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A68840 Most fruitfull [and] learned co[m]mentaries of Doctor Peter Martir Vermil Florentine, professor of deuinitie, in the Vniuersitye of Tygure with a very profitable tract of the matter and places. Herein is also added [and] contained two most ample tables, aswel of the matter, as of the wordes: wyth an index of the places in the holy scripture. Set forth & allowed, accordyng to thorder appointed in the Quenes maiesties iniunctions.; In librum Judicum commentarii doctissimi. English Vermigli, Pietro Martire, 1499-1562. 1564 (1564) STC 24670; ESTC S117825 923,082 602

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8 And Iosua the Sonne of Nun the seruaunt of the Lorde dyed when he was an hundred and ten yeares olde 9 And they buryed him in the border of hys inheritance in Thimnath-Heres in mount Ephraim on the North syde of the hyl Gaas 10 And euen so also all that generation were put vnto their fathers and ther arose an other generation after them which neither knew the Lord nor yet the woorke which he had done for Israel Iosua lyued not so long tyme as dyd Moyses Iosua lyued not so long as Moyses whom he by the commaundement of the Lord succeded for Moyses was an .120 yeares old whē he dyed But the same thinges which we reade in this place concerning the death and buriall of Iosua are by as many wordes expressed in his own booke the .24 chap. The place wher they buryed him namely in mount Ephraim was his owne possession For of that Tribe came Iosua The Elders had sepulchers in theyr owne possessions And the Elders prouided to haue Funeralles and Sepulchres in their owne possessions For which cause it is written in the booke of Iosua towarde the ende that the bones of Ioseph which the Israelites brought with them out of Egipt were buryed in Sichem in that fielde I saye which Iacob had assigned as proper vnto Ioseph And it followeth Eleazer also the sonne of Aaron dyed whom they buryed in a hyll that pertayned to Phinehes his sonne which hil was geuen him in mount Ephraim But as touchyng the name of the Citye in that it is here called Thimnath-Haeres R. Selomoh Why the figure of the sun was set vpon the sepulchre of Iosua Rabi Selomoh toward the end of the booke of Iosua wryteth that Thimnath is as much as Temunath which is an Image And for so much as Chaeres signifieth the Sunne it declareth that the Chyldren of Israel placed the Image of the Sunne vpon the Sepulchre of Iosua that it myghte remayne as a monument of the myracle by hym wrought For he commaunded the Sunne and the Moone to stande styll vntil he had finished the battaile That therfore so noble a worke might not be had in obliuion he supposeth that his tombe was adourned with those tokens That this woord Chaeres signifieth the Sunne Esay the .19 chap. and Iob the .9 doo testifye Howbeit this is to be considered in the booke of Iosua that the name of this place doth vary For in the booke of Iosua it is wrytten Timuna Serech D. Kimhi which yet R. D. Kimhi thinketh to be al one the letters beyng somwhat transposed which is a familiar and a thing much vsed in the hebrewe toung as they that are learned in the same wel know It is lawfull to set foorth the benefites of god by certain tokens and outwarde signes Neither was it absurdly or wickedly done of the Israelites so to adourne the tombe of Iosua For it is meete that the benefites of God be set forth by tokens and certain monumentes They had not at that tyme the aboundaunce and vse of bookes which we haue And therfore they vsed certain outwarde Symboles and tokens to helpe and to renewe their memorye Iacob erected a stone in the place where he had sene God Moyses dyd set vp twelue pyllers there where he made a league betwene God and the people The same was done also when the people were passed ouer Iordane for they gathered twelue stones out of the chanell of the riuer which should be a token to their posteritye that God had by a great miracle dried vp the waters of Iordan when they passed ouer it For by reason of our naturall ingratitude we do easely forgette the benifites of god wherfore yf the figure of the sunne were set vpon the tombe of Iosua to testifye the miracle wherin god at the prayers of Iosuah had cōmaunded it to stand that therby the hebrewes might by his conduicte and leading obtayne a perfect and noble victorie this I say semeth not to be done ether vngodly or absurdely for the Image of the Sunne was not therfore put ther to bee worshipped neither wer there any holly assemblyes in that place A godly magistrate wonderfully profiteth the safety of the people wherin yt was Hereby it appeareth how a good and godly magistrate may wonderfully profite the healthe of the people For the Israelites departed not frō the worshipping of god so long as Iosua and the wyse and godly senatours lyued Aptly therfore is it wrytten in the Prouerbes the .29 chap When the vngodly beare rule the people mourne And in the same booke .20 chap a wyse king destroyeth the wicked And in the 29. a iuste king setteth vp the land Reason also sheweth that it is so for the people do therfore endeuour them selues to please their princes to fynd the more fauour at their handes and therefore they frame them selues to their maners and fashions And also bicause the people is by lawes and decrees compelled to obey the will and sentence of the princes They which dye ar sayde to be adioyned vnto the fathers They wer put vnto their fathers It is a kind of speche much vsed in the scriptures that they which do dye ar sayed to be adioyned to their fathers For as touching the bodye they ar buried with them and as concerning the soule they ar adioyned vnto them For if they haue lyued godly they lyue with their holy elders but yf vngodly they ar tormēted with their wicked progenitours if thei haue had any suche Howe some are sayde not to knowe the lord And there arose an other generation after them which knew not the lorde Not vndoubtedlye that any of them wer so rude that altogether they knew not god For the constante administration of the world the vndisturbed order of thynges do testifie crye that ther is a god But this knowledge wherof the history now speaketh is vnderstand to be that which hath annexed with it allowing Augustine fayth and obedience And they are thus sayd to be ignorant of god bycause they obeyed him not they did not put their hope and confidence in hym nether wer they zelouse to worshippe hym purelye and sincerely Augustine in his questions vpon this booke the 15. question affirmeth that it is playnely expressed in what sort the Israelites knew not god namely in those excellent and wonderful workes by which their elders came vnto the knowledge of the lord We rede also of Pharao that he as it is writtē in Exodus answered vnto Moyses that he knewe not the God of the Hebrues and the Lord eyther bicause he was not minded to hearken vnto his commaundements or els though after a sorte he knewe him yet he knewe not by certaine proofe that he was the God of the Hebrewes 11 And the children of Israel dyd euyll in the syght of the Lorde and serued Baalim 12 And they forsooke the Lorde the God of their Fathers whych brought them out of the
Iosua the .xiii. chap. those Cities were reckoned which were least vnconquered after Iosuas death these cities Haza Ascalon and Accaron are expressed by name But there is a doubt after what sorte these Cities were sayde to haue pertained to the Philistians in the tyme of Samuel when Saul dyd then raigne Yea and the same is written in the third chap. of this booke There are some whiche affirme that these Cities were not nowe altogether taken but so possessed that the Israelites obtained some part of the lande which belonged vnto them which semeth not very lykely vnto me seing that the historye sayth that not onely euery one of these Cities wer taken but that also the endes and borders of them came into the power of Iudah Wherfore I would rather iudge that their opinion is best which affirme that Iudah dyd now in deede possesse these Cities as it is written but afterwarde when the Israelites synned they wer agayne dryuen out of them by the Philistians who wonne them agayne to their own vse and so did wynne them that they counted them as most principal dominions for they dyd set ouer eche of them certaine noble gouernours Neyther ought that much to moue vs bycause the history doth onelye name Iudah now speaketh nothing of Symeon For that might be bicause the lot of both these tribes was ioyned together and they had made a couenant to fyght together therfore when we heare the name of the one we must therwith also vnder stand the name of the other And the name of Symeon is rather vnspoken of bicause God hymself in his oracle gaue Iudah the principality in this expedition 19 And the Lord was with Iudah he possessed the mountayne for he could not dryue out the inhabitauntes of the valley bycause they had yron Chariotes He possessed the mountayne The figure zeugma It is written in Hebrewe Veioresch Hahar which if it wer properly translated is he draue away the mountain which without doubt is a figuratiue phrase for the figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is added by whych figure one and the selfe woord serueth for two members bycause that woorde Ioschebe which is inhabitours ought to be repeated that euen as it is said that Iudah could not dryue out the inhabitours of the valley so also must be vnderstand that the inhabitours of the mountaine were expelled by him so that thys woord Hahar is the genitiue case as is this woord Haamak that is of the valley The conquering of both these was paynfull bycause Cityes founded vpon mountaines are by nature of the place wel fenced and they whych dwelled in the 〈◊〉 valleys wer very experte in a kynde of fence I meane yron chariotes But least peraduenture we should thinke that the inhabitors of the mountains wer driuen out of their place of Iudah by the strength of men ther is set before And the Lord was with Iudah As though it had ben said bicause they fought by the fauour of God therfore the hilly places wer conquered Wherefore if God had ayded them of Iudah with the like fauour in their battayl in the valley they should also haue ouercome those which inhabited the valley There semeth also a cause to be geuen bycause they had yron chariotes He that shal reade the Iliades of Homer shal easely perceaue that the men in the old time vsed chariotes in battails also the same may be gathered both out of the most auncient histories also out of the latter writers Quintus Curtius amongest other Quintus Curtius writing the life of Alexander doth playnlye make mencion of such chariots in the battail fought against Darius But I thinke no writer writeth more plainly of them than doth Liuie Titus Liuius For he in that battail wherin Antiochus was ouercome of the Romanes which is in the .4 decade seuenth boke thus describeth the chariotes whych he calleth hooked He sayth that they were fenced chiefely after thys maner The description of hooked chariotes The poyntes aboute the draught tree standing out from the yoke had as it were hornes wherwith whatsoeuer they met they mighte thruste it throughe and twoo hookes hoong oute at eche ende of the cart the one euen with the carte the other fastened downewarde to the earth the former serued to cut asunder what so euer came on the syde of it the other was made to crushe them which fel downe or went vnder There were also two sundry hookes fastened after the same sorte to the exetrees of both the wheles c. The vse therfore of these chariotes endured til the tyme that Antiochus was ouercome Howbeit wee neuer reade that the Romanes vsed them And that they wer horrible to behold and hard to be conquered may manifestly be gathered by the booke of Iosua For ther in the .vii. chap. when the tribe of Ioseph complained bicause it was so many in number and had obtained so narrow a lot Iosua commaunded them that if they had not roume inoughe they shoulde go and dwel or els conquere the places of their enemies adioyning vnto them They excused them selues that they coulde not doo that bicause their neighbours had yron chariotes But to repeate more auncienter thinges Pharao as it is written in the booke of Exodus when hee persecuted the Israelites which fled is said to haue had chariotes and with the same he tooke vpon hym to enter into the sea But they beyng ouerthrowen by the power of God hee was punished for breaking his fidelity Yron chariotes cānot resist god But this is diligently to be considered of vs whether either yron chariotes or hooked cartes can withstand the power and promise of God which if we shal deny as in very dede we must deny why ar they then put here as the cause that the victory was not obtained Marke the distinction Whereunto I aunswer that in this place is set foorth vnto vs the nighest cause namely that which was sene And certainly it was a cause if we should looke onely vpon mans strength For the Chananites being so armed and appointed could not be ouercome of the Israelites whych wer weaker than they Why god graūted not the hole victorye vnto Iudah and not so wel armed and fenced But if the power and might of God be considered the same could not be letted either by chariots and weapons or els by power of souldiours Why did not God therfore whych had geuen part of the victory graunt the whole also Kimhi aunswereth that God dyd it to proue the Israelites thereby For if they should haue bene constrayned as in deed they were to dwel for a while with these nations then experience should haue tryed how much they woulde set by theyr God namelye whether they woulde perseuer in the lawfull woorshypping of hym or whether they would enclyne to their owne madde customes and woorshipping of Idoles Thys in deede is a true cause and is set foorth also in the thyrd chapter of
agayne to Gellius He sheweth that there were other which thought histories to be either an exposition or els a demonstration of thinges done But yerely chronicles were when things done in many yeres were compiled together obseruing the order of euery yeare c. According to which sentence this our booke cannot be called a yerely chronicle for that in the narrations thereof it oftentimes noteth not the yeres wherin things were done Moreouer the same author I meane Gellius addeth Sempronius Asellios mynde therin but this was the differēce betwene those whiche woulde leaue behinde them yearely chronicles and those which enterprised to write of thinges done by the Romaynes The yerely chronicles did declare that onely whiche was done and in what yeare it was done but that was not sufficient for an history to declare what was done but it must also shew by what counsell and after what sort they were done And a little after the same Aselio writeth in the same booke for neither can the bookes of the yerely chronicles any thing stirre vp the readers to be more quicke to defend the common wealth nor yet more slow to cōmit thinges vnaduisedly Furthermore bicause that by the knowledge of this booke men are admonished and stirred vp to the true worshippyng of god to repent to put their trust in god and to practise all dueties of lyfe cherefully It conteyneth an history and not yerely Chronicles Peraduenture I haue expounded these thinges with to many woordes but yet as I suppose with some fruicte The number of the yeares that the history of the iudges conteyneth But the space of the tyme which is comprehēded in these declarations if we may beleue Augustine in his xviii booke de ciuitate dei and 22. chap. is 329. yeares which he gathereth thus Whē Rome was builded the Hebrewes had bene in the land of Chanaan 718. yeares of which as he saith 27. perteyned vnto Iosua 329. to the Iudges 362. are referred vnto the kinges For Ezechias the king lyued in the tyme of Romulus God is the author of histories An history is not to be counted a thing of mans inuention when as god him selfe was the author therof which would haue the elders to expoūd to their children and their posteritie those thinges which he had done for Israell in Egipte in the sea and in the wildernes And he commaunded also as it is written in Exodus that the warre which was had against Amalech and the victory which the Hebrewes got of him Histories wer before Moyses time should be put in writing yea and this kind of writing began before Moyses for he maketh mencion both of the booke of the battails of the Lord as also of the booke of the iust men I will not speake of the Prophetes which with their prophecies oftētimes mixed histories I passe ouer Dauid who adourned here and there the psalmes whiche he song with histories I skip ouer our Euangelistes and the Actes which Luke wrote in which are written moste profitable histories in the new Testament If god be the author of these bookes as we must nedes beleue thē god must be counted the author of histories which is not a thing for him vnsemely for an history is a noble thīg as Cicero writeth in hys 2. The praise of an history boke de Oratore it is a witnes of times the light of truth the life of memory the maystres of life the messenger of antiquitie c. These prayses certainly are great and they agree not with euery kynde of histories but with those onely in which those rules are obserued What are requisite to a true history The Latin Historiographers are more faithful than the Grecians which the same author hath set forth in that place namely that it set forth no lies or be afraid to tel the truth that there be no suspicion of fauour or flattery Which order although the Latin Historiographers haue more faithfully accōplished than the Grecians for Quintilianus saith in his iiii chap. of his secōd boke that the greke Historiographers vsed as much licence in writing almoste as the Poets did yet Augustine in his .131 epistle to Memorius the Bishop when he amōg other liberall disciplines attributeth much to histories writing of the truth therof saieth that he cannot see how those histories whiche are written of men can wel follow the truth for that the writers are compelled to geue credite vnto men and oftentimes to gather together the brute of the vulgare people The holy histories are most true whiche writers neuerthelesse are yet excused if they kepe liberty and write nothing disceitfull but there can be nothing at al more true than the histories reuealed and written by the inspiration of god as our histories are Besides the truth whose knowledge without controuersie is most excellēt The commoditie of an historye by the reading of histories we get also other cōmodities and those very excellēt By them we attayne to matter and most aboundant plenty of moste profitable arguments For as Quintilianus writeth in the .iiii. chap. of his .12 boke Exāples and histories are iudgementes and testimonies The vse of examples is double And the profit of the examples is at the least way two fold One is that we should imitate vse allow and commend those thinges which we are taught to be done of holy mē We vnderstande by the diuyne historye that Abraham was a holye man and dearly beloued of god and also one that kepte very good hospitalitie Whereby we learne that hospitalitie is a noble vertue and very deare vnto God and againe we are taughte to auoyde those thinges which we see these godlye men to haue auoyded For when we consider howe Dauid woulde not kil Saul hys deadly enemye hauing twice libertie to doe it we gather that it is not to bee permitted that priuate men althoughe it laye in their power shoulde 〈◊〉 reuenge their priuate iniuries The other vse of examples is that of these thinges whiche are there declared perticularly when we shall perceaue that they be al like we may of them gather generally and vniuersally some one profitable sentence By the history of the Sodomites we note how greuously god punished most horrible fleshly filthines and that the tribe of Beniamin for the same cause was almost cleane put out and Ruben the first begotten son of Iacob for incest was put besides his place and dignity Dauid for committing aduoutry incurred horrible punishmentes and Ammon and Absolon for committing incest came to a most wycked end and Troy as the heathen testifye was vtterly ouerthrowen for aduoutry sake Of these things therfore in such sort considered which happened perticularly we plainly say that all these wandring and vnlawfull lustes of men are most greuously punished of god To which propositiō if we shal adde this sentence that now also throughout all Christendom such free and wādring filthy lust raigne euery where we may strongly conclude that for
so then were it very easy to persuade the Ethnickes and Turkes of the holy Scriptures and to bryng the Iewes to receaue the new Testament and how true this is the thing it selfe witnesseth And I thincke I haue spoken enough of the efficient cause of this booke and of the holy Scriptures Of the ende of this booke And now lastly order semeth to require the seyng we haue spoken of the matter forme and efficient cause of the holy bookes we shoulde also entreate somewhat to what end they were written Wherin I thincke it not nedeful to kepe the reader long for that before when I entreated many thynges of an historye I haue expounded also the profite and commodities whiche come therof whiche no doubte of it belong vnto the ende but nowe presently I will say thus much compendiously that all these thinges are mentioned by the holy ghost that we shoulde behaue our selues vprigthly both in prosperitie and also aduersitie For we learne by the examples of holy men when we are afflicted with sundry troubles and miseries stedfastly to holde our faith to put our hope in God to call vpon him only therewithall to repent vs of our sinnes whiche thinges if we do he will no lesse be presente to helpe vs than we know that he oftentimes deliuered the people of the Iewes And this Paul declared when he sayde to the Romaines whatsoeuer things are written they are written for our learning that we thorough patience and consolation of the Scriptures might haue hope Moreouer we are instructed in prosperous thinges to kepe the feare of god lest we fal into grieuous sinnes by whiche meanes we might be made guiltie both of punishement in this lyfe and also of euerlastyng damnatiō Finally we may moste manifestly gather the ende of reading of these bookes out of the Apostles doctrine whiche he deliuered to Timothe writing after this sorte in his second Epistle and third chap. All Scripture geuen by inspiration of God is profitable to doctrine to reprouing to correction and to instruction which is in righteousnesse that the man of God may be perfect and prepared to al good workes And now that as I suppose I haue spoken enough of the end and other causes of this booke I will come nygher to the exposition of the same first I wil declare whether this booke according to the sentence of the Hebrewes be the second booke of the firste Prophetes whose coniunction is so great with the history of Iosua that a man woulde easely saye that they be both one Whether the booke of Iosua ought to be reckened with the booke of Iudges And peraduenture there be some which suppose that Iosua should be reckened with the iudges to whom I will not subscribe For iudges were raised vp of god when the people were oppressed with outwarde enemies but when Iosua was proclaymed prince all the affaires of the Israelites were in good prosperitie For Sihon and Og most mightie kinges were ouercome and that office was cōmitted to Iosua wherby Moyses being dead he might leade the people ouer Iordane and take possessiō of the lande of Chanaan and deuide the promised lande by lottes vnto the children of Israell and besides that the people did set their handes to a decree whiche they had made of Iosua that he whiche obeyed not his voyce should be killed as we read it written in the first chap. of his booke But there is no mention made of suche thynges as concernyng the Iudges And yet both the bookes are so like and of such affinitie that many thinges are repeated in this our booke especially in the beginning whiche no doubte were done when Iosua was yet lyuing There resteth now to admonishe the reader somewhat of the partes of this boke The partes of the booke of Iudges There are as many principall membres in it as there were Iudges to Samuels tyme. For that in euery one of them still riseth vnto vs a new historye But the first of all was Othoniel of whom we will speake in the third chap. So that all those thinges whiche are written vnto that place do contayne the thynges done from the death of Iosua vnto Othoniel And certainly bycause the Iewes as long as Iosua liued worshipped god a right kept the lawe as muche as the weakenesse of mā coulde do god stil wrought with them accordyng to his couenaunt gaue thē a great victorye ouer their enemies so that euery tribe ouercame his enemies for the most part which were yet adioynying to their borders And then when the Israelites obteynyng the victorye did transgresse the commaundements of their god did not cleane destroy the nations which they had ouercome as god had commaunded them yea they made them tributaries vnto them god therfore grieuously admonished them by his messanger bycause they had not onely saued their enemies but also had moste filthyly honoured theyr gods So that god was not wtout a cause angry with them and deliuered them into the handes of outwarde tyrannes But when they were sorye for it and called vpon their god he had compassion of them and raysed them vp Iudges by whom they might be deliuered when they were deliuered they fell agayne to Idolatry they were afflicted againe they repented wherby in course their deliueries and oppressions are set forth But their first oppressiō worthy of memory was vnder Chusan Resanthaim from the which Othoniel the first of al the iudges reuenged them of whom we will speake in his place But now we will put here vnderneth the wordes of the holy history The first Chapter 1 IT came to passe after the death of Iosua that the childrē of Israel asked the Lord sayeng Who shall go vp for vs agaynst the Chananites to fight first agaynst them 2 And the Lorde sayd Iudah shal go vp beholde I haue deliuered the lande into his handes IT semed good vnto the children of Israel to take warre in hande for as it is writtē in the xiii chap. of Iosua they had not yet at this tyme conquered all the promised land so that in euery tribes lotte there were enemyes remayning And when they sawe there was no remedy but that they must dryue them out by force they doubted not whether they shoulde make warre agaynst them but their doubte was whiche tribe should fight before all the other The Israelites aske counsell of God The matter seemed to be of such great importaunce that they asked counsell of god whiche was the chief gouernour of their publicque weale Iosua that worthy captayne was no more a liue at whose becke and pleasure they hanged The Israelites affaires had euill successe whē they were done without God hys counsell Neither yet had they forgotten howe euill successe they had when not long before they toke weighty affaires in hand without asking counsell of God For in their settyng forth to battaill against the citie of Hai they sped very vnluckely in the
