in pulmone vas dextri ventriculi haec enim e corde recipit ut Arteria magna similiter fabricatum est ejus corpus Vas autem sinistri ventriculi non pulsat quia introducit tantum ejus corpus simile est reliquis venis He holds that the motion of the Heart and Arteries depends not upon any pelsifick Faculty but that it ariseth from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ebullition or effervescency of the blood in the Ventricles and that the Heart and Arteries are dilated at the same time the blood dilating the Heart and issuing out thorough the valves of the Aorta and Pulmonique Artery at the same instant which is pure Cartesianism He holds that the Blood comes up from the veins to the Heart and there acquires the last Perfection and becomes vital and spirituous in the mention of the Arterious Blood he useth indifferently the termes of Blood spirit and natural heat which I desire may be observed lest the proofs seem not full enough and he be construed to speak of nothing but spirits and natural heat in the Arteries He saith that this Blood having acquired its Perfection in its passage through both the ventricles is distributed through all the parts of the body for its nutriment by the Arteries in which Arteries there is such a constant quantity of Blood that the effervency of that in the Heart impells the whole continuation of the Arteries so that they beat all at once Cum enim pulsatio Cordis Arteriarum sit accidens quoddam quod ex necessitate insequitur humoris in corde effervescentiam qua sanguinis generatio per ficitur ut in caeteris quae igne elixantur accidit lib. de vita mort c. â— intumescente corde necesse est simul omnes Arterias dilatari in quas derivatur fervor non enim repleri potest una pars quin totum fiat majus ubi non omni ex parte vasa quae continua sunt fuerint exinanita Nam nullo intus existente corpore non contingit simul repleri principium extrema cum motus non fiat in instanti existente autem per totos canales aliquo spiritu simul ac in principio alius fuerit genitus necesse est totum simul dilatari unum enim sit spiritus accedens cum toto Cum ergo totum reddatur majus simul ac accesserit pars non potest una pars dilatari quin eodem tempore dilatetur totum Est autem veluti totum quoddam Arteriae omnes cum corde Continuum enim est vas sanguinis perfecti Spiritu autem efflante inhabitum corporis distributo particulis sanguine necesse est tumorem vasorum desidere quae est pulsus contractio Continue autem hoc fit quia continua est partium nutritio continua sanguinis generatio in corde Elevatio igitur Spiritus a calore fit non tamen temere sed alicujus gratia Nam sine hujusmodi amplificatione non fieret distributio alimenti in omnes partes He plants a kind of Flammula cordis or fire in the heart which causeth the ebullition and imprints a spirituousness in the blood that issueth out into the Arteries Hujusmodi locâ—s Cor est in quo secundum Naturam elementum praeparatum ardere possit fieri spiritus venae alimentum suppeditant Arteriae flammae spiritum recipiunt He saith that the Blood moves towards the Heart as the Oyle to the flame of the burning Lamp and that the Valves as the orifice of the Vena Gava which immit the blood are placed there to moderate the source of the blood lest it should fall in too fast extinguish the vital fire and that the valves at the entrance of the Aorta do flie open upon the effervescency of the blood by the pressure of it every way to get more room it finding no out-let but by those yielding valves which were so placed lest upon any accident or viclent passion the arterious blood should regurgitate into the Heart Motus fit ex venis in Cor caliditate alimentum trabente ex corde autem in arterias quia hac solum patet iter propter membranarum positionem positae autem sunt hoc modo membranae ne unquam contingeret contrarium motum fieri quod accidere posset in vehementibus animi perturbationibus aut aliis causis a quibus sanguinis retractio fit ad Cor Obsistunt enim huic motui membranae Nam si hoc modo condite non essent ignis cordis vel levi causa extingueretur Si enim metus fieret contrarius simile esset ac si flamma compingeretur deorsum ad alimentum quod cum minime sit praeparatum aut cepiosius quam oportet ignem suffocat Oportet enim alimentum praeparari paulatim dispensari ad locum flammae He saith that this arterious blood or spirit is distributed into all parts of the body with great celerity and that it is that which nourisheth the parts and that upon its diffusion into the habit of the body the spirits are very much exhausted and the corpulent part of the aliment doth remain being coagulated partly by heat and partly by cold He saith that the variety of the pulse as to strength or debility celerity and slowness depends upon the nature of the vital fire the nature of the aliment with which it is fed and sometimes upon the particular Fabrick or conformation of the Heart in which that Fire is seated He placeth Anastomoses betwixt the veins and arteries every where in the body Osculorum communio est non solum in corde sed etiam per totum venerum arteriarum ductum He saith that the blood is never extravasated but where it is aggregated to any part by way of nourishment or else it putrifies he doth not understand how it should not coagulate if once extravasated nor can he comprehend how it should be reassumed into the veins in such a case Venam continuam esse oportet usque ad cordis ventriculos ut inde omnis virtus descendat nec ullibi contingit disjunctam esse sanguis enim calore cordis destitutus concrescit tandem putrescit He makes the Blood to pass betwixt the right and left ventricle of the Heart partly by the Lungs and partly by the Septum Cordis Pulchre igitur condita sunt omnia Cum enim fervere oporteret in corde sanguinem ut fieret alimenti perfectio primo quidem in dextro ventriculo in quo crassior adhuc continetur sanguis deinde autem in sinistro ubi sincerior sanguis est partim per medium septum partim per medios pulmones refrigerationis gratia ex dextro in sinistrum mittitur Interim autem pulmo abunde nutriri potest totum enim eum sanguinem absumere quem recipit egreditur fines rationis Non enim rara esset ejus substantia levis ut videtur si tantum alimenti vim in suam naturam converteret This he
thus further explains Pulmo per venam arteriis similem ex dextro cordis ventriculo fervidum hauriens sanguinem eumque per anastomosin arteriae venali reddens quae in sinistrum cordis ventriculum tendit transmisso interim aere frigido per asperae arteriae canales qui juxta arteriam venalem protenduntur non tamen osculis communicantes ut putavit Galenus solo tactu temperat Huic Sanguinis Circulationi ex dextro cordis ventriculo per pulmones in sinistrum ejusdem ventriculum optime respondent ea quae ex dissectione apparent Nam duo sunt vasa in dextrum ventriculum desinentia duo etiam in sinistrum Duorum autem unum intromittit tantum alterum educit membranis eo ingenio constructis Vas igitur intromittens vena est magna quidem in dextro quae cava appellatur parva autem in sinistro ex pulmone introducens cujus unica est tunica ut caeterarum venarum Vas autem educens Arteria est magna quidem in sinistro quae Aorta appellatur parva autem in dextro ad pulmones derivans cujus similiter duae sunt tunicae ut in caeteris arteriis He holds that the spirituous or arterious blood is cast ouâ— and diffused vigorously into the habit of the body that the veins and arteries being continuous by Anastomosis it returns to the Heart again vigorating the blood of the vena peria and Cava as it returns which is sufficiently intimated in that he deduces all the vigour and vitality of the blood from the Heart and that this vigour or natural hear is carried over the body by the Arteries alone and that it is necessary that the whole venous Systeme or contexture of Arteries and veins be continuous lest the blood in the veins being destitute of the cordial heat should coagulate and putrifie He holds that this motion or Circulation of the blood is without intermission and that the swelling of the veins upon the Ligature is a sufficient proof of it But he holds that the recourse of the blood by the veins is greater in the sleep then when we awake which he proves thus in that the veins are more full and tumid during sleep then waking and the pulse weaker and more slow as any man may observe From whence he concludes that the natural heat which is the Arterious blood as I observed before to prevent all possible mistakes which was otherwise in great part expended upon the nerves and sensories doth in sleep return and fill the veins more visibly that exhaustion ceasing then when we are not asleep His opinion will be best set down in his own words and I think it necessary to do it because Nardius hath done it so imperfectly that one would attribute as little to his allegations as to those which are cited out of the Ancients and if I had not read Caesalpinus long before I should have thought the Florentine to have intitled Caesalpinus to the opinion out of envy to Harvey or out of a partial desire to advance the glory of the Tuscan Academy at Pisa when Caesalpinus was Professour Thus that learned man writ about the year 1590. or a little after Andraeas Caesalpinus Quest Medic. l. 2. Qu. 17. edit venetae secunda in 4 to A. D. 1593. fol. 234. col 1. Sed illud speculatione dignum videtur Propter quod intumescunt venae ultra locum apprehensum non citra quod experimento sciunt qui vena secant vinculum enim adhibent citra