Queene of all the selected c Ioues wife and sister yet is Interduca to the children and worketh with a couple of base goddesses Adeona and Abeona And there is goddesse Mens that sends the childe a good minde shee 's no select and yet d how can a greater guift be giuen to man Now Iuno playes Iterduta and Domiduca as though it were such a matter to make a iourney or to come well home if one bee not in his right minde yet the goddesse of this good guift was none of the select Truely shee deserued it before Minerua e that had charge of the childes memory in this quartering of duties For who doubteth that it is better to haue a good minde then a memory neuer so capable for hee that hath a good minde is neuer euill But f many wicked men haue admirable memories and are so much worse because they cannot forget their euill cogitations Yet is Minerua selected And for Vertue and Felicitie of whom our fourth booke treateth those goddesses they had but neuer selected them whilest Mars and Orcus the one the causer of death and the other the receiuer these were selected Seeing therefore that in these worthlesse affaires shared amongst so many the Patritian and Plebeian God worke all together in huggermugger and that some gods that were not held worthy of selection had more honorable charges in the businesses then the selected it resteth to beleeue that their being knowne to the vulgar more then the other and not their bearing charge aboue the other put in their names 〈◊〉 this bill of selection And therefore Varro himselfe saith that g many father-gods and mother-goddesses were growne ignoble like mortall men If therefore felicity bee not to bee placed amongst those selects because they gotte their places rather by chance then desert yet surely fortune should bee one amongst them or rather aboue them who giueth not her gifts by reason but euer casualty as it falleth out Shee of right should haue beene their chiefe as shewing 〈◊〉 â—…er chiefly vpon them when as we see it was no vertue nor reasonable 〈◊〉 of theirs but onely the power of fortune as all their adorers doe beâ—… 〈◊〉 made them bee selected For witty Salust it may bee excluded not 〈◊〉 â—…hen he sayd Fortune ruleth in euery thing disposing them rather accordâ—…â—…ill then vnto truth For they can shew no reason why Venus should bee 〈◊〉 Vertue obscure seeing both are made goddesses and their merits are â—…parable If Venus deserued her enhansement in this that more affect her 〈◊〉 â—…ue why then is Minerua famous and Lady Money obscure seeing that 〈◊〉 of men there is h more loues coyne then knowledge and euen in the 〈◊〉 you shall not finde one but it is set to sale and still there is more respect 〈◊〉 â—…hich respecteth other ends i then to that which other ends doe most 〈◊〉 If therefore the fond vulgar were the selectors why was not Money puâ—… 〈◊〉 Minerua since all their trades aime at Money But the wise-men selected 〈◊〉 â—…hy was Venus preferred before Vertue which all reason will of right 〈◊〉 Certainely as I sayd if fortune who as they thinke that thinke her 〈◊〉 â—…ull ruleth in euery thing disposing them rather according to her lust 〈◊〉 then to right or reason had so much power ouer the gods that shee 〈◊〉 â—…nce and obscure whom shee list then should the first place of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 right haue beene hers that had such authoritie ouer the state of the 〈◊〉 But may wee not thinke that Fortune was Fortunes owne foe and so kept 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the place Sure it was so shee was her owne foe that could giue adâ—…ments to others and tooke none her selfe L. VIVES 〈◊〉 a bee shee Wee said shee was sister to Dionysius and that they two betoken the Sunne and Moone that rule in naturall seedes of all sorts we wil shew that Luna is also Uenus and Ceres Apulei Metamorph. lib. 11. Macrob. Saturn 1. Val. Prob. Seruius in Georg. 1. Prophyry saith the Moones generatiue vertue is called Ceres Uirgill following Varro ioynes liber and Ceres whence it is plaine that
for the thing it selfe and a flaggon a set in Libers 〈◊〉 to signifie wine taking the continent for the contained so by that huâ—… shape the reasonable soule in the like included might bee expressed of 〈◊〉 â—…ure they say that God or the gods are These are the mysticall doctrines 〈◊〉 â—…is sharpe witt went deepe into and so deliuered But tell mee thou accâ—…n hast thou lost that iudgement in these mysteries that made thee say that they that first made Images freed the Cittie from all awe and added error to error and that the old Romaines serued the gods in better order without any statues at all They were thy authors for that thou spokest against their successors For had they had statues also perhaps feare would haue made thee haue suppressed thy opinion of abolishing Images and haue made thee haue sought further for these vaine Mythologies and figments for thy soule so learned and so ingenious which we much bewaile in thee by being so ingratefull to that God by whom not with whom it was made nor was a part of him but a thing made by him who is not the life of all things but all lifes maker could neuer come to his knowledge by these mysteries But of what nature and worth they are let vs see Meane time this learned man affirmeth the worlds soule intirely to bee truly God so that all his Theologie being naturall extendeth it selfe euen to the nature of the reasonable soule Of this naturall kinde hee speaketh briefly in his booke whence we haue this wherein wee must see whether all his mysticall wrestings can bring the naturall to the ciuill of which he discourseth in his last booke of the select Gods if he can all shall be naturall And then what need hee bee so carefull in their distinction But if they be rightly diuided seeing that the naturall that he liketh so of is not true for hee comes but to the soule not to God that made the soule how much more is the ciuill kinde vntrue and subiect that is all corporall and conuersant about the body as his owne interpretations being dilligently called out shall by my rehearsall make most apparent L. VIVES FLaggon a Oenophorum of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wine and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to carry Iuuenall vseth the word Sat. 6. and Apuleius Asin. l. 2. 8. and Martiall Pliny saith it was a worke of the rare painter Praxitales but he meanes a boy bearing wine Beroaldus out of this place gathereth that they vsed to set a flaggon of wine in Bacchus temple It is more then hee can gather hence though it may be there was such an vse Of Varro his opinion that God was the soule of the world and yet had many soules vnder him in his parts all which were of the diuine nature CHAP. 6. THe same Varro speaking further of this Physicall Theology a saith that he holds God to be the soule of the world which the Greekes call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and b that this world is God But as a whole man body and soule is called wise of the soule onely so is the world called God in respect of the soule onely being both soule and body Here seemingly he confesseth one God but it is to bring in more for so he diuides the world into heauen and earth heauen into the ayre and the skie earth into land and water all which foure parts he filles with soules the skye c highest the ayre next then the water and then the earth the soules of the first two hee maketh immortall the latter mortall The space betweene the highest heauen and the Moone hee fills with soules ethereall and starres affirming that they both are and seeme celestiall Gods d Betweene the Moone and the toppes of the windes he bestoweth ayry soules but inuisible saue to the minde calling them Heroes Lares and Genij This he briefly recordeth in his prologue to his naturall Theologie which pleased not him alone but many Philosophers more whereof with Gods helpe we will discourse at full when wee handle the ciuill Theologie as it respecteth the select gods L. VIVES THeology a saith The Platonists Stoiks Pythagorians and the Ionikes before them all held God to bee a soule but diuersly Plato gaue the world a soule and made them conioyned god But his other god his Mens he puts before this later as father to him The Stoikes and hee agree that agree at all Thales and Democritus held the worlds soule the highest god b That this Plato the Stoikes and many Phylosophers held this c Skie the highest Aristotle puts the fire aboue the ayre and the heauen the Platonists held the heauen to be fiery and therefore called Aether And that the ayre next it was a hurtlesse fire kindled by it This many say that Plato heldâ—… following Pythagoras who made the vniuersall globe of 4. bodies But Uarro heere maketh ayre to be next heauen as the Stoikes did especially and others also Though the Platoâ—… and they differ not much nor the Peripatetiques if they speak as they meane and be rightly vnderstood But aether is the aire as well as the skie and fire as caelum is in latine Virgil. Illa leuem fugiens raptim secat aethera pennis With swift-wing'd speede she cuts the yeelding aire a 〈◊〉 the moone The first region of the Ayre Aristotle in his Physicks ending at the toppe of the cloudes the second contayning the cloudes thunder rayne hayle and snowâ—… the 〈◊〉 from thence to the Element of fire Whether it stand with reason that Ianus and Terminus should bee two godees CHAP. 7. I 〈◊〉 therfore whome I begun with what is he The a world Why this is a plaine and brief answer but why hath b he the rule and beginnings then and another one Terminus of the ends For therfore they haue two c months dedicated to them Ianuary to Ianus and February to Terminus And so the d Terminaâ—… then kept when the e purgatory sacrifice called f Februm was also kept 〈◊〉 the moneth hath the name Doth then the beginning of things belong to the â—…ld to Ianus and not the end but vnto another Is not al things beginning 〈◊〉 world to haue their end also therein What fondnesse is this to giue him 〈◊〉 â—…se a power and yet a double face were it not better g to call that double-faced statue both Ianus and Terminus and to giue the beginnings one face and the 〈◊〉 another because he that doth an act must respect both For in all actions 〈◊〉 that regardeth not the beginning fore-seeth not the end So that a respectiue memory and a memoratiue prouidence must of force go together But if they imagine that blessednes of life is but begun and not ended in this world and that therefore the world Ianus is to haue but power of the beginnings why then they should put Terminus amongst the selected gods before him For though they were both imploied about one subiect yet Terminus should haue
that they would prouide that you should not bee ruled by any more gods but by many more deuills that delighted in such vanities But why hath Salacia that you call the inmost sea being there vnder her husband lost her place for you bring her vp aboue when shee is the ebbing tide Hath shee thrust her husband downe into the bottome for entertaining Venilia to his harlot L. VIVES LUst a flowes Alluding to the sea b Goeth and neuer returneth Spoken of the damned that neither haue ease nor hope at all He alludeth to Iob. 10. vers 21. Before I goe and shall not returne to the land of darkenesse and shadow of death euen the land of misery and darknesse which both the words them-selues shew and the learned comments affirme is meant of hell Of the earth held by Varro to be a goddesse because the worlds soule his god doth penetrate his lowest part and communicateth his essence there-with CHAP. 23. WE see one earth filled with creatures yet being a masse of elemental bodies and the worlds lowest part why call they it a goddesse because it is fruitfull why are not men gods then that make it so with labour not with worship No the part of the worlds soule say they conteined in her maâ—…eth hir diuine good as though that soule were not more apparant in man without all question yet men are no gods and yet which is most lamentable are subiected so that they adore the inferiors as gods such is their miserable error Varro in his booke of the select gods putteth a three degrees of the soule in all nature One liuing in all bodies vnsensitiue onely hauing life this he saith we haue in our bones nailes and haire and so haue trees liuing without sence Secondly the power of sence diffused through our eyes eares nose mouth and touch Thirdly the highest degree of the soule called the minde or intellect confined b onely vnto mans fruition wherein because men are like gods that part in the world he calleth a god and in vse a Genius So diuideth hee the worlds soule into three degrees First stones and wood and this earth insensible which we tread on Secondly the worlds sence the heauens or Aether thirdly her soule set in the starres his beleeued gods and by them descending through the earth goddesie Tellus and when it comes in the sea it is Neptune stay now back a little from this morall theologie whether hee went to refresh him-selfe after his toile in these straites back againe I say to the ciuill let vs plead in this court a little I say not yet that if the earth and stones bee like our nailes and bones they haue no more intellect then sence Or if our bones and nailes be said to haue intellect because wee haue it hee is as very a foole that calleth them gods in the world as hee that should â—…me them men in vs. But this perhaps is for Philosophers let vs to our ciuill theame For it may bee though hee lift vp his head a little to the freedome of 〈◊〉 naturall theologie yet comming to this booke and knowing what he had to â—…oe hee lookes now and then back and saith this least his ancestors and others should be held to haue adored Tellus and Neptune to no end But this I say seeing â—…th onely is that part of the worlds soule that penetrateth earth why is it not 〈◊〉 intirely one goddesse and so called Tellus which done where is Orcus 〈◊〉 and Neptunes brother father Dis and where is Proserpina his wife that some opinions there recorded hold to be the earths depth not her fertility If they say the soule of the world that passeth in the vpper part is Dis and that in the loâ—…er Proserpina what shall then become of Tellus for thus is she intirely diuided into halfes that where she should be third there is no place vnlesse some will say that Orcus and Proserpina together are Tellus and so make not three but one or two of them yet 3. they are held worshiped by 3. seuerall sorts of rites by their altars priests statues and are indeed three deuills that do draw the deceiued soule to damnable whoredome But one other question what part of the worlds soule is Tellumo No saith he the earth hath two powers a masculine to produce and a feminine to receiue this is Tellus and that Tellumo But why then doe the Priests as he sheweth adde other two and make them foure Tellumo Tellus c Altor Rusor for the two first you are answered why Altor of Alo to nourish earth nourisheth all things Why Rusor of Rursus againe all things turne againe to earth L. VIVES PUtteth three a degrees Pythagoras and Plato say the soule is of three kindes vegetable sensitiue reasonable Mans soule say they is two-fold rationall and irrationall the later two-fold affectionate to ire and to desire all these they doe locally seperate Plat. de Rep. l. 4. Aristotle to the first three addeth a fourth locally motiue But he distinguisheth those parts of the reasonable soule in vse onely not in place nor essence calling them but powers referred vnto actions Ethic. Alez Aphrodiseus sheweth how powers are in the soule But this is not a fit theame for this place But this is all it is but one soule that augmenteth the hayre and bones profiteth the sences and replenisheth the heart and braine b Onely vnto This place hath diuersities of reading some leaue out part and some do alter but the sence being vnaltered a note were further friuolous c Altor Father Dis and Proserpina had many names in the ancient ceremonies Hee Dis Tellumo Altor Rusor Cocytus shee Uerra Orca and Nâ—…se Tellus Thus haue the priests bookes them Romulus was also called Altellus of nourishing his subiects so admirably against their enuious borderers Iupiter Plutonius saith Trismegistus rules sea and land and is the nourisher of all fruitfull and mortall foules In Asclepio Of earths surnames and significations which though they arose of diuerse originals yet should they not be accompted diuerse Gods CHAP. 24. THerefore earth for her foure qualities ought to haue foure names yet not to make foure gods One Ioue serues to many surnames and so doth one Iuno in all which the multitude of their powers constitute but one God and one goddesse not producing multitude of gods But as the vilest women are some-times ashamed of the company that their lust calleth them into so the polluted soule prostitute vnto all hell though it loued multitude of false gods yet it som-times lothed them For Varro as shaming at this crew would haue Tellus to be but one goddesse They a call her saith hee the Great mother and her Tymbrell is a signe of the earths roundnesse the turrets on her head of the townes the seates about her of her eternall stability when all things else are mooued her 〈◊〉 Priests signifie that such as want seede must follow the earth
which is not God for the worship of it selfe is wicked That Varro his doctrine of Theologie hangeth no way together CHAP. 28. THerefore what is it to the purpose that so learned a man as Varro hath endeuoured to reduce all these gods to heauen and earth and cannot they slip from his fingers and fall away do what he can for being to speake of the goddesses seeing that as I said quoth he in my first booke of the places there are obserued two beginninâ—…s of the gods producing deities celestiall and terrestriall as befoâ—…e being to speake of the masculine gods we began with heauen concerning Ianus called heauen or the world so now of the feminine beginning with the earth Tellus I see how sore so good a witte is already plunged Hee is drawne by a likelyhood to make heauen the agent and earth the pacient therefore giueth the first the masculine forme and the latter the feminine and yet vnderstandeth not that hee that giueth those vnto both these two made them both And here-vpon he interpreteth a the Samothratians noble mysteries so saying that hee will lay open such things thereof to his nation as it neuer knew this he promiseth most religiously For he saith be hath obserued in Images that one thing signifieth earth another heauen another the abstracts of formes b Plato's Ideae hee will haue Ioue to bee heauen Iuno earth Minerua the Ideas Heauen the efficient earth the substance Idea the forme of each effect Now here I omit to say that Plato ascribed so much to these formes that he saith heauen doth nothing without them but it selfe was made by them This I say that Varro in his booke of the Select gods hath vtterly ouerthrowne this distinction of those three Heauen hee placeth for the masculine for tâ—…e feminine earth amongst which he putteth Minerua that but now was aboue heauen And Neptune a masculine God is in the sea therefore rather in earth then heauen Father Dis or c Pluto a male-god and their brother he is also in earth vpmost and Proserpina his wife vnder him How can those heauen-gods now be earth-gods or these earth-gods haue roomes aboue or reference to heauen what sobriety soliditie or certaintie is in this discourse And earth is all their mother that is serued with nothing but sodomy cutting and gelding Why then doth he say Ianus the gods chiefe and Tellus the goddesses where error neither alloweth one head nor furie a like time why goe they vainely about to referre these to the world e as if it could be adored for the true God the worke for the maker That these can haue no reference thether the truth hath conuinced referre them but vnto dead men deuills and the controuersie is at an end L. VIVES THe a Samothracians Of these gods I haue already spoken They are Heauen and earth Iâ—…e and Iuno that are the great Samothracian gods Uarro de ling. lat l. 4 And Minerua also To these three the stately temple of the Capitoll was dedicated In Greeke it is not well knowne who these Samothracian gods were Apollonius his interpretor hath these words they call the Samothracian gods Cahiri Nnaseas saith that their names are Axierus that is Ceres 〈◊〉 Proserpina Aziocersus father Dis and Mercury their attendant as Dionysodorus saith Aâ—…n saith that Ioue begotte Iasion and Dardanus vpon Electra The name Cabeiri serues to deriue from the mountaines Caberi in Phrygia whence these gods were brought Sâ—…e sâ—…y these gods were but two Ioue the elder and Dionysius the yonger Thus farre hee Hee that will read the Greeke it beginneth at these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Now Iasion they say was Ceres sonne and called Caberus the brother of Dardanus others say laâ—… loued and lay with Ceres and was therefore slaine by thunder Hee that will read more of the Cabeiri let him go to Strabo lib. 10. b Plato's Idaea So called of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a forme or shape for hee that will make a thing first contemplateth of the forme and fitteth his worke therein A Painter drawes one picture by another this is his Idaea and therefore it is defined a forme of a future acte The Ideae of all things are in God which in framing of the world and cach part thereof hee did worke after and therefore Plato maketh three beginnings of all the minde that is God the worker the matter or substance of the world and the forme that it is framed after And God saith he in his Tymeus had an Idea or forme which hee followed in his whole fabricke of nature So that not onely the particuler spaces of the world but the 〈◊〉 heauen and the whole vniuerse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had the beginning from an Idea They are eâ—…all vncorporall and simple formes of things saith Apuleius Dogmat. Platon and from hence had God the figures of all things present and future nor can more the one Idea bee â—…nd in one whole kinde of creature according to which all of that kinde are wrought as 〈◊〉 of wâ—…e Where these Idea's are is a deeper question and diuersly held of the Platonists of that here-after c Pluto Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gaine Dis in Latine quasi diues ritche for out of the 〈◊〉 bowels his treasurie do men fetch vp stones of worth and mettalls And therefore was â—…e said to dwell vnder the land of Spaine as Strabo saith because there was such store of mettalâ—…es corne cattle and meanes of commodity d One head for Ianus had two heads Cybels Prieâ—…s were mad e As if it or which if they could no godly person would worship the world That all that the Naturalists referre to the worlds parts should be referred to God CHAP. 29. FOr this their naturall theologie referreth all these things to the world which would they auoide scruple of sacriledge they should of right referre to the true God the worlds maker and creator of all soules and bodies Obserue but this we worship God not heauen nor earth of which a two parts of the world conâ—…h nor a soule or soules diffused through all the parts thereof but a God that made heauen and earth and all therein he made all creatures that liue brutish sencelesse sensitiue and reasonable b And now to runne through the operations of this true and high GOD briefly which they reducing to absurd and obscene mysteries induced many deuills by We worship that God that hath giuen motion existence and limits to each created nature that knowes conteines and disposeth of all causes that gaue power to the seedes and reason to such as hee vouchsafed that hath bestowed the vse of speech vpon vs that hath giuen knowledge of future things to such spirits as he pleaseth and prophecieth by whom he please that for mans due correction ordereth and endeth all warres worldly tribulations that created the violent and vehement fire of this world for the temperature of