battail bycause they went to warrefare without oracle as it is written in the vii of Iosua It is also written in the same boke in the ix chap. that the Gabaonites were receaued into league without the oracle of god and it is also writtē in the boke of Numbers that the Israelites were slayne by the Amorrhites when they fought cōtrary to gods will This peoples iudgement therfore is worthy to be praysed for it is excellently well done in most weighty affaires to aske counsell of God first of all And that must be done conueniently and holyly otherwise it profiteth not For the Israelites whē they should make warre agaynst the tribe of Beniamin although they asked coūsell of God yet were they twice put to flight slayne cowardly tourned their backes to their enemies bycause they behaued not them selues well in asking counsell of god Wherfore they asked counsell of God And it is to be beleued that the Hebrues after the death of Iosua considered this with them selues that their hong a great matter in those first warres whiche should be enterprised after the death of Iosua bycause if they happened to be ouercome of those nations in one battaill or two then would those nations thincke with them selues that the good lucke of the Israelites were chaunged with the death of their captayne By whiche opinion they would easely haue ben boldened and their affaires should haue had better successe dayly But on the contrary if it happened that the Israelites gotte the vpper hand in the first battailles they sawe that the power and audacitie of the nations woulde euery daye diminishe and beyng made feable and faynter they should the easelyer be ouercome God was also asked counsell of in the tyme of Iosua They did not therfore without cause aske coūsell of God in so great a matter which also to do the cōmaundement of the law did vrge them which is writtē in the boke of Numbers Neither must it be now thought that they so required the oracle as though they did not the same whē Iosua was lyuing for they required also answers of God verye often when he was a lyue but after his death it is said that they enquired for this thing chiefly principally namely which tribe should go vp to battail before all the other in al their causes And thys is the signification of the hebrew word Lanu that is for vs. And this woord to go vp is mencioned bycause they saw that they should fyrst vanquishe the hyly places Against Chanaan This is somtimes a general name What the people of Canaā were containeth al these nations which God had decreed to destroy out of Palestine whereby all the lande was afterward called Channan And sometimes it signifieth particularly some one nation of that people And that lay chiefly about Tyre Sidon Which the Euangelical history proueth when it calleth the woman a Chananite which offered her self to the sonne of God when he was goyng to Tyre Sidon And of that nation peraduenture bicause it was mightier than the other were the rest called Chananites And I wyl not ouerskip this by the way that the people which is singularly called Chanaan when they wer driuen out of their coastes by the Israelites they departed to Aphrica where they remayned safe euen to the time of Augustine Augustine So that the father writeth in his booke of the exposition whych hee begon vpon the epistle to the Romaines thus Our rusticals beyng demaunded what they wer they answered in the Affrick tong Chananites And theyr language is very nye to the Hebrewe tong The Africans ar Chananites as the same Augustine writeth in hys booke of questions vpon the Iudges the .16 question For by Baal in the Affrick tong they seme to say Lord whereby by Baal Samen is vnderstoode as thoughe they would say Lord of heauen bicause these tonges differ not much one from an other Hierome also agreeth therw t Hierome writing vpon Esay the prophet when he enterpreteth these woords Behold a virgin shal conceaue in the Affrick tong saith he which is said to haue had his ofspring of the Hebrues Virgil. A virgin is properly called Almah Also Virgil when he called Dido an Aphrician a Sidonian the inhabitants of Carthage Tirianes hath most manifestly confirmed that Dido her people came of the Chananites Wherfore it is no maruel if they almost kept in remembraunce the Chananishe tong But these thinges I haue spoken by the way But now Chanaan signifieth no one special nation but is a cōmon word for al those nations which the Israelites should ouerthrow For the tribe of Iudah which is said to haue gone vp first of al to the war For what thing the Israelites asked councell of God had in his lot the Iebusites not the Chananites Moreouer I admonishe the Reader that the Hebrues asked not counsel of God for their Captaine neither desired they to know what man should be made chief ruler ouer the Israelites going to battail against the Chananites but which tribe should begin the battel first Othoniel the first Iudge should be of the tribe of Iudah But we entreate not of him now presently And bycause it is said that the children of Israel asked counsell of the Lorde Howe many waies that elders asked councell of God some wil aske after what sort the Iewes accustomed to aske anye thing of hym at that time It may be answered that ther wer three accustomed ordinarye waies which are rehersed in the .28 chap. of the first booke of Samuel namely by dreames by Vrim Thūmim lastly by prophets whē ther wer any to be had therfore Saul complained in the booke that God had answered hym by none of these waies when he would haue asked counsel of hym of the successe of the most daungerous battail I finde also other waies in the scriptures of asking coūsell of god but they wer extraordinary waies One is by reuelacion of angels or of god him self expressing him selfe vnder some forme An other way was when som holy men by the mouing of god did appoint to themselues certayn tokens of thinges to come which did signify before whether they happened this waye or that what should be looked for So Abraham hys seruaunt decreed with hymself that she should be his Lordes wife which only amongest many maydens comming to the well offred drinke of her owne mynde to hym and to his Camels Ionathas also the sonne of Saule had then the victory promysed him when the Philistianes shoulde say Come vp hither to vs and contrarilye if they shoulde byd him tary till they came downe thither I haue called these extraordinarye wayes bycause they were not commonly vsed neyther are they often red in the Scriptures Lottes also are of this kinde There is mention made of them in the fyrst booke of Samuel when Saule should be declared King all the tribes standing there
vnto vs in the holy scriptures And it wer good to marke the difference which is found betwene the asking counsel of God in the old time and ours at this present Howe wee and the elders do diuersly aske coūsel of God They were very much carefull for the successe of thinges and they almost desyred alwayes to knowe when they tooke warres in hand or attempted anye other thyng whether they should speede wel or il in them And that was not hard for them to do for they had an oracle prepared of God for them for that purpose And God had promysed that he would answer them out of the mercy seate what soeuer they should demaunde or aske of him But we if we should aske counsel of the holye scriptures for the successe and end of our enterprises and purposes cōcerning earthly infelicities and misfortunes we should seeme and that not vnwoorthily to play the fooles For there is no place there at all which answereth anye thyng for our singular and priuate thinges But that onelye remayneth for vs to enquire for whether that which we begyn or go about be allowed to be iust holy and acceptable to God by the testimonies of the holy scriptures But why the Iewes had proper and certayne oracles geuen them for theyr matters and we haue nothing answered vs particularly Why we haue not oracles as the Iewes had I thynke there be no other cause but bycause vnto that people a certain assured publique wealth was due by the immutable coūsel of God which should endure to the time of Christ and therefore there were prepared for it certaine extraordinarye aydes aboue the power of nature whereby it should be kept and defended by God But vnto vs there is no such promise made of any certain seate or publique wealth seing that our church is dispersed throughout the whole world whereunto is no certaine seate or place promised and therefore it needed not that concernyng humaine thinges our publique wealthes should be particularly gouerned by certaine oracles answers for temporal thinges Besides this the volumes of the holy scriptures are more aboundaunt in our tyme than they were at that time with the Hebrewes when these thinges were done whych we nowe expounde They had but the law onelye we haue receaued nowe the bookes of the Prophetes and of wyse men vnto which are added also al the writinges of the new Testament And seing that those writinges are so manye so excellent it is no maruayle if we are not euery day enstructed of god by new oracles answers Neyther ought we to thinke bicause of that that God setteth lesse by vs than he dyd by the Hebrewes I wyl not speake howe hys spirite is geuen to vs thorow Christ more aboundantly and more openly than it was in the olde tyme to the Iewes Finally our publique weales dominions and kingdomes at endewed with many more artes which serue for peace and warre than the people of the Hebrewes were How we ought to behaue our selues in asking counsel of God Wherefore it is no maruel if we being heaped vp with so many other gyftes be destitute of singular oracles It shal be our part therefore aboue al thinges when we haue any affaires to take in hand diligently to consider the woord of God wherein is opened vnto vs hys commaundement or wyl afterward to embrace the same with a firme and stedfast fayth wherby we maye bee vehementlye kyndled to cal vpon our heauenlye father by the which we may be able to fulfyl that which he hath commaunded and to obtayn that which he hath promysed 3. And Iudah said vnto his brother Simeon Go vp with me into my lot that we may fight agaynst the Chananites and I wyl also go with thee into thy lot And Simeon went with hym The tribe of Iudah doth associate to it selfe the Simeonites to make warre against the Chananites which most euidentlye testifieth that the answer of God dyd not speake of any one singuler man but of the whole tribe of Iudah For neither Othoniel Why Simeon is taken into felowshyp wyth Iudah nor yet Caleb had any brother which was called Simeon and therefore there is no mencion made of them by Gods oracle but it comprehendeth the whole tribe of Iudah But the cause why Simeon is called of Iudah to be as a companion of hys warre and that they twoo ayded one an other is bycause the possession of the tribe of Simeon was mingled and scattered among the fieldes and countries belonging to the tribe of Iudah Neighbourhed therefore made them to defende and succour one the other And this coniunction of these two tribes is most manifestly gathered out of the .xv. chapter of the booke of Iosua It is not agaynst fayth to vse the ayde of men Let vs learne hereby that it is not agaynst the true fayth for vs to vse vsual aydes and mans strength when occasion serueth to obtayne the easelyer those thinges which God of his goodnes hath liberally promised vnto vs. God had promised vnto the tribe of Iudah that he would geue the land of Chanaan into their handes which althoughe they of Iudah faythfullye beleued yet were they not afeard to cal vnto them the Symeonites whych were their neighbours that they myght bee ayded of them in their fight For by that meanes they thought they should be the stronger to ouercome their enemies Christ hath no otherwyse confuted the deuyl which counselled hym to cast him selfe down hed long vnder the pretence of Gods promise wherin he sayd that he had now committed his health to the Angels whych sentence he put foorth out of the holye scriptures But the sonne of God answered that God must not be tempted but he must rather vse staires which were made for that purpose to serue to come downe by Moreouer al they are counted to tempt God which trusting to gods promises do neglect humane helpe which are already or maye be easelye prepared and gotten Dauid in the latter booke of Samuel setteth him selfe foorth vnto vs as an example who beyng wonderfullye adourned with the promises of God vsed for al that in the insurrection of Absalon not onely to flye away but also the diligence of Chusay the Arachite and of the Priestes Yea and Paul the Apostle as it is written in the Actes of the Apostels althoughe his onelye confidence was in Christ yet he appealed vnto Cesar made a discension betwene the Pharisies and Saduces and testified that he was a Citizen of Rome It is euident therfore by these manyfest examples that we must vse the helpe of nature and wysdome to obtayne those thinges which God hath promised to geue vs. Yong men are to be exhorted to good studies Wherefore the yong men of our tyme are diligently to be admonished to labour to attayne vnto languages good artes and sciences and that wyth great study Which they may when oportunity serueth vse in preaching and defending the
fayth in Christ Whic● when it is done they are chaunged frō promises of the law into promises of 〈◊〉 Gospell And although they be frely graunted In euangelical promises although they be frely geuen yet must we work as though they were legal yet in atteining vnto thē we 〈◊〉 our endeuor studye no lesse than if they were promises of the law But yet 〈◊〉 touching those good thinges whiche endure but for a time and passe not ma● strength labour and the rewardes of them are temporall it is not to be deny but that our workes are much auayleable For it is sayd that they are oftentim● gottē by them Although also in obtayning them the fauor of god is nedeful th●● unto which is aboundauntly bestowed on thē which worke by the word of God by faith Which thing is manifestly sene of the readers of this history for it decireth that god graunted the victory to a fewe Iewes being straungers and you● souldiers agaynst strong warlike men many more in number than they of monstrous stature and inhabiting most strong fenced cities and castles 8 And the children of Iudah fought against Ierusalem and tooke it smote it with the edge of the sword and set the citie on fyre 9 Afterward the children of Iudah descended to fight against the Chananites that dwelte in the mountaine and in the south and in the lowe countrey 10 And Iudah went agaynst the Chananites that dwelt in Hebrō and the name of Hebron before was Kiriath Arba and they smote Sesay Ahimman and Thalmay 11 And from thence they went to the inhabiters of Debir and the name of Debir before was Kiriath Sepher The things which are now red vnto the xvii A briefe rehearsal of things in the booke of Iosua verse are most part transferred hither out of the booke of Iosua the .xv. chap and are now declared by a certain briefe rehearsall of things and it is done to this end that we might vnderstand that the tribe of Iudah had obtayned Ierusalem when Iosua was yet liuing so that it was the easier for him to lead away Adonibezek captiue thither And these be the things which are repeated in thys place out of the booke of Iosua The conquering of Ierusalem Hebron and Debir the matrimony also betwene Achsa Othoniel and the departure of the Kenites from the citie of Palmes That al these things I say are now declared by a certaine repetition it is therby manifest bicause it is written in the booke of Iosua that the king of Ierusalem was taken we read in the end of the xv chap. that the same citie of Ierusalem came into the handes of the people of God and that the children of Iudah dwelt in it with the Iebusites Besides that these things which are now rehearsed of Hebron are contayned in the x.xi and about the end of the xiiii chap. in the booke of Iosua And the historye of Achse and Othoniell is red in the xv chap. of the same boke How farre this parenthesis extendeth This repetition therfore or parentheses extendeth to these wordes And Iudah wet with hys brother Simeon c. In which place the author returneth to make mention of the actes which the tribes of Iudah and Simeon ioyned together dyd at this time performe Which thīg also by this appeareth the more manifest bycause strayghtway is declared how Gasa was taken which citie is sayd in the xi and xiii chap. of Iosua to haue yet remained in the hands of the enemies The per●erfect tence is expoūded by the preterplusperfecte tence is numbred among those cities which were not conquered vnder Iosua Wherfore the wordes of the preterperfect tense which are red in this repetition are to be interpreted in that time past which we call the preterplus perfecte tense that the order of the historye might be made more playne and manifeste They smote them with the mouth of the sword This is a Metaphor in this maner of speche very often tymes vsed in the holy scriptures wherin by the mouth of the sword we ought to vnderstād the edge therof bycause it semeth to deuour and consume those thinges whych are smytten in maner lyke a mouth And wher it is said that They set the city of fyre we must vnderstand it by this figure Hypallege when the thing is cleane contrary for fire is throwne into the city and not the city into the fyre Neither ought this to be vnderstand thus as though they had then burned the whole citye For it is wrytten in the booke of Iosua and afterward it shal be expounded in this booke that that city was after that inhabited by the tribe of Iudah and Beniamin and also the Iebusites yea and the castle therof which was very wel fensed was not deliuered vp to the Israelites The city of Ierusalem was taken when Iosua was yet a lyue tyl in Dauid his time as it is declared in the latter booke of Samuel Neyther ought that to moue you bycause it appeareth not in the booke of Iosua that the city of Ierusalem was taken For although this be not plainly and manifestly spoken yet may it be vnderstand by those thinges which are there intreated of namely that the king of Ierusalem was taken and that Iudah dwelled in that city neither could he yet cast out the Iebusites from them Al these thinges I say are signes that the city was taken at that tyme although it was not yet possessed fully and in al partes It seemeth also somewhat obscure that it is wrytten that Iudah descended when he should go fight against the Chananites who dwelled on the mountaines When as we accustome in going to mountaines to ascend and not to descende But we must vnderstand that those countries wer ful of mountaines Wherefore when the host remoued from one mountaine to an other it must nedes descend first into the valley from whence it might afterward ascend vpon an other mountaine Thou wylt peraduenture aske whether Iudah at that tyme cōquered the plaine or the valley which was betwene No verely He assaulted them in dede but he could not ouercome them For we shall heare in thys chap. that those which were not ouercome of Iudah in the valley had yron Chariotes so that by that meanes they were not ouercome And Iudah went against the Chananites that dwelt in Hebron These thnges are now therfore repeated that we should vnderstande that it was not of necessity that the city Hebron should be taken of Iudah then when the Israelites were in this iourney on warfare which they tooke in hand after the death of Iosua namelye at that tyme wherein the publique wealth was gouerned by elders without any certaine Iudge Iosua being yet alyue Why Hebron was called the city Arba. And the name of Hebron before time was called Kiriath-Arba and they smote Sesay Ahimman and Thalmay The reason of the name of this city is not of euery man taken a like The