locum sectionis non ultra quia tument venae ultra vinculum non citra Debuisset autem opposito modo contingere si motus sanguinis spiritus a visceribus fit in totum corpus intercepto enim meatu non ultra datur progressus tumor igitur venarum citra vinculum debuisset fieri An folvitur dubitatio ex eo quod scribit Aristoteles de Som c. 3. ubi inquit Necesse enim quod evaporatur aliquousque impelli deinde converti permutari sicut Euripum calidum enim cujusque animalium ad superiora natum est ferri cum autem in superioribus locis fuerit multum simul iterum revertitur ferturque deorsum Haec Aristoteles Pro cujus loci explicatione illud sciendum est Cordis meatus ita a natura paratos esse ut ex vena Cava intromissio fiat in Cordis ventriculum dextrum unde patet exitus in pulmonem ex pulmone praeterea alium ingressum esse in Cordis ventriculum sinistrum ex quotandem patet exitus in Arteriam Aortam membranis quibusdam ad ostia vasorum appositis ut impediant retrocessum Sic enim perpetuus quidam motus est ex vena cava per Cor pulmones in Arteriam Aortam ut in Quaestionibus Peripateticis explicavimus Cum autem in vigilia motus caloris nativi fiat extra scilicet ad sensoria in Somno autem intra scilicet ad Cor putandum est in vigilia multum spiritus sanguinis ferri ad arterias inde enim in nervos iter est In somno autem eundem calorem per venas reverti ad Cor non per Arteriam Judicio sunt pulsus qui expergicentibus fiunt magni vehementes celeres crebri cum quadam vibratione in somno autem parvi languidi tardi rari notante Galeno 3. de caus pul 9 10. Num in Somno calor nativus minus vergit in arterias in casdem erumpit vehementius cum expergiscuntur Venae autem contrario se modo habent nam in somno fiunt tumidiores in vigilia exiliores ut patet intuenti eas quae in manu sunt Transit enim in somno calor nativus ex arteriis in venas per osculorum communionem quam Anastomosin vocant inde ad Cor. Ut autem sanguinis exundatio ad superiora retrocessus ad inferiora ad instar Euripi manifesta est in somno vigilia sic non obscurus est hujusmodi motus in quacunque parte corporis vinculum adhibeatur aut alia ratione occludantur venae Cum enim tollitur permeatio intumescunt rivuli qua parte fluere solent From hence it is clear that He held that the blood did circulate continually falling into the Heart by the vena Cava and issuing out by the Aorta into all parts of the body that this motion of the blood was perceivable by the Ligatures at any time but most manifest in the intumescence of the veins in sleep at what time also the blood or natural heat which is all one to him did pass by way of Anastomosis out of the arteries into the veins as well as at other times So that we are not to imagine any interrupted circulation in him but that it did constantly flow night and day sleeping and waking though with unequal celerity In letting of blood he tells us that the blood which first issues out is venous and blacker then that which follows and comes more immediately
out of the Arteries Venas cum Arteriis adeo copulari osculis ut vena secta primum exeat sanguis venalis nigrior deinde succedat arterialis flavior quod plerumque contingit And he explains the motion of the blood and natural heat thus to prevent all ambiguity At instabit quis in somno nequaquam prohiberi calorem in cerebro sensoriis pulsant enim arteriae in toto corpore etiam in somno At praesente calore innato debuisset duci in actum facultas animalis An calor innatus in somno viget in venis arteriis non in nervis sine quibus non sit sensus motus Extra igitur ferri est nervos petere intra autem non solum ad viscera sed in omnes venas arterias unde operationes naturales magis perficiuntur in toto corpore I hope I have now determined the Question which hath occasioned so many heats in the world concerning the Circulation of the blood who was the first Inventor of it I have demonstrated that Andraeas Caesalpinus a rigid Peripatetick upon sensible Experiments Mechanical considerations not notional apprehensions did not only discover this motion of the blood even through the Lungs but gave it the name of CIRCULATIO SANGUINIS which name is not so proper in it self considering the Fabrick of the veins and arteries and the Labyrinth in which the blood moves universally describing a Line no way circular as that a man would have pitched upon it in any other Age then when Caesalpinus lived when the knowledge of the Learned Languages was less general then now and such a barbarous stile in fashion as our Inventour used But it was not so in the days of Dr. Harvey who published his Treatise in 4 to at Francfourt in the year as I take it 1628. I must confess I am apt to think upon this consideration that Dr. Harvey who was a Peripatetique Physician and in whose time at Padoa those Physicians did flourish with the greatest repute of Learning and skill in Anatomy as well as Philosophy did take up this opinion from my Author And although there wanted not occasion by reason of what Walaeus Riolanus Slegelius and others had said upon the point for him to declare the original of the discovery yet in his two Answers to Riolanus and his Book of Generation He no where asserts the Invention so to himself as to deny that he had the intimation or notion from Caesalpinus but leaves the Controversy in the dark which silence of his I take for a tacite Confession His Ambition of Glory made him willing to be thought the Authour of a Paradox he had so illustrated and brought upon the Stage when it lay unregarded and in all probability buried in oblivion Yet such was his Modesty as not to vindicate it to himself by telling a Lie And such his Prudence as rather to avoid the debate then resolve it to his prejudice Had Dr. Harvey been a Chymist I should have guessed that he might have fixed upon the word Circulation upon other reasons and those congruous enough to his Hypotheses but since especially in the days when he writ those Studies were unknown to him and not valued by him I am inclined to think that He did receive his first Iutelligence from this Professour at Pisa where Harvey also was and so improved those hints that in the divulging of his Opinion they are as little to be seen as the first indeclines which Painters draw in Pictures that are lost when the Pourtraict is finished or as in the first Appearances of Plants above-ground where those leaves and buds which often give growth to the succeeding stemme flower and fruit are lost or altered so as not to be known Let it suffice that Dr. Harvey had parts and industry enough to have discovered it had he not been prevented therein And I should have imagined that our Countreyman had found it out without any communication with those other books a thing possible enough and of which we have instance in the case of Rudbek Bartholine and Jolice but that the reasons I have alledged render the case suspicious Had Caesalpinus writ a distinct Treatise I doubt not but much of the Glory had been his since there are as great differences between one Circulator and another and greater then betwixt him and Harvey but his notions being confusedly laid down here and there in his Peripatetick and Medicinal Questions and he being not ambitious to pretend to any new discoveries only to illustrate Aristotles tenets I shall allow Harvey the possession of his present repute nor do I give my self this trouble of collecting up into a method these confused assertions of Caesalpinus out of any envy to the dead but out of animosity to Pretenders to Wit and Learning that brave it thus amongst us yet if to be ignorant of what hath passed in the world heretofore be an argument of childishness there is not any thing more puerile then this sort of Virtuosi I might not dismiss my Reader but that the great noise which this Circulation of blood makes in the World enforceth me to speak a little more about the utility of this discovery which our Authour describes to be the most noble of all those discoveries in the Oeconomy of humane nature which Wit and Industry have made I do confess I think the Arguments for it to be such as admit of no Answer in general but when we come to debate how it passeth through the Lungs which Riolanus almost invincibly disproves or through the Septum Cordis which Riolan and Bartholin asserts but Harvey Slegelius Vander Linden and others reject it oâ— good grounds what it is that causeth the pulsation of the Heart what continues on the motion of the blood in the veins even when a Ligature is made betwixt the antecedent and subsequent blood Whether the blood be diffused into the habit of the body and reimbibed by capillary veins or conveyed on by Anastomoses whether there be any difference betwixt the venous and Arterious blood How the Phaenomena which undeniably are observed about the pulse can be made out and particularly how some have lived without any Pulse others which I have known in the palpitation of the Heart suffer no change in their Pulse How upon dissection or wounds somtimes both ends of the veine divided do bleed How some bleed at the arme without any Ligature some upon a double Ligature These and many other questions when I come to dispute with my self methinks I am forced to constrain my judgement in the assent I give to that Probleme and what I am ashamed to deny I finde I cannot own without some reluctancy which is daily encreased in me by scruples arising from the Practick Part of Physick nor do I blush to declare my self an Abettour only of such Tenets as are consistent with and illustrated by Practical Physick it was thought at first that this Circulation of