before the other the other spent their wittes in seeking out of the causes of things the meanes of learning and order of life these knowing GOD found thâ—… their was both the cause of the whole creation the light of all true learning and the fount of all felicity So that what Platonists or others soeuer held thâ—…s of GOD they held as we doe But wee choose rather to deale with the a Plâ—…tonists then others because their workes are most famous for both the Greekes whose language is very greatly ' esteemed of the nations doâ—… preserue and extoll them and the Latines mooued by their excelleâ—… and glory learning them more willingly themselues and by recordiâ—… them in their tongues also left them the more illustrious and plaine to vs and to all posterity L. VIVES VVIth the a Platonists From Plato and Aristotles time vnto Aphrodiseus that liued vnder Seuerus and his sonne Aristotle was rather named amongst the learned then either read or vnderstood Aprodiseus first aduentured to explaine him and did set many on to search farther into the author by that light hee gaue yet did Plato keepe aboue him still vntill the erection of publike schooles in France and Italy that is as long as the Greeke and Latine tongues were in account but when learning grew Mercenary and Mimicall all their aime was gaine and contention and verbosity and sond subtility with vile fained wordes of arte and friuolous quillets then was Aristotles logike and physikes held fit for their purpose and many better bookes of his throwne aside But as for Plato because they vnderstood him not nay and Aristotle much lesse yet because hee teacheth no trickes oh neuer name him I speake not this to imply Aristotles learning more insufficient then Plato's but it is a shame that Plato a holy Philosopher should bee thrust by and Aristotles best part also and the rest so read that he must speake their pleasures beeing such fooleries as not Aristotle no not any mad man of his time would haue held or divulged Whence Plato might haue that knowledge that brought him so neare the Christian doctrine CHAP. 11. NOw some of our Christians admire at these assertions of Plato comming soneere to our beleefe of God So that some thinke that at his going to Egipt hâ—…e heard the Prophet a Hieremye or got to read some of the prophets bookes in his trauell these opinions I haue b else-where related But by all true chronicles supputation Plato was borne an 100. yeares after Ieremy prophecied Plato liued 81. yeares and from his death to the time that Ptolomy King of Egipt demanded the Hebrew prophecies and had them translated by the 70. Iewes that vnderstood the greeke also is reckned almost 60. yeares So that Plato in his trauell could neither see Hieremy beeing dead nor read the scriptures beeing not as yet translated into the greeke which he vnderstood c vnlesse as he was of an infatigable studie he had had them read by an interpretor yet so as hee might not translate them or coppy them which Ptolomy as a friend might intreate or as a King command but onely carry away what he could in his memory Some reason there is for this because Genesis beginneth thus In the beginning GOD treated heauen and earth and the earth was without forme and voide and darkenesse â—…as vpon the deepe the Spirit of GOD mooued vpon the wateâ—…s And Plato in his d Tiâ—…s saith that GOD first e ioyned the earth and the fire Now it is certaine that f hee meaneth heauen by fire so that here is a correspondence with the other In the beginning GOD created heauen and earth Againe hee saith that the two g meanes conioyning these extremities are water and ayre this some may thinke he had from the other The spirit of GOD mooued vpon the waters not minding in what sence the scripture vseth the word Spirit and because h ayre is a spirit therefore it may bee hee gathered that hee collected 4. elements from this place And whereas hee saith a Philosopher is a louer of God thâ—…re is nothing better squareth with the holy scriptures but that especially which maketh mee almost confesse that Plato wanted not these bookes that whereas the Angel that brought Gods word to Moyses being asked what his name was that bad him goe free the Israelites out of Egipt answered his name was i I am that I am And thus shalt thou say to the children of Israell I am hath sent me to you as if that in comparison of that which truely is being immutable the things that are immutable are not Plato stuck hard vpon this and commended it highly And I maâ—…e a doubt whether the like be to be found in any one that euer wrote before Plate except in that booke when it was first written so I am that I am and thou shalt tell them that I am sent me to you But wheresoeuer he had it out of others bookes before him or as the Apostle saith Because that which is knowne of God is manifest vnto them for God hath shewed it them For the inuisible things of him that iâ—… his eternall power and god-head are seene by the creation of the world being considered in his workes This maketh mee chose to deale with the Platonists in our intended question of naturall Theology namely whether the seruice of one GOD or many suffice for the felicity of the life to come For as touching the seruice of one or many for the helpes of this temporall life I thinke I haue said already sufficient L. VIVES PRophet a Hieremy Hee went with the two Tribes Beniamin and Iuda into Egipt and was there stoned at Tanis there the inhabitants honour him for the present helpe his tombe giues theÌ„ against the stinging of serpents b Else-where De Doctr. xpian 2. Eusebâ—… saith Hieremy began to prophecy the 36. Olympiade and Plato was borne the 88. of the Septuagines hereafter c Unlesse as he was Iustin Martyr in Paracl ad gent Euseb. de prâ—…p Theodor. de Graec. affect all affiâ—…me that Plato had much doctrine from the Hebrew bookes Herevpon Numenius the Philosopher said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what is Plato but Moyfes made Athenian And Aristobulus the Iewe writting to Philometoâ—… saith as Eusebius citeth it Plato did follow our law in many things for his diuers allegations haue prooued him an obseruer of it in particular things and that in many For the Pentateâ—…ch was translated before Alexanders time yea before the Persian Monarchy whence hee and Pythagoras had both very much d Timaeus So because Timaeus the Locrian is induced as disputing of the worâ—…d hâ—… had Plato heard in Italy and he wrote of the world in the dorike tongue out of which booke Plato hath much of his doctrine e Ioyned the earth The words are traâ—…slated by Tully thus Corporeum aspectabilem itemque tractabilem esse necessarium est nihil porrò igni vacuum
thereby their equall esteeme of them call them what they list If the daunger of these goods or commodities should draw either of them to mischiefes or els to bee lost they both ioyne in this rather to abiure the vse of bodily benefits then to transgresse the rules of iustice Thus is the minde still fixed holding stedfastly that no passion though it insult vpon the soules meaner parts can domineere oâ—… but reason ouer them excercising vertues soueraignty ouer them by opposition nor by consent For such an one doth Virgil say Eneas was Mens immota manet Lachrymae voluuntur inanes His minde stood fixt yet fruitlesse teares must out L. VIVES THâ—…se a Tully De finib lib. 3. Cato Minor is for the Stoikes in the question of the highest good all whose arguments Tully himselfe lib. 4 refuteth proouing their controuersie with the Plâ—…ists and Peripatetiques to bee onely verball whose principall founder Zeno was b Will not Cic. de finib calls them esteemables and Acad quest lib. 1. saith thus Zeno placed all the 〈◊〉 of beatitude in vertue onely nor reckned ought good but what was honest that being the â—…ple and onely good The rest though not bad yet some are naturall some against â—…re 〈◊〉 meane betweene both The naturall he holds are to bee held in some esteeme and contrary of the contrariety The meane hee leaues as neuters not to be held at any esteem make degrees of esteeme in the naturall also the more esteemable hee called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preferred the lesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reiected and these words Tully vseth de finib lib. 3. c Others Plato de lâ—…g lib. 4. maketh goods triplet corporall mentall externall the first and last being secluded from vertue he maketh vselesse hurtfull and dangerous the midlemost are diuine and happy adiuncts of the wise man onely making man happy of themselues alone the other properly 〈◊〉 not goods but respectiuely nor vnto all but the iust onely to whom that which the vulgar calleth euill is a truer good then these are to the wicked seruing them onely as instruments of more mischiefe This is common in Plato who gaue originall to almost al the Stoikes rare and admired paradoxes as that honest things are only good only a wise man is ritch free the good man it happy the bad miserable to beare a wrong is more felicity then to offer one Yet did Plato call those corporall and external benefits goods because as Apuleius saith Dog Pla. their vse is necessary in common life yet so are they goods as vertue must better them and aâ—…pt them to the fit prosecution of happinesse So good they are saith Plato when they are verâ—… 〈◊〉 and serue in her ministery when otherwise they are direct plagues destructiâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotle also held d Whether a wise Of affects Tully discourseth at lage Tusc. quaest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what they are that a wise man must not be exposed vnto in Stoicisme But the Plaâ—…â—…d â—…d their most generall followers the Peripatetiques say that they are naturally ingrafted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…remoouable and onely to bee repressed e A. Gellius He liued in Adrians time and 〈◊〉 wrote his Noctes Atticae Hee was very familiar with Phauorinus and Taurus both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with Apollinaris and Probus Grammarians of his learning and wit take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom the most nay rather all the Grammarians doe second perhaps because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of their profession sufficeth it to say thus though by Augustines leâ—… I thinke him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But of this else-where The place here quoted is lib. 19. cap. 1. f Elâ—… Or of quick â—…tion g Of Asia Which word addeth to his luxury for from Asia it first arose h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristippus Who had the like chance in sayling to Corinth Laertâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…opolis seruant to Epaphâ—…s Nero's chamberlaine 〈◊〉 vnto the Antonines of him was made this disticke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Borne was I slaue and Epictete my name Belou'd of God as Irus poore and lame 〈◊〉 he was indeed Sustine abstine was much in his mouth which Gellius saith often 〈◊〉 not much nothing of his was extant in Suidas times His Manuell was his scholâ—… 〈◊〉 not his The booke that this Philosopher puld out of his sâ—…rip was the fift of his 〈◊〉 k Minds Phantasies of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to imagine Tully translates it a thing seene it is 〈◊〉 that the mind frames it selfe after any obiect arising of the external impulsioÌ„ which 〈◊〉 by consent or resistance so begetting opinion But the opinions condemned by 〈◊〉 seeme rather to bee the affections that wee doe procure our selues from our owne 〈◊〉 â—…dgements and opinion sorrow they called an opinion of a great euil present ioy 〈◊〉 good desire an opinion of a great future good feare of an euill Thence doe they 〈◊〉 opinion troubleth vs more then reall causes and we are oftener feared then hurt 〈◊〉 toucht already They held further that an vngrounded opinion or weake assent 〈◊〉 consideration doth not befall a wise man l Not so farre Arrianus in his Enâ—…â—…ddes a wise man as soone as any terrible obiect presents it selfe vnto him to conâ—…â—…s but a phantasme and not such as it appeareth m Befall Plato saith that afâ—… 〈◊〉 man as like nerues or little strings whereby nature drawes vs forwarde into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 themselues are contraries but hee that hath giuen his reason once dominion oâ—…â—…all finde their force of no effect worth esteeming â—…at the Christians passions are causes of the the practise of vertue not inducers vnto vice CHAP. 5. 〈◊〉 is no need to stand vpoÌ„ a large discouery what the christians scriptures 〈◊〉 in this point of affects It doth subiect the whole minde to Gods goâ—… 〈◊〉 and assistance and all the passions vnto it in that manner that they are 〈◊〉 seeme the increase of iustice finally our doctrine inquires not so much 〈◊〉 be angry but wherefore Why he is sad not whether he be sad and 〈◊〉 For anger with an offender to reforme him pitty vpon one afflicted 〈◊〉 him feare for one in daunger to deliuer him these no man not mad can 〈◊〉 The Stoikes a indeed vse to reprehend pitty But that Stoike might â—…estly haue pittied another mans daunger then haue feared his owne 〈◊〉 farre more humanity and piety sayd Tully b in Caesars praise Of all thy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 none more admired nor applauded then thy mercy What is mercy but a 〈◊〉 â—…on in our owne heart of anothers misfortunes vrging vs as farre as our 〈◊〉 â—…tcheth to releoue him This affect serues reason when our pitty offendâ—…â—…stice either in releeuing the poore or forgiuing the penitent This c 〈◊〉 â—…ent Cicero stuck not to call a vertue which the Stoikes recken with the 〈◊〉 doth Epictetus out of the doctrines of Zeno and Chrysippus the first paâ—… this sect allow these passions vnto a man whom nathelesse they must 〈◊〉 keepe from
otâ—… iâ—…â—…uffeth vp that is filleth one with vaine glory So then In the diuels is thâ—…â—…owledge without charity and thence they are puffed so big so proud that thâ—… 〈◊〉 honours which they well know to be Gods due they haue euer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…em-selues and as far as they can doe so still Now what power the 〈◊〉 oâ—… Câ—…â—…hat came in forme of a seruant hath against this diuels pride as men deserued â—…ered in their hearts mens wretched minds beeing diueleshly as yet puffed vppe can by no meanes because of their proud tumor compâ—…hend or conceiue L. VIVES GReeke a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the old greeke was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to know Thence came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the author of the great Etymology All knowing And 〈◊〉 of the same minde for their knowledge In Cratylo Capella followeth him and so â—…ers Lactantius also lib. 2. giues them this name for their vnderstanding And so doth â—…lcidius vpon Plato his Timaeus In what manner the Lord would make him-selfe knowne to the Diuells CHAP. 21. FOâ—… the diuels hadde this knowledge they could say to the Lord in the flesh 〈◊〉 haue we to do with thee O Iesus of Nazareth Art thou come to destroy vs 〈◊〉 time Here is a plaine knowledge without charity they feare to be plaâ—…y him but loued not the iustice in him Their knowledge was bounded â—…is will and his will with conuenience But they knew him not as the Angels 〈◊〉 him that participate of his Deity in all eternity but vnto their terror out of 〈◊〉 clutches he quit those yâ— he had predestinated to his Kingdom of true eterâ—…y and eternall glorious truth The diuels therefore knew him not as hee 〈◊〉 life eternall the vnchangeable light illuminating all the godly who reâ—…hat light to the purification of their hearts by faith but they knew him by â—…mporall effects of his presence and secret signes of his vertue which the diâ—… angelicall sences might easilier obserue then mans naturall infirmity â—…gnes when he suppressed the Prince of diuels made question of his Deiâ—…empted him for the b tryall of his Deity trying how farre hee would â—…m-selfe to bee tempted in c adapting his humanity vnto our imitatiâ—… d after his temptation when the good and glorious Angels whome â—…els extremely feared came and ministred vnto him then the diuels gotte â—…nd more knowledge of him and not one of them durst resist his command 〈◊〉 hee seemed infirme and e contemptible in the flesh L. VIVES ANgelicall a sences Christs miracles were more admired of the Angells and Diuels then of men because they knowing the causes of thinges saw natures power conâ—… and transcended Now men though they saw them strange yet wanted there not 〈◊〉 to say hee cast out diuels by Beelzebub their Prince not so much beleeuing this indeed â—…g that the simple multitude should beleeue it And others of later time haue falseâ—…ged him with art Magicke against whome by GODS helpe I will deale at large 〈◊〉 bookes De sapientia Christiana b For tryall The Diuell generally tempts man to 〈◊〉 but here he aymed not so much at sinne for he knew his sanctity at least neare inexâ—…ble but his fetch was to see whether the Deity were in this humaine forme c Aâ—…g Because he would not seeme exempted by passing vntempted from humaine conâ—… Nor should his seruants after him thinke much to be tempted seeing that old 〈◊〉 â—…nemy of man didde not spare CHRIST him-selfe d After temptation This â—…mplary also For as none shall passe vntempted so if none yeeld to the temptation 〈◊〉 shall all inioy the solace and ministery of Angels as Hierome saith e Contemptible 〈◊〉 needy of meane birth and place farre from ostentation and hauing his society of such like as hee was The difference of the holy Angels knowledge and the Diuels CHAP. 22. VNto the good Angels the knowledge of all temporall things that puffes vp the Diuels is vile not that they want it but in that they wholy respect the loue of that God that sanctifieth them in comparison of which ineffable and vnchangeable glory with the a loue of with they are inflamed they contemne al that is vnder it that is b not it yea and euen them-selues that al their good may be imployed in inioying that onely good And so came they to a more sure knowledge of the world viewing in God the principall causes of the worlds creation which causes do confirme this frustrate that and dispose of all now the c diuels are fat from beholding those eternall and fundamentall causes in the wisedome of God only they can extract a notion from certaine secret signes which man is ignorant in haue more experience and therefore may oftener presage euents But they are often deceiued mary the Angels neuer For it is one thing to presage changes euents from changeable and casuall grounds and to confound them by as changeable a will as the diuels are permitted to do another thing to fore-see the changes of times and the wil of God in his eternall vnalterable decrees most d certain most powerful by the participatioÌ„ of his diuine spirit as the Angels ar vouchsafed by due gradation to do So are they eternal and blessed He is their God that made them for his participation and contemplation they do e continually inioy L. VIVES THe a loue Loue alwayes worketh on beauteous obiects Socrates in Plato's Phado saith that if corporall eyes could behold the face of honesty and wisedome they would hold it most deer and amiable What then if we could see Gods face whose fayrenesse saith the booke of wisedom appeares euen in this that our fayrest obiects are of his making Diotina in Plato's Conui as wee said aboue holds but one pulchritude worthy the loue of an honest man that desires beatitude b Is not all that is not God being vile in respect of God the Angels contemne both all and them-selues in respect of him which cogitation fastneth them so firme in Vnion with God that his beatitude sufficeth without all other appendances to make them eternally blessed c The diuels For they cannot behold the pole or foundation where-vpon all causes are grounded and turned nor the fount whence they arise but only by their pregnancy and wit surmounting ours as also by experence more then ours beeing immortall they haue a quicke conceipt of things present and a surer presage in things to come then we haue Whereby coniecturing euents not from the proper cause but their owne coniectures they are oftentimes deceiued ly when they think they speak most true boasting that they know al things Nor do the vnpure diuels faile herein onely but euen the gods them-selues saith Porphyry d Most certaine Gods will hath this certainty it effecteth what it pleaseth else were it not certaine as not being in his power but all effects