cause of the diuersity is this word Arba whych in his vsuall and proper signification signifeth the number whych the Latines cal Quatuor It is not certain that Adam and his wyfe were buryed in Hebron the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is foure Now some suppose the number of foure to be referred to the foure couple of men wyth theyr wiues which they say wer buried in that city Yet the holy scriptures make mēcion but of three for in the booke of Genesis .23 chap. we reade that Abraham and Sara wer buried there also in the .35 .49 chap. of the same booke we rede of Isaac and Rebeckaes burial there And lastly in the .50 chap. we fynde that Iacob was caried thither he him selfe before that had there buried his wife Lea. But concerning Adam Eue his wife whō they haue added vnto these we can finde nothing thereof in the holye scriptures For that which they alledge out of the .14 chap. of Iosua maketh nothing to the purpose for that the word Adam in that place is not the name of the first man Wherfore they can gather nothyng out of that place but that Arba was a certaine great man among the Anakims These are the words there Ha Adam Hagadol be Anakim Hui that is he was a great man among the Enakims But our interpretour translateth it thus Adā was counted the great among the Enakims Wherby it appeareth that he thought that Adam was a proper name But he was two wayes deceaued first he dyd not marke that the article Ha is ioyned to the word Adam which is neuer ioyned with proper names Wherfore it must needes be a common name whych must be referred to that woord Arba for that name was put a litle before The other errour is bycause we reade no where that the first man was reckoned amongst the Enakims that is to say Giauntes The opinion of others is that Hebron was called the City Arba bycause it was inhabited of .4 Giauntes namely Sesay Ahimman and Thalmay vnto which three brethren they adde Annak their Parent But the opinion of these men is easely confuted bycause that in the .14 chap. of Iosua toward the end it is by manifest wordes declared that this word Arba is the proper name of a Giaunt Wherfore it is manifest enough that this woord must not be referred to the number of four And by that meanes not onely this latter sentence but the first also is confuted which would haue this name Arba to haue a respect to the foure couple of men with their wyues buried in the old tyme in that City And vndoubtedly for the same cause also the opinion of others is not to be allowed which do thinke that the City was so called bycause although it were but one City yet it consisted of foure Cities and that this woord Arba is all one wyth this greeke woorde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whiche is foure Cities Wherefore I iudge it best to thyncke that it was so named of the buylder thereof named Arba Arba had three chyldren who how he came by that surname it is vncertaine Onely this we maye gather out of the scriptures that what so euer he was he had three chyldren which are called in this place and also in the booke of Iosua Sehai Ahimman and Thalmay And it is very lykely that they were deade long tyme before Iosua And when they were now dead then was there mencion made of them bicause their families which seme to haue bene of a wonderful huge stature were destroyed by Caleb and Othoniel And this is the reason why I suppose that these three brethrē liued not in Caleb and Othoniels tyme bycause this Citye as it is written in the booke of Numbers was a most auncient city and was buylt .vii. yeares before zoham that is Thamin the kingly Citye of the Egiptians And in zoham dyd Moyses and Aaron woorke the wonders before Pharao And if so be it was the kingly and noble city then it must nedes be built long time before Wherefore if Hebron were built before it and had the name thereof of Arba how could his children be on lyue at this time It cannot be so Besides thys Abraham had a lodging in this City bought there a double caue And from that time to Iosua his time wer almost .400 yeres It is not therefore very likely that the sonnes of him which builded so auncient a city should lyue tyl Iosua his tyme vnles any man wyl fayne that the same city was built long time before called by an other name then in processe of tyme casting away the first name it should be named by this most strong and mighty Giaunt But whether it be thus or no neither skilleth it much neither semeth it curiously to be sought for But this might somwhat moue some bycause Arba wherof we now speake is called in the .15 chap. of Iosua the father of Enak For if he had .3 sōnes which were named as well here as in the same booke of Iosua it wil then he doubtfull who that same Enak was What Hanack signifieth In which thyng sauyng the iudgement of a better learned I would thinke might be answered that it was not a proper name but a cōmon wherby at that time men of huge stature but such as were noble excellently adourned wer called For this word Enak in hebrewe is to gird or to compasse and is chiefly referred to chaines which are worne about the necke for comelynes sake And thereof is this name Enak deriued in the plural number hath both the masculine feminine forme it signifieth a chaine and is transferred to noble worthy men whom thou mayst cal chained Wherfore Sesay Ahimman Thalmay may be called the sōnes of Arba who was not called the father of them onely but also the father of Enak bycause euery one of his sōnes was noble Why giauntes were called Enakim wore a chaine or was a Giaunt for Giauntes also were called Enakim either bicause they wore chaines or els bycause they were of a notable stature of body for it may be that that word was applyed to all kynde of ornaments Of them is mencion also made in the booke of Numbers .13 chapter By how many names giaūtes are called in the holy scriptures Seing we are now by chaunce in hande with giauntes and that there is often mention made of them in the holy Scriptures it shall not be vnprofitable somewhat to speake of them Fyrste we muste knowe that they are called by diuerse names in the holy Scriptures as Enakim Eimim Zemasmim Nefalim Rephaim Why they were called Enakim manifestly appeareth by those things which we haue spoken before And they were called Eimim of the terror which they draue into others by their loke They were called Zemasmim of mischiefe bicause they trusting to their owne power and might were dispisers of lawes iustice and
them which thought giaūts were not borne of men bicause they thinke it is not possible the huge giauntes can be borne of mē of vsual bignesse stature Wherfore some of thē haue gone so farre that they haue affirmed that the first mā was a giaunt and that Noah also his childrē were Giaunts bicause they beleued not that the kind of mē could be either before or after the floud except their first progenitors had bene such if it were thought they should be borne of men But Augustine proueth that to be false sayth Augustine A womā giaūt that a litle before the ouerthrow made by the Gothes there was a womā at Rome of a giauntes stature whō very many out of diuerse countreyes came to see Which womans parents neuerthelesse exceded not the cōmon accustomed stature of other men The naturall cause of the great stature of giāts But as touching the cause of this huge bignesse of giaūtes if we should loke vpō nature thē can we bring no other reason but a strong naturall heate also a moysture which abundauntly largely ministreth matter for the heate doth extende the same not only into length but also it poureth out spreadeth it both to breadth also to thicknesse Giaunts therfore begā before the floud they wer also before the accōpanieng of the sonnes of god with the daughters of men after that also continued their generation Men therfore begat them and had a naturall cause such as we haue sayd There were also some without doubt after the floud for there is mencion made of them in the booke of Num. Deut. Iosua How huge the giauntes were Iudges Samuel Paralip and other holy bookes Concerning their bignesse stature we may partly gesse and partly we haue it expressedly described The coniectures are bycause Goliah had a cote of male weing v.m. sicles and a speare like a weauers beame and the Iron or top of his speare weighed 600. sicles We coniecture also that Og kyng of Basan was of a wonderfull bignesse and that by hys bed whiche being of Iron contayned 9. cubites in length And the Israelites compared with Enachim seemed as grassehopers These he signes wherby we may iudge howe bigge these men were But the bignesse of Goliah is described properly and distinctly in the booke of Samu. For it is sayd that he was 6. cubites and a hande bredth highe A cubite with the Grecians Latines And a cubite with the Grecians is two feete but with the Latines a foote and a halfe Some alledge the cause of this difference to be bycause the measure may be extended from the elbow to the hand being some tymes closed and sometymes open or stretched forth And thus much as concerning the stature of giauntes so farre as may be gathered by the holy Scriptures But we read among the Ethnickes farre more wonderfull thinges The Ethnikes opinion of gianntes Philostratus The common stature of men in our tyme. The measure of a foote such which seeme to some incredible Philostratus writeth in his booke of noble men that he sawe the carkase of a certain giaunt which was 30. cubites long and an other 22. cubites long and certain other also 12. But the cōmon stature of men in our tyme passeth littell aboue .5 feete And the measure of a foote agreeth both with the Grecians with the Latines for they both geue to euery foote 4. hand breadthes and euery hand breadth conteineth the breadth of 4. fingers that is the length of the litle finger But if the last fingers the thombe I saye and the litle finger should be stretched abroade then euery foote cōtaineth but two hand bredthes I thincke it not amisse also to declare here what Augustine writeth in the .15 Augustine booke de ciuit Dei 9. chap. where he reproueth those whiche obstinatly contend that there were neuer any men of so wonderfull huge a stature and testifieth that he him selfe sawe vpon the coaste of Vtica a tooth so great that being deuided it might easely be iudged to be an hundred fold bigger in forme and quantitie thē vsuall teth in our tyme are Vergil he also declareth in the same place that there were in oldetyme very many such bodyes of men by the verses of Vergil whiche are written in the 7. booke of Aenedos where he sheweth how Turnus tooke vp so great a stone from the groūde and threw at Eneas that 12. such men as the earth bringeth forth now of dayes could scarsely lifte whiche place he tooke out of the 6. boke of Iliades of Homere We may adde also vnto these the verses which the same Vergil hath writtē in the first of the Georgikes he shall wonder at the great bones digged out of the graues Moreouer Augustine bringeth Pliny the second who affirmeth in his 7. Pliny booke that nature the longer it procedeth in her course the lesser bodyes doth it bryng forth dayly Cipriane Whether the bodies of men haue decreased from the floud to our tyme. And he maketh mencion also of Homere whiche made complainte sometymes in his verses To whom I might adde the testimonie of Cipriane against Demetrian But if I should be asked the question whether I thought that the bodies of men whiche were brought forth after the floud are lesse than those whiche were before the floud I would peraduenture graunt vnto it Aulus Gellius but that they haue alwayes decreased from the floud euen to our tyme I would not easely consent to that and especially bycause of Aulus Gellius wordes whiche he wrote in the third booke where he sayth that the measure of the growth of mans body is 7. feete whiche seemeth also to be the measure at this day in mē of the bigger sort But lest I should dissemble any thing we read in the Apochriphas of Esdras the 4. booke about the ende of the .5 chap. that our bodyes are lesser nowe and shal be euery daye lesse bycause nature is alwayes made more weake And the same doth Cipriane as I haue a litle before sayd seme to affirme But why I would not so easely assent thereunto this is the cause for that I can se almost nothing altered in our time from the measure whiche Gellius defineth Pliny But now to Pliny agayne who sayth in his 7. booke that in Crete when a certayn mountaine was rent by an earth quake a dead body was founde standing whiche was 46. cubites long whiche some beleued to be Orions body other some Othus It is also left in writing that the body of Orestes being digged vp by the commaundement of an oracle was 7. cubites long But that whiche Berosus affirmeth Berosus that Adam Seth his sonne were giauntes and Noah also with his children as it is put without testimony of holy scriptures so may it also be reiected Now it seemeth good to declare Why GOD woulde haue so huge giauntes some tymes for what
they say by anticipatiō For it is written in the .11 chap. And Iosua came at the tyme destroyed the Enakims from the mountaynes namely Hebron Debir and all the mountaynes of Iudah If these things should haue ben mencioned in the place as things whiche should come to passe sone after the death of Iosua then had it not ben well spoken to haue sayd And Iosua came at that tyme. And this I thincke the reader shall playnly see proued if he will not thincke it paynfull diligently to read ouer the 10 and 15. chap. of Iosua 12 And Caleb sayd He that smyteth Kiriath Sepher and taketh it to him will I geue Hacsah my daughter to wife 13 And Othoniel the sonne of Kenatz Chalebs yōger brother toke it and he gaue him Hacsah his daughter to wife Here is wont to be demaunded how these cities Hebron and Debir should be written in the booke of Iosua to haue ben taken of Iosua when as it is here put that Chaleb conquered them Chaleb desired to haue these regions assigned him for his inheritaunce whereunto I aunswere that all that warre was gouerned by the conduicte of Iosua who was the chief and principall gouernour of the whole hoste but the principall settyng forward agaynst Hebron and other places adioyning thereunto was committed vnto Chaleb the chief of the tribe of Iudah and that not without a cause For he as it is written in the xiiii chap. of Iosua desired to haue that parte assigned peculiarly vnto hym for hys inheritaunce whiche requestes he easely obtayned For he required the same trusting to God hys promises Chaleb was a faithfull espye for when he was sent with other spyes to view the lande of Chanaan he faithfully made relation of the things as they wer in dede not vnfaithfully as his fellowes did Neither was he an author of the peoples seditiō as the other were yea he rather encouraged the peoples myndes and diminished those thinges whiche his fellowes had amplified concerning the fence of the cities of the giaūtes also and of the strength of the Chananites For he regarded not mās strength but with a singular faith most constantly remembred the power the goodnesse promises of god Wherfore god being angry with the rest destroyed them in the wildernesse so that they came not to the promised lande But he promised Chaleb for his faithfulnesse this inheritaunce whiche when he afterward demaunded he put Iosua in remembraunce of the thyng before done and of the promises of God God promised Chaleb the lād whereon he should treade And the place where the promise is contayned is in the 14. chap. of Num. there God promised him that land wheron his foote should treade whiche wordes the Iewes thincke thus to be expoūded The rest of the spyes being amased for feare of the giauntes and putting small confidence in god durst not entre into the citie of Hebron whiche Chaleb him selfe searched with a valiaunt courage The promise therfore of this possession was made vnto him in the second yeare after the deliuery out of Egypt Chaleb surely declared a valiaunt noble hart when as he did not only require the possession of these places but he enterprised also to conquere thē for al that they were fenced inhabited with most strong giaūtes Wherfore we must beleue that he tooke in hand such so great an enterprise not by his owne power but by gods promises And here ariseth no small doubt howe Chaleb being of the tribe of Iudah Hebron was one of the Cities of refuge could obtayne the citie of Hebron which by lotte belonged to the Leuites For god had cōmaunded that certain cities as wel beyond Iordane as on this side should be had for refuge sake The cities of refuge belōged to the Leuites that thither might flye as many as had slayne any man by chaunce and not of pretensed purpose And the possession of those cities whiche were therfore appoynted belonged to the Leuites Wherfore it was not lawfull that Hebron should be geuen to Chaleb The Leuites had the citie of Hebron but Chaleb had the grounde and Lordship seing it was numbred amōg the cities of refuge These thinges are true but we must vnderstand in the meane tyme that the Leuites myght possesse but their cities only the suburbes adioyning to the walles of them But as for the grounde or dominion whiche they call at this day Lordship it was not graunted them to haue Chaleb therfore desired to possesse the grounde but as for the citie whiche he had in his handes he let to the Leuites as the lawe commaunded It is most certein that there is mention of the citie Hebron in the booke of Gen. when as it is there written that Abraham liued in the groue of okes of Mamere the same had if we may beleue Ierome a precious turpentine tree which grew there from the beginnyng of the world and continued till the time of Constantine the great It is said to be 12000. paces distaunte from Ierusalem Dauid reigned in it some while before he was anoynted king ouer all Israel Neither haue we any thyng to do to write nowe of the auncientnesse therof seing I haue somewhat spoken of it before And Chaleb sayd he that smiteth This whole history is declared in the 15. chap. of the booke of Iosua word for word wherby it appeareth that that is most certain whiche I before admonished you of The conqueryng of Debit was harde namely that all these thinges are now mencioned by a certain repeticiō The conquering of Debir semeth to haue ben paynefull and daungerous and meruelously much desired of Chaleb when as he offreth so ample noble a gift to the conquerour therof namely his owne daughter to wyfe being him selfe the prince of the most noble tribe of Iudah And Othoniel the sonne of Kenaz Chalebs younger brother tooke it It is certain that Othoniel obtayned the victory but whether be were Chalebs brother or his brothers sonne or some other kinne to him it cānot be gathered by these words But how they were kinne it wer good to know partly for the knowledge of the history partly to vnderstand whether the matrimony which followed betwene Othoniel and Achsah were lawfull In the first booke of Paralip Hefron was called also Iephuna and second chap. the father of Chaleb is called Hesron whiche man was the third frō Iudah for Iudah had Pharez by Thamra his sonnes wife and Phares begat Hefron which was called by an other name Iephuna for which cause Chaleb is very often written the sonne of Iephuna R. Salomoh Of whiche thing I can not tell what fonde inuētion R. Salo. writeth namely that he was so called bycause he disagreed from the mynde and counsell of the other spyes Panah signifieth in Hebrew to depart or to decline wherfore he thincketh that this surname was geuen to Chaleb for the cause now alledged Neither maketh that any
thing agaynst it as he sayth that he is called the sonne of Iephuna Howe the Hebrues vse this worde Sonne sometymes when as in the holy scriptures it is a cōmon vse that this phrase the sonne of death the sonne of perdition are all one with these he is worthy of death and a mā lost And by the same kynd of speach saith he the sonne of declination turning away is all one in this place as if he had ben called declining turning away from the counsell wicked will of the rest of the spyes I will not deny peraduenture but that this opiniō of R. S. is prety Many of the Hebrues had two names What Othoniel was but yet I thincke it maketh nothing to the purpose For other seme to speake more simply whiche say that Hesron was also called Iephuna Wherfore Chaleb was sometymes called the sonne of Iephuna and sometymes the sonne of Hesron neither is it a rare thing or vnheard of in the holy scripture that some one man should be called by two names Nowe we se what Chaleb was namely the fourth from Iudah the sonne of Iacob wherfore we must speake somewhat of Othoniel He is here written to be the sonne of Kenaz and so is he likewise in the boke of Iosua Othoniel was also called Iāhes and also in the first booke of Paralip and iiii chap. where he is called Iambes also and renowmed to haue bene noble and very excellent his mother called him Iambez bycause she bare him with most bitter payne for so doth that name signifie in Hebrew whiche the father as an vnluckye name chaūged and in stead of Iambez named his sonne Othoniel We read that the same happened vnto Beniamin whō the mother as she was dyeng named Benoni whiche name bycause it was not very pleasaunt nor luckye Iacob turned and would haue him called Beniamin for Benoni Neither was Othoniel notable only in strength and feates of warre but he was very godly and religious for in the boke of Paralip and in the place now alledged his prayers are described wherwith he most faithfully called vpō God Three excellēt condicions in Othoniel Wherfore the scripture testifieth that his praier was heard the Hebrues haue added therunto that he was excellently wel learned in the law of the Lord. And these thre vertues in one mā are most rare namely to be a good warriour to be religious and learned But now seing his fathers name was Kenaz What kin Chaleb Othoniel wer together Chaleb had Hesron or Iephuna to his father how neere of kyn were they then Some hold opinion that Kenaz when Hesron or Iephuna was deade maryed his wife who had not onelye her with him but also kept her sonne namely Chaleb being but a litle one whō she had by her first husband then they say he had Othoniel by her whereby they conclude that Othoniel and Chaleb came both of one mother but not of one father Wherefore Othoniel was by nature the sonne of Kenaz but Chaleb was called also the sonne of Kenaz bicause he Othoniel were brought vp together with Kenaz R. D. confuteth thys opinion R. D. ●imhi bycause it is neuer red in the holye scriptures that any Israelite tooke his surname of hys mother and much lesse of his Stepfather The surnames among the Israelites wer taken of the fathers For euery one in that publique wealth tooke alwaies their surnames of their fathers as the Gersonites Merarites Leuites And by the booke of Paralip he saith may be knowen that that maner was so styl kept obserued This reason if it be true in dede as it semeth to be probable refelleth a certaine opinion of others which say that Chaleb had a brother a great deale elder thā him selfe who was called Kenaz with whom Chaleb was brought vp lyke a son together with Othoniel Kenaz sonne Wherfore they seming after a sorte to be both of one age being nourished vp together were easelye counted brethren namely the sōnes of Kenaz wher as in dede Chaleb was Kenaz brother Wherfore it came to passe that they wer both of them called the sōnes of Kenaz This I say doth R. D. Kimhi iudge absurde for if no man could attayne to any kynde of surname by the mother or stepfather then vndoubtedly coulde he not haue it by the brother But the same R. D. Kimhi thinketh that they were brethren euery way bycause they had both one father and one mother And therefore bothe of them are called the sonnes of Kenaz but not by their next Parentes but by the name of the family seyng that both brethren were borne of one and the selfe family what shal we then do The Hebrues and our mē differ among thēselues of the kinred of Othoniel Chaleb We are not holpen by the history which we haue in hand we cannot dissolue the question by the places conferred euery way together Yea and the Iewes agree not in it among them selues neither doo they onely vary one from an other but our writers also write nothing like one to an other of it Lyranus doth vtterly deny that they wer brethren which neuertheles Paulus Burgensis affirmeth yea that more is Lyranus agreeth not with hym selfe for as in the interpreting of the booke of Iosua hee denyeth that they were brethren so afterward vpon the first booke of Paral. in the second fourth chap. he graunteth they wer brethren But when I more diligētly weigh the reason why in the booke of Iosua he contendeth that they were not brethren I gather it to be this bicause he thought that if they had ben ioyned together with so neare a bond of kinred that ther could haue ben no mariage wherby Othoniel should haue had to wife Hachsah his brothers daughter seing that it was forbidden by the lawe namely the .18 .20 chap of Leuit. that no mā should mary his aunt Wherfore he thinketh it must nedes follow that the niepce by the brother is prohibited bicause that we are ioyned with the same degree of kinred to the aunt by which the vncle is ioyned to the niepce by the brother But if Hachsah Othoniel wer brothers children then shal this absurdity be wholy auoided for mariage betwene these was neuer forbidden by Gods lawes But Burgensis a man otherwise very wel learned contendeth that they wer vtterly brethren saith that the vncle might by Gods law mary his niepce by the brother that the Iewes thē selues which otherwise are most diligent obseruers of outward lawes do kepe this custome at this day He saith moreouer that it cōmeth to passe oftentimes as concerning mariages that in degrees either of consanguinity or affinity ther is found the like distaūce betwene persons of the which neuertheles the one is forbiddē the other graūted And often tymes the prerogatiue of the men and baser condicion of the wyues altereth the thing For in matrimony man