anaâ—om p 3. De vet nova med comment 8. dial 5. p. 261. Vide Columbum Anat. l. 14 Vesalium de fabrica corp hum l. 4 c. â— Plus ultra pag. 13. Riolanus asserts the first invention of the Valves in the veins to Hippocrates Anthropogr l 5. c. 49. Riolanus Anthropogr l. 5. c. 49. Marquard Slegel de circul sangu l. â— p. 7. Bartholin in libello de venis c. â— Varolius Anat. l. 3. c. 3. Riolan Anthropogr l. 2. c. 14. Bartholin Anat â—es l. â— c. 11. Plus ultra pag. 14. Dr. Willis de cerebro c â— p. 82 83. Jo. Jac. Wepferus Apoplex p 116. Bartholin Anat l. 3. c. 7. Vol. Coiter observ anatom miscel Ex substantia cerebri cerebelli quatuor radicibus oritur primum troncus insignis Medulla spinalis appellatus ex quo multi emergunt surculi nomine nervorum insigâ—iti Varolius Anatom l 1. c. 13. â— 12. Moebius fundament med c. de usu nervor p 606. Caspar Hofman insâ—â—t med l 2. c. 65. sect 1. So Dr. Charlton in his Discourse to the Royal Society concerning the Brain takes the liberty to understand by the Cerebrum as well as others totum illud corpâ—â— quod Calvariae concavo continetur pag. 67. de Propr cerebri humani though afterwards when he comes to speak more accurately he treats of the Medulla oblongata thus Cerebro proxime subjicitur alma nervorum ad sensus spectantium mater funis argentei sicut Sapiens in Ecclesiaste eleganti sed obscuâ—a Allegoria vocat Medullâ—m spinalem principium Medulla scilicet intra cranium oblongata Behold the addition of Mr. Glanvill Vide Varolium l. 1. c. 3. If Varolius found it out as I believe be did by a peculiar way of dissecting the head what is it that Mr. Glanvill then â—DDS I am sure that Fracassatus saith Varolius primus principium spinalis medullae vel intra cranium sobolescere in nervos quorum origo olim á cerebro petebatur docuit Highmore de affect hypochondr c. 4. Willis in Anatome cerebri c 20. Bartholin spicileg 1. c. 3. Bartholin spicileg 1. de vasis lymphat p. 23. Plus ultra pag. 15. Hippocrates de oss nat t. 17. Eâ— lib. de alim t. 4. 1â— Plato in Timaeo Vide Slegel de motu Sanguin c. 2. Riolan in not ad ep Walaei Andraeas Caesalpinus Qu. peripatet â— 5. qu. 3. Ib. qu. 4. Mark this where he makes the Heart and Arteries to be one continued recepracle of perfect blood by which you must explain what he says in some pâ—aces as it only spirits or natural heat went into the Arteries or returned by the veins Qu. Med. l. 2. qu 5 fol. 212. col 1. lit â— Qu. Med. l. 2. qu. 15. fol 230. col 1. l. c. Narravit mih. Nobiliss. Ampliss Nicolaus Oudart illustrissimi Principis Auriaâ—i Consiâ—iarius meminisse se audire ipsum Harveium profitentem se revera primam circuitus sanguinis nâ—titiam in eum sectione viventium inquirendi occasionem ex Herioto accepisse Fuit is serenissimi quondam Regis Jacobi gemmâ—rius Matheseos periâ—â—s eoque nomine Londini celebris Si verum hoc verisi milius quoque est vel ipsum vel Sarpium vel Heriotum a Caesâ—lpino accepisse Nemo enim mihi persuaserit ab corum nemine visum suisse scriptum venetiis impressum quod vel titulo se nedum eruditionis varietate atque sublimitate commendet Jo. Arter Vander Linden disput de circuit sangu exercit 9. sect 196. exercit 16. sect 582. Nardiuâ— noct Gâ—â—al 4. p 412. Epist xxi â— Hâ—sman vâ—r lect l. 2. â— c. 2. Jo Ant. Vander â—irdâ—n â—e circuitsangu â—xerc 9 Fracassatus de cerebro p. 202. Plus Ultra pag. 17. Those Forreigners will rectifie hereafter their mistakes and not attribute the injecting of Medicaments to their â—nvention as Caspar Schottus in Mirab. Art l. xi c. 21. p. 891. Phil. Jac. Sacks in Ocean Micromicrocosm sect 155 have donc unjustly magnifying Solertissimam Industriam Experientiam of these Pretenders Andr. Libav desens Syntagm arcanor adv Henning Scheunemem act 2. c. pag 8 edit Francosâ—uit Aâ—â— 615. Philos. Transact Numb 37. p. 740. By his leave it infers only the mention of it to be more ancient not â—e Operation Libavius proposeth it out of some Paracelsian Magical Writer and not from his own Fancy adding that the Physician who practisethths Transfusion deservs Helleborc himself See Mr. J. Denny's Letter in the Transact numb â—7 〈◊〉 num 28. See Transact Num. 28. pag. 5â—4 In the Transactions numb 37. pag. 371. The Gazettier affirms that upon further investigation it was by good proof which is in his hands proved that the invention had been known to some Ingenious persons in England thirty years ago If so then is not the Society the Inventors of it except we will say that Societies as well as individual â—oâ—'s do pre-exist But may not a man ask our Gazettier where is the publike record of this Invention what Account is there of the Method with which it was practised with what success How comes all this to be concealed till after Dr. Lower atchieves it and the French preâ—end to it would any man have concealed their claim to the Discovery after that it was become the talk of Europe the Darling of the Society and worthy to be disputed for by the French why did they not put in their Claim being within hearing till about three years after Transact num 2â— p. 490 491. Câ—r Fracassar Ep Anat. de cerebro p. 252 253 â—54 Dr. Lower de motu Cordis pag. 1. 9. Transact num 27. pag. 49â— Mr. Boyle of the Usefulness of Nat. Philos part 2. p. 54 55. Vid. supra p. 53 54 Phil. Jac. Sachs in Ocean macromicrocosm sect 155. Transact numb 30. pag. 564 565. Vulgo hactenus a non â—â—ucis spâ—â—itus Vitrioli Sulphuris pro diversis râ—bâ—s habiti sunt adeo quidem ut nonnulli flores sulphuris acidum ad câ—sdem pulmonis merbâ—s exhiberent sed valde impâ—â—ite cum acâ—â—a omnjâ— sinâ— pectori inimica spiritus Sulphuris Vitri â—i essâ—ntia nullâ— modo differant sed ex cadem re generentâ—r parentuâ— Etenim spiritus Vitrioli Sulphuris eundem sâ—porâ—m colorem omnino easdem qualitates â—ffâ—ctus habent ad â—osdem uâ—us in medicina adhibentur nondumque inventus est â—ui pecuâ—iarem aliquam seu manifestum seu occultam qualitatem in spiritu Sulphuris monstrare potuerit quae non etiam in spiritu Vitrioli sit Senneâ—t in Paralipomen ad institut l. 5 part 3 sect 3 c. 5. Angelus Salâ— Tartaralog sect 3 c 2. p. 133. Disquiâ—it de soetu pag. 130. Transact numb 29. p. 552. Tho. Bartholin cp Centur 3 cp 97. pag. 421 4â—2 Inspâ—ximus post intervallum plenius postridie omnia Observavimus sanguinem â—ui affusus erat spiritus aceti redditum nigricantem instar
like manner set the Serum to coagulate on the coals and then burn it I have also burned the blood and Serum after it hath been mixed with acid liquors By this trial will appear more then can be imagined as to the differences of the blood of Animals and of young and old Animals I will endeavour to finish that Tractate wherein there will be observations about the colour of blood and melancholique and pituitous and crimson parts and a certain pellicle which generates by the Air on the top of most blood if it stand 24 houres which sometimes is as firme as those tunicles that encompass the Liver or Kidneys Observations upon that and upon the turning of the coagulated Mass and its becoming red again though not so floridly Trials upon that in vessels cover'd that it is not from the air in opposition to the Fracassati I will not mention any thing hereof now but having imparted some observations to some and knowing what plagiaries some men are I thought fitting to publish thus much that they might not pretend to the inventions each whereof were enough to make one of them proud and fill the Transactions Yet I will say this That I never had put my self upon these trials but out of envy and indignation against them and the Transfusion of blood about which they made such ado every where I shall promise one thing that Mr. Boyle is very much mistaken in imagining that there is a great difference betwixt the effects of Medicaments when mixed with the warm blood of an Animal out of the veins and in them as will appear by the mixture of milk already specified and that of the Salt of Tartar which will follow out of the Letter of Borrichius Experiments upon the mixture of Liquors with the warm blood of Animals taken out by Phlebotomy 1. By putting into the warm blood as it came from Animals a little Aqua fortis or Oyle of Vitriol or spirit of Salt these being the most usual and acid menstruums Mr. Boyle observed that the blood not only would presently lose its pure colour and become of a dirty one but in a trice also be coagulated whereas some if fine urinous spirit such as the spirit of Sal Armoniack were mingled with the warm blood it would not only not curdle it or imbase its colour but make it look rather more florid then before and both keep it fluid and preserve it from putrefaction for a long time 2. The Learned and Inquisitive Man Olaus Borrichius having cut up a dog alive made these observations He took five glasses and placed them in order putting into the one spirit of vinegar into another oyl of Tartar per deliquium into a third a Solution of Allom into a fourth spirit of Salt Armoniack into a fifth spirit of wine into each of the Glasses he suffered the blood of the Crural Artery to run After some time he come to look upon his Glasses but the next day the observation was most perspicuous That Glass which had the spirit of vinegar in it it was become black like to the blood of Melancholique persons with a thick and copious black sediment and that liquor which was on the top was blackish Where the Oyl of Tartar was the colour was pretty florid but the