not This I say is the way that will free all beleeuers wherein Abraham trusting receiued that diuine promise In thy seede shall all the nations bee blessed Abrahamâ—… as a Chaldaean but for to receiue this promise that the seede which was disposed by the Angells in the mediators power to giue this vniuersall way of the soules freedome vnto all nations he was commanded to leaue his owne land and kinred and his fathers house And then was hee first freed from the Chaldaean superstitions and serued the true God to whose promise he firmely trusted This is the way recorded in the Prophet God bee mercifull vnto vs and blesse vs and shew vs the light of his countenance and bee mercifull vnto vs. That thy way may be knowne vpon earth thy sauing health among all nations And long aftâ—…r Abrahams seede beeing incarnate Christ sayth of himselfe I am the way the truth and the life This is the vniuersall way mentioned so long before by the Prophets It shal be in the last daies that the g mountaine of the house of the Lord shal be prepared in the toppe of the mountaines and shal be exalted aboue the hills and all nations shall flie vnto it And many people shall goe and say come let vs goe vppe to the mountaine of the Lord to the house of the God of Iacob and hee will teach vs his way and wee will walke therein For the lawe shall goe forth of Syon and the word of the LORD from Ierusalem This way therefore is not peculiar to some one nation but common to all Nor did the law and word of God stay in Ierusalem or Syon but come from thence to ouerspread all the world Therevpon the mediator being risen from death sayd vnto his amazed and amated disciples Al things must be fulfilled which are written of mee in the law the Prophets and the Psalmes Then opened hee their vnderstanding that they might vnderstand the scriptures saying thus it behooued CHRIST to suffer and to rise againe from the dead the third day and that repentance and remission of sinnes should be preached in his name amongst all nations beginning at Ierusalem This then is the vniuersall way of the soules freedome which the Saints and Prophets beeing at first but a fewe as God gaue grace and those all Hebrewes for that estate was in a h manner consecrated did both adumbrate in their temple sacrifice and Priest-hood and fore-told also in their prophecy often mistically and some-times plainely And the Mediator himselfe and his Apostles reuealing the grace of the new testament made plaine all those significations that successe of precedent times had retained as it pleased God the miracls which I spoke of before euermore giuing confirmation to them For they had not onely angelicall visions and saw the ministers of heauen but euen these simple men relying wholy vpon Gods word cast out deuills cured diseases i commanded wild-beasts waters birds trees elements and starres raised the dead I except the miracles peculiar to our Sauiour chiefly in his birth and resurrection shewing in the first the mistery of k maternall virginity and in the other the example of our renouation This way cleanseth euery soule and prepareth a mortall man in euery part of his for immortality For least that which Prophyry calls the intellect should haue one purgation the spirital another and the body another therefore did our true and powerfull Sauiour take all vpon him Besides this way which hath neuer failed man-kinde either l in prophecies or in their m performances no man hath euer had freedome or euer hath or euer shall haue And wheras Porphyry saith he neuer had any historicall notice of this way what history can be more famous then this that lookes from such a towring authority downe vpon all the world or more faithfull since it so relateth things past as it prophecyeth things to come a great part whereof wee see already performed which giueth vs assured hope of the fulfilling of the rest Porphyry nor euer a Platonist in the world can contemne the predictions of this way albee they concerne but temporall affaires as they doe all other prophecies and diuinations of what sort soeuer for them they say they neither are spoken by worthy men nor to any worthy purpose true for they are either drawne from inferiour causes as 〈◊〉 can presage much n concerning health vpon such or such signes or cls the vncleane spirits fore-tell the artes that they haue already disposed of o confirming the mindes of the guilty and wicked with deedes fitting their words or words fitting their deedes to get themselues a domination in mans infirmity But the holy men of this vniuersall way of ours neuer respect the prophecying of those things holding them iustly trifles yet doe they both know them and often fore-tell them to confirme the faith in things beyond sence and hard to present vnto plainnesse But they were other and greater matters which they as God inspired them did prophecy namely the incarnation of Christ and all things thereto belonging and fulfilled in his name repentance and conuersion of the will vnto God remission of sinnes the grace of iustice faith and increase of beleeuers throughout all the world destinction of Idolatry temptation for triall mundifying of the proficients freedom from euill the day of iudgement resurrection damnation of the wicked and glorification of the City of GOD in 〈◊〉 eternall Kingdome These are the prophecies of them of this way many are fullfilled and the rest assuredly are to come That this streight way leading to the knowledge and coherence of GOD lieth plaine in the holy scriptures vpon whose truth it is grounded they that beleeue not and therefore know not may oppose this but can neuer ouerthrow it And therefore in these ten bookes I 〈◊〉 spoken by the good assistance of GOD sufficient in sound iudgements though some expected more against the impious contradictors that preferre 〈◊〉 gods before the founder of the holy citty whereof wee are to dispute The 〈◊〉 fiue of the ten opposed them that adored their gods for temporall respects 〈◊〉 fiue later against those that adored them for the life to come It remaines now according as wee promised in the first booke to proceede in our discourse of the two citties that are confused together in this world and distinct in the other of whose originall progresse and consummation I now enter to dispute eâ—…â—…oking the assistance of the almighty L. VIVES KInges a high or road the Kinges the Prâ—…tors and the Soldiors way the lawes held holy b Indian The Gymnosophists and the Brachmans much recorded for admirable deeds and doctrine c All the world Therfore is our fayth called Catholike because it was not taught to any peculiar nation as the Iewes was but to all mankind excluding none all may be saued by it and none can without it nor hath euery nation herein as they haue in Paganisme a seuerall religion But
anew that was neuer acciâ—… 〈◊〉 it before e If they say that the happinesse misery haue bin coeternaleâ—… then must they be so still then followes this absurdity that the soule being 〈◊〉 shall not be happy in this that it foreseeth the misery to come If it 〈◊〉 foresee their blisse nor their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is it happily a false vnderstandâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a most fond assertion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they hold that the misery and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…ed each other froÌ„ al eternity but that afterwards the soule beâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no more to misery yet doth not this saue theÌ„ from being câ—…ed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was neuer truly happy before but then begineth to enioy 〈◊〉 new vncertâ—… happines so they coÌ„fesse that this so strang vnexpected 〈◊〉 thing befâ—…ls the soule then that neuer befel it before which new changes cause 〈◊〉 â—…y deny yâ— God eternally foreknew they deny him also to be the author of that 〈◊〉 which were wicked to doe And then if they should say that hee 〈◊〉 resolued that the soule should not become eternally blessed how farre 〈◊〉 â—…m quitting him from that mutability which they disallow But if 〈◊〉 â—…ledge that it had f a true temporall beginning but shall neuer 〈◊〉 â—…ral end hauing once tried misery and gotten cleare of it shal neuer 〈◊〉 â—…ble more this they may boldly affirme with preiudice to Gods immuâ—… will And so they may beeleeue that the world had a temporall origiâ—… 〈◊〉 that God did not alter his eternall resolution in creating of it L. VIVES 〈◊〉 a made Epicurus his question Câ—…c de nat deor 1. Uelleius reasons of it b They 〈◊〉 This is a maine doubt mightily diuided and tossed into parts by great wittes and 〈◊〉 â—…tes Some hold the world neuer made nor euer ending so doe the Peripatetiâ—…â—…y â—…y Latines as Pliny and Manilius follow them Cato the elder saith that of the 〈◊〉 â—…me said it was created but must bee eternall as they in the other booke said Plaâ—… said it was from eternity but must haue an end Some that God made it corrupâ—…â—…dlesse as preserued by the diuine essence and these are Pythagoreans Some say it 〈◊〉 beginning and must haue an end the Epicureans Anaxagoras Empedocles and the 〈◊〉 this Of these Plut. de Plac. Philoso Galen Histor. Philosoph if that booke bee his 〈◊〉 die nat Macrobius and others doe write Aphrodiseus stands to Aristotle beâ—…â—…inion was the most battered at Galen made the sences iudges of all the whole 〈◊〉 because wee see the same world all in the same fashion therefore it was vncreaâ—… bee eternall For as Manilius saith The Father sees not one world the Sonne anoâ—… of them that make it eternall say that God made it Some giue it no cause of beeâ—… it cause of it selfe and all besides Arist. de caelo mundo c Order Chance 〈◊〉 â—…ke so singularly an ordered worke nor any other reason or work-man but beauâ—… could produce so beauteous an obiect All the Philosophers schooles that smelt of 〈◊〉 held directly that nothing prooued the world to bee of Gods creating so much 〈◊〉 â—…ll beauty thereof Plato the Stoikes Cicero Plutarch and Aristotle were all thus 〈◊〉 Cic. de nat de lib. 2. d In that of the soule Plato thrusts their eternal soules into 〈◊〉 â—…nto prisons for sins coÌ„mitted e If they They must needs say they were either euer 〈◊〉 euer wretched or successiuely both which if it be the alteration of the soules naâ—…â—…use it perforce For what vicissitude of guilt and expiation could there bee for so 〈◊〉 â—…sand yeares of eternity so constant as to make the soules now blessed and now miâ—… A true Some read a beginning as number hath number begins at one and so runs 〈◊〉 the great number may stil be increased nor can you euer come to the end of numâ—… hath no end but is iustly called infinite 〈◊〉 we ought not to seeke to comprehend the infinite spaces of time or place ere the world was made CHAP. 5. 〈◊〉 then let vs see what wee must say to those that make God the worlds 〈◊〉 and yet examine the time and what they wil say to vs when wee exaâ—… of the place They aske why it was made then and no sooner as wee â—…ke why was it made in this place and in no other for if they imagine inâ—…â—…paces of time before the world herein they cannot thinke that God did 〈◊〉 so likewise may they suppose infinite spaces of place besides the world 〈◊〉 if they doe not make the Deity to rest and not operate they must fall to 〈◊〉 a his dreame of innumerable worlds onely this difference there wil be 〈◊〉 all his worlds of the b casuall coagulation of Atomes and so by their 〈◊〉 dissolues them but they must make all theirs Gods handiworkes if the will not let him rest in all the inter-mirable space beyond the world and haue none of all them worlds no more then this of ours to bee subiect to dissolution c foâ—… we now dispute with those that doe as wee doe make God the incorporeall Creator of all things that are not of his owne essence For those that stand for many gods they are vnworthy to bee made disputants in this question of religion The other Philosophers haue quite d out-stript all the rest in fame and credit because though they werefarre from the truth yet were they nearer then the rest Perhaps they will neither make Gods essence dilatable not limmitable but as one should indeed hold will affirme his incorporeall presence in all that spacious distance besides the world imploied onely in this little place in respect of his immensity that the world is fixt in I doe not thinke they will talke so idly If they set God on worke in this one determinate though greatly dilated world that reason that they gaue why God should not worke in all those infinite places beyond the world let them giue the same why God wrought not in all the infinite times before the world But as it is not consequent that God followed chance rather then reason in placing of the worlds frame where it now standeth in no other place though this place had no merit to deserue it before the infinite others yet no mans reason can comprehend why the diuine will placed it so euen so no more is it consequent that wee should thinke that it was any chance made God create this world than rather then at any other time whereas all times before had their equall course and none was more meritorious of the creation then another But if they say men are fond to thinke there is any place besides that wherein the world is so are they say wee to immagine any time for God to bee idle in since there was no time before the worldes creation L. VIVES EPicurus a his dreame Who held not onely many worlds but infinite I shewed it elsewhere Metrodorus saith it as absurd to imagine but
by temptations the other enuying this the recollection of the faithfull pilgrims the obscurity I say of the opinion of these two so contrary societies the one good in nature and wil the other good in nature also but bad by wil since it is not explaned by other places of scripture that this place in Genesiis of the light and darknes may bee applyed as Denominatiue vnto them both though the author hadde no such intent yet hath not beene vnprofitably handled because though wee could not knowe the authors will yet wee kept the rule of faith which many other places make manifest For though Gods corporall workes bee heere recited yet haue some similitude with the spiritual as the Apostle sayth you are all the children of the light and the children of the day wee are no sonnes of the night nor darknes But if this were the authors mind the other disputation hath attained perfection that so wise a man of God nay the spirit in him in reciting the workes of God all perfected in sixe dayes might by no meanes bee held to leaue out the Angels eyther in the beginning that is because hee had made them first or as wee may better vnderstand In the beginning because hee made them in his onely begotten Word in which beginning God made heauen and earth Which two names eyther include all the creation spirituall and temporall which is more credible Or the two great partes onely as continents of the lesser beeing first proposed in whole and then the parts performed orderly according to the mistery of the sixe dayes L. VIVES INto a cheynes This is playne in Saint Peters second Epistle and Saint Iudes also The Angels sayth the later which kept not their first estate but left their owne habitation hath hee reserued in euerlasting cheynes vnder Darkenesse vnto the iudgement of the great day Augustine vseth prisons for places whence they cannot passe as the horses were inclosed and could not passe out of the circuit vntill they had run b Pride Typhus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Pride and the Greeks vse Typhon of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bee proud and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to burne for the fiery diuell So sayth Plutarch of Typhon Osyris his brother that he was a diuell that troubled all the world with acts of malice and torment Augustine rather vseth it then the Latine for it is of more force and was of much vse in those dayes Philip the Priest vseth it in his Commentaries vppon Iob. c Iustice For God doth iustly reuenge by his good Ministers He maketh the spirits his messengers flaming fire his Ministers Ps. 103. d The desired There is no power on the earth like the diuels Iob. 40. Which might they practise as they desire they would burne drowne waste poyson torture and vtterly destroy man and beast And though we know not the diuells power directly where it is limited and how farr extended yet are wee sure they can do vs more hurt then we can euer repaire Of the power of Angels read Augustâ—… de Trinit lib. 3. Of the opinion that some held that the Angels weee meant by the seueral waters and of others that held the waters vncreated CHAP. 34. YEt some there a were that thought that the b company of Angels were meant by the waters and that these wordes Let there be a firmament in the midst of the waters and let it seperate the waters from the waters meant by the vpperwaters the Angels and by the lower eyther the nations or the diuels But if this bee so there is no mention of the Angels creation but onely of their seperation c Though some most vainely and impiously deny that God made the waters because hee neuer said Let there be waters So they may say of earth for he neuer said Let there be earth I but say they it is written God created both heauen and earth Did he so Then is water included therein also for one name serues both for the Psalm sayth The sea is his and he made it and his hands prepared the dry land but the d elementary weights do moue these men to take the waters aboue for the Angels because so an element cannot remayne aboue the heauens No more would these men if they could make a man after their principles put fleame being e in stead of water in mans body in the head f but there is the seate of fleame most fitly appointed by God but so absurdly in these mens conceits that if wee know not though this booke told vs playne that God had placed this fluid cold and consequently heauy humor in the vppermost part of mans body these world-weighers would neuer beleeue it And if they were subiect to the scriptures authority they would yet haue some meaning to shift by But seeing that the consideration of all thinges that the Booke of God conteineth concerning the creation would draw vs farre from our resolued purpose lette vs now together with the conclusion of this booke giue end to this disputation of the two contrary societyes of Angells wherein are also some groundes of the two societies of mankinde vnto whome we intend now to proceed in a fitting discourse L. VIVES SOme a there were as Origen for one who held that the waters aboue the heauens were no waters but Angelicall powers and the waters vnder the heauens their contraries diuels Epiph. ad Ioan. Hierosol Episc. b Companies Apocal. The peaple are like many waters and here-vpon some thought the Psalme meant saying You waters that bee aboue the heauens praise the name of the Lord for that belongs only to reasonable creatures to do c Though some Augustine reckoneth this for an heresie to hold the waters coeternall with God but names no author I beleeue Hesiods Chaos and Homers all producing waters were his originals d Elementary I see all this growes into question whether there be waters aboue the heauens and whether they be elementary as ours are Of the first there is lesse doubt For if as some hold the firmament be the ayre then the seperation of waters from waters was but the parting of the cloudes from the sea But the holy men that affirme the waters of Genesis to be aboue the starry firmament preuaile I gesse now in this great question that a thicke clowd commixt with ayre was placed betwixt heauen and earth to darken the space betweene heauen and vs And that part of it beeing thickned into that sea we see was drawne by the Creator from the face of the earth to the place where it is that other part was borne vp by an vnknowne power to the vttermost parts of the world And hence it came that the vpper still including the lower heauen the fire fire the ayre ayre the water this water includeth not the earth because the whole element thereof is not vnder the Moone as fire and ayre is Now for the nature of those waters Origen to begin with the