rewardes for gods sake which he loueth not for thy sake By these words is gathered that we may loue gayne and rewardes for gods sake for it is lawfull to embrace the meane endes for the last and chief goodnesse Neither are we forbidden but that we may sometymes wishe for meat drincke and cloth and such thinges as are nedefull for this lyfe yea and Christ hath commaunded by expresse wordes that we should aske them and he hath promised them to those whiche seke for the kyngdome of God for he hath sayd first seke the kingdome of God and these thinges shal be ministred vnto you Wherfore it is true that these may be so hoped for regarded and receaued of God as gifts and rewardes and not as the principall thinges For they also are to be referred to a farther end according to Paules most wholesome admonition who hath written whether we eat or whether we drinke or whether we do any other thing let vs do it to the glory of God And finally seyng God him selfe his glory What is the foundation of earthly promises beneuolence fauour are the roote and foundation of other promises and of euery rewarde so often as we shall beholde these other thinges for as much as they are comprehended in those former thynges we must neuer suffer to haue one separated from an other but in the latter continually looke vpon those whiche are first Wherby as Augustine hath geuen vs counsell we shall loue nothyng besides God which for his sake we should not loue And thus much of this said question In latter promises the firste are continually to be beholden now we will returne to the history For as muche as it is now manifest that it was lawfull for Chaleb to set forth a rewarde to all them whiche should conquere the citie of Debir to encourage them to performe that whiche they ought otherwise of duety to haue done it was counted no sinne in Othoniel of whome we now entreate couragiously to fight for the obtayning of a wife whiche he knew otherwise to be acceptable to God 14 And it came to passe as he went she moued him to aske of her father a fielde and she lighted of her Asse and Chaleb sayde vnto her What wilt thou 15 And she aunswered him geue me a blessing for thou hast geuen me a drye lande geue me also springes of water And Chaleb gaue her springes both aboue and beneath In the xv chap. of Iosua where all these things of Achsah and Othoniel are rehearsed in maner by so many wordes Dauid kimhi onely thre differences are perceaued in the word One is that which is here Techitioth and Alioth is there Techitith Alith Moreouer there it is said Tinna here is Hicah Lastly there is Scadah here is Haschadah R.D. Kimhi hath noted these things For the interpretors of the Hebrues are most precise yea in obseruing the very prickes I would they were as quicke in sight diligēt in rendring reasons of annotatiōs Hachsah persuaded prouoked her husband to aske the field of Chaleb her father which I therfore tell you bicause the Latine trāslation is corrupted For it hath that the husbād persuaded the wife to aske the field of Chaleb The pollicy of Achsah Furthermore by this we may consider the sharpenesse of the witte of a woman She therfore moueth her husband to aske the field bycause she was persuaded with her selfe that her father would not deny him that whiche he should aske She thought moreouer that if her husband obtayned the field she should easely by her selfe afterward obtayne the waters wheras if she should haue asked them both at one time namely the field and the waters it might peraduenture be hard to obtayne both together But if the field were first geuen to her husband her father might be coūted very hard if he should deny his daughter the waters she requiring thē of him And in asking she wisely watched a fitte tyme namely when she should be brought to her husbād for then parents are wont to shewe thē selues more gētle towardes their childrē whē they se that they shal be by by taken frō thē Wherfore thoughe they were at other times hard thē yet they somwhat relent In this reason of the petitiō I haue followed Leui the sonne of Gerson Leui the sonne of Gherson who expoundeth that Hachsah would therfore haue her husbād to aske the ground first that she might the better afterward desire the waters But R. D. Kimhi in interpreting of the boke of Iosua sayth that he namely Othoniel would not aske it D. Kimhi wherfore the womā her self was constrayned by her selfe to aske her father And this semeth to be the meanyng of this interpretor Chaleb had before geuē vnto his daughter the field as lād for her dowry the soyle wherof was dry barrē wherfore the witty maydē toke occasiō to aske that it might be fertile thoroughe water But howsoeuer it be it skilleth not much let vs only deligētly marke this that Chaleb was liberal honorable For that he graunted his daughter both the waters aboue the waters beneath She lighted of her Asse She lighted to declare her due obeysaunce towardes her father and to make her peticion the more acceptable and she so lighted that she kneled on the grounde with her knees as the Hebrew word signifieth For the Hebrewes vse that worde Sanach when they will signifie a stake or wedge or any such thyng to be driuen To be shorte she asked vpon her knees those thinges whiche she desired Rebecka also as it is written in the booke of Gen. whē she sawe Isaak to whom she was brought for to be hys wife she lighted of her camele wheron she sat Neither let vs meruayle that Achsah beyng the daughter of a prince rode on an Asse Asses are very vsed in Siria seing that in Siria Asses are very muche vsed for this kynd of beast whiche is of his owne nature cold is more vsed in hotter countreys than in regions towarde the northe And as we shall heare in this historye fifty sonnes of a certain iudge road vpon fiftye Asses Mephiboseth also the nephew of Saul the kyng and Balaam the Prophete vsed this kynd of beaste Riuers fountaynes of waters are muche set by in Siria Why GOD brought hys people to drye regions Neither is it in vayne that this request for waters is so diligently described in this place for as muche as Siria hath grounde fertile enoughe but that it wāteth water here and there Wherfore it commeth to passe that riuers and fountaynes of waters are muche estemed in those places And God of purpose brought his people to these so drye regions neither would he haue them dwell in watery places that they wayling for water might continually depend vpon hym and thereby might haue the better occasion to pray the oftener to the heauenly father and the more seruently to
history retourneth to that setting forward to battaile which they of Iudah and the Symeonites tooke in hand styrred vp by the oracle of God And therfore it is written And Iudah went wyth Symeon hys brother and smore the Chananites dwellyng in Zephat and vtterly destroyed it and called the name of the Citye Horma The vowe of Cherem that is of the curse The Hebrues did not vtterly throw downe nor destroy certain cities which they possessed but dwelled in them Howbeit som they cursed and cleane defaced And their vowe was called in Hebrew Cherem of the thing that was promised deriued from this woord Charam which is to waste to destroy to kil to deface to geue vnder curse The Grecians called that woord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as thinges consecrated and put apart And it may be that so they called them bycause they were hanged vp in temples and were seperated from the vse of men neither was it lawfull to remoue them out of that place Yea and men somtymes wer called by that name Paule also vsed that woord many tymes for he saith to the Galathians Let hym be accursed whosoeuer shal preache any other Gospel And to the Romanes he wished him selfe to be made a curse for the brethren And to the first of the Corinthians he saith he the loueth not the lord Iesus let him be accursed Maranatha wher he taketh this woord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for this woord Cherem that is a thing seperated and seioyned vtterly from mans occupying or vse so that it was wycked either to touch it or to put it to any vse Wherfore we haue a testimonye in the booke of Iosua Why the cytye of Iericho was made a curse the .6 chap. of the city ●●●●cho And it semed to haue bene so accursed bycause it was after a sorte th● 〈◊〉 fruites of the Cities that were taken For after they were passed ouer Iordane it was the first of al the cities that was conquered and that by no mans helpe for that the walles therof fel downe of their owne accorde and through the woorking of God And therefore it was mete that the spoyles therof should altogether bee consecrated vnto God Whether the destruction of cities pertayne to the worshipping of God But that semeth to be vtterly farre from the worshipping of God to destroy both cities and men and these seme to haue a shew of cruelty rather than of religion To that I answer that the destruction of townes in dede of their own nature belong neither to religion nor yet to godlynes but so farre forth as they ar referred to the glory of God And that may happen two maner of wayes As whē that destruction is counted as a certayn monument of the seuerity and iustice of God against those nations which he for their wickednes would haue destroyed or as a certain testimony of Gods goodnes and mercy towards the Israelites whom in that expedition he mercyfully helped Therefore the ouerthrowing of the city houses men and beastes did shew the iustice and seueritie of God And the consecration declared the goodnes helpe and mercy shewed to that people Moreouer God would by that meanes proue the obedience of his people in abstaining from the spoiles which wer consecrated vnto God God by these curses proued hys people For we know that souldiours when they haue gotten the victory are hardlye restrained from the pray But they which obeied not the curse published wer most grieuously punished which the holy history of Iosua declareth to haue happened vnto Acham bicause he vsurped vnto him selfe some of the spoiles of Iericho We know also that Saul for this cause was depriued of his kyngdome bicause he had reserued Agag the king and certain oxen and fat cattel of the pray which wer bound before to the vow of the curse The forme of the curse Of the forme and end of the curse we haue spoken enough For the forme is the destruction of cities men and beastes and the consecration of gold siluer yron brasse precious stones and costly things which wer appointed onely to the vse of the tabernacle But the end was that they might be monuments of Gods goodnes and iustice The end of the same and also an exercise and trial of the Israelites Now resteth somewhat to speake of the matter and efficient cause therof The matter was what soeuer was found on lyue in those cities for al that ought to be killed The matter of the same and the buildinges and other garnishinges of the city ought to be cleane destroyed but as for the ornamentes and riches they were as it is sayd consecrated vnto the worshipping of God But ther is to be marked that none wer vowed vnto so horrible a destruction but such as were already declared and knowen to be enemies of God for it is not lawfull to kyll Innocentes Wherfore they sinned most grieuouslye which so vowed Paules death that they would neither eate nor drinke tyl they had killed him And at this daye they behaue them selues more than wickedly Iephre which saye that they haue vowed them selues most cruelly to kil al the Professours of the gospel Yea and Iephte without doubt was deceaued Agamemnon which bicause of hys kynde of vowyng thought that his daughter should either be slaine or els compelled to perpetual virginity Agamemnon also is to be condemned which as Cicero declareth in his booke of offices vowed vnto Diana the fairest woman that should be borne in his kyngdome And to performe this foolish vowe he sacrificed his daughter Iphigenia The efficient cause of a curse But the efficient cause of the vow Cherem somtimes is God as it is written in the .vii. and .x. chap. of Deut. For ther it is commaunded that places dedicated to Idoles aulters ymages groues monumentes should be vtterly destroied and that was a perpetual curse in the land of Chanaan and to be alwaies obserued Somtimes the Prince made such a vow as we reade of Iosua and somtimes the people as we find in the .21 chap. of Num. The prophets also somtimes did this so Samuel cōmaūded Saul cleane to destroi al things belōging to the Amelekites The name of this city wherof we now entreate was afterwarde called Horma for it was not so called before and it was so called of the woorde Cherem For such a name were they wont to geue vnto such places as were wasted and destroyed by a curse In the booke of Num. 21. chapter a certaine portion of the Chananites which the Israelites possessed by violence was by reason of suche a vowe called Horma But some peraduenture wil aske These destructions of Cities are not agaynst charity Augustine whether these destructions of townes wer against charity To whom I answer no. Bicause such enemies were chosen to be vtterly destroyed of the Iewes by
was in their power The lawes made by god against the Chananites myght be mitigated to promise mercy and safety vnto this man And as touchyng the commaundement of God they thought gods lawes not to be so rigorous but they might be mitigated with some equitie as they remembred was done with the Gabaonites who were neuer the lesse Heuites or Hemorrites Thou wilt say peraduenture They were so saued that they were brought into bondage Bondage is a ciuille death And necessitie of bondage is a certain kynde of ciuile death wherfore in that the life of the body was graunted them the commaundement of the Lord seemeth not to be violated for they were killed after a sorte The question is not dissolued by this reason For God prescribed by law that the Chananites should be put to death he referred not that to a ciuile death but to a naturall death for otherwise Saul might haue excused him selfe bycause he killed not Agag the king of Amalek with an outwarde death For he might haue sayd that he had alreadye kylled hym ciuilly But bycause we are fallen into talke of the Gabaonites Of the Gabaonites I thincke it good to say thus much of them God ratified the othe performed to the Gabaonites First that God did ratifye that othe whiche the Israelites performed vnto them for as muche as he ayded the host of the Hebrues in deliueryng their citie from the other Chananites But if so be that they had violated the curse whiche was set forth of God he would not then haue done it For bycause of the sinne of Achan who had by stealth saued somwhat of that whiche was cursed in Iericho he did not helpe his people but suffred them fowly to be slayne when they fought against the citie Hay Besides this it is writtē in the latter booke of Samuel that God plagued the Israelites thre yeares continually with most grieuous famine bycause the Gabaonites were contrary to the othe slayne of Saul miserably dispersed Wherfore according to their request they had seauen of Sauls posteritie deliuered them to be hanged These are most certayne signes that God ratified the couenaunt which was made with the Gabaonites althoughe the Hebrues did grieuously sinne bycause they asked not counsell of God Augustine sayth vpon the x. chap. of the Iudges Augustine when he interpreteth that place where it is written that God promised Iosua that he would be with him in the defence of the citie Gabaon For he sayd be not affeard for I will deliuer them namely the Chananites whiche besieged that citie into thine handes if this league sayth he nowe made with the Gabaonites had displeased God then would he haue commaunded Iosua not to take in hand that expedition but rather to haue broken the couenaunt made with that nation But contrarily he encouraged hym and of his owne accord not called vpon promised to aide him in the fight as it may appeare by the history But why he did allow the league so made Why God allowed the league made with the Gabaonites there may be two reasons geuen for it One which is there mentioned bycause they had bounde it with an othe And if the Israelites shuld haue violated that their neighbours would haue coūted them as irreligious and vngodly and their God should haue ben mocked and contemned Wherfore lest the name of God and the fame of the Israelites should haue ben euill spoken of it was ratified althoughe it was vnwysely and without prayse perfourmed The other cause is The Gabaonites were turned to the true God bycause the Gabaonites did now beleue in the true God and were redy to embrase his religion and worshipping Whiche may easely be gathered by two argumētes For they sayd as it is written in the ix chap. of the booke of Iosua that they came in the name of the Lord beyng therfore moued therunto bycause they had heard what thynges God had done for that peoples sake both in Egypt and also in the deserte and lykewise about Iordane This is a tokē that they now beleued the God of the Israelites Moreouer the same appeareth in that they were appoynted by the Hebrues to cary and to prepare wood and also to draw water for the sacrifices whiche were done vnto the true God Therfore they were made labourers and seruauntes of the tabernacle and of the tribe of Leui wherof they were called Nathinites Nathinites And that the lawes whiche were made of God agaynst the seauen nations which inhabited the land of Chanaan were by this equitie to be interpreted and mitigated that if they returned to the true God would make peace with the Iewes they should not be destroyed it manifestly appeareth by that whiche is written in the xi chap of the booke of Iosua namely howe those nations were therfore destroyed bycause none of them the Gabaonites only excepted made peace with the Israelites For God to the end he would extinguish them had hardened their hartes and therfore they most obstinatly fought agaynst the Israelites Why god hardned the hartes of the Chananites But the cause why God so hardned their harts was bycause their sinnes were ful Wherfore they beleued not as did the Gabaonites neither adioyned they thē selues vnto the Israelites And for that cause they continually resistyng them fought so vnluckely that at length they were cleane destroyed But if so be that they had made peace with the Iewes and not despised their godlynesse and religion they should haue had the same geuen them whiche the Gabaonites had But in that they did not so their former sinnes were the hinderaunce therof for God for those sinnes tooke away his spirite and grace from their hartes that at the last they might suffer most iust punishment for their wickednesse This is the equitie and mitigations of those lawes against the Chananites Why the Gabaonites were brought into bondage But there ariseth a doubt why the punishement of bondage was imposed to the Gabaonites if they nowe became so good and faithfull Whereunto is aunswered that they therfore fell into bondage bycause they vsed fraude and guile For God would for this cause haue them so punished lest he should seme to allowe disceate and euill artes Whether the Luzite repēted Ierome Now resteth to enquire what this betrayer of Luz did whether he beleued and embrased the true worshippyng of God Out of the holy scriptures we can gather nothing of this thing Peraduenture it may seme to some that he abode still in his vngodlynesse bycause he went awaye from thence neither abode he with the Iewes But this is but a weake reason For Iethro also departed from Moyses whō he came to se in the desert although as I thincke he left his sonne with Moyses Neither would Christ haue all those continually with him whom he healed and whiche beleued in him yea he sayd to one of thē who would haue dwelled with hym returne to thine owne