liquor more turbid no sediment at all only some filements like little fibres floated in it conspicuously here and there Where the Solution of Allom was there all seemed like a subcineritious or dirty-coloured putrilage there being no reliques of the crimson colour of blood to be seen Where the spirit of wine was there the liquor was more turbid then that which had the Oyl of Tartar in it Where the spirit of salt Armoniack was that was of the most beautiful colour of all being very florid of a thin consistence with a diaphanous sediment like to the gelly of currants This observation he also tells Bartholinus that he had in like manner made the preceding Summer Out of all which it most evidently appears how nice a thing the blood is and how small mixtures alter the colour and texture of it and what consequences may follow upon such alteration of its consistence and particular texture no man knows but that they may be very bad even where innocent and wholesom Medicaments are affused is evident out of what I have set down It is also as manifest that there are in the bodies of men and women solutions or liquors imbued with sundry salts as aluminous acid and vitriolate c. which when they shall mix with the injected blood what the issue may be I leave the Prudent to conjecture Certain it is that for these considerations specified reserving my own Experiments to my self none but inconsiderate Quacksalvers would put a Patient upon the trial of injecting of Medicaments or transfusing of blood It is a course Nature whose Servants and Imitators Physicians hitherto were never prompted us unto Having taken so many courses whereby blood might at any time of need issue out of the veins and arteries in sundry parts of the body But especially provided that nothing might immediately come into the veins Whatever comes into the veins by the Stomach suffers a great alteration first and whatsoever is noxious either separates from it there and in the guts or is mortified or mitigated so as to be innocent and agreeable to the nature of the veins Which particular nature of the sanguiferous vessels is that which in the dead keeps its own blood fluid and in the living contributes so much to the motion of it that if you make a stop and intercept the impulse of the subsequent blood yet will the other continue its course But what will the effect be of Heterogeneous blood For undoubtedly the nature of the veins is agreeable to the blood and communicates its impurities and vertue as the cask doth to the wine But further since the blood is to pass through the porosities of the Liver and Lungs and capillary veins and arteries how will they agree with the new blood it being evident upon mixture of Liquors and upon burning that there is a difference in the fibrosity of the bloods and consistence of the several Serums or how will that circulate which results from the mixture I know not but certain it is that the ill consequence is almost if not absolutely past remedy In fine what is it that is aimed at in this Transfusion is it the rectifying the mass of blood suppose seventeen pound in a body with the affusion of a few ounces or a pound of Lambs blood They may as soon rectifie as much vinegar or decayed wine with the like proportion of good wine would they amend the impurities of the vessels there is the same difficulty as before That which they transfuse is not a Chymical spirit but an impure and heterogeneous mixture fitted by different digestions and ferments to a different nourishment of another Animal with different
Hippocrates Aristotle and Galen and thereby multiplied many Controversies in the practice of Physick about Phlebotomy and Purging and the like especially about bleeding in a Plurisy on which side it should be done The contention was fierce and some proofs being fetcht out of Anatomy some persons were excited to enquire into humane bodies dissection thereby to determine this controversy and also the others betwixt Aristotle Galen and others Amongst these Vesalius was I had almost said the first and principal and by his indefatigable pains prevented much the industry of others After him Fallopius and Eusiachius were the most remarkable though many others came in with their little inventions to make up the cry and failed not to supply the inutility of their discoveries with excessive clamor What Apologies were made for Galen by Sylvius and others would be tedious to relate they being so ridiculous and repugnant to common sense that nothing could stop the growing glory of Vesalius and his followers The issue of all was that as Hippocrates lost no credit by an ingenious confession of his mistake about the Sutures in the head of Autonomus small errors being not observable in great Authors So Galen still retained a great repute in the world his other Works having advanced him above the effects of petty calumnies or defaults And the great Guinterus Andâ—maeus a competent Judge of old and new discoveries in Physick and Anatomy gives this censure upon those curious Disquisitions Multa in rerum natura extant quorum notitia non quidem Medicum aptiorem facit sed medicinae tantum profectum reddit Sic nulli ob accuratam illam ne dicam curiosam nimis partium corporis perscrutationem Medici excellentiores sed ob curationes dextre sentatas absolutasque censentur Ideo etiam Hippocrates Galenus Erasistratus plures id genus alii tantum ex rerum natura corporis humani fabricatione scrutarivoluerunt quantum ad medicinam probe exercendam ex usu esse putarunt Non eadem enim semper omnibus similem ob causam conducunt Sic Anatome aliter physicis inseruit qui disciplinas ipsas propter se amant alterii qui illam non adeo affectant sed nihil temere a natura factum esse demonstrant aliter his qui argumenta ut ille ait ad actionem quandam vel naturalem vel animalem cognoscendam ex partium humani corporis historia adferre nituntur aliter medico qui manum aculeis telonumque cuspidibus probe exprimendis vel alicui parti apte excidendae vel sinubus fistulis abscessibus incidendis adhibiturus est quo Anatomes usu nihil aeque est necessarium Certainly it had been an action of greater ingenuity in our Novelists to have acknowledged the many excellent things that are in Galen which are so advantageous to Physick then to endeavour to render a man multi ingenii multaque nihilominus habiturum contemptible by the representation of a few defects in him relating to things not much material to his profession It must always be said of Galen that he was the man who by his dextrous wit happy practice and great eloquence as well as universal learning did restore the glory of the Hippocratical Physick which was in a manner extinct in his days He again brought Anatomy into request which had been slighted and dis-used so long he himself dissected bodies privately and publickly in the Temple of Peace and amongst other Discoveries of his own it is observable that he found out the use of recurrent nerves whose influence upon the voice is such that as they are pressed or cut into two so a Dog becomes perpetually mute or onely howls never barks Had that curiosity been but the discovery of some Novelists what a noise would they have made what boastings should we have had But all that is good in Galen is passed by and to make way for the glory of our new Inventors Vesalius Fallopius Carcanus Eustachius Ingrassias Columbus Arantius Varolius are not so much as mentioned by Mr. Glanvill to the end that we may if we will believe that it is the genius of this Age alone which puts men upon discoveries and that before them there were none that had merited this remark I instance in the most remarkable of their discoveries briefly and those I take notice of are The valves of the veins discovered by Fabricius ab Aqua pendente The valve at the entrance of the Gut Colon found as is generally thought by Bauhinus I cannot think these to be so remarkable discoveries but that he might have found out many more since the time of Vesalius I shall name one wo gave a great light to the Circulation of bloud and that is the discovery which Realdus Columbus made that the blood did pass through the Lungs out of the right ventricle into the left and so into the Aorta and all the body As for the valves in the veins I believe there are few that think that Fabricius ab Aquapendente was the first discoverer of them for they were shewed to Fabricius by father Paul that famous Venetian Monk as appears in his life written by Fulgentio and extant in English Neither indeed was Father Paul the first Inventour of them for they are described before by Jacobus Sylvius Professor of Physick at Paris as Riolanus and Slegelius and Bartholinns do inform the world And as to the valve in the beginning of the Colon-gut if there be such a one and that it be not rather a protuberant circle arising from the joyning of the Ileon and Colon as Pavius Falcoburgius and Riolanus hold whatsoever it be it was discovered by Varolius and called the Operculum Ilei before that ever Bauhinus was born as Riolanus doth demonstrate there are two others that may as justly pretend to it to better merit the credit then Bauhinus and those are Solomon Albertus whom Bartholin inclines unto and Joannes Posthius of Montpelier whom Riolanus also favours The Sinus of the veins and their use found out by Dr. Willis I wonder Mr. Glanvill should not acquaint us with those particular Sinus which Dr. Willis should finde out for since in common discourse when we speak undeterminately of the Sinus we understand those of the brain it did become him to tell us which others he meant lest a man that knew his skill should apprehend him so ignorant as to think that Dr. Willis had newly found out those Sinus one whereof hath for above two thousand years born the name of Herophilus and was called Torcular Herophili in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But I shall be so favourable as to think that these are not the Sinus he meant Dr. Willis having tried nothing more in prosecution of them then to pursue the Circulation of the blood there by the injecting of Inkish liquor whereas Wepferus used a tincture of Saffron and Bartholin evidenced the same thing by a pair of bellows or tube and