painfull is iustly termed 〈◊〉 death then life and therefore is it called the second death because it folâ—…th the first breach of nature either betweene God and the soule or this and the â—…dy of the first death therefore wee may say that it is good to the good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the bad But the second is bad in all badnesse vnto all good to none L. VIVES IT a is called Bruges copy differs not much all is one in substance b Second death 〈◊〉 2. 11. and 21 8. Whether death propagated vnto all men from the first be punishment of sinne to the Saints CHAP. 3. â—…ere's a question not to be omitted whether the first death bee good to 〈◊〉 â—…ood If it be so how can it be the punishment of sinne for had not our 〈◊〉 sinned they had neuer tasted it how then can it bee good to the vpâ—… cannot happen but vnto offenders and if it happen but vnto offenders 〈◊〉 not be good for it should not be at all vnto the vpright for why should 〈◊〉 punishment that haue no guilt Wee must confesse then that had not 〈◊〉 parents sinned they had not dyed but sinning the punishment of death â—…cted vpon them and all their posteritie for they should not produce 〈◊〉 â—…ng but what them-selues were and the greatnesse of their crime depraued 〈◊〉 â—…ture so that that which was penall in the first mans offending was made 〈◊〉 in the birth of all the rest for they came not of man as man came of the 〈◊〉 The dust was mans materiall but man is mans parent That which is earth is 〈◊〉 flesh though flesh be made of earth but that which man the father is man the 〈◊〉 is also For all man-kinde was in the first man to bee deriued from him by the 〈◊〉 when this couple receiued their sentence of condemnation And that 〈◊〉 man was made not in his creation but in his fall and condemnation that 〈◊〉 â—…got in respect I meane of sinne and death For his sinne a was not cause of 〈◊〉 weaknesse in infancie or whitenesse of body as we see in infants those God would haue as the originall of the yonglings whose parents he had cast downe to 〈◊〉 mortality as it is written Man was in honor and vnderstood not but became 〈◊〉 the beasts that perish vnlesse that infants bee weaker in motion and appetite 〈◊〉 all other creatures to shew mans mounting excellence aboue them all comâ—…le to a shaft that flieth the stronger when it is drawne farthest back in the 〈◊〉 Therefore mans presumption and iust sentence adiudged him not to those â—…lities of nature but his nature was depraued vnto the admission of conâ—…entiall in-obedience in his members against his will thereby was bound to death by necessity and to produce his progeny vnder the same conditions that his crime deserued From which band of sin if infants by the mediators grace be freed they shall onely bee to suffer the first death of body but from the eternall penall second death their freedome from sinne shall quit them absolutely L. VIVES HIs sinne a was not Here is another question in what state men should haue beene borne had they not sinned Augustine propounds it in his booke De baptis paruul some thinke they should haue beene borne little and presently become perfect men Others borne little but in perfect strength onely not groweth and that they should presently haue followed the mother as we see chickens and lambes The former giue them immediate vse of sence and reason the later not so but to come by degrees as ours do Augustine leaues the doubt as hee findes it seeming to suppose no other kinde of birth but what we now haue Why the first death is not withheld from the regenerat from sinne by grace CHAP. 4. IF any thinke they should not suffer this being the punishment of guilt and there guilt cleared by grace he may be resolued in our booke called De baptismo paruulorum There we say that the seperation of soule and body remaineth to succeed though after sinne because if the sacrament of regeneration should be immediately seconded by immortality of body our faith were disanulled being an expectation of a thing vnseene But by the strength and vigor of faith was this feare of death to be formerly conquered as the Martires did whose conflicts had had no victory nor no glory nay had bin no conflicts if they had beene deified and freed from corporall death immediatly vpon their regeneration for if it were so who would not run vnto Christ to haue his child baptised least hee should die should his faith be approued by this visible reward no it should be no faith because he receiued his reward immediatly But now the wounderfull grace of our Sauiour hath turned the punishment of sinne vnto the greater good of righteousnesse Then it was said to man thou shalt die if thou sinne now it is said to the Martir die to auoid sin Then if you breake my lawes you shall dy now if you refuse to die you breake my lawes That which we feared then if we offended we must now choose not to offend Thus by Gods ineffable mercy the punishment of sin is become the instrument of vertue and the paine due to the sinners guilt is the iust mans merit Then did sinne purchase death and now death purchaseth righteousnes I meane in the Martires whome their persecutors bad either renounce their faith or their life and those iust men chose rather to suffer that for beleeuing which the first sinners suffred for not beleeuing for vnlesse they had sinned they had not dyed and Martires had sinned if they had not died They dyed for sinne these sinne not because they die The others crime made death good which before was euill but God hath giuen such grace to faith that death which is lifes contrary is here made the ladder whereby to ascend to life As the wicked vse the good law euill so the good vse death which is euill well CHAP. 5. FOr the Apostle desiring to shew the hurt of sin being vnpreuented by grace doubted not to say that the law which forbids sinne is the strength of sinne The sting 〈◊〉 saith he is sinne and the strength of sinne is the lawe Most true for a forbidding of vnlawfull desires increase them in him where righteousnesse is not of power to suppresse all such affects to sinne And righteousnesse can neuer be lâ—…d without gods grace procure this loue But yet to shew that the law is not euill though hee calls it the strength of sinne hee saith in another place in the 〈◊〉 question The law is holy and the commandement holy and iust and good Was that then which is good saith he made death to me GOD forbid buâ—… sinne that it might appeare sinne wrought death in me by that which is good b that siâ—…e might be out of measure sinfull by the commandement Out of measure 〈◊〉
Sat. 15. Saxa inclinatus per humum quaesita lacertis Incipiunt torquere domestica seditione Tela nec hunc lapidem quali se Turnus Aiax Et quo Tydides percussit pondere coxam Aeneae sed quam valeant emittere dextrae Illis dissimiles nostro tempore natae Nam genus hoc viuo iam decrescebat Homero Terra malos homines nunc educat atque pufillos Ergo dous quicunque aspexit ridet odit c. They stoopt for stones to cast and kept a coyle With those fitte weapons for a scambling broyle Not such as Turnus threw nor Aiax tall Nor that Aeneas haunch was hurt withall But such as our weake armes to weald were able Farre short of those those worthies memorable Began to faile ere Homer fail'd his pen And earth brings nothing forth but Pygmee-men The Gods behold our growth with ieasting scorne c. b Intimating And in his Georgikes lib. 1. Girandiaque effâ—…ssis mirabitur â—…sse sepulchris And gaze on those huge bones within the tombe c Axâ—…th Vpon Saint Christophers day wee went to visite the chiefe Church of our citty and there was a tooth shewen vs as bigge as my fist which they say was Saint Christophers There was with mee Hierom Burgarinâ—… a man of a most modest and sober carriage and an infatigable student which he hath both from nature and also from the example of his fatherâ—… who though hee were old and had a great charge of family yet gaue him-selfe to his booke that his children might see him and imitate him d Plinie His naturall history wee haue I need neither stand to commend this worke nor the authors learned diligence This which Augustine citeth is in his seauenth booke where also hee saith that in Crete there was a mountaine rent by an earth-quake and in it a body of fortie sixe cubites long was found Some sayd it was Otus his body and some Orions Orestes his body was digged vp by oracle and found to be seauen cubites long Now Homer complained of the decrease of stature very neare a thousand yeares agoe Thus farre Pliny Cyprian writes hereof also to Demetrianus and Vriell Gods Angell spake it also vnto Esdras Besides Gellius lib. 3. saith that the ordinary stature of man was neuer aboue seauen foote which I had rather beleeue then Herodotus that fabulous Historiographer who saith that Orestes his body was found to to be seauen cubites which is twelue foote and ¼ vnlesse as Homer thinke the bodies of the ancients were larger then those of later times who decline with the worlds declining age But Plato Aristotle and their followers that held the world to bee eternall affirme that it neither diminisheth nor declineth e Saith Lib. 7. chap. 48. Hellanicus saith that there is a race of the Epirotes in Etolia that liue two hundred yeares and Damastes holdeth so also naming one Pistorâ—…s a chiefe man amongst them in strength who liued three hundred yeares Of the difference that seemes to bee betweene the Hebrewes computation and ours CHAP. 10. VVHerefore though there seeme to be some difference betweene the Hebrews computation and ours I know not vpon what cause yet it doth not disprooue that those men liued as long as we say they did For Adam ere he begot Seth is sayd by our a bookes to haue liued two hundred and thirty yeares by the Hebrewes but one hundred and thirty But after hee had be gotten Seth hee liued seauen hundred yeares by our account and eight hundred by the Hebrews Thus both agree in the maine summe And so in the following generations the Hebrews are still at such or such an ones birth an hundred yeares behinde vs in this fathers age but in his yeares after his sonnes birth they still come vp vnto our generall summe and both agree in one But in the â—…xt generation they differ not a letter In the seauenth generation wherein Henoch was not hee that dyed but hee that pleased GOD and was translated there is the same difference of the one hundred yeares before hee begotte his sonne but all come to one end still both the bookes making him liue three hundred sixtie and fiue yeares ere his translation The eight generation hath some difference but of lesse moment and noâ—… like to this For Mathusalem hauing begotten Enoch before hee had his next sâ—…e whome the Scriptures name is said by the Hebrewes to haue liued twentie yeares longer then wee say hee liued but in the account of his yeares after this sonne wee added the twenty and both doe iumpe in one iust summe Onely in the ninth generation that is in the yeares of Lamech the sonne of Mathusalem and the father of Noah wee differ in the whole summe but it is but soure and 〈◊〉 yeares and that they haue more then we for his age ere he begot Noah in the Hebrew is six yeares lesse then in ours and their summe of his yeares afterwards is thirty more then ours which sixe taken from thirty leaues foure and twenty as I said before L. VIVES 〈◊〉 a bookes Meaning the Latine translations that the Church vsed then out of the 70. 〈◊〉 Hieroms was either published or receiued And by the Hebrew bookes he meanes the 〈◊〉 scriptures and the Hebrew authors thereto agreeing Adam saith Hierome liued 〈◊〉 and begot a sonne like him-selfe and called his name Seth. Where wee are to conâ—…â—…t from Adam to the floud where wee read two hundred yeares and the ouerplus the 〈◊〉 read onely one hundred and the ouer-plus And the dayes of Adam after he had beâ—… Seth were seauen hundred yeares because the translators had erred an hundred before 〈◊〉 he puts but seauen hundred where the Hebrew hath eight hundred Thus farre Hierome 〈◊〉 â—…cepts not at all at this manner of computation Augustine omittes Iareds begetting of 〈◊〉 in the sixt generation but this indeed goeth not aboue two hundred yeares Of Mathusalems yeares who seemeth to haue liued foureteene yeeres after the deluge CHAP. 11. â—…here is a a notable question arising vpon this difference betweene vs 〈◊〉 â—…he Hebrewes where Mathusalem is reckoned to haue liued foureteene 〈◊〉 â—…fter the deluge whereas the Scripture accompteth but eight persons 〈◊〉 saued therein of all man-kinde whereof Mathusalem was none For in â—…kes Mathusalem liued ere hee begot Lamech one hundred sixty seauen 〈◊〉 and Lamech vntill he begot Noah one hundred foure score eight yeares 〈◊〉 ioyned make three hundred fifty and fiue yeares vnto which adde Noahs 〈◊〉 â—…dred yeares for then begun the deluge and so the time betweene Maâ—… birth and the deluge is nine hundred fiftie and fiue yeares Now Maâ—… dayes are reckoned to bee nine hundred sixty and nine yeares for 〈◊〉 hundred sixtie and seauen yeares of age ere hee begot Lamech hee 〈◊〉 hundred and two yeares after which make in all nine hundred sixtie 〈◊〉 from whence take nine hundred â—…iftie fiue the time from his birth to 〈◊〉 â—…ge and there remaines fourteene which
hee is thought to liue after the 〈◊〉 Where-vpon some thinke that hee liued this time not vpon earth 〈◊〉 was not a soule of those escaped but in the place to which his sonne 〈◊〉 â—…slated with him vntill the deluge were come and gone because they 〈◊〉 call the authoritie of these truthes into question seeing the Church 〈◊〉 â—…wed them nor beleeue that the Iewes haue the truth rather then we 〈◊〉 that this should rather bee an error in vs then in those oâ—… of whome 〈◊〉 it by the Greeke But say they it is incredible that the seuenty 〈◊〉 â—…ers who translated all at one time and in one senâ—… could erâ—… or would falsifie in a thing impertinent vnto them but that the Iewes enuying out translations of their lawe and their Prophets altered diuerse things in their bookes to subuert the authoritie of ours This opinionatiue suspicion euery one may take as hee please but this is once sure Mathusalem liued not after the deluge but dyed in the same yeare if the Hebrewes accoumpt be true Concerning the Septuagints translation I will speake my minde here-after when I come by Gods helpe to the times them-selues as the methode of the worke shall exact Sufficeth it for this present question to haue shewen by both bookes that the Fathers of old liued so long that one man might see a number of his owne propagation sufficient to build a cittie L. VIVES NOtable a question Hierome saith it was famous in all the Churches Hierom affirmes that the 70. erred in their accompt as they did in many things else and gathers out of the Iewes and Samaritanes bookes that Mathusalem dyed in that yeare wherein the deluge began Wherevpon Augustine doth iustly deride those that will rather trust the translation then the originall Of such as beleeue not that men of old time liued so long as is recorded CHAP. 12. NOr is any eare to bee giuen vnto those that thinke that one of our ordinary yeares would make tenne of the yeares of those times they were so short And therefore say they nine hundred yeares of theirs that is to say ninetie of ours their ten is our one and their hundred our tenne Thus thinke they that Adam was but twenty and three yeares olde when hee begot Seth and Seth but twentie and an halfe when hee begatte Enos which the Scriptures calles two hundred and fiue yeares For as these men hold the Scripture diuided one yeare into ten parts calling each part a yeare and each a part hath a sixe-folde quadrate because that in sixe dayes God made the world to rest vpon the seauenth whereof I haue already disputed in the eleuenth booke Now sixe times sixe for sixe maketh the sixe-fold quadrate is thirty sixe and ten times thirtie sixe is three hundred and sixtie that is twelue moneths of the Moone The fiue dayes remaining and that quarter of a day which b foure times doubled is added to the leape yeare those were added by the ancients afterwards to make vp the number of other yeares and the Romaines called them Dies intercalares dayes enterposed So Enos was nineteene yeares of age when hee begot Cayâ—…n the Scriptures saying hee was one hundred foure-score and ten yeares And so downe through all generations to the deluge there is not one in all our bookes that begot any sonne at an hundred or an hundred and twenty yeares or there-abouts but he that was the yongest father was one hundred and three score yeares of age because say they none can beget a childe at ten yeares of age which that number of an hundred maketh but at sixteene yeares they are of ability to generate and that is as the Scriptures say when they are one hundred and three-score yeere old And to prooue this diuersitie of yeares likely they fetch the Egiptian yeares of foure moneths the Acarnans of sixe moneths and the Latines of thirteene moneths c Pliny hauing recorded that some liued one hundred and fifty yeares some ten more some two hundred yeares some three hundred some fiue hundred some six hundred nay some eight hundred held that all this grew vpon ignorance in computation For some saith he made two years of summer and winter some made foure years of the foure quarters as the Arcadians did with their yeare of three monthes And the Egiptians saith he besides there little years of 4. months as we said before made the course of the Moone to conclude a yeare euery month Thus amongst them aithâ—…he are some recorded to haue liued a thousand yeares These probabilities haue some brought not to subuert the authority of holy writ but to prooue it credible that the Partiarches might liue so long and perswaded themselues thinking it no folly neither to perswade others so in like manner that their years in those daies were so little that ten of them made but one of ours a hundred of theirs ten of ours But I wil lay open the eminent falsenesse of this immediately Yet ere I do it I must first touch at a more credible suspicion Wee might ouerthrow this assertion out of the Hebrew bookes who say that Adam was not two hundred thirty but a hundred and thirty yeares old when hee begot his third son which if they make but thirteen years then he begot his first son at the eleauenth or twelfth yeare of his age And who can in natures ordinary course now beget a child so yong But let vs except Adam perhaps he might haue begotten one as soone as he was created for we may not thinke that he was created a little one as our children are borne But now his son Seth was not two hundred yeares old as wee read but a hundred and fifty when hee begot Enos and by their account but eleauen yeares of age What shall I say of Canaan who begot Malalehel at seauenty not at a hundred and seauenty yeares of age say the Hebrewes If those were but seauen yeares â—…at man can beget a child then L. VIVES EAch a part hath a A number quadrate is that which is formed by multiplication of it self 〈◊〉 three times three foure times foure and six times sixe The yeare hath 365. daies and sixe 〈◊〉 those computators did exclude the fiue daies and sixe houres and diuiding the three â—…dred sixty into ten partes the quotient was thirty sixe b Foure times Of this reade 〈◊〉 in Caesar. Censorin Macrob. and Bâ—…da Before Caesars time the yeare had three hundred â—…-fiue daies And obseruing that the true yeare required ten daies and six houres more it was put to the priests at the end of February to interpose two and twenty daies and because that these six houres euery fourth yeare became a day then it was added and this month was 〈◊〉 nothing but the intercalatory month In the intercalary month saith Asconius Tully 〈◊〉 for Milo Now this confused interposition Caesar beeing dictator tooke away comâ—…ding them to keepe a yeare of three hundred sixty fiue