places of the scriptures which should be superfluous now to declare Some supposed that some certayne spirite was sent from God whiche appeared vnto the people in a visible forme and reproued them as he was commaunded And they persuade them selues that he was first sene in Gilgal and there commaunded the people to ascend from thence to a place whiche was afterward called Bochim of weapyng The Hebrew word Melach is not agaynst this interpretation and that maketh with it also bycause he speaketh as God The aungell speaketh in the person of God I haue made you sayth he to ascend out of Egypt With whiche selfe same kinde of speache the Aungell in Genesis spake to Abraham and in Exodus to Moses Where it is also written that God put his name in him But it semed vnto the auncient fathers That aungell whiche spake vnto the fathers is thought to haue ben christ that that aungell which in the olde Testament appeared spake in the name of God was Christ the sonne of God For it is writtē in Iohn No man hath sene God at any tyme the sonne which in the bosome of the father he hath declared him These wordes declare vnto vs that what soeuer thinges are sayd to haue ben spoken by God in the olde Testament the same were made open by Christ But other suppose that this messanger or legate was a minister of the Churche that is either a Priest or a Prophet whose office was to reprehend the sinnes of the people Amonge the Hebrew Rabines Leui the sonne of Gerson Leui the sonne of Gerson doth therfore thinke this to be very likely bycause it is not conuenient that an aungell should openly speake to so great a multitude But his reason is very weake for seing God whē he gaue the lawe spake in the mount Sina to the whole multitude of the Hebrues what should let but that he could teache an angell to do the same But this is of some what more strength bycause it is declared in the history that this messanger ascended from Gilgal to Bochim For if he were an angell it semeth that it should rather haue ben sayd that he discended from heauen not ascended from Gilgal to Bochim And surely it appeareth a fayned thing that they fayne that he first appeared in Gilgal and then called the people together to Bochim For he mought haue in Gilgal expressed vnto the people those thinges whiche he afterward declared in Bochim Wherfore the Hebrues affirme that this Prophet or Priest receaued in Gilgal the spirite and inspiration of God wherewith he was stirred vp and appoynted to the assembly of the people whiche then for certaine causes were assembled in Bochim Praises of Phineas the priest there to expresse the commaundementes of God to the people yea they say that that Prophet was Phineas the Priest the nephew of Aaron I meane the sonne of Eleazar for he was a very seuere man and most zelous of godlynesse and righteousnesse In the booke of Numb it is mencioned how he slew Zamri a prince of the family of Simeon namely for this bycause he cōmitted open fornicatiō with a Madianitishe harlot And the father of the harlot was a prince among the Madianites And God manifestly allowed the zeale of Phineas For he promised him the priesthode of his nation with an euerlastyng couenaunt and ceassed from destroyeng the people being mitigated with his noble acte Phineas therfore was not onely godly but also of a stoute and valiaunte courage He feared not for gods cause to entre into grieuous hatreds and to put himselfe to present daunger Wherfore Dauid in the 106. Psalme rehearsing this history commendeth him after this sorte Phineas stode vp and reuenged and the plague ceassed and it was coūted vnto him for righteousnesse from generation to generation for euer Wherfore that acte whiche by his owne nature mought haue semed cruell and horrible did not onely please God and was of him allowed for a iust acte but he also deliuered the people from a most grieuous plague wherewith they were then vexed The counte of the yeares if they be rightly counted is not agaynst this opinion now alleged Yea and it is found in this selfe same boke that he was on lyue when warre was made agaynst the tribe of Beniamin to reuenge the wicked acte perpetrated in Gabaa R. Salomoh Rabbi Salomoh also declareth that the booke which is entituled Sedar Olam testifieth the same Kimhi Likewise Dauid Kimhi the old Hebrues seme to encline to this opinion But what soeuer he was I thinke it skilleth not much This ought to be most certain and sure that the thinges declared by him were the wordes of God Where Gilgal lyeth Gilgal is a citie lyeng in the playne of Iordane not farre from the citie of Iericho And it had that name hereof bycause there Iosuah by the commaundemēt of the Lord prouided that the people of Israel whiche had wandred vncircumcised thoroughe the wildernesse celebrated a solēpne circumcision And when they had so done God aunswered that he had remoued from thē the reproche of Egypt For Gal signifieth in Hebrew to turne away and to remoue Moreouer in that place but not at that tyme but long before was the tabernacle the Arke of the couenaunt Namely in the tyme of Iosuah when the people passed ouer Iordane And by that meanes that place was counted religious Wherfore Saul the first king of the Hebrues was annoynted in Gilgal But Bochim was so called of thē whiche wept as we shall strayght waye heare And it is called so now by the figure Prolepsis bycause it was not yet named by that name And as it appeareth by the history they goyng from Gilgal ascended to Bochim Furthermore we must note that the legate speaketh not in hys owne name but in the name of God yet he vseth not those kinde of phrases which the other Prophetes did namely Thus saith the Lord. c. The word of the Lord came vnto me c. And in rehearsing the benefites bestowed on the people First of all he maketh mencion of the delyuery of their fathers out of Egypte bycause that had newly happened vnto the Hebrues The benefites of God are like wordes which testifie of hys nature goodnesse And God to the end the knowledge of him should not be blotted out vseth to put men in mynde of those benefites that he hath bestowed on thē and will haue thē to be as certain wordes expressing his nature and goodnesse vnto vs. And he alwayes begynneth his rehearsall at thinges that are latest done and of them he claymeth vnto him selfe titles or names attributed vnto him God taketh surnames by hys benefites by whiche he would be both called vpon and also knowen for at the beginning God was called vpon by that that he created heauen and earth and afterward by that that he was the God of Abraham Isaac and Iacob After that
as a deliuerer out of Egypte Then as a deliuerer out of the captiuitie of Babilon God beginneth the rehearsall of benefites last geuen But lastly as the father of our Lord Iesus Christ But now of the benefite lately bestowed on them he calleth him selfe the delyuerer out of Egypte Afterward he adioyneth an other benefite And I haue brought you into the lande whiche I sware vnto your fathers It was not sufficiēt that they wer deliuered out of Egypt but they had ample noble places assigned vnto them Thirdly he saith This haue I geuē you That I would haue my couenant made with you to haue cōtinued for euer if it mought haue ben by your obediēce But ye haue not suffred it These benefites whiche in this place are rehearsed are playne and manifest ynough Two principal thynges to be considered in the couenaunt But as touching the last namely of the couenaunt two thinges are to be considered in it First whiche is also the chief of all good thinges is the redemption whiche should be made by Christ Neither could this be hindered by any sinnes of mē For God is faithful as Paul testifieth to the Romanes neither departeth he from his truth for our euill desertes The second is the successe of outwarde good thinges and ciuill ornamentes Whiche kinde of couenaunte or promesse bycause it was conditionally it myght therefore sometymes be altered and vndoubtedly of this doth our preacher at this present speake And what conditions God required of the Israelites here he declareth in this sermon 2 And ye also shall make no couenaunte with the inhabiters of this lande but shal breake downe their altares Neuerthelesse ye haue not obeyed my voyce why haue ye this done 3 Wherefore I haue also determined I will not cast them out before your face but they shal be as prickes in your sydes and theyr Gods shal be a snare vnto you God by couenaunt had prescribed two thynges in especiall What god prescribed the Israelites in the couenaunt first that they should make no league with the Chananites secondly that they should plucke downe their altares and temples These are euery where written in the law especially in Exodus the 13. and 20. In the booke of Numb 33. In Deut. 7. Now after these conditions required of God is set forth the transgression of the Israelites But ye sayth he haue not hearkened vnto my voyce The Iewes were not yet fallen so farre that they committed Idolatry they are onely reproued for violating the couenaunt bycause they had saued the Idoles and altares of the Chananites The wonderfull goodnesse of God surely is shewed by these wordes VVhy haue ye this done A vehemente maner of amplifieng of synne He demaūdeth the cause as being ready to heare their excuse if they could bring any that were iust and lawfull And by this meanes also the grieuousnesse of the sinne is amplified as being so grieuous that it could by coulour be defended And vndoubtedlye thus it is God is not afeard in iudgement to contēd with synners Gods cause agaynste vs is so good that he is not affeard in Iudgement to reason with synners as the Prophetes Esay and Micheas haue playnely taught The preacher goeth forwarde and sheweth what punishement they shoulde haue for thys faulte For so much as ye haue not stande by your couenaunt I wyll also go from my promises I will not expell the Chananites out of this region as I had promised if so be that I do not expell them ye are so weake and feble that by your owne power ye can not cast them out They shal remayne therfore as ye would haue it but yet to your great discōmodity For they shal be as prickes in your sides namely as thornes where with ye shal be oftentymes sharply pricked The Hebrew worde is Letsdim And in dede Tsad signifieth a side Althoughe some thinke that worde to be deriued of this verbe Tsud whiche is to hunte or to fishe and bycause the hookes of fishermen are very sharpe therfore the worde is by a certaine Metaphore transferred to signifie thornes And after the same sorte we might say they signified nettes vsing the same Metaphore whiche we may deriue of hunters But the firste reason of the interpretation to signifye sides I sets both simple also more allowed by the commentaryes of the Hebrues And theyr Idoles shal be a snare vnto you Namely wherewith ye shal be taken and when ye shal be geuen to their Idolatry ye shal be punished with most grieuous punishementes and discommodities Augustine in his 13. Augustine questiō vpon this booke hath noted that God threatneth after his accustomed maner that at the length it shall come to passe that he will punishe synnes by synnes For the Israelites in not obeyeng the commaundement of God committed synne and he agayne threatneth that Idoles shal be a stumblyng blocke vnto them namely that they should worship them wherfore afterwarde they should be grieuously punished By whiche wordes he declareth that the first transgression should be punished and chastised with the wicked crime of Idolatry as Paul testifieth to the Romanes that the Idolatry of the Ethnikes was punished with most filthy lustes But the punishement of the Israelites as it is here set forth hath with out doubt a great emphasys For what can there happen more grieuous than to be among thornes and continuallye to fall among them Vndoubtedly hereof followe woundes almost thoroughe out al the partes of the body and new paynes and those vehement succede one an other And as thornes if they sticke in the fleshe do sharpely pricke so to dwell among enemyes and to haue them ioyned together with vs can not be but very full of troubles The punishement whiche God here threateneth is no new punishement for al that is here written was forespoken in the boke of Iosua the 23. chap. Namely that it should come to passe that if they obeyed not the preceptes of the law of God God would not then performe to destroy those natiōs before them yea he sayth they shal be vnto you a snare a stumblyng stocke a whip for your sides and thornes to your eyes vntill ye be destroyed out of this good lande whiche the Lord your God hath geuen you c. For the Israelites had afterward experience of these miseryes bycause they were oftentimes brought into bondage by their enemyes among whom they dwelled and with whom they had vngodly ioyned them selues And finally for that they would not ceasse of from Idolatry they were cast out to the Assirians and Babilonians This chidyng of God contayneth iust causes wherfore the Israelites were destitute of his helpe for a tyme. Causes why god forsoke the Israelites for a tyme. And the end of the whole sermon is that the people might be stirred vp to repentaunce and that most aptely For among those thinges whiche do vehemently amplify synne do set it playnly before our eyes
maruayle howe chaunce Why the Isralites after their repentance ●o not breake the league ma●e with the Chananites that they styll kept the league which was wickedlye made with the Chananites ouerthrew not their detestable worshippinges Temples and Idols Vndoubtedly if theyr repētance had bene true and perfect they ought faythfully to haue amended that wherein they synned for among other thinges those ar counted the iust fruites of repentaunce I haue nothing els to answer here but that I thinke they dyd not thys bicause they wanted force God forgeueth sinnes but he doth not by by restore the good thinges taken away luckelye to fight against those nations For God to punish the transgression and violating of his law had nowe withdrawen theyr strength and audacity And although they repented yet he did not by and by restore vnto them their old strengthes For he vseth in deede straightwaye to receaue repentaunt synners into fauour but he doth not by and by restore those thinges which he by his iust iudgement hath for sinnes taken away This maye we easely see in the fal of our first Parentes For the euils therby comming vnto mankinde wer not taken away of God Yea and those commodities most quiet state whiche they had in Paradise men neuer afterwarde recouered although God hath reconciled vnto himselfe those that beleue in Christ For Dauid had woord brought him by Nathan the prophet that his sinne was forgeuen him yet he could not escape but that his sonne which was borne vnto him perished and he himselfe fel into grieuous miseries So God woorketh somtimes partly to keepe discipline and partly to make manifest vnto men how much he detesteth sinnes Againe more and more to stirre vp repentaunce and that an earnest repentaunce of wicked actes committed in suche as are renued But let vs returne vnto the history wherin certain thinges which happened vnder Iosua are more fully repeated Now saith he He had let the people go and euery man went into his inheritaunce Iosua sent away the people twice from hym to possesse the land The Israelites were twice thus sent away by Iosua First when the land of Chanaan was deuided by lottes For at that time euery Tribe went to possesse those places which fel vnto them by lot Iosua also sent away the people when he should dye For he had called together vnto him the whole multitude of the Israelites by his last sermon to admonish and exhort them Which he preached in such sorte as it is described in his booke the .24 chap. And as it is most likely we ought to vnderstande that sending away in this place to be the same which was done last Seing that it is written in the place now alledged that when the people had heard the words of Iosua renued the couenante of god they wer sent awaye and euerie one went to his owne possession After that is mencioned the deathe of Iosuah euen with as many wordes as it is now repeated Iosua when he should dye executed the office of a good prince Here let vs note that Iosua being almost at the poynt of death executeth the office of a good Prince in exhorting the people openly that with many words not to depart from the sincere religion In which thing he with a godly and holy study imitated Moyses whom he succeded who as we reade toward the end of Deut. behaued himselfe after the sawe sort Iacob also the most holye Patriarche euen now ready to dye called vnto him al his children and seriously and with great holines preached vnto them And that Princes and Kinges shoulde cōmodiously do the same it is prescribed vnto them in Deuter. that they should be most studious in the law of God For by that meanes were they made apt to admonish the people and to exhort them faithfully to obserue the commaundementes of the Lord. The Israelites when they wer sent away by Iosua ar sayd to haue gone to possesse the land bicause as yet ther remained very many places for euery Tribe not yet conquered Of which places when Iosua was dead and in the time of the Elders they obtained certain when as they got the victories in battailes as we haue heard frō the beginning After which victories the first transgression folowed vnto which succeded the repentaunce before mencioned But they abstained from idolatry as long as Iosua lyued and all the time of the Elders which wer equall with him and ouerlyued him who also had seene the wonderfull workes of the Lord. For at that time sound doctrine and the woord of the Lord testified by notable victories wer of great force That good Magistrate by whom the publike wealthe was then gouerned had had experience of the wonderfull power of the woord of God and therefore he continually laboured openly to inculcate vrge it vnto the people of Israel which thing could not want iust fruit Experiēce declareth People frame them selues to the example of their princes that almost in euery age the people frame them selues to the example of their Magistrates For if the Princes be zelous both of religion and godlines their subiectes also wil embrace godlinesse and religion But cōtrarywise if Princes liue vngodly and dissolutely the people wil likewyse despise religion and lyue filthily Moreouer let the Magistrate as long as he is in authority chiefly haue a care to thys that the holy ministery be perfect and that it teache and administer sound doctrine and pure rites and that he suffer not supersticious or wycked opinions to bee thrust into the church But euen as he prouideth that other Artificers abuse not their sciences so let him diligently beware that the Ministers of the church do not either corrupt the godly rites or falsify the holy doctrine We see that somtimes it happeneth that the ministery in the Church is very laudable and pure But yf an vngodly and wicked Magistrate obtaine the chief rule of thinges It profiteth much to the Ecclesiasticall ministery to haue the magistrate a helper that holy ministery is easely despised of the people Wherfore it is made of lesse efficacy than it would haue bene if it myght haue had the Magistrate a furtherer of it Wherfore we must with most feruent praiers desire that seing the church hath now by the benefit of God in many places recouered godly doctrine and sincere Ministers that it would please God to geue vnto it Magistrates which may be most zelous of godlines and religion If a man should aske whether the people may be good and godly although the Magistrate and Minister of the Church be corrupt I answer that somtyme they may be as touching some as we see to happen in the Papacy where some godly and holy men are euery wher found which neuertheles lyue vnder wicked corrupt and vngodly ciuyl Magistrates and Ministers of the church Howbeit publike exercises of sound religion and godlynes can not vniuersally be had wythout them
For if GOD would teache the Israelites the arte of warrefare then iudged he not that arte vnlawfull And to thys purpose serueth that which Dauid sayd Blessed be god which teacheth my handes to warre and my fyngers to battayle But thys question whyther it be lawfull to make iuste warres is not nowe to be entreated of for as muche as it is most euident and that by the holy Scriptures that it is lawfull And we shall haue occasion in an other place to speake at large of that matter Wherfore I will declare what the Hebrewe expositours iudge of thys place R. Salamon R. Dauid Kimhi and also R. Leui ben Gerson write that God when he had tempted the Hebrewes and detected theyr vngodlinesse and Idolatrye withdrewe from them their strength and ayde Wherby when they attempted to make warres by their owne power and to fight by their owne strength they learned what it was to make warre When God fought for the Israelits they knew not what it was to make warre Whereas before when God himselfe fought for them they were ignoraunt of it For he endued them with strength he draue a feare into their enemyes dissolued their strength and gaue the Hebrewes a prosperous successe in theyr enterprises One dyd then pursue a thousand and two ten thousand It is therfore aptlye sayd that the Israelites when he had not yet broken the league and god fought for them were ignoraunte of warlyke feates How our fyrste parentes after sinne knew both good and euell Euen as the fyrst parentes of mankinde when they had eaten of the forbidden tree beganne to know both good and euill For before when they were nourished with the grace of GOD they were touched with the feeling of no euil And we commonlye say of children when their parentes are taken from them that they shall nowe fele what it is to gette theyr own liuyng which before they had not learned when they had their parentes liuing Christe also vsed the same kinde of speche when he sayd vnto the Apostles When I sent you without bagge or scrippe vndoubtedly you wanted nothyng But now bicause I shall be taken from you let him which hath no sweard bye him one for hereafter the times shall be harde and paynefull vnto you so that ye shall proue and haue experience of those thinges which hitherto ye haue not felte And this is the meaning at this present that the Hebrewes were brought of necessitye now at the length to knowe and feele God commaūded nothing in the lawe for the learning of the art of warfare what it was to make warre with enemyes stronger than themselues They had not experience of that before GOD taught them it in taking awaye their strength and ayde Neither is it founde in the whole lawe that he ordained any thyng for the learning of the arte of warrefare In Deutronomye the xx Chapiter he made certaine lawes for making of warre but they pertayne nothing to the attayning of knowledge in the arte of warrefare And I in my iudgemente doe allowe the interpretation of the Hebrewes rather than that which was fyrst assigned 3 Of those whom he left there were fyue Lordes of the Philistians and all the Chananites and Sidonites and the Heuites that dwelled in Mount Libanon euen from Mount Baal Hermon vnto the entrance of Hamath 4 Those I say remayned to proue Israell by and to wete whether they would obey the preceptes of the Lord which he commaunded their fathers by the hand of Moyses 5 The children of Israell therefore dwelt among the Chananites Hethites Amorites Pherezites Heuites and Iebusites That which is in the Hebrewe Sirni Ierome sometimes translateth rulers and sometimes Lordes And we may call them Princes or Presidentes or ells Gouernours Satrapes Those woordes the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But yet they are deriued of the Persians yea the Latines sometimes vsed thē Terence in his comedie Heautontim Terence writeth If Satrapes that is a Lord be a louer he shal not be able to abide the charge Dauid Kimhi Dauid Kimhi thinketh these words in the text Fyue lords of the Philistians to be a figuratiue kinde of speche that by the fyue Lords The names of the Lordships of Palestine we might vnderstand those fiue places which they were lords ouer that is fiue Lordships of the Philistians And those places be named in the booke of Iosua the 13 chap. Gaza Asdod Ascalon Ackron Geth Of euery one of these cities they toke vnto thē the name of the lordship And vndoubtedly there is manifest mencion made of them in the fyrst booke of Samuell for of ech of thē there were gifts gathered wherwith the arke of the couenaunt was adorned to be sent agayne to the Israelites Howbeit this may seme to be strange how these cities should now be sayd not to be conquered by the Israelits When as in this booke the first chap. Gaza Ascalon Aekron are declared to be wonne in that battaile which was made by the tribes of Iuda and Simeon Whereunto we aunswere that in dede those cities were taken at the time when as for all that they were not fully conquered by the leading and conduct of Iosua as it is written in his boke Howbeit at this time as the history now testifyeth they were not in the power of the Iewes For by reason of the sinnes of the Hebrues the strength of the Philistians was confyrmed other nations of the land of Chanaan waxed euery day strōger stronger but the Israelites on the contrary side were feabled Wherfore it was an easye matter for these places to fall againe into the power of the Philistians For they were very skilful in feates of warre and they had yron and hooked Chariottes Neither did God fight for the Israelites Wherefore they might without any great trauaile by reason of the sinnes of the Iewes recouer againe the places which they had loste In that it is written And al the Chananites we must not vnderstand it absolutely and simplie but only of those which inhabited the places here mencioned Farther we must note that in the boke of Iosua there were also Chananites and Zidonites rehearsed which were not at that time destroyed And as touching the Mount Libanon The Mounte Libanon some write that it was so called of frankencense which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Yea and the Hebrues call frankencense Libona And Mount Hermon as the boke of Deut. teacheth was called of the Amorrites Naschir of the Sirians Scherion Wherof peraduēture the prouince of Siria had his name 6 And they tooke the Daughters of them to be their wyues and gaue their own daughters to their sonnes and serued their Gods 7 Wherefore the children of Israel did wickedly in the sight of the Lord and forgot the Lorde their God serued Baalim groues The Israelites synned three times against God First bicause as it is already shewed