c. when Envy had impregnated and determined their imaginations Let illiterate persons and Mathematicians be swayed against plain proof by these Arguments I think in stead of Temples and Altars to be erected to these Inventors there is more need of a Schoolmaster and an Antiquary the one to teach them humane learning the other to instruct them in past discoveries least with much trouble and pains our new Philosophers should finde out again the Art of Printing or Etching the use of Gunpowder or the Load-stone Of Transfusion of Blood into Animals THus Sir I have done with Instances of Anatomical Advancements unless I should hitherto referre the late noble Experiment of Transfusion of the Blood from one living Animal into another which I think very fit to be mentioned and I suppose it is not improper for this place Or however I shall rather venture the danger of impropriety and misplacing then omit the taking notice of so excellent a Discovery which no doubt future Ingenuity and Practice will improve to Purposes not yet thought of and we have very great likelihood of advantages from it in present Prospect For it is concluded That the greatest part of our diseases arise either from the scarcity or malignant tempers and corruptions of our Blood in which cases Transfusion is an obvious Remedy and in the way of this Operation the peccant blood may be drawn out without the danger of too much enfeebling Nature which is the grand inconvenience of meer Phlebotomies So that this Experiment may be of excellent use when Custom and Acquaintance have hardned men to permit the Practice in Pleurisies Cancers Leprosies Madness Ulcers Small-Pox Dotage and all such like Distempers And I know not why that of injecting prepared Medicines immediately into the blood may not be better and more efficacious then the ordinary course of Practice Since this will prevent all the danger of frustration from the loathings of the Stomach and the disabling clogging mixtures and alterations they meet with there and in the intestines in which no doubt much of the spirit and virtue is lost But in the way of immediate injection they are kept intire all those inconveniences are avoided and the Operation is like to be more speedy and successful Both these noble Experiments are the late Inventions of the ROYAL SOCIETY who have attested the reality of the former that of Transfusion of Blood by numerous trials on several sorts of brute Animals Indeed the French made the Experiment first upon humane Bodies of which we have a good account from Mounsieur Dennis But it hath been practised also with fair and encouraging success by our Philosophical Society The other of injection if it may be mentioned as a different invention was also the Product of some generous Inventors though indeed more forward Forreigners have endeavoured to usurp the Credit of both This latter likewise hath succeeded to considerable good effects in some new Trials that have been made of it in Dantzick as appears in a Letter written from Dr. Fabricius of that City and Printed in the Philosophical Translations I shall not quarrel with Mr. Glanvill for misplacing this discourse about the Transfusion of Blood but I think all the World will condemn him for ascribing either the invention of Transfusing blood or of injecting Medicaments into the veins unto the Society That the latter was a thing much practised by Dr. Wren and others in Oxford before the Restoration of his Majesty and before that ever the SOCIETY was thought upon is a thing known to all that were at those days in that University I saw my self in those days the Dog into whose veins there was injected a Solution of Opium at the Lodgings of the Honourable Robert Boyle of which he makes mention in his second discourse of the Usefulness of Natural Philosophy and Borrichius in his Letters to Bartholinus As for that other of Transfusing the blood out of one Animal into another if the Question be who first proposed it into the World to be tried it is certain that Libavius first did that at least I know not any more ancient then He. That Learned man above Fifty years ago so plainly describes the Transsusion that one can hardly discourse of it with more clearness then there is done in these words Adsit Juvenis robustus sanus sanguine spirituoso plenus Adslet exhaustus viribus tenuis macilentus vix animam trahens Magister Artis habeat tubulos argenteos inter se congruentes aperiat arteriam robusti tubulum inserat muniatque mox aegroti arteriam findat tubulum foemineum infigat jam duos tubulos sibi mutuo applicet ex sano sanguis arterialis calens spirituosus saliev in aegrotum unaque vitae fontem afferet omnemque languorem vellet This allegation was made use of by an Italian Philosopher and silenceth all those in England or France that pretend to the Glory of having first proposed So that the Authour of the Philosophical Transactions confesseth it in these words This indeed is clear enough and obligeth us to averre a greater Antiquity of this operation then before we were aware of though 't is true Libavius did not propose it but only to mock at it which is the common fate of new Inventions in their Cradle besides that He contrives it with great danger both to the Recipient and Emittent by proposing to open Arteries in both which indeed may be practised upon Brutes but ought by no means upon Man Till that learned Italian had instructed the Virtuosi in the point there had been a great Controversie agitated between the French and English Societies about the Invention The former pretended that it was mentioned first amongst them about eleven years ago at the Assembly in the house of Mounsieur de Montmor and that the publick is beholding to that Monsieur for this discovery and the benefits and advantages that shall be reaped thereby But about the person that should first mention the design the French vary Monsieur de Gury fathers it upon the Abbot Bourdelot but the Author of their Journals upon a Benedictine Friar Our Society having given the world occasion to take notice of it publikely and having otherwise long before pursued the Oxford-Invention of injecting Liquors into the veins thought themselves injured in this that the French should usurp the Credit of such a discovery as had its first birth in England upon a pretence that it was conceived in France it being notorious the French took occasion to try it by the Example of the English Virtuosi and there being no publick record cited declaring the time and place of the Invention proposed the Method to practise it and the success of the Execution Thereupon began a Paper-scuffle betwixt the Gazettiers o. the Curiense which any man may reade with some pleasure because they had on both sides such little Logick as to argue from the mentioning of a design to the effecting
it If the way of Argumentation be good and solid then Aristotle and such of the Ancients as proposed the squaring of the Circle must not be denied the glory of being Inventors of it So they which first proposed a perpetual motion or the Northwest Passage may go for Inventors of them yet are none of these things yet discovered Oh! new Correlates and worthy of our Inventors Long ago Aristotle and the Common Dialecticks told us Datur scibile de quo non datur Scientia But none like our Anti-Logicians-ever taught there were a sort of Inventors whose Inventions were yet to seek All that our Inventors did was that after Dr. Lower had first discovered and practised the Transfusion at Oxford in February 1665. They on the seventeenth of May following 1665. gave order that there should be trials made for transfusing the blood but their trials proving lame for want of a fit Apparatus and a well continued Method of Operation the Dr. sent them a convenient Method for effecting the thing Before this there never was any mention or proposal made at the Society concerning the Transfusion as I am certainly informed by one of their Number who hath examined their Journal Books in which such Proposals and Experiments are recorded Nay they were so far from pretending to it at first that when it was mentioned unto them by Mr. Boyle there were some as well severe as ingenuous Critick's who thought it somewhat strange and bold for him to affirm that the Dr. had made it succeed And besides I observe that Mr. Boyle in his Letter to Dr. Lower who hath vindicated the Invention to himself in his late Book de Corde doth not say that ever the Society had thought of or attempted or designed to attempt the thing He calls it insolitum insperatum conamen June 26. 