daies and euery fourth yeare interâ—… a day into the Calends of March which was called Bissextile because the sixth of the â—…ds of March was twise set downe in such yeares for the better adapting of these to the 〈◊〉 â—…e made a yeare of fifteene monthes interposing two monthes betweene Noâ—…mber and â—…ber with the intercalary month for that yeare and this was to bring the month â—…nd 〈◊〉 to the course of the Sun for the accounts made by winter and sommer they called the 〈◊〉 of confusion for it contained 443. daies c Pliny Lib. 7. cap. 48. Whether we ought to follow the Hebrew computation or the Septuagints CHAP. 13. BVT if I say thus or thus presently I must bee answered it is one of the Iewes lies of which before for it is incredible that such a laudable and honorable fathers as the Septuagints were would record an vntruth Now if I should aske them whether it be likely that a nation so large and so farre dispersed as the Iewes should all lay their heads together to forge this lie and through their malice others credites subuert their owne truthes or that the seauenty beeing Iewes also and all shut vp in one place for Ptolomy had gotten them together for that purpose should enuy that the gentiles should enioy their scriptures and put in those errors by a common consent who seeth not which is easier to effect But b God forbid that any wise man should thinke that the Iewes how froward soeuer could haue such power or so many and so farre dispersed bookes or that the seauenty had any such common intent to conceale their histories truth from the Gentiles One might easier beleeue that the error was committed in the transcription of the copy from Ptolomies library and so that it had a successiue propagation through all the copies dispersed This may welbe suspected indeed in Mathusalems life and in that other where there is foure and twenty yeares difference in the whole-sum But in those where the falt is continued so that an hundered yeares in the one are still ouerplus before the generations and wanting after it and in the other still wanting before and ouerplus after still agreeing in the maine and this continued through the first second third fourth fifth and seauenth generation this professeth a constancy in error and intimateth rather industrious endeuour to make it so then any negligent omission to let it passe so So that this disparity in the greeke and latine from the hebrew where these yeares are first wanting and then added to procure the consent of both is neither to be said the Iewes malice not the Septuagints diligence but vpon the transcribers error that copied it first from Ptolomies library for vnto this very daie numbers where they are either hard to bee vnderstood or seeme to denote a thing not very needfull they are negligently transcribed and more negligently corrected for thinketh he that he need learne how many thousand there was in euery Tribe of Israell it is held vselesse how few is there that can discerne what vse to make hereof But here where in all these generations here wants an hundred yeares and heere is an hundred too many wanting afterward when they exceeded before the birth of such or such a sonne and exceeding afterwards when they wanted before he that did this desiring to persâ—…ade vs that the fathers were to liue so long because the yeares were so short and desyring to shew that by their maturity when they were fit to generate and hereby thinking to perswade the incredulous that a hundred of those yeares were but ten of ours this made him where he found an age which his account would disable for generation to adde an hundred yeares and after the generation was past to take it from the maine summe of his daies of life For thus desired hee to proue these ages coâ—…nient for generation by his account and yet not to diminish from the true computation of their whole yeares Which because hee did not in the sixth generation this is that that perswades vs the rather to thinke that he did it where it needed because where it needeth not hee addeth not not altereth any thing For there in the hebrew he found that Iared liued a hundred sixty and two yeares before hee begot Henoch which time comes to sixteene yeares two monthes and some od daies by his account and that age is fit for generation and therefore hee would not adde an hundred here to make them vp twenty six of our yeares by his reckning nor would hee detract any thing from the time of Iared after 〈◊〉 birth This was that made the summes of both bookes agree Another perswasion is c because in the eight generation before that Mathusalem had begot Lamech the Hebrews reading one hundred eightie two our bookes haue twenty yeares lesse where-as ordinarily wee vse to finde a hundred more and after Lamech his birth they are added againe to make vp the summe which is one in both the bookes For if he would take a hundred and â—…ie yeares to be seauenteene because of the abilitie to gette children hee should neither haue added nor subtracted any thing from thence for hee found a time full inough here for want of which hee was faine to adde a hundred yeares â—…where Wherefore wee should verily thinke that this error of the twenty yeares were occasioned by some fault in transcription but that the summe of 10 is added to the grand-summe againe to make both bookes agree Shall wee thinke it was subtletie in him to couer his addition and subtraction of those yeares when need was by practising it also not with hundreds but with lesse summes where he needed not whether we thinke it was thus or no or that the right is this or that I make no question the rightest course of all in all those controuersies concerning computations if the two bookes differ seeing both cannot bee true yet d beleeue the originall rather then the translation For some of the Greeke copies besides a Latine one and a Syrian one affirme that Mathusalem died sixe yeares before the deluge L. VIVES LAudable a and A diuersitie of reading but of no moment b God forbid Thus may we answere those that say the Iewes haue corrupted the old Testament and the Greekes the new least we should go to drinke at truths spring-head c Because in the I conceiue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meaning here Hierom and the seauentie read both that Mathusalem was a hundred eightie and seauen when hee begot Lamech vnlesse Augustine had read it otherwise in some other d Beleeue This Hierom admireth and reason inuiteth vs toâ—… no man of wit will gainesay it but in vaine doe good iudgements defend this for blockishnesse lyes against it like a rock not that they onely are ignorant in those tongues for Augustine had no Hebrew and very little Greeke but they want his modesty hee would euer learne and they would neuer learne but would teach that
vnder the 〈◊〉 of the b Apostles and m Prophets which were all afterward examined 〈◊〉 â—…ust from canonicall authority But according to the Hebrew canonicall â—…res there is no doubt but that there were Gyants vpon the earth before 〈◊〉 â—…ge and that they were the sonnes of the men of earth and Cittizens of â—…all Citty vnto which the sonnes of God being Seths in the flesh forsakâ—…â—…ice adioyned them-selues Nor is it strange if they begot Gyants They 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all Giants but there were farre more before the deluge then haue 〈◊〉 â—…ce whome it pleased the creator to make that wee might learne that a 〈◊〉 should neither respect hugenesse of body nor fairenesse of face but 〈◊〉 his beatitude out of the vndecaying spirituall and eternall goods that 〈◊〉 â—…iar to the good and not that he shareth with the bad which another 〈◊〉 â—…eth to vs saying There were the Gyants famous from the beginning that 〈◊〉 so great stature and so expert in war These did not the Lord choose neither 〈◊〉 the way of knowledge vnto them but they were destroyed because they 〈◊〉 wisdome and perished through there owne foolishnesse L. VIVES 〈◊〉 a is those That Augustine held that the Angells and Deuills had bodies he that 〈◊〉 â—…th this worke and his bookes de natura daemon de genesi ad literam shall see plainâ—…â—…eld it himselfe and spake it not as an other mans opinion as Peter Lumbard saith 〈◊〉 â—…ke It was his owne nor followed hee any meane authors herein hauing the 〈◊〉 and then Origen Lactantius Basil and almost all the writers of that time on his 〈◊〉 neede saith Michael Psellus de dâ—…monib that the spirits that are made messengers 〈◊〉 â—…ue bodies too as Saint Paul sayth whereby to mooue to stay and to appeare viâ—…â—…nd whereas the Scripture may in 〈◊〉 place call â—…hem incorporeall I answer that is 〈◊〉 of our grosser and more solid bodies in comparison of which the transparent inâ—… bodies are ordinarly called incorporeall Augustine giues the Angels most subtiliatâ—… 〈◊〉 â—…visible actiue and not paâ—…ue and such the Deuills had ere they fell but then 〈◊〉 were condensate and passiue as Psellus holds also b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is Nâ—…ius 〈◊〉 a messenger 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Mitto to send and therefore the Angell saith Hierom is 〈◊〉 â—…f nature but of ministery And hereof comes Euangelium called the good message Homer and Tully vnto Atticus vse it often c Angels Turning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into n and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 d And seeing Psellus affirmeth out of one Marke a great Daemonist that the deuills câ—…st forth sperme producing diuerse little creatures and that they haue genitories but not like mens from whence the excrement passeth but all deuills haue not such but onely the waâ—…y and the earthly who are also nourished like spunges with attraction of humor e Incubâ—… Oâ—… 〈◊〉 to lye vpon They are diuels that commix with women those that put them-selues vnder men as women are called succubi There are a people at this day that glory that their descent is from the deuills who accompanied with women in mens shapes and with men in womens This in my conceite is viler then to draw a mans pedegree from Pyrates theeues or famous hacksters as many doâ—… The Egiptians say that the Diuells can onely accompanie carnally with women and not with men Yet the Greekes talke of many men that the 〈◊〉 haue loued as Hiacinthus Phorbas and Hippolitus of Sicione by Apollo and Cyparissus by Sylâ—…nus f Yet doe I firmely Lactantius lib. 2. cap. 15. saith that the Angels whome God had appointed to preserue and garde man-kinde being commanded by God to beware of loosing their celestiall and substantiall dignity by earthly pollution not-with-standing were allured by their dayly conuersation with the women to haue carnall action with them and so sinning were kept out of heauen and cast downe to earth and those the deuill tooke vp to bee his agents and officers But those whom they begot being neither pure Angels nor pure men but in a meane betweene both were not cast downe to hell as their parents were not taken vp into heauen and thus became there two kindes of deuills one celestiall and another earthly And these are the authors of all mischiese whose chiefetaine the great Dragon is Thuâ—… saith Eusebius also lib. 5. And Plutarch confirmeth it saying That the fables of the Gods signified some-things that the deuills had done in the old times and that the fables of the Giants and Titans were all acts of the deuills This maketh mee some-times to doubt whether these were those that were done before the deluge of which the scripture saith And when the Angels of God saw the daughters of men c. For some may suspect that those Giants their spirits are they whome ancient Paganisme tooke for their Gods and that their warres were the subiect of those fables of the Gods g For the scriptures Because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is both good and faire Terence Phorm Eâ—…ch h Aquila In Adrians time hee turned the Scriptures out of Hebrew into Greeke Hierom calles him a curious and diligent translator and he was the first â—…ter the seauentie that came out in Greeke Euseâ—…ius liketh him not but to our purpose hee râ—…deth it the sonnes of the Gods meaning the holy Gods or Angels for God standing in the congregation of the people and he will iudge the Gods in the midst of it And Symachus following this sence said And when the sonnes of the mighties beheld the daughters of men c. i Apochrypha Sâ—…reta of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hide They were such bookes as the Church vsed not openly but had them in priuate to read at pleasure as the Reuelation of the Apostle Peter the booke of his Actes c. k Epistle Hierom vpon the first Chapter of Paul to â—…itus â—…aith that Iudâ—… citeth an Apocryphall booke of Henochs Iudes words are these But Michael the Arcâ—…gell when hee stroâ—…e against the deuill and disputed about the body of Moyses durst 〈◊〉 blâ—… him with cursed speaking but said onely The Lord rebuke thee Which Enochâ—…yd â—…yd these words is vncertaine for they doe not seeme to bee his that was the seuenth from Adam For he was long before Moses vnlesse hee spake prophetically of things to come And therefore Hiâ—…rome intimateth that the booke onely whence this was was entitled Enoch l Prophets As the Nâ—…rites counterfeited a worke vnder Hieremiâ—…s name Aug. in Matt. â—…ap 27. m Aâ—… As Thomas his Gospel Peters reuelation and Barnabas his Gospell which was brought 〈◊〉 Alexandria signed with his owne hand in the time of the Emperor Zeno. How the words that God spake of those that were to perish in the deluge and their dayes shall be an hundred and twenty yeares are to bee vnderstood CHAP. 24. BVt whereas God said Their dayes shall be a hundred
both meane sixe and thâ—…e fingers Iuuenall to make them the more ridiculous saith they were not aboue a foote high d Sciopodae Or foote-shadowed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a shadow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a foote e Checker-worke Mâ—…siuum opus Spartian vseth it and Pliny It is saith Hermolaus Barbarus vpon Plinies sixth booke and Baptista Egnatius vpon Spartian wrought with stones of diuers collours which beeing rightly laied together are the portraytures of images as is ordinary to bee seene in the pauementes at Rome and else-where in old workes for of late it is neglected Our in-laide workes in our chaires and tables in Spaine haue some resemblance thereof Perottus saith it is corrruptly called Musaicum but the true word is Musâ—…acum of 〈◊〉 and alledgeth this place of Pliny Barbarus seemes to bee of his minde also The â—…gar called it musaicum because it seemed to bee a worke of great wit and industry 〈◊〉 Cynocephali Worde for worde Dogges-heads Solinus maketh them a kinde of Apes â—…nd possible to bee turned from euer beeing wilde againe Diodorus accountes thâ—…m wilde beastes g At Hippon Some had added in the Margent Diaritum and Zarâ—…tum It should bee Diarrhytum Mela Strabo Pliny and Ptolomy speake of two 〈◊〉 in Affrica hauing their names from Knights or horse-men for so is the Greeke 〈◊〉 interpreted the one called Hippon Diarrhytus neare Carthage a little on this side and 〈◊〉 was Augustine Bishoppe the other called Hippon Regius beeing farther East and the 〈◊〉 ancient seate as Silius saith Tum vaga antiquis dilectus regibus Hippon Vaga and Hippon that old seate of Kings Touching at them both h Curious history Which he spake on before i Hermaphrodytes Verbally from the Greeke is the word Androgyuus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a woman But they are called Hermaphrotes because the sonne of Hermes and Aphrodite that is Mercury and Venus was held to bee the first halfe-male k The chiese The masculine so saith the Latine Semi-mas When those were borne they were counted prodigies in olde times Lâ—… Lucane c. l The East In the East part of Affrick lying towards Nilus and Cyrene 〈◊〉 â—…le parts Affricke on the East from Asia m Exorbitant out of orbita the right path of nature n Definable It is knowne that the Philosophers defined man to bee a reasonable creature and added mortall because they held the most of their Gods and the Demones to be reasonable creatures and yet immortall o Monkeyes Cercopitheri tayled Apes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a tayle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Ape Martiall Callidus admissas eludere Simius hastas Si mihi cauda foret Cercopithecus eram I mockt their darted staues withouten faile Iust like a Monkey had I had a taile Aristotle calles those tailed Apes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De animal lib. 2. But some beasts there are with Lyons faces and Panthers bodies as bigge as an Hinde which hee calleth Cepi lib. 10. There are also a people neare the Fennes of Meotis called Cepi p Babiouns Sphynga a creature not much vnlike an Ape but bigger with a face like a woman and two dugges dangling before Solinus faith they liue in Ethiope and are easily taught and tamed The Poets giue the Sphinx a Virgins face a Lyons pawes and a Griffons wings Whether there bee any inhabitants of the earth called the Antipodes CHAP. 9. BVt whereas they fable of a a people that inhabite that land where the sunne riseth when it setteth with vs and goe with b their feete towards ours it is incredible They haue no authority for it but onely c coniecture that such a thing may bee because the earth hangeth within the orbes of heauen and each e part of the world is aboue and below alike and thence they gather that the other hemysphere cannot want inhabitants Now they consider not that although that it bee globous as ours is yet it may bee all couered with Sea and if it bee bare yet it followeth not that it is inhabited seeing that the Scripture that prooueth all that it saith to be true by the true euents that 〈◊〉 presageth neuer maketh mention of any such thing And it were too absurd to say that men might sayle ouer that huge Ocean and goe inhabite there that the progenie of the first man might people that part also But let vs goe and seeke amongst those seauentie two nations and their languages whether â—…ee can finde that Citty of GOD which remained a continuall pilgrim on 〈◊〉 vntill the deluge and is shewed to perseuere amongst the sonnes of 〈◊〉 after their blessing chiefly in Sem Noahs eldest sonne for Iaphets blessing 〈◊〉 to dwell in the tents of his brother L. VIVES PEople a that All Cosmographers diuide the heauen and consequently the earth into fiue Zones the vtmost whereof lying vnder the Poles and farre from the Heauens motion and the Sunnes heate are insufferably cold the mid-most being in the most violent motion of Heauen and heate of the Sunne is intolerably hot the two being interposed betweene both extreames are habitable one temperate Zone lying towards the North and the other towards the South the inhabitants of both are called Autichthones Now Cleomedes bids vs diuide those two Zones into foure equall parts those that dwell in the parts that lye in the same Zone are called Periaeci circumferentiall inhabitants those that dwell in diuers or in an vnequall distance from the Poles and equall from the equinoctiall are called Antoeci or opposites they that dwell in equall distances from both are called Antipodes The Periaeci differ in their day and night but not in seasons of the yeare the Antoeci iust contrary the Antipodes in both It was an old opinion which Tully Mela and other chiefe men followed that neuer man had any knowledge of the South Tully puts the great ocean betweene it and vs which no man euer passed Macrobius discourseth at large herevpon I do but glance at this for feare of clogging my reader This was a great perswasion to Augustine to follow Lactantius and deny the Antipodes for the learned men saw well that grant men no passage ouer that great sea vnto the temperate Southerne Clymate as Tully and other great authors vtterly denied them and then they that dwell there could not possibly be of Adams stocke so that he had rather deny them habitation there then contend in argument against so many learned opposits But it is most sure once that Antipodes there are and that we haue found away vnto them not onely in old times but euen by late sea maisters for of old diuers flying into the Persian gulfe for feare of Augustus sayled by the coast of Ethiopia and the Atlantike sea vnto Hercules pillers And in the prime of Carthages height some sayled from thence through Hercules his straytes into the red sea of Arabia and then were not the Bayes of Persia