doubted but that they did it by euill guile The same 23. question .2 Dominus which is takē out of his questiōs vpon the boke of Iosua rehearseth the place wherin it is sayd the God cōmaūded the Hebrues to fight against the citie of Hay by wiles which without doubt belong to guile Ierome vpon the 17. chap of Ezechiel bringeth this sentence as a worldly sentēce Ierome namely VVhether it be guile or power who can require in an enemy Howbeit he assenteth vnto it althoughe he denieth that it can take place where an othe is made But I will strayt waye expounde that Ambrose in the 14. Ambrose question the 4. permitteth guile or gainefull fraud against enemies after this maner he interpreteth a place of Deut. where God gaue the Iewes liberty to put their money to vsury to straungers namely that where the warre is iust there also may vsury take place For the goods of the enemies ar ours they may lawfully be taken away from them And it skill not whither it be done either by violence or by guile There are which alledge that which is written in the latter Epistle to the Corinthians the xii chap When I was crafty I tooke you by guile But that maketh nothing to the purpose when as it is most manifest that he spake it in mockage For hee fayned as though he had receaued money of the Corinthians by other mē which by himself he refused to receaue which thing he strait way putteth away But those examples which we brought firste do manifestly proue that it is lawfull to vse guile yea euill guile against enemyes namely in keping close our Counsels doinges vsyng coulorable workes wordes The ciuile lawes permite guile against enemies Nether do the ciuil lawes otherwise teach In the Code de cōmerciis et mercatoribus Lege Non solū The emperor decreed not only the no gold should be caried vnto the barbarous nacions that were enemies of the pub wealth but also that by subtile guile or pollicy the gold which they had shuld be taken frō thē Also in the digestes de captiuis postliminio reuersis Lege Nihil interest it is decreed the captiues howe soeuer they returned into their coūtrey againe should recouer agayne their owne goods old state whether they were sent home againe or whether they escaped by violēce or by guile Although afterward in Lege postliminio Paragrapho captiuis that be restrained if that they returne with a mind to tary at home For if they shuld either promise or sweare vnto their enemies to returne they should not enioy the right of returnīg Attilius Regulus Wherfore Attiliꝰ Regulꝰ enioyed not the benefit bicause he was sēt to Rome to persuade the senate for the chāgīg of captiues Wherfore for as much as he promised was minded to returne he might not by the lawes vse euill guile A diuisiō of an other By this also appeareth that to be true whiche a litle before was said namely that we may not vse euil guile against our enemy if ther be an othe made And that this may the playnlyer be vnderstand we must deuide an othe as the lawyers do so that one kinde of othe is called an approuing or an affirming of a thing an other a promising of a thing or as thei speake the one affectiue the other promissory For whē we swere either we do affirme or els deny some thing to be or to haue ben which we ought neuer to do with euil guile if we adde therunto an othe Or els we promise to performe somthing for as much as faith is to be kept euē with our enemy the same faith also is not to be broken with euill guile Wherefore if those things which we haue sworne vnto our enemy to kepe obserue are temporal goods as are money honours life of the body for these things the name of God is not to be prophaned Wherfore Dauid in his .15 Psal sayth He that sweareth to do euill changeth not In Hebrew it is thus written Nischoah Leharah Velo Iamid Kimhi which place I know Kimhi expoundeth of those which vowe vnto God certaine hard sharpe things which serue to the subduyng of the fleshe neyther do ther chaūge the which they haue promised But the sentence me thinketh semeth more simple if it haue a larger sense namely of an othe hurtful vnto vs which a good godly man will not abrogate or chaunge Ierome Ierome also vpon Ezechiell the 17. chap. is of this opinion For there the Lord saith that he was very angry against Zedechias bycause he had broken the othe which he had made vnto Nebuchad-nezar king of Babilon For although the Iewes counted him as an enemy yet as Ierome teacheth he was now as a frende when he had by an othe promised his faith vnto Zedechias For the belōgeth vnto friends one to be faithful vnto the other Ambrose Wherfore euil guile ought there to take no place And Augustine in the 33. questiō the 1. chap Noli existimare writing vnto Bonifacius admonisheth him to kepe faith with his enemy also Augustine Ambrose also in the 28. questiō the 4. chap. Innocēs admonisheth the same hath the same sentence in his boke de officiis where he bringeth the example of Iosua toward the Gabaonites who althoughe he might haue made the othe voyde of no force yet by the consent of God he caused it to be kept ratified Neither suffered be the Gabaonites to be slayne whō for all that he punished bicause of the guile which they vsed An othe for an vniust thing is to be broken But if the othe be geuē for an vniust or vngodly thing it is vtterly to be made frustrate bycause an othe ought not to be a bond of iniquitie Neither is it of necessitie that a mā to be absolued of these kindes othes should come before some iudge Which I therfore speake bycause the Pope claimeth this right vnto himself namely to release a bond in such kind of othes as they commōly say to dispense with them as it appeareth in the 15. question the 6. The Pope dissolued both lawfull vnlawful wher Nicholaus absolueth one Treuerensis And his pride arrogācy hath so farre now at the length extended his ryght or power that he absolueth not onely vnlawful othes but he abrogateth also iust and lawful othes when it semeth good vnto himselfe So Zacharias losed the frenche men of an othe wherein they were bound vnto their kyng and he put the kyng from his kyngdome and substituted Peppine in his place But that is not to be meruayled at when as it is a common saying in the courte of Rome at this daye A prouerbe of the courte of Rome Non est regum magnatū sed mercatorum stare iuramentis that is It is not mete for kynges and noble men but for merchantes
our actions If these things be corrupted in vs which are taken for holy thinges what maye be iudged of other workes which are counted prophane Wherefore forasmuche as in these thinges the Hebrues greuously fel we must vnderstand that they also sinned in all other thinges 11 And the Angell of the Lorde came and abode vnder the Oke which was in Ophra that pertayned vnto Ioas the Abiezerit and his sonne Gideon threshed wheat to prepare his flight frō Midian When by faith the sinnes of the Israelites were forgeuen and that they had called vpon God and repented their deliuery is set forth wherby they were deliuered from the outward bondage of the Madianites Which without doubt God would haue done by Gideon the Iudge for the which cause hee raised hym vp to deliuer the Iewes And this brought he not to passe til such time as things were almost come to vtter desperation al humane helpes wer taken away and the Israelites trusted onely to flight Wherfore Gideon is not called but when he gathered some wheate to hide least the Madianites shoulde violentlye take it away And that is ment by this Hebrue woord Lehanim that is if thou turne it woord for woord to prepare his flight For he would hide that wheate from the Madianites were it neuer so litle that with it he might somewhat sustaine both himselfe and his household He which appeared vnto him was in very deede an Angel as it shall afterwarde by manifest tokens and argumentes bee declared He came to Ophra but to that Ophra whych pertayned vnto Ioas the Abiezerit which is therfore added bicause there was also an other Ophra in the Tribe of Beniamin wherof is mencion made in the boke of Iosua And I doubt not but that the Angel came vnto Gideon in the shape of a man for he abode vnder the Oke Gideon was of the tribe of Manasses and as we shal heare he spake vnto hym Ioas the Father of Gideon was of the family of Abiezer which in the booke of Numb and in Paralip is reckoned among those that were of the Tribe of Manasses And Gideon at that tyme threashed corne in the wyne presse Twoo maners of threashing The Hebrues haue two wordes Dash which signifieth to thresh but yet then when we occupy to threashing beastes The other woorde is Chabat which is also to thresh but yet with flayles and without beastes Wherfore it is noted that Gideon vsed this latter kinde of threshing that he might the better hide that which he did and therfore it was in a wyne presse where forasmuche as wyne was vsed to be pressed no man did easily suspect that any wheate was there threshed Let vs marke in this place that the excellent men in the olde time when they had gotten any leasure either from holy seruices or from ciuil things thei spent al that leasure either about husbandry or about the arte of a Shepehearde For they would not consume them selues with ydlenes sumptuousnes glotony or dronkennes And this shal we not onely learne in Abraham Isaac Iacob Gideon and other holy fathers but also it manifestly appereth by the histories of the Romanes For there we reade that Curius and Seranus and such like wer elected for the chiefest Magistrates when in the fieldes they were at plough and tylled the grounde And the earth also at that tyme as Plini saith brought foorth her fruites more plentiful and aboundant when it was handled with the handes of Emperors most noble Not vndoubtedlye bicause the earth was endued wyth any sense but bicause wise men as they vsed wisely to gouern waighty affairs so also for husbandry when they were occupied about it they exercised it wyth farre greater diligence then did the rude men Our Gideon without doubt had seruauntes whom he might haue commaunded to haue wrought what woorke so euer was to be done yea and his father as we shall afterwarde heare was a man of power among the people And for all that he was suche a one yet he despiseth not rusticall woorkes 12 Then the Angel of the Lord appeared vnto him and sayd vnto him The Lord is with thee thou valiant man A salutacion vsed of the godly Here is expressed a moste auncient maner of salutacion wherein they sayde The Lord is with thee We rede in the booke of Ruth that Boaz vsed it when he came vnto his haruest men The Angell also in this manner saluted the blessed Virgin Yea and the Church of Christ by the Minister saluteth the people in the holy seruices and saith The Lord be with you The angel called Gideon a strōg man not by that strength as it is thought wherwith he was before endued but by the strength which should afterward be geuen him for the accomplishing of thinges Although it might easily be that Gideon was a man skylfull in feates of warre But the first interpretatiō agreeth better Howbeit Augustine in hys questions vpon this place Augustine thus readeth this particle as thoughe God hym selfe should be called a strong and warlike man as if he should haue saide That God which is mighty warlike is with thee or be with thee Neither ought it much to moue vs bicause this woord Man is added forasmuche as it is after the same maner writtē in the song of Exodus For God may so be called by a Metaphore But the first exposition is more receaued and seemeth more simple 13 To whom Gideon answered O my Lorde I praye thee is the Lord with vs Why then is al this come vpon vs and where be all his miracles which our fathers told vs of and sayde Dyd not the Lord bring vs out of Egipt But now the Lorde hath forsaken vs and hath deliuered vs into the hand of the Madianites The hebrue word Bi signifieth in me and is spoken by the figure Eclipsis as though it should haue bene looke louingly vpon me And therfore they turne it I prai thee which is a particle of one that exhorteth The next word is Adonai by which name Gideon called him which appeared vnto him not by a religious or deuine title but by a common title whych is applyed also to prophane men For he vnderstood not that he was an Angel he thought he was some Prophet or holy man Gideon perswadeth himself that God was not with him when the Israelites were afflicted with so great miseries For he vnderstandeth the saying of the Angel as though he had said that God was not onely with hym but also with al the Hebrues God is not supposed to bee with those whiche ar afflicted And it is no doubt but that the nature of mā thinketh that God is not with those which are afflicted The saintes after this maner semed to expostulate with God Wherfore in the Psalmes it is written Aryse O God why turnest thou thy face awaye from me why hast thou forgotten me and such lyke This is a grieuous kinde of temptacion wherunto if a
man geue place and be therwith ouercom he grieuously sinneth For he transgresseth the first precept I am the Lord thy God But howe farre that sentence is from the truth this historye declareth For when Gideon thought that God was absent from him then was he present and talked with him VVhere be al his miracles These woordes may be vnderstande two wayes The first way is as though Gideon should reason by contraries saying When God was with our fathers he did marueilous thinges for their health but now hath he deliuered vs vnto the Madianites neither deliuereth he vs by his excellent workes therefore he is not with vs. The other interpretation is as if by a certain godly expostulation he should say wher doth God now restrain these his marueilous woorkes What temptation is counted grieuous to the godly Why suffreth he the benefites which he so plentifully bestowed on our fathers so much now to want Vndoubtedly whilest we ar thus forsaken al these thinges as it semeth are frustrate of their end These thinges manyfestly declare what is the temptation of godly men in aduersities troubles For the deuil the flesh and the world go about to persuade them that they are nowe forsaken of God and that they in vayne put their confidence in hym Which kinde of temptation also was moued vnto Christ when vpon the crosse he cryed O my God my God why hast thou forsakē me For none as I think would beleue that the same had happened vnto Christ vnlesse the Euangelists had written that he being vpon the crosse vsed such wordes And this temptacion would he therefore suffer to the end that as it is wrytten in the seconde to the Hebrues he myghte be lyke vnto vs in all thynges wythout synne Wherefore Esay testifieth Hee hath in deede borne our infirmities and caryed our sorrowes 14 And the Lord looked vpon hym said Go in this thy strength and thou shalt saue Israel out of the lande of Madian Haue not I sent thee The Angel looked vpon Gideon when he had spoken these wordes For peraduenture whilest he spake them he looked not vpon him but then he behelde him when he sent him to delyuer the Israelites But in that he sayth In thys strength it is expounded two maner of waies The Hebrues saye that by the sight of the Angel he was fylled with strength and therefore it is sayde go thou in this strength which I haue now geuen thee and thou shalt deliuer Israel frō the Madianites Neither is it anye straunge thing that God doth chaunge those whom he choseth to any function and endueth them with sundry gyftes For we rede that it so happened vnto Dauid and Saul when they were called to bee kynges And it is expressedlye wrytten in this booke that Iephthe and Samson were adorned with the spirite of strength That strength also may here bee noted which God vsed in helping the fathers when for them he wrought myraculous thinges in the tyme of Moses and Iosua Gideon had demaunded where those marueilous woorkes were now become and therfore the Angel answered him Go in that strength whereby those thinges in tymes past were wrought and by it deliuer Israel By which woordes the Angel declareth that hee shoulde not by his own strength bring to passe the thinges which he had commaunded him but by that power of God which was geuen the fathers in the olde tyme The Angel calleth himself the Lord. And this ought not to seme marueilous that the Angel is called the Lord. For that is for this cause done either bicause he did it spake it in the name of God or els bicause he was in verye deede the sonne of God which so appeared The calling of the Iudges is therfore so diligently described that wee might vnderstand that priuate men are not able to attempt matters and affaires of so great waight vnlesse a certaine authority had bene geuen them of God For to gather an hoste and to take weapons against those whyche haue the chiefe rule of thinges vnto suche as are weake and destitute of al ayde it is altogether daungerous Wherfore ther is required an assurednes and vndoubted calling which cannot be had vnlesse fayth go before whiche consisteth of the woorde of God when it is rightly vnderstoode The Aungell vseth an intorrogation when hee sayth Haue not I sent thee Bycause this maner of speaking is verye apt to augment a commaundement 15 And he sayd vnto him O my Lord wherby shal I saue Israel Behold my familye is the poorest in Manasses and I am the least in the house of my father God sayd not that he would delyuer Israel but he declared that it shoulde be done by Gideon who therefore maruelleth forasmuche as he saw that he wanted all such thinges as were requisite to so great a woorke For warre coulde not be made by a poore man and one of the base sorte suche a one as Gideon perceaued himselfe to be when as to the accomplishing therof wer required power ryches and especially authority Wherfore Aristotle to ciuil felicitye hath ioyned outward goodes and that namely for this bicause they are necessary instrumentes of actes most noble Of hys Myllenary or thousand he therfore maketh mention bycause God in the publike wealth of the Iewes as we rede in Exodus instituted thys maner namely that by tribunes or thousands hundreds the people should be gouerned For it could not easily be that by a few Magistrates an infinite number of people should be numbred and so gouerned that their maners liuing and ordinaūces might diligently be looked vpon whych one thing chiefely pertaineth to gouerne well rightly Why God appointed tribunes Centuriōs and Captaines ouer ten For when euery man is permitted vnto him selfe in these thinges he both abuseth his liberty and also easily transgresseth the lawes bycause he is not noted Wherefore God in hys people woulde for that cause haue rulers ouer ten and ouer hundredes and also ouer thousandes least that publike wealth if the people were necligently looked vnto shoulde fal to ruine and waxe woorse and worse That band of a thousand wherof Gideon was one he declareth to be the poorest among all those of the tribe of Manasses Farther he saith that he was the least in his fathers house or family and therfore he saw not by what meanes he could set at liberty the Hebrues Some say that Ioas the father of Gideon was at that time a tribune or ruler ouer a thousand men that his sonne ment him when he said that his family was the poorest among the tribe of Manasses This sentence I disalow not forasmuch as afterward it shall easily appeare the Ioas was of some authority amōg his people But whither this word Alpi signify him or no I wil not rashly affirme forasmuch as the first exposition is both apt and also wel agreeth with the woordes of the history Whyther Gideon synned in gainsaying the āngel Many holy mē
died together with thē for thirst Or it was done that the power and beneuolence of God towardes his people should be made the more notable which had not onely deliuered Samson from his enemyes but also had quenched his thyrst by a wonderfull meanes Wherefore Samson turneth himself vnto prayers whiche God maketh him to expresse both by his spirite and also by this present necessitye We are not able to thinke how much God delighteth in our submission Thou sayth he Lord God hast geuen me this victory and wilt thou now forsake me Hereby we vnderstand that the remembrance of the benefites past do excedingly stir vp our prayers for they encrease fayth whereby we hope that we may obteyne the like and also greater things Neither is this a thing to be passedouer that he calleth him self the seruāt of God I am sayth he thy seruāt For I haue not slayn these mē at myne owne lust and motion I haue done thy busines and I haue executed thy warre And wilt thou now suffer me to dye for thurst And by that meanes to fal into the handes of mine enemies And which is most greuous into the handes of the vncicumcised For I vndoubtedlye whatsoeuer I am am thine and I haue set abrode the glory of thyne name Thou hast promised that I should be a iudge vnto thy people suffer me not therfore to come into the power of mine enemies contrary to that promise which thou hast promised me ¶ The .xvi. Chapter 1 THen went Samson to Azzah and he sawe there a harlot and went into her 2 And it was told to the Azzathites Sāson is comhither And they went about and layde waite for him all night in the gate of the city and wer quiet al the night saying Abide til the morning early and we shal kill him 3 And Samson slept till midnight and rose at midnight and toke the dores of the gate of the city and the two postes and lift them away with the barres and put them vpon his shoulders and caried them vp to the top of the mountaine that is before Hebron It is no rare or vnaccustomed thinge that excellent men when they haue accomplished thinges after theyr minde There happen sometimes greuous falles of godly men of churches doe slacke good studies and honest entenprises as though they had done with labors are nowe in that place that they can not fall God suffreth them sometimes so to fal that they shoulde acknowledge thē selues be called back to repentance But that is not done by the merite of the sinners but by the goodnes and mercy of god So God suffred Dauid to fal so Salomon contaminated hymselfe with a most greuous wicked crime so Iudas the sonne of Iacob being in good estimation among his bretherne yet committed incest with Thamar Neyther do these things happē only vnto singuler mē but also vnto the church as well the new as the old In the time of Byleam whē the Israelites could not be won by any other meanes they wer cōquered by harlots And the church of the Corrinthians was at the firste so contaminated with whoredomes that Paule was compelled to shewe by arguments and testimonies of the word of god that foricatiō was sin Yet did not god straightway depart from those which I haue mencioned God doth not straightway after sinne take a way from men hys free gratious giftes nor from Samson as touching his free gracious giftes as are strength gifte of tongues prophesies and suche like bicause they are geuen not for theire sakes whiche possesse them but for other Bileam though he was an euill man yet had he still the gift of prophesy yea and he prophesied most excellently of Christ The Lord also sayth many shall say vnto me in that day Haue not we cast out deuils in thy name And in thy name haue we prophesied it shal be sayd vnto them verely I say vnto you I know you not Howbeit for discipline sake free gracious giftes are also sometimes taken away sometimes I saye not alwayes And Samson did not strayghtewaye at the first time when he sinned lose those giftes of God yet afterwarde he loste them But seyng these ar not alwaies taken away Whither the giftes which follow iustification are firme what shal we affirm of other gifts which of necessity follow iustification Those vndoubtedly ar takē away in sins that ar most heinous For he which hath committed any greuous sinne agaynst himselfe holdeth not peace of conscience neyther the zeale to call vpon God nor hope towardes God Fayth also for that time either sleepeth and lieth still or as some think is taken away although it be afterward restored vnto the elect and those that are predestinate when they repent Suche fals of excellente men are setforth How great the verity of the holy scriptures is How the countrey of the Philistians was deuided that we by them should haue an example that if at any time we fal we should not dispayre And hereby we vnderstand how greate the veritye of the holy scriptures is For they dissemble not errors and vices in the greatest mē in those specially which they haue taken in hand to prayse Azza was one of the head cities of the Philistians For that coūtry was deuided into prouinces and Lordshippes of which in euery one of them there was some one excellent and notable city Our interpretors haue translated Azza into Gaza for it is written by this letter Ain whiche our men turne by g And so the Ammorhites they call Gomorhites But why went Samson downe hither bycause now hauing obteined so manye victories he contemned his enemies and peraduenture he sought occasion to inuade them But in this citye he fell for he had there to doe with a harlot This woorde Zonah signifieth in Hebrewe a harlot of whiche thinge wee haue spoken in an other place Some thinke that Samson did nothing here offend but onely turned into a woman that kept a vitling house For by that word is also signified a woman that kepeth a vitling house bycause she prepareth meate and other necessarye thinges for gestes So some thinke that Rahab in the booke of Iosua whiche receaued the spies was not an harlot but onely one that kept a vitling house But I thinke that Rahab was an harlot For so is she called in the Epistle to the Hebrewes which had doone her iniury now being deade How women that kept vitling houses are called by the Romain lawes if it called her beinge a chaste woman an harlotte The Romaine lawes called such women as kepte vitlinge houses stabulariae as it is had in the title de furtis stabulariorum Ambrose sayth that Helena the mother of Cōstātine the gret was a stabularia after this sort he calleth her a good stabularia He entred into her This Hebrew forme of speaking signifieth carnall fellowship namely that he had to do with her Other think as I haue said that he