1666. and desires He would acquaint the Society with the manner how he atchieved it Now since that neither was Dr. Lower then of the Society nor any way entitles them unto it but himself and that in a Treatise wherein he doth not so much as call himself a Member of that Assembly set any man judge with how much truth this other Discovery is ascribed to these NEW EXPERIMENTATORS by our Virtuoso But least I should seem to deal too severely and maliciously with them rather then it shall be said That they invented nothing I grant that They invented a LYE and shall conclude the Debate by representing the words out of their Transactions by which they assume to themselves the Credit of the Invention and by a dubious wording and pointing of the Period insinuate as if Dr. Lower as well as Dr. King had been encouraged to the Attempt by the Society Philosoph Transact Numb 27. pag. 490. How long soever that Experiment may have been conceived in other parts which is needless to contest it is notorious that it had its Birth first of all in England some ingenious persons of the Royal Society having first started it there several years ago as appears by their Journal and that dextrous Anatomist Dr. Lower reduced it into practice both by contriving a Method for the Operation and by successfully executing the same wherein he was soon overtaken by several happy Trials of the skilful hand of Dr. Edmund King and others encouraged thereunto by the said Society which being notified to the World Numb 6. 19. 20. of these Transactions printed Novemb. 19. Decemb. 17. 1666. the Experiment was soon after that time heard of to have been tried in forreign Parts without hearing any thing of its having been conceived ten years ago In which relation I must take notice that it doth not really appear in their Journal-books that ever any such thing was started by any persons how ingenious soever of their Society Dr. Lower being not then nor long after in the History of the Royal Society reckoned as a Member of it Nextthat the interpunction of the period is so equivocally placed and ponned that the unwary Reader may think that Dr. Lower as well as the others was encouraged to the trial by the Society Whereas he was not whatever the others were Again it is disingeniously said that he was soon overtaken by several happy Trials of Dr. Edmund King and others encouraged thereto by the Society Since it appears by the letter of Mr. Boyle that the Society knew not how to do the thing in June which Dr. Lower had effected in February and the fame thereof at that time was spread over England In July Dr. Lower acquainted the Society with the manner of the Transfusion whereof Dr. Wallis had given the Society an imperfect account a little before of what he had seen Dr. Lower do at Oxford So that for at least four or five months the Members of the Society did not overtake Dr. Lower But after they were acquainted with the contrivance they invented it very clearly From hence it is easie for any man to judge with how much right Mr. Glanvill doth say that both the injecting of Medicines and transfusing blood into the veins of Animals those Noble Experiments were the late Inventions of the SOCIETY I shall now proceed to inquire into the Utility of them thereby to discover how noble and excellent they are and what advantages we may hope to derive from them hereafter Because this Transfunding of blood hath hitherto been looked on as the primary Invention and the most famed of any the Society were ever intitled unto and that they themselves have particularly concerned themselves in asserting it to be their discovery to the end that every Reader may the better be able to judge of the Controversie without being forced to go seek out amongst the scattered transactions and elsewhere several Histories that are material to the passing a right judgement I shall crave pardon if I do relate particularly the matter of fact and what hath been sundry times performed by the English Italian and French Virtuosi with every circumstance both as to injecting of Medicines and of blood into the veins As to the injecting of Medicaments into the veins it is an Experiment that I am apt to think was first tried by the English and as a curiosity it was not unpleasant but that it should be so advantageous a discovery as Mr. Glanvill represents it is like to be I do not beleeve There was a time when men had regard to their Consciences and what could not be administred but upon prudential hopes of advantage to the Patient no approved Physician durst or would give to any sick person but in this Age such as ought to protest against it are as forward as any to forget these considerations and prompt men on to practices without either regarding whether the effect be not Murther in the Physicians besides the ill consequences to the diseased In the injecting of Medicaments I must complain that neither the Operation of Medicaments immediately injected into the blood and veins is
known nor the dose and consequently the Project not like to improve Physick at all unless our Magistrates will licence men to try so many Experiments even to the apparent hazard or certain death of the parties and may regulate and authenticate the practice in such manner as becomes a Baconical Experiment and to encourage Rational men to this procedure there ought to be a greater deficiency in Physick then yet appears and a more hopeful success then any man can yet expect supposed by this way A Paynim told us Nulla unquam de morte hominis cunctatio longa est A sober Physician will look upon the act to be as indiscreet as the Comedian describes love to be Quaeres in se neque consilium neque modum habet ullum eam consilio regere non potes That there is no probability that this way of Medicine can ever amount to any thing appears from this consideration that Liquors immediately injected into the blood have a different Operation there then when taken in by the Stomach and that the mixtures of Liquors with blood upon Phlebotomy in a Pottinger gives no light to the Experiment As I shall now shew Seignior Fracassati Professor of Anatomy at Pisa tried these Experiments by injecting Medicaments 1. Having injected into the jugular and crural veins of a Dog some Aqua fortis diluted the Animal died presently and being opened all the blood in the vessels was coagulated and fixed but that which was in the Viscera which I dare not English Guts but take it to denote the Heart Liver Lungs Spleen where the blood passes extravasated through though the Transactions render it Guts and destroy the antithesis betwixt vasa and viscera did not so easily coagulate It was also observed that the great vessels were burst or as it were cut asunder yet have I known who hath put Aqua fortis into cooling Juleps in Fevers as others do spirit of Vitriol without any harm 2. There was also infused into another Dog some spirit of Vitriol which had not so present an effect for the Animal complained a great while and foamed like Epilepticks and had its respiration very thick and observing the beating of his breast one might easily judge the Dog suffered much who dying at last his blood was found fixed in the veins and grumous resembling Soot whereas in the Experiment with Aqua fortis which may as easily be given inwardly as spirit of Nitre the blood is not said to have been changed in its colour from other coagulated blood It was also observable though the Transactions minde it not that the blood in this last Dog was not upon coagulation continuous in the veins but broken and severed into parcels 3. There was also injected into the jugular of another dog some oyle of Sulphur per campanam but he died not of it though this infusion was several times tried on him And the wound being closed and the dog let go he went into all the corners of the room searching for meat and having found some bones he fell to gnawing them with a strange avidity as if this Liquor had caused in him a great appetite 4. Another dog into whose veins some Oyle of Tartar per deliquium was injected did not escape so well for he complained much and was altogether swoln and then died Being opened the Spectators were surprised to finde his blood not curdled but on the contrary more thin and florid then ordinary 5. Dr. Lower having extracted half a pound of blood out of the crural urine of a Mastiff dog did inject the like quantity of warm milk into him within half an hour the dog became very sick breathed with difficulty and seemed to labour much with his heart and diaphragme and after to palpitate tremble and sigh grievously and at length miserably died Upon dissection he found the vena cava the ventricles of the heart the vessels of the Lungs and the Aorta full of blood and milk coagulated together and the concretion was so hard that it was not easie to part it This he tried but once But Monsieur Dennys the French Physician saith he tried it with a different success For having syringed about a quarter of a pint of milk into the veins of an Animal he tells not what and having opened the same some time after he found the milk so perfectly mixed with the blood that there was not any place in which appeared the least footstep of tho whiteness of the milk and all the blood was generally more liquid and less apt to coagulate 6. I received an account of some Experiments from one much versed in these injections which he may one day acquaint the world with to this effect That the infusion of Crocus Metallorum injected in a less quantity then otherwise viz. ℥ β will work by vomit in a dog almost presently and very strangely and make him grievously sick Yet Dr. Wren informs Mr. Boyle that a moderate dose of the infusion of Crocus Metallorum did not much move the dog that he