were to raigne there â—…ingly The Lord will seeke him a man saith hee meaning either Dauid or the mediator prefigured in the vnction of Dauid and his posterity Hee doth not say he will seeke as if hee knew not where to finde but hee speaketh as one that seeketh our vnderstanding for wee were all knowen both to God the father and his sonne the seeker of the lost sheepe and elected in him also before the beginning of the world c He will seeke that is he will shew the world that which hee himselfe knoweth already And so haue we acquiro in the latine with a preposition to attaine and may vse quaero in that sence also as questus the substantiue for gaine L. VIVES Tâ—… a skirt Or hemme or edge any thing that he could come nearest to cut the Iewes vsed edged garments much according to that command in the booke of Numbers The Greek word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wing of his doublet Ruffinus translateth it Summitatem b His 〈◊〉 Which were three hundred saith Iosephus lib. 6. c He will seeke A diuersity of reaâ—… I thinke the words from And so haue we acquiro to the end of the chapter bee some 〈◊〉 of others The Kingdome of Israell rent prefiguring the perpetuall diuision betweene the spirituall and carnall Israell CHAP. 7. SAul fell againe by a disobedience and Samuell told him againe from God Thou hast cast off the Lord and the Lord hath cast off thee that thou shalt no more bee King of Israell Now Saul confessing this sinne and praying for pardon and that Samuell would go with him to intreat the Lord. Not I saith Samuell thou hast cast off the Lord c. And Samuell turned him-selfe to depart and Saul held him by the lappe of his coate and it rent Then quoth Samuell the Lord hath rent the Kingdome of Israell from thee this day and hath giuen it vnto thy neighbor which is better then thee and Israell shall bee parted into two and shall no more bee vnited nor hee is not a man that hee should repent c. Now hee vnto whome these words were said ruled Israell fourty yeares euen as long as Dauid and yet was told this in the beginning of his Kingdome to shew vs that none of his race should reigne after him and to turne our eyes vppon the line of Dauid whence Christ our mediator tooke his humanity Now the originall read not this place as the Latines doe The Lord shall rend the Kingdome of Israell from thee this day but the Lord hath rent c. from thee that is from Israell so that this man was a type of Israell that was to loose the Kingdome as soone as Christ came with the New Testament to rule spiritually not carnally Of whome these wordes and hath giuen it vnto thy neighbour sheweth the consanguinity with Israell in the flesh and so with Saul and that following who is better then thee implyeth not any good in Saul or Israell but that which the Psalme saith vntill I make thine enemies thy footstoole whereof Israell the persecutor whence Christ rent the Kingdome was one Although there were Israell the wheat amongst Israell the chaffe also for the Apostles were thence and Stephen with a many Martyrs besides and from their seed grew up so many Churches as Saint Paul reckoneth all glory fiing God in his conuersion And that which followeth Israell shall bee parted into two concerning this point assuredly namely into Israell Christs friend and Israell Christs foe into Israell the free woman and Israell the slaue For these two were first vnited Abraham accompanying with his maid vntill his wiues barrennesse being fruitfull she cryed out Cast out the bondwoman her sonne Indeed because of Salomons sin we know that in his sonne Roboams time Israell diuided it selfe into two parts and either had a King vntill the Chaldeans came subdued and ren-versed all But what was this vnto Saul Such an euen was rather to be threatned vnto Dauid Salomons father And now in these times the Hebrews are not diuided but dispersed all ouer the world continuing on still in their errour But that diuision that God threatned vnto Saul who was a figure of this people was a premonstration of the eternall irreuocable separation because presently it followeth And shall no more bee vnited nor repent of it for it is no man that it should repent Mans threatnings are transitory but what God once resolueth is irremoueable For where wee read that God repented it portends an alteration of things out of his eternall prescience And likewise where hee did not it portends a fixing of things as they are So here wee see the diuision of Israell perpetuall and irreuocable grounded vppon this prophecy For they that come from thence to Christ or contrary were to doe so by Gods prouidence though humaine concâ—… cannot apprehend it and their separation is in the spirit also not in the flesh And those Israelites that shall stand in Christ vnto the end shall neuer perâ—… with those that stayed with his enemies vnto the end but be as it is here said 〈◊〉 seperate For the Old Testament of Sina begetting in bondage shall doe them no good nor any other further then confirmeth the New Otherwise as long as Moses is read d the vaile is drawne ouer their hearts and when they 〈◊〉 to Christ then is remooued For the thoughts of those that passe from 〈◊〉 to him are changed and bettered in their passe and thence their felicitie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is spirituall no more carnall Wherefore the great Prophet Samuel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had annointed Saul when hee cryed to the Lord for Israel and hee â—…d him and when hee offered the burnt offering the Philistins comming against Israell and the Lord thundred vpon them and scattered them so that they fell before Israell tooke e a stone and placed it betweene the f two Maspha's the Old and the New and named the place Eben Ezer that is the stone of 〈◊〉 saying Hetherto the Lâ—… hath helped vs that stone is the mediation of our 〈◊〉 by which wee come from the Old Maspha to the New from the thought of a carnall kingdome in all felicitie vnto the expectation of a crowne of spiriâ—… glory as the New Testamenâ—… teacheth vs and seeing that that is the sum â—…ope of all euen â—…itherto hath God helped vs. L. VIVES Bâ—… disobedience For being commanded by Samuel from God to kill all the Amalechites 〈◊〉 and beast hee tooke Agag the King aliue and droue away a multitude of Cattle 〈◊〉 lappe of his coate Diplois is any double garment c The Lord hath rent Shall rend â—…us But hath rent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is in the LXX d The vaile The vaile that Moiâ—…â—…ed â—…ed his face was a tipe of that where-with the Iewes couer their hearts vntill they bee 〈◊〉 1. Corinth 3. e Astone Iosephus saith that hee placed it at Charron and called 〈◊〉 lib. 6. f
like a parcells of some poâ—…â—…hose â—…hose intent concerneth a theame far different Now to shew this testimoâ—… one in euery Psalme of the booke wee must expound the Psalme 〈◊〉 to do how great a worke it is both others and our volumes wherein wee 〈◊〉 done it do expressly declare let him that can and list read those and there â—…ll see how abundant the prophecies of Dauid concerning Christ and of his Church were namely concerning that celestiall King and the Citty which hee builded L. VIVES LIke e parcells Centones are peeces of cloath of diuerse colours vsed any way on the back or on the bedde Cic. Cato Maior Sisenna C. Caesar. Metaphorically it is a poeme patched out of other poems by ends of verses as Homero-centon and Uirgilio-centon diuerse made by Proba and by Ausonius b Retrograde poeme Sotadicall verses that is verses backward and forwards as Musa mihi causas memora quo numine laesa Laeso numine quo memora causas mihi Musa Sotadicall verses may bee turned backwards into others also as this Iambick Pio precare thure caelestum numina turne it Numina caelestum thure precare piâ—… it is a Pâ—…ntameter They are a kinde of wanton verse as Quintilian saith inuented saith Strabo or rather vsed saith Diomedes by Sotades whome Martiall calleth Gnidus some of Augustines copies read it a great poeme and it is the fitter as if one should pick verses out of some greater workes concerning another purpose and apply them vnto his owne as some Centonists did turning Uirgils and Homers words of the Greekes and Troyan warres vnto Christ and diuine matters And Ausonius turneth them vnto an Epithalamion Of the fortie fiue Psalme the tropes and truths therein concerning Christ and the Church CHAP. 16. FOr although there be some manifest prophecies yet are they mixed with figures putting the learned vnto a great deale of labour in making the ignorant vnderstand them yet some shew Christ and his Church at first sight though we must at leisure expound the difficulties that we finde therein as for example Psal. 45. Mine heart hath giuen out a good word I dedicate my workes to the King My tongue is the pen of a ready writer Thou fairer then the children of men grâ—… is powred in thy lippes for GOD hath blessed thee for euer Girde thy sworde vpon thy â—…high thou most mighty Proceede in thy beauty and glory and reigne prosperouly because of thy truth thy iustice and thy gentlenesse thy right hand shall guide thee wondrously Thine arrowes are sharpe most mighty against the hearts of the Kings enemies the people shall fall vnder thee Thy throne O GOD is euer-lasting and the scepter of thy kingdome a scepter of direction Thou louest iustice and hatest iniquitie therefore GOD euen thy GOD hath annoynted thee with oyle of gladnesse aboue thy fellowes All thy garments smell of Myrrhe Alloes and Cassia from the Iâ—…ry palaces wherein the Kings daughters had made thee glâ—…d in their honour Who is so dull that he discerneth not Christ our God in whome we beleeue by this place hearing him called GOD whose throne is for euer and annoynâ—…d by GOD not with visible but with spirituall Chrisme who is so barbarously ignorant in this immortall and vniuersall religion that hee heareth not that Christs name commeth of Chrisma vnction Heere wee know CHRIST let vs see then vnto the types How is hee father then vnto the sonnes of men in a beauty farre more amiable then that of the body What is his sword his shaftes c. all these are tropicall characters of his power and how they are all so let him that is the subiect to this true iust and gentle King looke to at his leasure And then behold his Church that spirituall spouse of his and that diuine wed-locke of theirs here it is The Queene stood on thy right hand her â—…lothing was of gold embrodered with diuers collours Heaâ—…e Oh daughter and 〈◊〉 attend and forget thy people and thy fathers house For the King taketh pleasure in thy beauty and hee is the Lord thy God The sonnes of Tyre shall adore him 〈◊〉 guifts the ritch men of the people shall â—…ooe him with presents The Kings daughter 〈◊〉 all glorious within her cloathing is of wrought gold The Virgins shal be brought after her vnto the King and her kinsfolkes and companions shal follow her with ioy and gladnesse shal they be brought and shall enter into the Kings chamber Instead of fathers 〈◊〉 shalt haue children to make them Princes through out the earth They shal remember thy name O Lord from a generation to generation therefore shall their people giue â—…ks vnto thee world without end I doe not think any one so besotted as to thinke this to be meant of any personal woman no no she is his spouse to whoÌ„ it is said Thy throne O God is euerlasting and the scepter of thy Kingdome a scepter of direction 〈◊〉 hast loued iustice and hated iniquity therefore the Lord thy God hath annointed 〈◊〉 â—…ith the oyle of gladnesse before thy fellowes Namely Christ before the christiâ—… For they are his fellowes of whose concord out of all nations commeth this Queene as an other psalme saith the Citty of the great King meaning the spirituall Syon Syon is speculation for so it speculateth the future good that it is to receiue and thither directeth it all the intentions This is the spirituall Ierusalem whereof wee haue all this while spoken this is the foe of that deuillish Babilon hight confusion and that the foe of this Yet is this City by regeneration freed from the Babilonian bondage and passeth ouer the worst King for the best that euer was turning from the deuill and comming home to Christ for which it is sayd forget thy people and thy fathers house c. The Israelites were a part of thiâ—… â—…tty in the flesh but not in that faith but became foes both to this great 〈◊〉 Queene Christ was killed by them and came from them to b those 〈◊〉 â—…euer saw in the flesh And therefore our King saith by the mouth of the 〈◊〉 in another place thou hast deliuered me from the contentions of the people 〈◊〉 me the head of the heathen a people whom I haue not knowne hath serued 〈◊〉 assoone as they heard me obeyed me This was the Gentiles who neuer 〈◊〉 â—…rist in the flesh nor hee them yet hearing him preached they beleeued 〈◊〉 â—…astly that he might well say as soone as they heard me they obeyed mee for 〈◊〉 â—…es by hearing This people conioyned with the true Israell both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and spirit is that Citty of God which when it was onely in Israell brought 〈◊〉 â—…hrist in the flesh for thence was the Virgin Mary from whom Christ 〈◊〉 our man-hood vpon him Of this cittie thus saith another psalme c 〈◊〉 â—…ll call it our Mother Sion he became man therein the most high hath founded 〈◊〉 was this most high but
it was no sinne either in the King or people of Israel but the Lords wil that was herein fulfilled which beeing knowne both partes tooke vppe themselues and rested for they were onely diuided in rule not in religion How Hieroboam infected his subiects with Idolatry yet did God neuer faile them in Prophets nor in keeping many from that infection CHAP. 22. BVt Hieroboam the King of Israell fell peruersly from God who had truely enthroned him as he had promised and fearing that the huge resort of all Israel to Hierusalem for they came to worship sacrifice in the Temple according to the law might be a mean to with-draw the from him vnto the line of Dauid their old King began to set vp Idols in his own Realme and to seduce Gods people by this damnable and impious suttlety yet God neuer ceased to reproue him for it by his Prophets and the people also that obeied him and his successors in it for that time were the two great men of God Helias and his disciple Heliseus And when Helias said vnto GOD LORD they haue staine thy Prophets and digged downe thine Altars and I onely am left and now they seeke my life hee was answered that God had yet seauen thousand in Israel that had not bowed downe the knee to Bâ—…l The state of Israel and Iudah vnto both their Captiuities which befell at different times diuersly altered Iudah vnited to Israel and lasty both vnto Rome CHAP. 23. NOr wanted there Prophets in Iudah that lay vnder Ierusalem in all these successions Gods pleasure was still to haue them ready to send out either for prediction of euents or reformation of maners For the Kings of Iuda did offend God also though in farre lesse measure then Israel and deserued punishment both they and their people All their good Kings haue their due commendations But Israel had not one good King from thence but all were wicked more or lesse So that both these kingdomes as it pleased God had their reuolutions of fortune now prosperous now aduerse through forraine and ciuill warres as Gods wrath or mercy was mooued vntill at length their sinnes prouoking him he gaue them all into the hands of the Chaldaeans who led most part of them captiues into Assyria first the tenne Tribes of Israel and then Iudah also destroying Ierusalem and that goodly Temple and that bondage lasted 70. years And then being freed they repaired the ruined Temple and then although many of them liued in other nations yet was the land no more diuided but one Prince onely reigned in Ierusalem and thether came all the whole land to offer and to celebrate their feasts at the time appointed But they were not yet secure from all the nations for then a came the Romanes and vnder their subiection must Christ come and finde his Israel L. VIVES THen a came Pompey the great quelled them first and made them tributaries to Rome Cicero and Antony being consulls And from that time they were ruled by the Romane Presidents of Syria and Prouosts of Iudaea That they paied tribute to the Romanes both prophane histories and that question in the Ghospell Is it lawfull to giue tribute vnto Caesar doe witnesse Of the last Prophets of the Iewes about the time that Christ was borne CHAP. 24. AFter their returne from Babilon at which time they had the Prophets Aggee Zacharie and Malachi and Esdras they had no more Prophets vntill our Sauiours birth but one other Zacharie and Elizabeth his wife and hard before his birth old Symeon Anna a widow and Iohn the last of all who was about Christs yeares and did not prophecy his comming but protested his presence a being before vnknowne Therefore saith CHRIST The prophets and the law prophecied vnto Iohn The prophecies of these fiue last wee finde in the Ghospell where the Virgin Our Lords Mother prophecied also before Iohn But these prophecies the wicked Iewes reiect yet an innumerable company of them did beleeue and receiued them For then was Israel truely diuided as was prophecied of old by Samuel vnto Saul and avouched neuer to bee altered But the reprobate Iewes also haue Malachie Aggee Zacharie and Esdras in their Canon and they are the last bookes thereof for their bookes are as the others full of great prophecies otherwise they were but few that wrote worthy of cannonicall authority Of these aforesaid I see I must make some abstracts to insert into this worke as farre as shall concerne Christ and his church But that I may doe better in the next booke L. VIVES BEing a before vnknowne Hee knew hee was come but hee knew not his person yet vntill the Holy Ghost descended like a doue and God the Father spake from heauen then hee â—…w him and professed his knowledge THE CONTENTS OF THE eighteenth booke of the City of God 1. A recapitulation of the 17. bookes past â—…rning the two Citties continuing vnto the time of Christs birth the Sauiour of the â—…ld 2. Of the Kings and times of the Earthly Citty correspondent vnto those of Abraham 3. What Kings reigned in Assiria and Sicyâ—… in the hundreth yeare of Abrahams age 〈◊〉 Isaac was borne according to the promise 〈◊〉 at the birth of Iacob and Esau. 4. Of the times of Iacob and his sonne Ioseph 5. Of Apis the Argiue King called Seraâ—… in Egipt and there adored as a deity 6. The Kings of Argos and Assiria at the 〈◊〉 of Iacobs death 7. In what Kings time Ioseph died in Eâ—… 8. What Kings liued when Moyses was 〈◊〉 and what Gods the Pagans had as then 9. The time when Athens was built and the 〈◊〉 that Varro giueth for the name 10. Varroes relation of the originall of the 〈◊〉 Areopage and of Deucalions deluge 11. About whose times Moyses brought 〈◊〉 out of Egipt of Iosuah in whose timâ—… hee 〈◊〉 12. The false Gods adored by those Greekâ—… Princes which liued betweene Israells freedome and 〈◊〉 death 13. What fictions got footing in the nations when the Iudges began first to rule Israell 14. Of the theologicall poets 15. The ruine of the Argiue Kingdome Picus Saturnes sonne succeeding him in Laurentum 16. How Diomedes was deified after the destruction of Troy and his fellowes said to be turned into birds 17. Of the incredible changes of men that Varro beleeued 18. Of the diuills power in transforming mans shape what a christian may beleeue herein 19. That Aeneas came into Italy when Labdon was Iudge of Israell 20. Of the succession of the Kingdome in Israell after the Iudges 21. Of the Latian Kings Aeneas the first and Auentinus the twelfâ—…h are made Gods 22. Rome founded at the time of the Assirian Monarchies fall Ezechias beeing King of Iudaea 23. Of the euident prophecy of Sybilla Erythraea concerning Christ. 24. The seauen Sages in Romulus his time Israell led into captiuity Romulus dieth and is deified 25. Philosophers liuing in Tarquinius Priscus his time and Zedechias his when Ierusalem was
the Greekes going to Troye that they should conquer and that Homer should write lyes But the common opinion is shee liued before the siege of Troy yet Eusebius drawes him to Romulus his time Indeede Strabo maketh more then one Erythream Sibyll saying there was one ancient one and another later called Athenais liuing in Alexanders time Lactantius saith Sibylla Erythraea was borne at Babilon and chose to bee called Erythraea The sixt was a Samian Eratosth saith hee found mention of her in the Samian Annales shee was called Phito the seauenth a Cumane called Amalthea and by other Herophile or Demophile Suidas calleth her Hierophile and saith shee brought nine bookes to King Tarquinius Priscus and asked him three hundred angels for them which hee denying and laughing at her shee burnt three of them before his face and asked him the whole summe for the rest Hee thinking shee was madde or drunke indeed scoffed at her againe shee burned other three and asked still the whole summe for the three remaining then the King was mooued in minde and gaue it her This is recorded by Pliny Dionys. Solin Gellius and Seruius concerning Tarquin the proud not the other Pliny saith shee had but three bookes burning two and sauing the third Suidas saith she had nine bookes of priuate oracles and burnt but two of them her tombe saith Solinus may be seene yet in Sicilia But he calleth her not Eriphile for that hee giues to the Erythraean Sybill who was more ancient then the Cumane Eusebius thinks that Hierophile was neither the Erythrean nor Cumane but the Samian that she liued in Numa's time Lâ—…ocrates being Archon of Athens The wife of Amphiaraus was called Eriphile also The eight was of Hellespont borne at Marmissum neare Troy liuing in the time of Solon and Cyrus Heracl Pontic The ninth was a Phrygian and prophecied at Aucyra The tenth a Tyburtine called Albumea worshipped at Tybur as a goddesse on the banke of the riuer Anienes in whose channell her Image was found with a booke in the hand of it These are Varro's Sybills There are others named also as Lampusia Calchas his daughter of Colophon whose prophecies were whilom extant in verse and Sybilla Elyssas also with them Cassandra also Priams daughter who prophecied her countries ruine was counted for a Sybill there was also Sybill of Epirus and Mantâ—… Tyresias daughter and lastly Carmentis Euanders mother and Fatua Faunus his wife all called Sybills Didiâ—…s Grammaticus is in doubt whether Sapho were a Sybill or no. Sâ—… de stud liberal Yet some in this place read Publica for Sybilla But which Sybill it was that wrote the verses conteyning the Romanes fate Varro him-selfe they sâ—…y could not tell Some sayd it was Sybilla Cumana as Virgill doth calling her Deiphobe daughter to Glaucus who was a Prophet and taught Apollo the art vnlesse you had rather read it 〈◊〉 for she as some say brought the bookes to Tarquin Priscus who hid them in the Capitol She liued in Rome sayth Solinus in the fifteenth Olympiad If that be so it was Tarqum Priscus not the Proud that bought her bookes For Priscus dyed and Seruius Tullus began his raigne the fourth yeare of the fifteenth Olympiade Epitelides of Laâ—…aedemon beeing victor in the Games and Archestratides beeing Archon of Athens That therefore is likelier that Uâ—…rro and Suidas affirme of Priscus then that which others sayd of Superbus if Solinus his Account bee true Her Chappell was to bee seene at Cumae but Varro thinketh it vnlikely that the Sybill that Aeneas talked with should liue vnto the fist King of Romes time and therefore hee thinketh it was Erythraea that sung the Romaines destinies Yet Dionys. sayth it was to her that Aeneas went lib. 4. Varro hath this further ground that when Apolloes Temple at Erythraea was burnt those very verses were found there Euen this is shee whome Uirgill calleth Cumaea for shee prophecyed at Cumae in Italy sayth Capella and so thinke I There is Cumae in Ionia by Erythrea but Aristotle sayth directly there is a Caue in Cumae a Citty of Italy in which Sybilla dwelt Shee whome others called Erythraea the Cumaeans for glory of their country call Cumaea Otherwise they meane some other For it was not Virgils Sybill that Cumane Sybilla that sold Tarquin the bookes Nor sayth Uirgill nor thinke wee that there were no verses in those bookes but of One Sybils This Tacitus sheweth saying of Augustus that whereas there were many fables spred vnder the Sybils names hee sent into Samos Erythrea Ilium Africke and to all the Italian Colonyes to bee at Rome with their verses at a day appoynted where a iudgement was past by the Quindecimuers and a censure vppon all that should haue of these verses in priuate Antiquity hauing decreed against it before And the Capitoll beeing repayred sayth Lactantius out of Varro they came thether from all places and cheefly from Erythraea with Sybills verses This also Feâ—…estella a dilligent Author recordeth and that P. Gabinius M. Octacilius and Luc. Valeriuâ—… went to Erythraea purposely about it and brought about a thousand verses to Rome which priuate men had copyed forth Thus farre Lactantius Stilico Honorius his step-father deâ—…ring to mooue the people against his sonne in law made away all the Sybills bookes Of which fact Claudian writeth thus Nec tantum Geticis grassatus proditor armis Ante Sybillinae fata cremauit opis Nor onely rag'd the Traytor in Gothes armes But burnt the fates of Sybils helpe from harmes And thus much of the Sybills b Sybill of Erythraea Lactantius citeth some of those verses from another Sybill it is no matter indeed which Sybills they are One Sybils they are sure to be and because shee was the most famous to her they assigne them c The first letter That the Sybils put misteries in their verses heads Tully can testifie Their Poems sayth he prooâ—…h them not mad for there is more cunning then turbulency in them beeing all conueyed into Acrosticks as Ennius also had done in some Shewing a minde rather 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 De diuinat lib. 2. Virgill also Aegl 4. Ultima Cumaei venit iam carminis aetas The Sybils prophecies draw to an end Nâ—…ly the time that shee included in her propheticall Acrosticks d Those verses The Greeke verses in Eusebius are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