Neither let any say They were not Gods that were taken awaye out of the temple of Micha but onely two images of Gods But Augustine sayth If they can not defende their owne images what hope is there that they can defende Cities or houses Virgil. But this thing is so much ridiculous that euen the Ethnicke Poetes deride it For Virgil hath soong of his Eneas He caried Troy with hym into Italy their Gods being ouercome Vndoubtedly miserable Gods which could be ouercome of men and be caryed into an other place Some wyll obiect That the Arke of the Lord was also taken once and led away after a sorte captiue of the Philistians I graūt that But how was it caried away To be kept as a prisoner No vndoubtedly For when it was put in the temple of the Philistians it threw Dagon their god to the ground Farther it strake the Philistians with so grieuous plagues and woundes that at the last they were compelled to send it home againe with honour And it was taken not bicause God can either be ouercome or taken but that the Hebrewes shoulde bee admonished of their synnes who wythout repentaunce or fayth dyd put al their confidence in an outwarde thyng They placed their children cattel and substance before Bicause they suspected that Micha would with armed soldiours pursue them to see if he could recouer the thinges which they had taken away Wherefore they woulde chieflye prouide for their children cattel and substance This woord Supplex which we turne substance is called in Hebrue Kechodah either bicause it signifieth a burthen or a packe or els a thing whereof men make their boast 22 When they wer farre of from the house of Micha the men that were in the houses neare to Michahs house gathered together and pursued after the children of Dan. 23 And cryed vnto the chyldren of Dan who turned theyr faces sayd vnto Michah what ayleth thee that thou makest an outcry 24 And he sayde ye haue taken away my Gods whyche I made and the Priest and go your wayes and what haue I more Howe then say ye vnto me what ayleth thee 25 And the children of Dan sayd vnto hym Let not thy voyce bee heard among vs least peraduenture men of a bytter mynde runne vpon thee and thou loose thy lyfe wyth the liues of thine houshold 26 So the chyldren of Dan went their wayes and when Michah saw that they were to strong for hym hee turned and went backe vnto hys house 27 And they tooke the thynges whyche Micha had made and the Priest which he had and came vnto Laish vnto a quiet people and wythout mystrust and smote them wyth the edge of the sword and burnt the City wyth fyre 28 And there was none to helpe bycause Laish was farre from Zidon and they had no busynes wyth other men also it was in the valley that lyeth by Beth-rehob After they buylte the Citye and dwelt therein 29 And called the name of the City Dan after the name of Dan their Father whych was borne vnto Israel how be it the name of the City was Laish at the beginning 30 Then the chyldren of Dan set them vp the grauen image and Ionathan the sonne of Gershom the sonne of Manasseth and hys sonnes were the Priestes in the Tribe of the Danites vntyll the day of the captiuitye of the land 31 So they set vp the grauen image whych Micha had made all the whyle the house of God was in Shiloh In that it is said that they which dwelled nigh the house of Micha were gathered together is declared that the number of the houses had increased that by reason of peregrinacions ther was in that place a village builded VVere gathered together In Hebrue it is Noecu by which verbe is signified that they were raysed vp by an outcrye For so are men gathered together when they heare an outcry on euery syde The Danites made him afearde and threatned that men of a bytter mynde would inuade him whom they so cal either bicause they were angry for choler is of his nature bitter or els bicause they were desperate as they in a maner are which seeke new dwelling places and depart from home bicause they can not there abide commodiously It is agayne repeated that they of Lais wer far from Zidon which declareth that they were in league with them But in that it is written that Ionathan and his sonnes were Priestes there euen to the day of the captiuity of the lande wee must not as farre as I iudge vnderstand it of the captiuity which the Hebrues suffred either by the Assirians or by the Chaldeians but of that whiche happened when they were plagued by the Philistians when also the Arke of the Testament was taken away I know also that there are some of the Hebrues which fable that this Ionathan was the ne●ew of Moses by his sonne Gerson and that his Graundfather is here called Menasseh putting betwene this letter Nun for to honour Moses with all As though the holy scriptures doo not oftentimes make mencion of moste wycked children borne of excellent Parentes But this is to be marked that that is not very firme neither can it be certaine in that it was before said that this Leuite was a Gersonite bycause Gerson was the Sonne of Leui and not of Menasseh Wherefore it must nedes be vncertayne of what famely of the Leuites this man was But now let vs diligently weigh such things as are in this chapter worthy of peculiar noting Let vs chiefly consider how hurtful it is to want a Magistrate An euil Magistrate also wanteth not some vtilitye For althoughe sometimes there happen an euyl or to fauourable a Magistrate yet if the thing be wel weighed there commeth from him more good vnto the publike wealth then there would come euyl if there were in it no Magistrate at al. The Sunne and Moone although they haue sometimes aspectes not very fauorable whereby now and then ensue pestilences dearth of corne ouerflowing of waters or aultar to the ende that holy seruices shoulde bee done thereon but onelye they would haue it to be for a monument that they shoulde not bee counted straungers from their brethren but be thought to pertaine to the same people and the same God Wherfore if at that time the Israelites so hated Idolatry that they would for that cause haue made warre agaynst the Rubenites and Gadites it is not credible that they would haue suffered the impiety of Micha How this history is touched in the booke of Iosua How then could this history be mencioned of in that booke One of these twoo thinges we must answer either that there were two cities both of one name pertaining vnto the Danites which they by force conquered so that of the one is mencion made in the booke of Iosua and of the other in this historye But this seemeth to be but a fayned tale For those thinges which are written
in the booke of Iosua do seme altogether to pertaine to this place Farther al the Hebrue Interpreters doo agree that it was the same city Let vs therefore rather say that when as in the booke of Iosua there is described the distribution of the land and that it cōmeth vnto this city that which was done long time after is there added by an interpretacion to expound after what sort the Danites shoulde in successe of tyme obtaine that city And that particle was added not of any meane man but either of Samuel or els of Ezra or of some other Prophet And this is not to corrupt or to confound the scriptures but to put in something that is not from the purpose whereby the whole matter may be the better vnderstand so that it be done by the holy ghost And I could bring foorth a great many examples whyche are found to be spoken in the scriptures by the figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or anticipacion But those thinges ought to be sufficient which are red in the beginning of this booke ¶ Of Security BVt bicause there is mencion made of security I wyl speake somwhat largely of it in this place how it is to be praysed or dispraysed Security semeth to be a contempt of Gods iustice whereby synnes are punished If we speake of that that can neuer be but vicious But there is founde an other also which vndoubtedly is to be allowed and is laudable Hope is a mean betwene security desperaciō But to make the thing more plaine let vs consider three thinges Security Hope and Desperacion Hope is euer the meane whiche ought alwaies to bee commended Security is excesse but Desperacion is want For as in puttyng away the mercy of God we are made desperate so in contemning his iustice we become secure Wherfore we maye conclude that Security is a certaine immoderate hope Wherof security springeth And it springeth hereof either bicause we attribute to muche to our owne strength and wisdome as though by our selues we thinke that wee are able to obtaine any thing or els though we thinke that it lieth in the mercy of God yet we suppose that he for our worthynes ought to accomplish it So do they which promise themselues remission of synnes or eternal felicity although they do no repentaunce but lyue vnpurely and wickedlye Or els it springeth hereof for that we doo not beleue that there is in God any execution of iustice And thys Security wherof we entreate The feare of God is contrarye to desperacion Bernhardus is not onely contrary vnto Desperacion but also vnto the feare of God For Desperacion springeth of to much feare of the iustice of God against synnes but Securitye thinketh of nothing at all of that iustice Wherfore Bernardus hath rightly sayd Euen as the feare of God is the begynning of wysdome so is security the ground of al impietye and the begynning of foolishnes For the feare of the Lord as the scriptures testifye of it pertayneth chefely vnto piety and religion Wherefore in the Actes the .x. chap. Cornelius is called a man religious and fearing God Wherfore iustly hath security impiety ioyned with it as it springeth of an euil beginning so also bringeth it forth euil noughty fruites as sluggishnes luskishnes slothfulnes Therfore they which trust vnto thēselues neither seke for helpe at gods hand nor yet for ayd of men These people of Lais lyued securelye What Negligence is althoughe they were ioyned in no league or fellowshyp with their next neighbours They were also infected wyth Negligence which is nothing els then a priuacion of that endeuour whych we ought to apply for the gouerning of thinges By it the wyll is weakened and the chearefulnes of the body is diminished This kinde of security hath alwaies a daunger ioyned wyth it For those thinges are not driuen away whych maye be hurtfull For how can that be done when as they are secure or careles thinking rightly neyther of theyr owne strengthes nor yet of the mercy of God yea they are vtterly vnknowen vnto them selues For if they knewe them selues they woulde not lyue so securely Augustine Augustine vpon the foure score and nynetene Psalme wryteth Where as is most security there is most daunger And he addeth that a Shyppe when it is brought into the Hauen thou thynckest it is in safety But by the same waye that the Shyppe entreth in the wynde also entreth in and oftentymes tosseth it and breaketh it vpon a rocke Where then can there be securitye Adam fell in Paradise Iudas in the fellowshyp of Christ Cain in the household of Noe manye in the Lawe and manye also in the Gospell Where then shall wee lyue securely Vndoubtedly no where Therefore Ecclesiasticus doth right wel admonish vs Sonne stand in the feare of the Lord and prepare thy soule to temptacion The Israelites sawe the Egiptians drowned in the red sea Was it then meete for them to lyue in security No surelye Yea within a whyle after they were tempted in the wyldernes Christ was baptised of Iohn was he therefore made secure No. For he was strayghtway tempted of the Deuyll Wherefore we ought then to be most of all carefull when we are receaued into the fauour of God for then the Dyuel doth most of all watche for our destruction and seeketh to make vs to fall And therefore there is no place for securitye But are we so made of God that we can in no place be secure What Securitye is good and laudable Not so vndoubtedly For there is an other good and laudable Securitye whyche as Augustine sayth consisteth in the promises of God and is taken holde of by fayth Thys engendreth not luskishnes or sluggishnes but chearefulnes and diligēce Of it Dauid hath very well soong in hys foure score and eleuen Psalme Hee which dwelleth in the helpe of the most highest shall abide in the protection of the God of heauen Where as it is wrytten in the lattine Adiutorio that is in the helpe the Hebrue woord signifieth a couer or secrete place whiche no man taketh hold of but he which hath faith in the promises of God By that buckler we are defended with that shadowe we are couered agaynst all hurt this is the Security of faith and of the spirite which cleaueth vnto the woord of God Securitye of the fleshe And therefore it cannot be but commended But the other Securitye is of the fleshe and therefore it is execrable and detestable Against it are set foorth most manyfest commaundementes of Christ namely that we should alwayes pray knock seeke and watch for the daye of the Lorde wyl come lyke a theefe If the good man of the house knewe what tyme the theefe woulde come he would vndoubtedlye watche neither would he suffer hys house to be inuaded We oughte alwayes to praye and watche bycause although the spirite be ready yet the fleshe is weake Paul admonisheth vs
no Magistrate the people might publikely geue iudgement of so haynous a wycked crime The Leuite answered This is in deede a short accusacion It is prooued that Concubines wer wiues but yet it comprehendeth al. In the meane time this is to be noted that this Leuite is called the husband of the womā that was slaine which yet is called his Concubine Wher by is proued the sentence which we haue before affirmed namelye that lawfull wyues also are called Concubines They entended to kyl me He speaketh modestly and shamefastly and declareth the wycked act of the Gabaonites Leui ben Gerson saith that he so spake bicause he was ready to dye rather then then he would suffer so great a villany Behold al ye chyldren of Israel When hee had finished his tale he byddeth them to take counsell what was to be done in this matter Then followeth the deliberation 8 Then al the people arose as one man saying There shall not a man of vs go to his tent neyther shal any turne into hys house 9 But now thys is the thyng whych we wil doo to Gibea against it by lot 10 And we wyl take ten men of the hundreth throughe out all the tribes of Israel and an hundreth of the thousand and a thousande of ten thousand to bryng vittayle vnto the people that they maye doo when they come to Gibea of Beniamin according vnto all the villany that it hath done in Israel 11 So all the men of Israel were gathered agaynst the City knit together as one man 12 And the tribes of Israel sent men throughe all the Tribe of the chyldren of Beniamin saying What wyckednesse is thys that is committed among you 13 Now therefore delyuer vs those wycked men which are in Gibea that we may slay them and take away euyll from Israel But the chyldren of Beniamin woulde not obey the voyce of theyr brethren the chyldren of Israel They al euen to one determined that so great a villany should be auenged if the Beniamites would not punish the guilty as it was meete they should The summe is They wil not suffer the wicked act to escape vnpunished But howe these thinges mought be rightly and orderly done and ordered was first to bee considered For there was a great number of men namelye .4 hundreth thousand Wherfore out of that number they chused some to bring vittayles other some to assayle the enemies But before all thinges they sent a message vnto the Beniamites that if they woulde deliuer the wicked men they woulde cease from warre But some man wil say was it sufficient to deliberate to fight and onely to heare the accusacion of the Leuite Vndoubtedlye it seemeth that hee ought to haue proued that fact What wytnesses the Leuite mought haue both by reasons and also by witnesses But it is probable that he had his seruant to witnes which was present when those things were done and peraduenture that old man to whom he had turned in For it is to be thought that he was departed from the Gabaonites for as much as he could not abide their wickednes But howsoeuer the matter was the people before they go to hand strokes decreed to send messengers vnto the Beniamites that by them they might excuse their fact and defende them selues And by that meanes the other part namely the guilty was heard In the meane time they chuse those by lots which shoulde be appointed to certayne offices This was the peoples doing and therfore it was done by choyse that they might know who should cary vitailes vnto the campe who shoulde fight To cast lots ar most apt for the popular state And to cast lot seemeth to be the most meetest way for the state of the people for the people loueth equality of lawes and equability which seemeth then to be chiefest when choise is permitted vnto lots Wherfore wher as the people gouern Magistrates are oftentimes chosen by lots So is it also in hostes that whē soldiours wil they doo many thinges betwene themselues by lots This therefore was the maner therof that the tenth man of the whole people shoulde bee had so that one of ten should by lot be taken ten of a hundreth one hundreth of a thousand and a thousand also of ten thousand This seemeth to be a very profitable and commodious way For now oftentimes in hostes a man shal se more rascals and vitlers then soldiours But by this meanes or decree one tended vp on nine soldiours and ten vpon ninetye And their charge was to prouide vyttailes bicause they knew not how long that expedicion shoulde endure So in Titus Liuius Quintius Cincinnatus Titus Liuius being created Dictator in a perilous time of the publik wealth and hauing a iorney to make by night straightway cōmaūded that the youth should gather together stakes and make readye weapons but the old men and such as were not apt for warre shoulde dresse vittailes for the rest as much as should serue them for fyue daies Here we see that the Dictator had his choise of them al. But among the Israelits ther was no Dictator wherfore the matter was put to lots In the booke of Iosua also in the first chapter it is written that Iosua commaunded the tribunes to gather an armye and that al of them should haue meate ready drest to their handes when they should passe ouer Iordane For they wer ignorant what should happen vnto them As it were one man They were agreed together and also of one mynde and nothing is more profitable prosperously to make warre then the concorde of soldiours Warre whē it is not proclaymed seemeth theft The tribes of Israel sent messengers The Israelites do appoint nothing rashly or headlong This reason was most iust that before they made any inuasion by warre they should proclaime warre For where that is not done it may seme to bee rather theft then warre Farther they woulde that if anye had beene innocent amonge them they shoulde not haue wrapped them selues together with those wicked men Delyuer vnto vs say they those which haue committed so great wickednes That al the people may punish them if ye will not And they bring foorth the law of God That euil may be taken away from among the people By euil is vnderstand sinne and wickednes that semeth to be taken away when it is punished How euyl is taken away But if it remayne vnpunished then remaineth that God wil take vengeaunce therof Other do thus expound it That we maye take away euil that is that we may turne away from Israel the calamities whyche for that sinne seemed to hang ouer it So Iesus in the Gospel healed al diseases and griefes in the people when as yet he came not for diseases sake but for sins But diseases are inflicted bicause of synnes Therfore seing he tooke awaye the cause namely synne he tooke away also the effectes of synne They sent messengers not onely to one famely