injected it into but a large dose of two ounces or more wrought soon and so violently that he vomited up life and all That a dog will take two drams of Opium into his Stomack and seem never the worse if you keep him from lying down half an hour after but two drams of Poppy-seeds made into an Emulsion and injected into his veins will kill him presently 7. Mr. Boyle saith that he conveyed a small dose of the tincture of Opium into a dog this way which began to work so speedily upon the brain that he was scarce untied before the Opium began to disclose its Narcotick quality and almost as soon as he was upon his feet he began to nod with his head and reel and faulter in his place but being kept awake and in motion by whipping up and down the Garden after some time he came to himself again and not only recovered but began to grow fat so manifestly that'twas admired 8. A certain German Count coming into England relates an Experiment which he saw in the presence of Pr. Rupert After some blood taken from a dog there was injected into him a small quantity portiuncula of Spanish wine within sometime after the dog was perfectly drunk being giddy performing sundry ridiculous actions then vomiting with a profound sleep 9 Dr. Fabricius Physician to the City of Dantzick injected purgatives into humane bodies with this effect A strong bodied Souldier being dangerously infected with the Pox and having grievous protuberations of the bones in his armes two drams of a purgative liquor were injected he presently complained of great pains in his elbows and the little valves of his arm did swell so visibly that it was necessary by a great compression on 's fingers to stroke up that swelling towards the Patients shoulders Some four hours after it began to work not very troublesomely and so it did the next day in so
excrements resulting from it It is in the Stomach and first digestion where food is so concocted by the Humane heat or Acidity as to turn to a chyle adequate to the nourishment of man and generating such blood and such excrements as are the result of such a concoction as is agreeable to the nature of man And so it is in all creatures Thus we see that in different Animals different Excrements are generated nor is it to be doubted but that the concoctive principle differs as much in a dog or cat as do those excrements which differ much from those of men though both eat the same meat Sicut acidus spiritus quilibet animam inseparabiliter in ventre suo portat atque in illud corpus cuâ—infunditur dominium suscipit illudque confestim juxta sui naturam format hinc spiritus salis in Alcali Tartari fusus statim sibi format corpus salinum propriae naturae consentaneum fit sal aceti spiritus vel acetum distillatum in eodem Alcali tartari sibi format corpus adaequatum suae propriae naturae fit tartarus vini sic de vitriolo reliquis acidis Ita quoque acidum Stomachi humani cum apprehendit panem vel quicquam alibile in quod dominari possit illud convertit commutat in chylum exinde in carnem humanam eundem panem Acidum Stomachi canini convertit transmutat in carnem caninam uti de reliquis viventibus quotidie docemur eo quod natura in omnibus iisdem instrumentis operatur If the Case be such and that the blood transfused hath received those impregnations of vitality which are agreeable to the nature of the Animal whence it is transfused and is qualified to generate such nourishment and such excrements as are the consequences of those digestive characters if I may so call them and impressions How can we imagine that such blood being immediately transfused into our veins without those previous alimental sigillations and digestions produce those effects which are to be expected in humane bodies and are though irrationally in this case wished for But perhaps they think to atchieve their design by introducing a new texture in the vitiated blood and vessels or fermentation whereupon should ensue the amendment I perceive indeed by their stories a new fermentation that the dogs piss blood no desirable or trivial accident But what a little time is there for the blood to pass unto the heart and mix with those other Liquors and ascending blood and so to pass into the Heart and Lungs How do they know that the blood they transfuse is good Upon burning they shall finde a difference in blood of beasts and a different taste and coagulation in the Serum Besides that the blood of young Animals is generally less balsamical and inflammable of another texture and colour the Serum very saline and in a word exceeding different from what is in men and women of years And in the blood of men and women there are often defects not to be perceived but by coagulating and burning of the Serum and blood I have taken the Serum of a Maid seemingly healthful only pained at Stomach and abounding in blood it coagulated and looked like tallow and would not burn at all and smelt noisomely after coagulation not before I have several strange instances of this kind If there be such indiscernable causes of distempers and mixtures in blood of persons that are not well if they neither know what they aim at in transfusing in nor what they transfuse Let Mr. Glanvill talk of great Advantages to be expected and let them try it for me Sure I am that the Transactions report an Untruth in saying that Coga was ever the better for it I am told his Arm was strangely ill after it and difficultly cured and if all the great likelihood of Advantages from Transfusion that are in their present Prospect arise from no other grounds they are very improbable The Parliament of Paris have forbid it to be prosecuted but by the allowance of the Parisian Faculty of Physicians A Swedish Baron died upon it and to argue from the cures of Madmen or from what they suffer without hurt is not for a Physician but for one that deserves to be sent to Bedlam for mad people endures a thousand ills and strong Physick such as others cannot endure and if they find any amendment sometimes by uncouth means it is by accident as it makes them ill which sometimes prove their recovery As for dogs they cannot declare what they suffer but I am in haste and refer my Reader to the perusal of the Histories in the Transactions in which what I last objected is all confessed and if after all I have said he find encouragement to try a remedy that hath sometimes proved not unfortunate but is always rash let him do it for me I am satisfied That the operation carries more of terror and many swoon upon bleeding then a potion or Galenical Physick and that the greatest part of our distempers do not arise from the scarcity or malignant tempers and corruption of our blood is as manifest as can be more arise from the depraved motion and redundancy of the blood and serosities in and about the brain and the laxity and strictness of the habit and pores of the body and in these cases Transfusion is no remedy much less in malignant diseases in which to let blood is often mortal commonly dangerous and it always must be antecedent to Transfusion excepting only the scarcity of blood in which case what strength is there to assimilate or ferment with the new blood As to the Transfusion of blood in Pleurisies the attempt is very ridiculous considering what an Ebullition and Inflammation of the blood there is then in the Lungs whither the transfused blood immediately flows what extravasated serosities do afflict those parts how unfit are they for any seasonable fermentation And in the Small Pox how few are they in England which allow of Phlebotomy in that disease at all and how irrational must that Transfusion seem which disturbs and diverts nature in her present work what hazard must the Patient run amidst a Fever and that violent commotion of humors which afflicts his head back heart and lungs at that time should he besides all other accidents fall into pissing of blood a symptom so dangerous in that disease and so usual a consequent of this Operation Having dispatched these papers thus far the length of time since they were sent to London to be transcribed perused and several insertions made according as my memory amidst a constant employment suggested any thing new unto me and the delay of the Printing till Michaelmass-Tearm gives me an opportunity to relate some Observations I made at Bath during my stay there this Summer As famous as the Bathes are and of as general an use as they are there being no better Remedy in the world for