of Iuda kiiled Cbr. 2. 34. 21. he whome Christ said was killed betweene the Temple and the Altar Mat. 23. 35. b Malachi His name interpreted is His Angell and so the seauenty called him where-vpon Origen vpon this prophet saith that hee thinketh it was an Angell that prophecyed this prophecy if we may beleeue Hieromes testimony herein Others call him Malachi for indeed names are not to be altered in any translation No man calleth Plato Broade Or Aristotle good perfection or Iosuah the Sauiour or Athens Minerua Names are to be set downe in the proper Idiome other-wise the names of famous men being translated into seuerall tongues should obscure their persons fame by being the more dispersed which makes me wonder at those that will wring the Greeke names c. vnto their seuerall Idiomes wherein their owne conceit doth them grosse wrong Caesar was wise to deale plainely in giuing the french Germaine each his contries names only making them declinable by the Latine But to Malachi Some by concordance of their stides say that he was Esdras and prophecied vnder Darius the sonne of Histaspis Of Esdras in the next chapter c Reioyce greatly This whole quotation and the rest differ much from our vulgar translation d Upon a colt The Euangelist S. Mathew readeth it vpon a colt and the fole of an asse â—…sed to the yoke cha 21. ver 5. The Iewes that were yoaked vnder so many ceremonies were prefigured herein But the free and yong colt as the seauenty do translate it was the type of the Gentiles take which you will God sitteth vpon both to cure both from corruption and to bring both saluation e Shalbe incense offred The seauenty read it is offred because the Prophets often speake of things to come as if they were present yea and some-times as if they were past The translation of the seauenty is some-what altred in the following quotation Of the bookes of Esdras and the Machabees CHAP. 36. AFter Agee Zachary Malachy the three last Prophets in the time of the said captiuity a Esdras wrote but he is rather held an Historiographer then a Prophet As the booke of b Hester is also contayning accidents about those times all tending to the glory of God It may bee said that Esdras prophecied in this that when the question arose amongst the young men what thing was most powerfull one answering Kings the next wine and the third women for they often command Kings c yet did the third adde more and said that truth conquered althings Now Christ in the Gospell is found to bee the truth From this time after the temple was re-edified the Iewes had no more kings but princes vnto d Aristobulus his time The account of which times wee haue not in 〈◊〉 canonicall scriptures but in the others e amongst which the bookes of the Machabees are also which the church indeed holdeth for canonicall f because of the vehement and wonderfull suffrings of some Martires for the law of God before the comming of Christ. Such there were that endured intollerable â—…ments yet these bookes are but Apocryphall to the Iewes L. VIVES 〈◊〉 a A most skilfull scribe of the law he was Hierom saith he was that Iosedech whose 〈◊〉 Iesus was priest He they say restored the law which yâ— Chaldaees had burnt not without 〈◊〉 assistance changed the hebrew letters to distinguish theÌ„ froÌ„ the Samaritanes Gentiles which then filled Iudea Euseb. The Iewes afterwards vsed his letters only their accents differed from the Samaritans which were the old ones that Moyses gaue them b Hester 〈◊〉 â—…tory fell out saith Iosephus in the time of Artaxerxes other-wise called Cyrus for Xerxes was the sonne of Darius Histaspis and Artaxerxes surnamed Long-hand was sonne to him in whose time the Iewes were in such danger by meanes of Haman because of Mardochee Hesters vncle as there booke sheweth This Nicephorus holdeth also But Eusebius saith this could not bee that the Iewes should bee in so memorable a perill and yet Esdras who wrot their fortunes vnder Artaxerxes neuer once mention it So that hee maketh this accident to fall out long after in the time of Artaxerxes Mnemon bastard sonne to Darius and him the Hebrewes called Assuerus saith hee Indeed Bede is of this minde also But I feare Eusebius his accompt is not so sure as Iosephus but in this wee recite opinions onely leauing the iudgement c Yet did the third This was Zarobabel that said truth was about all Esd. 33. los. Ant. lib. 11. but the third and fourth booke of Esdras are Apocryphall Hierome reiecteth them as dreames d Aristobulus Sonne to Ionathas both King and Priest he wore the first diademe in Iudaea foure hundred eighty and foure yeares after the captiuity vnder Nabucadonosor e Machabees Hierome saw the first of those bookes in Hebrew the latter hee knew to bee penned first in Greeke by the stile Iosephus wrot the history of the Machabees as Hierome saith Contra Pellagian I cannot tell whether hee meane the bookes that we haue for scripture or another Greeke booke that is set forth seuerall and called Iosephâ—…ad Machabeos There is a third booke of the Machabees as yet vntranslated into Latine that I know of that I thinke the Church hath not receiued for canonicall f Because of â—…or there were seuen brethren who rather then they woold breake the law endured together with their mother to be flayed quicke rather then to obey that foule command of Antiochus against God The Prophets more ancient then any of the Gentile Philosophers CHAP. 37. IN our a Prophets time whose workes are now so farre diuulged there were no Philosophers stirring as yet for the first of them arose from b Pithagoras of Samos who began to bee famous at the end of the captiuity So that all other Philosophers must needes bee much later c for Socrates of Athens the chiefe Moralist of his time liued after Esdras as the Chronicles record And â—…o one after was Plato borne the most excellent of all his scholers To whom if we ad also the former seauen who were called sages not Philosophers and the Naturalists that followed Thales his study to wit Anaximander Anaximenes Anaxagoras and others before Pythagoras professed Philosophy not one of these was before the Prophets for Thales the most ancient of them all liued in Romulus his time when this Propheticall doctrine flowed from the fountaine of Israell to be deriued vnto all the world Onely therefore the Theologicall Poets Orpheus Linus Musaeus and the others if there were anymore were before our canonicall prophets But they were not more ancient then our true diuine Moyses who taught them one true God and whose bookes are in the front of our Canon and therfore though the learning of Greece warmeth the world at this day yet neede they not boast of their wisdome being neither so ancient nor so excellent as our diuine religion and the true wisdome we confesse not that
Ioseph lib. 13. f Are not Kings For King is a greater name then Prince or Captaine bringing larger licence to the ruler and stricter bondage to the sâ—…biect 〈◊〉 Alexander Aristobulus kept his brothers prisoners during his life but beeing dead his 〈◊〉 Saloni whome the Greekes call Alexandra set them at liberty and made Alexander one of them King whome Ptolomy Demetrius and Antiochus foyled in many fights At length beeing sickly by often surfetting hee dyed Hee was a forward spiritâ—…d and a valorous tyrant but euer vnfortunate and vnwise Hee left the kingdome to Alexandra his wife who held it nine yeares letting the Pharisees rule all as befitted a woman to doe h Her two sonnes Their warre was worse then ciuill and befell saith Ioseph in the Consulship of Q Hortensius and Q. Metellus Creticus Olymp. a hundred eighty three Alexander and his wife had left Antipas afterwards called Antipater the â—…ch an â—…maean prefect of Idumaea who was factious and stirring and fauoured Hircanus aboue Aristobulus and set Aretes King of Arabia against Aristobolus and for Hircanus Hee soone assented and besieged Aristobulus in Hierusalem Then warred Pompey the great in Affrica and his Legate Aemil. Scaurus lead part of his forces into Syria and him did Aristobolus implore in his ayde Scaurus raysed the siege and afterward the bretheren contending for the kingdome before Pompey at Damascus were both dismissed Afterwards Aristobolus offending him hee marched into Iudaea tooke him prisoner and turned Iuda a into a Prouince of Rome Tully and C. Antonius being Consuls Ioseph lib. 15. i The state seemed too heauie So sayd Liuie of it indeed k The sanctum sanctorum The Romaines 〈◊〉 earnestly to see what God the Hebrewes worshipped thinking they had some statue of him in the Temple So Pompey and a few with him entred euen to this place which the Iewes heâ—… a sacriledge for any man but the priest to doe where he found nothing but a golden table a many tasters a great deale of spices and 2000. talents in the holy treasury of this enuy of his Tacitus speaketh Annal. 21. and saith that vpon this it was giuen out that the Iewes had no Images of their gods but worshipped in voide roomes and empty sanctuaries l And hauing seated By the sending of Aulus Gabinius who diuided also all the land into fiue parts and set rulers ouer them all Iosephus saith that in Caesars warre agaiâ—…st Ptolomy Hircanus and Antipater sent him ayde wherevpon hauing ended the warre hee made Hircanus high priest and Antipater according to his choice prouost of the whole land De bello Iuâ—… lib. 1. in Antiq. lib. m And within a few Antipater dying made his sonne Hircanus a dull and sloathfull youth gouernor of Ierusalem and Herode beeing as then scarcely fiâ—…teene yeare old ruler of Galilee who by his vertues surmounting his age quickly got the hearts of all the Syrians and so by a bribâ—… paide by them got the gouernment of Syria from Sextus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as then held it and afterwardes helping Octauius and Antony greatly in the warre oâ—… 〈◊〉 and Cassius got the stile of King of Iudaea giuen him by the Sâ—…nate hee beeing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 borne So was Iacobs prophecy at his death fulfilled which alone might bee of power â—…ufficient to shew the Messias to the Iewes but that their eyes by Gods secret iudgements are so wholy sealed vp and enclowded Of the words becomming flesh our Sauiours birth and the dispersion of Iewes CHAP. 46. HErod reigning in Iudaea Romes gouernment being changed and a Augustus Caesar being Emperor the world beeing all at peace Christ according to the precedent prophecy was borne in Bethelem of Iudah beeing openly man of his Virgin-mother and secretly God of God his father for so the Prophet had said b Behold a Virgin shall conceiue and beare a sonne and she shall call his name Emanuel that is God with vs. Now he shewed his deity by many miracles which as farre as concerneth his glory and our saluation are recorded in the Gospell The first is his miraculous birth the last his as miraculous asâ—…ension But the Iewes who reiected him and slew him according to the needfulnesse of his death and resurrection after that were miserably spoiled by the Romanes chased all into the slauery of strangers and dispersed ouer the face of the whole earth For they are in all places with their Testament to shew that we haue not forged those prophecies of Christ which many of them considering both before his passion and after his resurrection beleeued in him and they are the remnant that are â—…aued through grace But the rest were blinde as the psalme saith Let their table be made a snare before them and their prosperity their ruine let their eyes be blinded that they see not and make their loines alway to tremble For in refusing to beleeue our scriptures their owne which they read with blindnesse are fulfilled vpon them c Some may say that the Sybills prophecies which concerne the Iewes are but fictions of the christians but that sufficeth vs that wee haue from the bookes of our enemies which wee acknowledge in that they preserue it for vs against their wills themselues and their bookes beeing dispersed as farre as GODS Church is extended and spread in euery corner of the world as that prophecy of the psalme which they themselues doe read fore-telleth them My mercifull GOD will preuent mee GOD will let me see my desire vpon mine enemies slay them not least my people forget it but scatter them abroade with thy power here did GOD shew his mercy to his church euen vpon the Iewes his enemies because as the Apostle saith through their fall commeth saluation to the Gentiles And therefore hee 〈◊〉 them not that is hee left them their name of Iewes still although they bee the Romaines slaues least their vtter dissolution should make vs forget the law of GOD concerning this testimony of theirs So it were nothing to say Slaye them not but that he addeth Scatter them abroade For if they were not dispersed through-out the whole world with their Scriptures the Church should want their testimonies concerning those prophecies fulfilled in our Messias L. VIVES AUgustus a Caesar In the forty and two yeare of his reigne and of the world fiue thousand one hundred ninety and nine was Christ borne Him-selfe and M. Plautius being Consulls Euseb. Cassiodorus referreth it to the yeare before Cn. Lentulus and M. Messala being Consuls b Behold a Uirgin Shall take a sonne into her wombe say the seauentie c Some may say But not truly for Lactantius and Eusebius cited them when the bookes were common in all mens hands Where if they had quoted what those bookes conteined not it would both haue beene impudence on their parts and disgrace to the cause of Christ. Besides Ouid and Uirgil vse many of the Sybills verses which can concerne none but Christ as Uirgills
Apostle saith Wee know but in part Besides it beleeueth the sence in obiects of which the minde iudgeth by the sensitiue organs because hee is in a grosse error that taketh all trust from them It beleeueth also the holy canonicall scriptures both old and new from which the iust man hath his faith by which hee liueth and wherein a wee all walke with-out doubt as long as wee are in our pilgrimage and personally absent from God and this faith being kept firme wee may lawfully doubt of all such other things as are not manifested vnto vs eyther by sence reason scripture nor testimony of grounded authoritie L. VIVES WE all walke a without doubt We haue no knowledge of it but beleeue it as firmely as what wee see with our eyes Of the habite and manners belonging to a Christian. CHAP. 19. IT is nothing to the Citty of God what attyre the cittizens weare or what rules they obserue as long as they contradict not Gods holy precepts but each one keepe the faith the true path to saluation and therefore when a Philosopher becommeth a Christian they neuer make him alter his habite nor his manners which are no hindrance to his religion but his false opinions They respect not Varro's distinction of the Cynikes as long as they forbeare vncleane and intemperate actions But as concerning the three kindes of life actiue contemplatiue and the meanes betweene both although one may keepe the faith in any of those courses yet there is a difference betweene the loue of the truth and the duties of charitie One may not bee so giuen to contemplation that hee neglect the good of his neighbour nor so farre in loue with action that hee forget diuine speculation In contemplation one may not seeke for idlenesse but for truth to benefite him-selfe by the knowledge thereof and not to grudge to impart it vnto others In action one may not ayme at highnesse or honor because all vnder the sunne is meere vanitie but to performe the worke of a superiour vnto the true end that is vnto the benefite and saluation of the sub ect as wee sayd before And this made the Apostle say If any man desiâ—…e the office of a Bishop hee desireth a good worke what this office was hee explaineth not it is an office of labour and not of honour a The Greeke word signifieth that hee that is heerein installed is to watch ouer his people that are vnder him Episcopus a Bishop commeth of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is ouer and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is a watching or an attendance so that wee may very well translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a superintendent to shew that hee is no true Bishop who desireth rather to be Lordly him-selfe then profitable vnto others No man therefore is forbidden to proceed in a lawdable forme of contemplation But to affect soueraignty though the people must bee gouerned though the place be well discharged yet notwithstanding is b taxable of indecencie Wherefore the loue of truth requireth a holy retirednesse and the necessity of charity a iust employment which if it bee not imposed vpon vs wee ought not to seeke it but be take our selues wholy to the holy inquest of truth but if wee bee called forth vnto a place the law and need of charity bindeth vs to vnder-take it c Yet may wee not for all this giue ouer our first resolution least wee loose the sweetnesse of that and bee surcharged with the weight of the other L. VIVES THe a Greeke word of this before lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comes either of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to consider or of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is to visit The Scripture where the seauenty translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doe read it a watch-man as in Ezechiel Osee chap. 5. where the Lord complaineth that they had beene a snare in their watching and a net vpon mount Thabor As if hee had spoken of the Bishops of these times who set snares for benefices and spread large netts for money but not too wide wasted least the coyne should scatter forth b Taxable of indecencie O but some fine braines haue now brought it so about that bishoprickes may not onely bee sued for but euen bought and sold with-out any preiudice at all vnto this lawe c Yet may wee not Hee sheweth that a Bishop should conuerse with the holy scriptures often and drawe him-selfe home vnto God now and then from all his businesses liuing if he did well as a pilgrim of Gods in this life and one that had a charge of Gods and his owne soules in hand not any temporall trash and yet ought he not to forsake his ministery to which he should be preserred by an heauenly calling and not by an heauy pursse Hope the blisse of the heauenly Cittizens during this life CHAP. 20. THen therefore is the good of the Holy society perfect when their peace is established in eternity not running any more in successions as mortall men doe in life and death one to another but confirmed vnto them together with their immortalitie for euer with-out touch of the least imperfection What is hee that would not accompt such an estate most happy or comparing it with that which man hath heere vpon earth would not auouch this later to bee most miserable were it neuer so well fraught with temporall conueniences yet hee that hath the latter in possession and applyeth it all vnto the vse of his hopeâ—… firme and faithfull obiect the former may not vnfitly bee called happy already but that is rather in his expectation of the first then in his fruition of the later For this possession with-out the other hope is a false beatitude and a most true misery For herein is no vse of the mindes truest goods because there wanteth the true wisdome which in the prudent discretion resolute performance temperate restraint and iust distribution of these things should referre his intent in all these vnto that end where God shall bee all in all where eternity shall be firme and peace most perfect and absolute Whether the Citâ—…y of Rome had euer a true common-wealth according to Scipio's definition of a common-wealth in Tully CHAP. 21. NOw it is time to performe a promise which I passed in the second booke of this worke and that was to shew that Rome neuer had a true common-wealth as Scipio defineth one in Tullyes booke De Repub. his Definition was A common-wealth is the estate of the people Respub est res populi If this be true Rome neuer had any for it neuer had an estate of the people which hee defines the common-wealth by For he defineth the people to bee a multitude vnited in one consent of lawe and profite what hee meaneth by a consent of lawe hee sheweth him-selfe and sheweth there-by that a state cannot stand with-out iustice so that where true iustice wanteth there can bee no law