therof as we do Wherfore Paule sayth trulye vnto the Corrinthians All did eate of one and the self same spirituall meate and all dronke of one and the selfe same spirituall drinke And they dronke of the spirituall rocke following them And that rocke was Christ Wherefore the elders had theyr misteries and sacraments whereby they also embrased Christ And vndoubtedly as touching the thing they had the same that we haue the difference was onely in the Simboles But Augustine noteth in thē certaine other differences Augustine Differences betwene the Sacramentes of the elders and ours which here to rehearse shal not be vnprofitable Firste they hadde manye sacramentes and wee but few the Simboles of our sacraments are water bread and wine they had oxen calues shepe gotes doues turtle doues bread wine oyle such other like Farther the condicion of our sacramentes is diuerse from the equality of theirs for theyrs were more greuous but oures are by Christe made both easier and also lighter Moreouer those simboles that were geuen vnto them were conteined in one country onely but ours ar common to the whole world Farther in them Christ was setforth as he which should come but to vs as he which is now alredye come But as touchinge saluation there is no difference For the same saluation and the same Christ was offred vnto them which is settefoorth vnto vs. This is also to be added that our Sacraments are more manifest and excellent for asmuch as they haue more manyfest woordes of Christ and his redemption which make fayth more ful And therfore the sprite is now had more aboundātly then it was in that time if we speake of the cōmon state of men For I speake not of persons singularely neither do I thinke that Abraham had lesse faith and sprite then christian men now haue But now let vs returne vnto the history The hebrewes when they were afflicted fled vnto God by Christ who was set before them in their sacrifices and was there apprehended by fayth Therehence was all the vtility of their sacrifices to the offring or receiuinge wherof it was not lawfull to come rashly otherwise they should haue beene to their hurt and should haue kindled the wrath of God against them which thinge Paul hath very well admonished vs of saying He whiche eateth or drinketh vnworthely eateth and drinketh vnto himself damnation What the purifications of the Elders signified Wherefore in the law there were many purifications sprinkelings and washinges before they came vnto the holy seruices And these men now repent and throwe themselues downe vnto the ground wepinge before the Lorde for they were touched with the bitternes and greuousnes of their sinnes When god had heard the prayers of the Israelites and had promised to deliuer the Beniamites into theyr handes he ministred also vnto them secrete and sound counsels namely that they shoulde in a conuenient place lay an embushmēt and making as though they would flee draw away their enemies from the cities that afterwarde they mighte oppresse them both before and behinde They had among them contrary counsels The counsels of the B●niamits and of the Israelites are diuerse The like poletike deuise in the boke of Iosuah The Beniamites sayd They flee let vs follow them and oppresse them as they are fleing The Israelites contrarily said Let vs geue place vnto the Beniamites hat they may follow vs more insolently and securely For we will stoppe them of their returne into the city We reade of the like pollicy of warre in the booke of Iosua when the city of Hais was assalted It is now writtē that god himself smote them For it is said And god made Beniamin to fall before the Israelits least the victory should seme to be attributed either vnto the strengthes of the Israelites or to theyr pollitique deuyse The whole sūme of those which were slayn were .25 thousand The order of this history might seme somewhat trobulesome which yet if it be apart cōsidered perticulerly shal be the better vnderstanded For at the first conf ict were slaine of the Beniamites 18000. then when they fled into the desert .5000 lastly when they fled to Gibea .2000 all whyche summes added together doo make the full nomber of .25000 The city ascended vp to heauen Here is the figure Hiperbole whereby is signified either that the smoke of the citye ascended vp into heauen or that els all the riches thereof which were now on fire and turned into smoke ascended vp into heauen The Beniamites being in extreme daunger loke backe vnto the city as though there they should haue found succor and ayde They recule but they fall into the handes of the Embushments and are slaine From thence they get themselues and flee vnto the woods but in the flight they are miserably killed A few whych escaped in those ouerthrowes got them to the rock Rimmon as in to a high castel and wel fensed both by nature and situation And ther a few wer saued as is afterwarde declared Whereby we gather that no mighte or power can help vs when god wil strike Whatsoeuer can be deuised or inuented of vs it nothing profiteth agaynst the Lord. In the hebrew tongue a place of fence is called a rocke So great and so populous a tribe as soone as euer god would perished in a manner wholy Ther remained only .600 men whiche got themselues into the castle of Rimmō It is called a rock bycause in the holy scritures places of fence are so called for that they are in a manner situate vpon stony rockes and high places But why the .600 men were left on lyue there is shewed a cause Why the .600 men wer saued namely least any one whole tribe should want in Israell God would not for theyr deserts but for his names sake haue a certayn few remaining that the pub wealth of the Israelites should be preserued And those same he left not whole but in a manner mained for they had no wiues neyther were there anye wemen lefte of that whole tribe for them to marry therfore they wer compelled to desire wiues of the other tribes Wherfore the tribe of Beniamin The tribe of Beniamin that remained consisted also of other tribes Whither it was lawful for the Israelites to kill the children although otherwise it remained but smal yet howsoeuer it was halfe the part therof cōsisted of other tribes For the Israelites had slayne al their wyues and children and cattayle This seuerity of the Israelites was great or rather it may seme to be cruelty and also against the law of God wherin it was forbidden that the childrē should be slaine for the sinnes of the parents But it is very likely which thing the Hebrewe interpreters also affirme that the Israelites when they fasted and prayed before the lord vowed Cherim that is the vow of a curse wherby it was not lawefull to reserue any thing which thing they vsed to do in battaile
man is his castle 252. b Humours abounding in the bodye knowne by dreames 135 Hus and Ierome of Prage traiterously murdered 39. b Husay traitor 38. b Husband how he is the wyfes hed 149 Husbandry not contemned of excellent men 114 Hye way ought none to forbid 186 Hypallage 14. b Hyperbole is not alwais a lie 88. b I IAbes Gilead where 281 Iacob lyed 89 Iahel praised 110 Iahels guile in killing Sisara 100 Iahel traitor 38. b Idle persons oft see dreames 135. b Idole defined 68 Idole of the minde 69. b Idols taken away 266 Idols breakyng not lawfull for all sortes of men 61 Idolaters blindnes 244. b Idolaters cannot abide to haue vngodly worshippings taken away 124. Idolatry handled 68 Idolatry of ij sortes 49. 238 Idolatry committed to Princes 68. b Idolatry the common sinne of the Israelites 173. b Idolatrous worshippings imitate as nie as they can the true worshipping of God 239 Iebus an old name of Ierusalem 34. b Iebus is Ierusalem 250. b Iebusites why they were not driuen out of Ierusalem by Iudah and Beniamin 34 b Iehues disceit defended 85 Iehues facte againste his prince is not to be imitated vnlesse a man haue like commission 91 Ienunies family 251. b Iericho in the territory of Beniamin situate in a plaine 30. 27. b Iericho cursed why 30. b Ierome vpon the prouerbes 42 Ierome against Augustine 88. b Ieromes error 279 Ierome of Prage 39. b Ierubbaal a name of Gedeon 124. b Ierusalem called Iebus 250. b Ierusalem taken in Iosuas tyme 14. b Ierusalem commune to Iudah and Beniamin called Iebus 34. b Iewes common welth was Aristocratia 255. b Iewes suffred emonges Christians 57 It oft in scripture declareth an oth 106 Ignatius alledged for the masse 42 Ignorance of christians is to be reproued 45. b Ignorance lesse sinne thē transgression with knowledge 20 Ignorant of god who 66. b Iiphtah sonne of an harlot 176. b Iiphtah and Abimilech compared 183. b Images of saintes original 151. b Images erecting not alwaies for deuine worshippings 157. b Images worshipped in the masse 50. b Images ought to be taken awaye but not of priuate men 245 Image of the sun not vngodlye vsed 66. b Image of God consisteth holynes 111 Imber dayes 276. b Imitation of God professed of all christen men 249. b Imitation of God not lawfull in all thinges 129 Imitation of Christ fond 278. b Imitation superstitious 202. b Immunity defined 263 Impulsions are sinnes 180 Incest punished 4 Incest hath commonly ill end 20. b Incestuous seede hated of god 80. b Inconstancy of mans mynd 282 Inconstancy of scholemen 129 Indifferent thinges may bee kepte sometimes or left 51. b Indifferent thinges and necessarye 287 Infantes should not be compelled to fast 277 Infection is to be auoyded 46. b Ingratitude and commodities therof 155. b Ingratitude to defer thankes to God 104 Ingratitude of the Ephramites against Iiphtah 197 Ingratitudes degrees 198 Iniquities of fathers visited vpon their children how 73 Iniuries priuate shoulde be forgeuen 13. b Iniuries priuate we may not reuenge 4 Iniury with iniury is not to be put away 227. b Inquisitors of hereticall prauitye 146. b Instance and perseuerance in calling vpon god 175 Instilling of newe malice into vs god vseth not 97 Intent good 152 Intent godly 283 Intent ill of ii kindes 152. b Intēt habituall without any good mocion of the hart 153 Interdictious of the Pope 246 Interpretors of dreames punished by the Romain lawes 138. b Interrogatiue speache 96 Inuasion what 283 Inuentions of man to worship god are to be abiected 152 Inuentions of man are not to bee compared with ceremonies of the law 52 Inuentions of man to serue God with is Idolatry 69 Inuentions of men lacke no defenders 124 Inuocation of the dead saints 68. b Inuocation of the dead how it began 151. b Inuocation lawfull for thinges aboue mans power onely to God 129 Ioannes Cassianus 42 Ioas Gedeons father no Baalyte 115 Iobs booke 171. b Iohn the apostle whether he were subiect to Cletus Liuus or Clemens 149. b Ionathas traytor 38. b Iorneying ought not to be taken in hand without inuocation of God 251 Iosaphat had ill lucke for ioyning with the king of Israel 99. b Iosephus boke of antiquities 172. b Iosua no booke of the iudges 6 Iosua whē he should die executed the office of a good prince 65. b Iosuas death and buriall 66 Iothans apology 159. b Iorneying into far countreies 29. b Ioy moueth weeping sometimes 62. b Ioynters to wiues 26. b Irony what 88 Irony vsed by god 174. b Irregularitye of the Canonistes 146. b Isaschar the obscurest tribe 172. b Ismaelites and Madianites whether they were all one 150. b Israelites commune weale gouerned by iudges how long 3. b Israelites oppressed in tyme of the iudges why 2. b Israelites why they were so prone to Idolatry 173. b Israelites offences in their expedition against the Beniamites 288 Israelites against Beniamin ouerthrown why 271. b Israelites cruelty against the Beniamites 280 Ithabyreus is thabor 98. b Itenerarium Petri. 149. b Iudges booke is rather an historye then a chronicle 3 Iudges booke who wrote it 4. b Iudges boke why it is so called 1 b Iudges booke what thinges it entreateth of 1 Iudges booke howe it is referred vnto Christ 2. b Iudges of the Israelites chosen by God 2 Iudges how God raised vp 78 Iudges of the Israelites are an example for the papists in that they were neither kinges nor Lords 2 Iudges and kinges compared 2 Iudge is no murtherer when hee punisheth 165. b Iudging signifieth reuenging 93. b Iudgementes in gates why 106. b Iudgement rashe ii wayes 277. b Iulianus Apostata 45. b Iustification is not of the worthynes of the acte of faith but of the firme promise of god which fayth embraceth 207. b K KAyes of the church wherin they consist 262 Kayes geuen to all the Apostles alyke 149 Kenites children of Moses father in lawe 27 Kenites wer kinsfolkes by aliance to the Israelites 101 Killings of men some please God 194. b Killing by chaunce 165. b King of Denmarkes guile 85 King defined 11. b King of the Israelites coulde none appoint but God 147 Kinges ende 157 Kings letters for a wyfe 215. b Kinges and great men shoulde not kepe othes but merchaunts onelye 85. b Kings are vehemētly angry 166. b Kings that raigne vniustly are not to be put downe 91 Kinges corrected by their subiectes 91 Kinges are bound both to serue the Lord and to see that other do the same 266 Kingdom compared with Aristocratia 156 Kingdoms large not profitable 11. b Kinred is to be contemned for gods wordes sake 101. b Kinsfolkes how far they are to bee respected 156. b Kinsfolkes of all sortes called bretheren 23 Kinsfolke murtherers 157 Kiriath sepher 17. b Kison riuer 96 Knowledge the beginning of foure principal affections 141. b Knowledge of God diuers wayes 118 Knowledge of God in this lyfe is
cause god would haue some men sometymes to be borne with so huge bodies It was done for this cause Augustine thincketh in his boke before alledged 23. chap. to leaue a testimony vnto vs that nether the beauty of the body neither the bignesse of stature nor strength of the flesh are to be accompted among the chief good thinges when as they are no lesse commune to the godly sometymes than they are to the vngodly They surely which are desirous of godlinesse will iudge that spirituall good thynges are farre to be preferred before them Forme and stature auayle nothing to saluation partely bycause they are an helpe vnto vs to saluation and partely bycause they make vs more noble in dede than others And that giauntes had no helpe by their huge stature to saluation he confirmeth it by that which Baruch the Prophet hath writtē in the .3 chap. There are giauntes from the beginning of the worlde famous men expert in warres those hath not the Lord chosen neither hath he geuē them the way of knowledge but they haue perished bycause they had not wisedome Giauntes toke not godly causes in hande to defende Also if a man shall read ouer the holy scriptures he shall neuer almost fynd that they tooke in hand any good or godly cause whiche they would defend and for the whiche they would fight yea he shall rather se that by their peruersenesse and pride they haue alwayes ben agaynst God So did Og king of Basan behaue hym selfe so also did Goliah and his brethren All these were most deadly enemies to the people whom God loued and had chosen from the rest to be peculiar to him selfe Giaūtes were ouercome in battaile of weake persons There is an other thing also besides whiche may much confirme our faith for the holy scriptures do alwayes declare how such mōstrous giaūtes were filthyly ouercome in battaile and that by feable men and very vnexpert in warlike affaires namely by Dauid being yet but a shepheard the people of Israel which were thē but yong beginners in matters of warre wherby the spirite of god doth admonishe vs to be of a constaunte and valiaunte corage when for godlinesse sake we must fight against such monsters We must haue no regarde there to our owne strength seing that the holy oracles do so often declare that it is god whiche deliuereth such beastes into their handes whom he defendeth Whiche thinges seing they are so this without doubt cometh to passe that we shoulde by no meanes be affeard of tyrannes whiche are almost alwayes agaynst God and trust to their owne great might when they defend vngodly partes and thincke that they can robbe and spoyle as they list them selues the flocke of Christ which is feable and weake seing the might of gods word power of his spirite will make vs mightie and inuincible agaynst them thoughe we be neuer so lowe and weake of nature Moreouer if we should follow humane reason beyng compared with thē we should easely seeme either wormes or grashoppers but being hedged fensed with the might of god we shall not only be superiours but also to speake as Paul speaketh to the Romaines we shal ouercome also For Christ will ayde vs who bindeth the strong armed man taketh away the most riche spoyles which he had gathered he hath luckly wrastled with the deuill and his members we by him shal haue good successe in our warres and shal obteyne a farre more noble victorye than that whiche the Poetes haue fayned that their gods obtayned of the Ciclops Titans Why Giaunts haue resisted God and other giauntes whiche were as they fable destroyed by the lightnings of Iupiter at Phlegra It is a playne token why gyaūtes in the old time mighty princes now of dayes do with the wise men of this world resist god surely bicause they cleaue trust to much to their own strength whereunto they ouermuch stickīg God accomplisheth his thinges by humble persons not by giauntes there is no mischief which they dare not enterprise there is nothing which they thincke is not lawful for thē to do But god vouchesafeth not by such men to accomplish those thinges whiche he hath decreed to bring to passe but to set forth his might power farre abroad he vseth rather to accomplish such things as he hath decreed to do by Dauid and any abiect persones Whether Og were the last of al the giaunts Of this thing I would thincke that I had spoken enoughe but that there is a certein place remayning to be expounded namely how it should be written in Deut. that there was no more of the giauntes remayning but only Og king of Basan I am not ignorante what R. Salomo fableth but his exposition is so childishe so worthy to be laughed at that I am ashamed to rehearse it I iudge therfore that it was not spokē absolutely simply that there were no more remayning but he as thoughe there were no more giauntes in all the worlde but he but it is meant that he onely was remayning in those places namely beyonde Iordane The Moabites also draue Giauntes out of their coastes Moreouer we must vnderstand that not onely the Israelites destroyed the giauntes out of those regions but also the Moabites as it is written in the second chap. of Deut. draue them out of their coastes which must also be thought to haue ben brought to passe by them thorough the fauour of God for it is in the same place written that god gaue vnto the Moabites those regions to inhabite Now will I returne to the wordes of the holy hystory And from thence they went to the mountaynes of Debir and the name of Debir before was Kiriath Sepher Why this citie is called the citie of Letters It is commonly translated the citie of letters and therfore would they haue this citie so called bycause the first letters wer found there or els bycause learning or good studies florished in that Citie as they do at this daye in vniuersities where good sciences are openly taught Some thincke that lawyers liued there whiche kept the recordes of iudgementes There be some also whiche write that there was a notable library there R. D. Kimhi affirmeth that Debir in the Persian language signifieth a letter but the worde Sephir in Hebrew signifieth not properly a letter or a figure but rather a litle boke or scrolle written vpon The Hebrues do make mencion that Othoniel did in this place expound certein rules of the lawe whiche before that tyme were almost blotted out and of that dede was the citie so afterwarde named but this cā scarse be probable bycause it seemeth that that citie had that name before the Israelites possessed it We must know moreouer that this citie also was taken when Iosua was a lyue whiche is shewed in his owne booke And that by no meanes can be fayned to be sayd there by preuenting or as
the iudgement of God and not by the lust of men But as touching the loue or hatred of enemies wee must vnderstande that Augustine hath written toward the ende of the first booke vpon the sermon of the Lord on the mountaine that he doth ascende one steppe of righteousnes which loueth his neighbour although he yet hate his enemy But then shall he performe beneuolence and gentlenes at the commaundement of hym whyche came to fulfyl the law and not to breake it when he shall stretch it euen to the loue of the enemy For that degree though it be somwhat yet it is so smal that it may be commō also with Publicanes Neither that which is said in the law Thou shalt hate thine enemy It is not lawfull for the vnperfecte to hate their enemyes is to be taken as a commaundement vnto the iust man but as a permission to the weake Thus much he writeth with whom yf I should speake as I thinke I do not agree but am certainly perswaded that to hate our enemies is not permitted of God no not to the vnperfect For it is an euerlasting precept that we should loue our neighbour as our selues Who is oure neyghbour And he is our neighbour whom we helpe by anye occasion as Christ hath declared in the parable of the Iewes and of the Samaritan They were compared as enemyes one to an other wherefore the condition of enmitye when it happeneth can not let but that such as are enemies one to an other be yet neighbours Moreouer for as much as we se the Dauid other prophets did oftentimes curse their enemies by what meanes can we cal thē weake whō God gaue liberty to hate their enemies For they wer holy men and very perfect Augustine Neither doth that seeme to make much to the purpose which the same Augustine saith namely that the sayinges of these holy men were no vowes desires but rather forespeakinges prophecies of them who liuing vnder the old testament did oftentimes prophecye the chaunce of thinges to come For the Apostels ar also found in the new testamēt not only to haue spoken words of cursings as Paul when he saith I woulde to god they wer cut of which do trouble you but also to haue most grieuously punished some For as much as it is written in the actes of the Apostels the same Paul depriued Elimas the Magicien of his sight and Peter slewe Ananias and Saphira Wherfore we must rather say that these great mē did not such things of an hatred graunted to vnperfect men but that they wer driuen therunto by some other maner of meanes Marke the distinction And therfore me thinketh we must make this distinction that they somtimes had to do for their own causes sometimes for gods cause Whē they had to do for their matters al their doings wer ordered with al modestye and gentlenes As we se Dauid to haue done who many times spared Saul his deadly enemy Moyses also other holy men did constantly valiauntly very often grieuous thinges But when the matters of God wer in hand the same mē behaued them selues seuerely nobly And if they should haue done that in theyr own causes they might haue semed to wrest the swerd out of the hande of God and of the Magistrate which they do which reuenge their own iniuries This is also to be added that men which are appointed to take in hand to defend Gods cause What is chieflye to be taken heede of when Gods matters are in hand although they may then do thinges sharpely seuerlye yet they must precisely diligently take hede that vnder that pretence they cocker not their owne affections The Apostels when they desired Christ to sende fyre from heauen vpon the Samaritanes as they knew was done in the olde tyme at the prayers of Helias wer rebuked of the Lord bicause they knew not of whose spirite they wer which without doubt was a most apt answer For they whom God sendeth to execute these offices ought not nowe to be counted priuate or symple men Whether it bee lawfull to pray against tyrans to curse them Augustine but such as wer prepared and enstructed of him to be in hys steede vpon the earth But whether it be lawful for priuate men to praye against vngodly and cruell Tyrannes by whom the true worshipping of God is hindred and to curse them Augustine aunswereth that it is alwaies lawfull for godlye men to pray vnto God against the kingdome of synne And that maye be cleane taken away when the vngodly forsake their wickednes for whose vnfayned repentaunce we must alwayes pray vnto God But if they seeme past all hope it is lawful to praye that their synnes maye sometymes at the length come to an end namely that when they are taken awaye they myght cease both to hynder the woorshipping of God and also to trouble the Saintes For as much as it is not expedient that theyr synne shoulde escape vnpunished for when it is leaste without punishment it is mere vniustice But when the punishment of God is adioyned vnto it then ther is in him lesse deformitye Wherefore God is of the same Augustine called verye wel not a cruell tormentor Augustine but a iust correctour Moreouer bycause holy men are very familiar with God and therefore when by some heauenly reuelation Saintes sometimes reioyce also are sory for the destruction of the wycked they are acertained of his wil bicause they exceedingly loue him they cannot but allow his sentence yea they faithfullye praye that the same may be accomplished Although in that they be men they be both sory and also take it grieuously to haue their neighbours so vexed After whych sorte Samuel mourned for Saul the kyng whom be knew neuertheles to be reiected of god Ieremy also wept for the captiuity which was at hand and Christ wept for the City of Ierusalem which should be destroyed For they which be mē in dede God requireth not the not feeling of the Stoikes can not chose but be sory for their neighbours and their own flesh when it is afflicted Neither doth God require of vs that Stoike lacke of compassion But as touching this matter if the Reaver desire to know more let hym looke vpon my Cōmentaries to the Corrinthians But as touching this present purpose that is to say that the people of Israel in destroying cursing of these peoples followed not their own hatred but the instinction of God for they wer his Lieuetenauntes and might be called his woorkemen when as they destroyed those whom god himselfe had declared to be enemies and cōmaunded that they should be destroyed by them And Iudah tooke Hazzam and the borders therof These words do al so cōfirme that those things which ar now declared wer don after the death of Iosua when the publique wealth of the Israelites was gouerned by elders For when in the booke of