Iudgement shal be but the meanes whereby the soules shal be purified 14. The temporall paines of this life afflicting al man-kinde 15. That the scope of Gods redeeming vs is wholy pertinent to the world to come 16. The lawes of Grace that all the â—…regenerate are blessed in 17. Of some christians that held that hells paines should not be eternal 18. Of those that hold that the Intercession of the Saints shal saue all men from damnation 19. Of such as hold that heretiques shal be saued in that they haue pertaken of the body of Christ. 20. Of such as allow this deliuerance onely to wicked and reuolted Catholikes 21. Of such as affirme that al that abide in the Catholike faith shal be saued for that faith 22. Of such as affirme that the sinnes committed amongst the workes of mercy shal not be called into Iudgement 23. Against those that exclude both men deuils from paines eternal 24. Against those that would proue al damnation frustrate by the praiers of the Saints 25. Whether that such as beeing baptized by heretiques become wicked in life or amongst Catholiques and then fal away into heresies schismes or contynuing amongst Catholiques be of vicious conuersation can haue any hope of escaping damnation by the priuiledge of the Sacraments 26. What it is to haue Christ for the foundation where they are that shal be saued as it were by fire 27. Against those that thinke those sinnes shall not be laid to their charge wherewith they mixed some workes of mercy FINIS THE ONE AND TVVENTITH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Why the punishment of the damned is here disputed of before the happinesse of the Saints CHAP. 1. SEEing that by the assistance of Our LORD and SAVIOVR IESVS CHRIST the Iudge of the quick and the dead we haue brought both the Citties the one whereof is GODS and the other the deuills vnto their intended consummation wee are now to proceed by the helpe of GOD in this booke with the declaration of the punishment due vnto the deuill and all his confederacy And this I choose to doe before I handle the glories of the blessed because both these the wicked are to vndergo their sentences in body and soule and it may seeme more incredible for an earthly body to endure vndissolued in eternall paines then without all paine in euerlasting happinesse So that when I haue shewne the possibility of the first it may bee a great motiue vnto the confirmation of the later Nor doth this Methode want a president from the Scriptures themselues which some-times relate the beatitude of the Saints fore-most as here They that haue done good vnto the resurrection of life but they that haue done euill vnto the resurrection of condemnation and some times afterward as here The Sonne of man shall send forth his Angells and they shall gather out of his Kingdome al things that offend and them which doe iniquitie and shall cast them into a furnace of fire there shal be wayling and gnashing of teeth Then shall the iust shine like the Sunne in the Kingdome of the Father and againe And these shall goe into euerlasting paine and the righteous into life eternall Besides hee that will looke into the Prophets shall finde this ordeâ—… often obserued it were too much for me to recite all my reason why I obserue it heere I haue set downe already Whether an earthly bodie may possibly be incorruptible by fire CHAP. 2. WHat then shall I say vnto the vn-beleeuers to prooue that a body carnall and liuing may endure vndissolued both against death and the force of eternall fire They will not allowe vs to ascribe this vnto the power of God but vrge vs to prooue it to them by some example If wee shall answere them that there are some creatures that are indeed corruptible because mortall yet doe liue vntouched in the middest of the fire and likewise that there are a kinde a of Wormes that liue without being hurt in the feruent springs of the hot bathes whose heare some-times is such as none can endure and yet those wormes doe so loue 〈◊〉 liue in it that they cannot liue without it this either they will not beleeue vnlesse they see it or if they doe see it or heare it affirmed by sufficient authority then they cauill at it as an insufficient proofe for the proposed question for that these creatures are not eternall howsoeuer and liuing thus in this heate nature hath made it the meane of their growth and nutriment not of their torment As though it were not more incredible that fire should nourish any thing rather then not consume it It is strange for any thing to be tormented by the fire and yet to liue but it is stranger to liue in the fire and not to bee tormented If then this later be credible why is not the first so also L. VIVES A Kinde a of wormes There are some springs that are hot in their eruptions by reason of their passages by vaines of sulphurous matter vnder ground Empedocles holds that the fire which is included in diuers places of the earth giueth them this heate Senec. Quaest. nat lib. 3. Their waters are good for many diseases Many of those naturall bathes there are in Italy and likewise in Germany whereof those of Aquisgrane are the best Of these bathes read Pliny lib. 1. 32. In these waters doe the wormes liue that he speaketh of Whether a fleshly body may possibly endure eternall paine CHAP. 3. YEa but say they a there is no body that can suffer eternally but it must perish aâ—… length How can we tell that Who can tell whether the b deuills doe suffer in their bodies when as the confesse they are extreamely tormented If they answere that there is no earthly soule and visible body or to speake all in one no flesh that can suffer alwaies and neuer die what is this but to ground an assertion vpon meere sence and apparance for these men know no flesh but mortall and what they haue not knowne and seene that they hold impossible And what an argument it this to make paine the proofe of death when it is rather the testimony of life for though our question bee whether any thing liuing may endure eternall paine and yet liue still yet are wee sure it cannot feele any paine at all vnlesse it liue paine beeing inseperably adherent vnto life if it be in any thing at all Needs then must that liue that is pained yet is there no necessity that this or that paine should kill it for all paine doth not kill all the bodies that perish Some paine indeed must by reason that the soule and the body are so conioyned that they cannot part without great torment which the soule giueth place vnto and the mortall frame of man beeing so weake that it cannot withstand this c violence thereupon are they seuered But afterwards
many things which were they not to bee seene and confirmed by sufficient testimony would seeme as impossible as the rest whereas now wee know them partly all and partly some of vs. As for other things that are but reported without â—…estimony and concerne not religion nor are not taught in scripture they may bee false and a man may lawfully refuse to beleeue them I doe not beleeue all that I haue set downe so firmely that I doe make no doubt of some of them but for that which I haue tried as the burning of lyme in water and cooling in oyle the loade-stones drawing of Iron and not moouing a straw the incorruptibility of the Peacoks flesh whereas Platoes flesh did putrifie the keeping of snow and the ripening of apples in chaffe the bright fire makeing the stones of his owne colâ—…our and wood of the iust contrarie these I haue seene and beleeue without any doubt at all Such also are these that cleare oyle should make blacke spottes and white siluer drawne a black line that coales should turne black from white wood brittle of hard ones and incorruptible of corruptible peeces togither with many other which tediousnesse forbiddeth me heere to insert For the others excepting that fountaine that quensheth and kindleth againe the dusty apples of Sodome I could not get any sufficient proofes to confirme them Nor mett I any that had beheld that fountaine of Epyrus but I found diuerse that had seene the like neere vnto Grenoble in France And for the Apples of Sodome there are both graue authors and eye-witnesses enow aliue that can affirme it so that I make no doubt thereof The rest I leaue indifferent to affirme or deny yet I did set them downe because they are recorded in our adâ—…ersaries owne histories to shew them how many things they beleeue in their owne bookes with-out all reason that will not giue credence to vs when wee say that God Almighty will doe any thing that exceedeth their capacity to conceiue What better or stronger reason can be giuen for any thing then to say God Almighty will doe this which hee hath promised in those bookes wherein he promiseth as strange things as this which he hath performed He will do it because he hath said hee will euen hee that hath made the incredulous Heathens beleeue things which they held meere impossibilities L. VIVES WHy then a cannot God Seeing the scope of this place is diuine and surpasseth the bounds of nature as concerning the resurrection iudgment saluation and damnation I wonder that Aquinas Scotus Occam Henricus de Gandauo Durandus and Petrus de Palude dare define of them according to Aristotles positions drawing them-selues into such labyrinths of naturall questions that you would rather say they were Athenian Sophisters then Christian diuines b Sufficient Mans conceipt being so slender and shallow in these causes of things in so much that Virgil said well Faelix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas c Grenoble It was built by Gratian and called Gratianopolis Valens being Emperour of the East It standeth in Daulphine and reteineth part of the old name That the alteration of the knowne nature of any creature vnto a nature vnknowne is not opposite vnto the lawes of nature CHAP. 8. IF they reply that they will not beleeue that mans body can endure perpetuall burning because they know it is of no such nature so that it cannot bee said of it that nature hath giuen it such a quality we may answer them out of the scriptures that mans body before his fall was of such a nature that it could not suffer death and yet in his fall was altered vnto that mortall misery wherein now all man-kinde liueth to dye at length and therefore at the resurrection it may vndergoe such another alteration vnknowne to vs as yet But they beleeue not the Scriptures that relate mans estate in Paradise if they did we should not neede to stand long with them vpon this theame of the paines of the damned whereas now wee must make demonstration out of their owne authors how it is possible that there may bee a full alteration of nature in any one obiect from the kinde of being that it had before and yet the lawes of nature be kept vnviolated Thus wee read in Varro's booke De Gente Pop. Rom. Castor saith hee relateth that in that bright starre of Venus a which Plautus calles Hesperugo and Homer the glorious b Hesperus befell a most monstrous change both of colour magnitude figure and motion the like neuer was before nor since and this saith Adrastus Cyzicenus and Dion Neapolites two famous Astronomers befell in the reigne of Ogyges A monstrous change saith Varro and why but that it seemed contrary to nature such we say all portents to be but wee are deceiued for how can that be against nature which is effected by the will of God the Lord and maker of all nature A portent therefore is not against nature but against the most common order of nature But who is hee that can relate all the portents recorded by the Gentiles Let vs seeke our purpose in this one What more decretall law hath God laide vpon nature in any part of the creation then hee hath in the motions of the heauens what more legall and fixed order doth any part of nature keepe and yet you see that when it was the pleasure of Natures highest soueraigne the brighest starre in all the firmament changed the coulour magnitude and figure and which is most admirable the very course and motion This made a foule disturbance in the rules of the Astrologians if there were any then when they obseruing their fixed descriptions of the eternall course of the starres durst affirme that there neuer was nor neuer would bee any such change as this of Venus was Indeed wee read in the Scripture that the Sunne stood still at the prayer of Iosuah vntill the battle was done and went back to shew Hezechias that the Lord had added fifteene yeares vnto his life As for the miracles done by the vertues of the Saints these Infidels know them well and therefore auerre them to be done by Magicke where-vpon Virgil saith as I related before of the witch that she could Sistere aquam fluuiis vertere syder a retrò Stop floods bring back the starres c. For the riuer Iordan parted when Iosuah lead the people ouer it and when Heliah passed it as likewise when his follower Heliseus deuided it with Heliah his cloake and the sunne as wee said before went back in the time of Hezechiah But Varro doth not say that any one desired this change of Venus Let not the faithlesse therefore hood winck them-selues in the knowledge of nature as though Gods power could not alter the nature of any thing from what it was before vnto mans knowledge although that the knowne nature of any thing bee fully as admirable but that men admire nothing but rarieties For
not By my flesh For if hee had sayd so GOD CHRIST might haue beene vnderstood who shal be seene in the flesh by the flesh now indeed it may also be taken In my flesh b I shall see GOD as if hee had sayd I shal be in my flesh when I shall see GOD. And that which the Apostle saith Face to face doth not compell vs that wee beleeue that wee shall see GOD by this corporall face where there are corporall eyes whome wee shall see by the spirit without intermission For vnlesse there were a face also of the inwarde man the same Apostle would not say But wee beholding the glorie of the LORD with the face vnuayled are transformed into the same Image from glory into glory as it were to the spirit of the LORD Neither doe wee otherwise vnderstand that which is sung in the Psalme Come vnto him and bee enlightened and your faces shall not bee ashamed For by faith wee come vnto GOD which as it is euident belongeth to the heart and not to the body vniuersally But because wee know not now how neare the spirituall body shall approche for wee speake of a thing of which wee haue no experience where some things are which can-not otherwise bee vnderstood the authority of the diuine Scriptures doth not resist but succour vs It must needs bee that that happen in vs which is read in the booke of Wisdome The thoughts of men are fearefull and our fore-sights are vncertaine For if that manner of arguing of the Philosophers by which they dispute that intelligible things are so to bee seene by the aspect of the vnderstanding and sensible that is to say corporall things so to bee seene by the sence of the body that neither the vnderstanding can bee able to behold intelligible things by the body nor corporall things by them-selues can bee most certaine vnto vs truly it should likewise be certaine that God could not be seene by the eyes of a spirituall body But both true reason and propheticall authority will deride this manner of disputing For who is such an obstinate and opposite enemy to the truth that hee dare say that God knoweth not these corporall things Hath hee therefore a body by the eyes of which he may learne those things Further-more doth not that which wee spake a little before of the Prophet Heliseus declare sufficiently also that corporall things may be seene by the spirit not by the body For when his seruant receiued rewards though it was corporally done yet the Prophet saw it not by the body but by the spirit As therefore it is manifest that bodies are seene by the spirit what if there shall be such a great powre of the spirituall body that the spirit may also be seene by the body For God is a spirit More-ouer euery man knoweth his owne life by which hee liueth now in the body and which doth make these earthly members growe and increase and maketh them liuing by the inward sense and not by the eyes of the body But hee seeth the liues of other men by the body when as they are inuisible For from whence doe wee discerne liuing bodyes from vn-liuing vnlesse wee see the bodyes and liues together But wee doe not see with corporall eyes the liues with-out bodyes Wherefore it may bee and it is very credible that then wee shall so see the worldly bodyes of the new heauen and new earth as wee see GOD present euery where and also gouerning all corporall things by the bodyes wee shall carry and which wee shall see where-so-euer wee shall turne our eyes most euidently all clowds of obscurity beeing remooued not in such sorts as the inuisible things of GOD are seene now beeing vnderstood by those things which are made in a glasse darkly and in part where faith preuaileth more in vs by which wee beleeue than the obiect of things which wee see by corporall eyes But euen as so soone as wee behold men amongst whome wee liue beeing aliue and performing vitall motions wee doe not beleeue that they liue but wee see them to liue when wee cannot see their life with-out bodyes which not-with-standing wee clearely behold by the bodyes all ambiguity beeing remooued so where-so-euer wee shall turne about these spirituall eyes of our bodyes wee shall like-wise see incorporate GOD gouerning all things by our bodyes GOD therefore shall eyther so bee seene by those eyes because they haue some-thing in that excellencie like vnto the vnderstanding whereby the incorporall nature may be seene which is either hard or impossible to declare by any examples or testimonies of diuine Scriptures or that which is more easily to be vnderstood God shall be so knowne conspicuous vnto vs that he may be seene by the spirit of euery one of vs in euery one of vs may be seene of another in another may be seene in him-selfe may be seene in the new heauen and in the new earth and in euery creature which shall be then may be seene also by the bodies in euery body where-so-euer the eyes of the spirituall body shall be directed by the sight comming thether Also our thoughts shall bee open and discouered to one another For then shall that bee fulfilled which the Apostle intimateth when hee said Iudge not any thing before the time vntill the Lord come who willl lighten things that are hid in darknesse and make the counsels of the heart manifest and then shall euery man haue praise of GOD. L. VIVES OR a rather rest For there shall be a rest from all labours I know not by what meanes the name of rest is more delightfull and sweet than of action therefore Aristotle nominateth that contemplation which he maketh the chiefest beatitude by the name of Rest. Besides the Sabbath is that to wit a ceassing from labour and a sempeternall rest b I shall see God It is read in some ancient copies of Augustine I shall see God my sauiour But we doe neither read it in Hieromes translation neither doth it seeme â—…o be added of Augustine by those words which follow For he speaketh of God with-out the man-hood Further if he had added Sauiour hee should haue seemed to haue spoken of Christ. Of the eternall felicity of the Citty of God and the perpetuall Sabbath CHAP. 30. HOw great a shall that felicity be where there shall be no euill thing where no good thing shall lye hidden there wee shall haue leasure to vtter forth the praises of God which shall bee all things in all For what other thing is done where we shall not rest with any slouthfulnesse nor labour for any want I know not I am admonished also by the holy song where I read or heare Blessed are they oh Lord which dwell in thy house they shall praise thee for euer and euer All the members and bowels of the incorruptible body which we now see distributed to diuerse vses of necessity because then