of a florid red but paler then blood usually is resembling a bastard-scarlet after some days standing I found it of a deeper red from top to bottom one half of it was transparent like to the duller and more decayed sort of Claret the other half seemed like Tent-wine not diaphanous on the surface there was a cremor which extended it self almost all over it Upon pouring it out it appeared all to be of a blood-red only that which ran last was of a deeper dye at the bottom there was a kinde of Gelatine like to that of red Currants which rendred the one half of it opacous it was no way dis coloured nor unequally mixt the spirit of Sal Armoniack being poured on it did render it fluid presently and transparent Having occasion after some weeks stay at the Bath to ride in extream hot weather above 200 miles in a few days and being tired with watching and the journey and being wet very much with a great shower of rain at my return I went immediately into the Cross-Bath for half an hour to prevent any inconveniences that might befal me upon such travel but at my coming out of the Bath I felt so violent a defluxion into my throat and the adjacent Glandules that I apprehended some danger of a Squinoncy which yet I avoided by bleeding purging and other means together with the use of the same Bath after all when I was to bleed I was willing to try some further Experiments in Liquers different from the former and the Observations I made were these 1. I caused two veins to be opened in the left arm at once and received one Pottinger out of the Mediana and the other out of the Cephalica my intent in that was to observe as I had done once before in my self whether the blood of two veins in the same arm would yield different blood if so then I thought that it might not be indifferent in what vein a man bleeds though they all arise from one trunk of the vena cava and that we might justly have regard to those cautions of our observing Ancestors not to bleed those veins promiscuously but some in one case and some in another I was confirmed in those sentiments by the Phaenomena I met with a second time in the trial as other observations have satisfied me about the doctrine of revulsion and its truth Having taken one Pottinger out of the Mediane and another out of the Cephalica I stopped the Mediane and continued to bleed into the liquors out of the Cephalick In the first issuing out of the two bloods I could finde no difference in the colour or consistence but after standing three or four houres that of the Mediane had much less of Serum in it the Serum thereof seemed Limpid in the Pottinger but that of the Cephalick was citrine-coloured that of the Mediane somewhat of a volatile saline pungency upon the tongue different from the taste which the other Serum had that being very salt that of the Mediane had a blewish Gelatine gathered upon the top of the condensed mass of blood the other had none but was of a florid red on the top After two days I came to look on them again and upon turning the coagulated mass of blood in the pottinger that of the Mediana had much more of black towards the bottom then the other and also a thinner surface of red then that of the Cephalick 2. To carry on the Experiment of mixing several liquors with blood I bled into some ounces of Aqua mirabilis which grew deep coloured almost unto the top which was transparent and of the colour of Mant-wine almost after some houres the Liquor became of a bright beautiful Claret-colour almost unto the bottom where there was an opacous darkned setling with an enaeorema of contexed filaments pretended to the top The Wasps flocked to that glass in great numbers and drowned themselves in it not medling with any other of the subsequent glasses After two days was little changed only the beautiful Claret was somewhat darkned 3. I bled upon some ounces of Treacle-water which turned as black as Ink presently but continued the blood perfectly fluid The red was so destroyed that the Aluminous Solution did not equal it there not being upon inclination of the glass the least sign of any incarnadine and so it continued for two days no variation happening 4. I bled upon some ounces of Cinnamon-water which turned of a pale red iâ— I held up the glass to the light it seemed almost to the top opacously red as Tent wine but if viewed otherwise it seemed of a paler red approaching to bastard-scarlet After a while it seemed as if all the blood were coagulated into one mass from top to bottom subsiding a little within the tinged Cinnamon-water Upon agitation and stirring with a knife it appeared that the fibres of the blood were so destroyed that this mass was no coherent thing but broken into little massulae or parcels of a pale red such as the subsiding curds are in whey After two days I viewed it and found the Phaenomenon of the whole Glass to look cherry-coloured but the incoherent massulae were of a pale red 5. I bled into some ounces of Aqua Bezoarticae that did coagulate with the blood so that it all fell in one incoherent mass towards the bottom but whether there hapned to be a greater proportion of blood in the glass or for some other cause the coagulated blood filled almost all the water much beyond what we observed in the Cinnamon-water the consistence of the one and the other massulae were like the curds in whey these were of a pale red retaining to whitishness and so it continued two days the small quantity of water appearing in it giving no opportunity for further Observations 6. I bled upon some ounces of Nantes-Brandy it gave us a more tenacious curd then the former of a pale red but the mass and liquour was opacous towards the bottom so as to appear like Tent-wine in what light soever I placed it After two days that of the Brandy which was fluid the curd not being answerable to the Aqua Bezoartica was of a pretty florid red the coagulated mass was of a brick colour 7. I bled upon some ounces of Anise seed water drawn from the grounds of beer it yielded a mixture of a deep blood red from top to bottom somewhat transparent The mass coagulated from top to bottom the curd was of a deeper red then the others and of such a tenaciousness as is to be sound in the soft curd of possets After two days it turned blackish the coherent curd being of a little lighter red 8. My indisposition and other cares permitted me not to prosecute these Experiments as I did the other but one curiosity more possessed me to put two drams of spirit of Harts-horn into a pottinger and to bleed thereupon to see if it would alter the Phaenomenon from
what it is if the spirit of Harts-horn be poured on the blood I did so and â— found at this time that it kept my blood from coagulating into such masses as otherwise it would but the blood turned blackishly-red and in it there was observed a crimson gelatine which run off the knife as jelly of red currants would when beginning to cool After two days it continued still fluid but blackish I have sundry times tried that way of putting spirit of Harts-horn into the pottinger first and then caused them to bleed upon it with this success that immediately it spoiles the red giving it a more dirty colour and casts up a mucous phlegme such as I never saw in any blood upon other Essays just like what many spit and blow out of their noses in catarrhs this covers all the pottinger without any mixture of blood in it and would be white but that the subjacent blood gives it another muddy colour The blood under it was always fluid and unequally mixed with parts of a bright and blackish red Whether my journey or distemper prevented that appearance in my blood I know not 9. I had a Patient there which had unknowingly taken much of Mercurius dulcis in pills at Loâ—â—oâ— to her great prejudice several ways and though she had taken golden-bullets and used other means to discharge her body of that troublesome Inmate yet found little benefit At the Bath I let her blood and to try an Experiment I cast a Guinny into one of the middle Pottingers as she bled I could observe no difference betwixt the blood preceding and that therein but in the afternoon I came and went to that pottinger which had the most florid and best coloured blood and searching there found my gold and that stained with white spots from the Mercury on the lower side Whether the separation of the Mercury or some other efficacy in the Gold of whose power in such cases I can give good instances caused that difference in the bloods I cannot tell having never tried it since Being not well at Warwick by reason of a violent defluxion into the Glandules of the Throat I caused my self to bleed Octob. 20. 1. I took six drams of spirit of Harts horn not very well rectified nor clear of colour and put it into a crystal-glass and bled thereupon about half an ounce of blood it turned of a dark red presently inclining much to black though as it stood or as it was held on one side you might perceive a lighter but not florid red at the sides It seemed fluid for two dayes but as I poured it out it appeared to be very Gelatinous and of colour like that which is become sanious and degenerated into blackishness with keeping 2. I bled upon the same liquor of Salt-peter about half an ounce of blood upon four ounces of liquor at first the blood did turn on the surface to a bastard-scarlet which is an effect every thing of Nitre mixt with blood so produceth afterwards the whole blood sunk to the bottom the upper part being all of one colour and consistence such as is observed in the Serum of the blood sometimes when the supernatancy is whitish and not transparent Being poured from the blood I found that coagulated into a mass which was all of a very natural red all over only spotted in many places underneath with black spots The concretion was so brittle that it would not hang together nor endure any light-pressure but as it were melted and seemed gelatinous 3. I bled upon a Solution of the Alcali of Nitre it appeared upon the first mixture like bastard-scarlet then the blood sunk to the bottom the top being transparent yet of the colour of High-countrey-white-wine the bottom seemed redder then that of tâ—e former the limpid liquor being poured out seemed all gelatinous and had incorporated with it the serous part of the blood the red at the bottom was fluid and not tenacious but of the consistence that blood is of when it is hot and newly received in a vessel out of the veins N. B. After I had poured out the blood and mixtures out of the several glasses and that the glasses had stood a while I observed that that of the raw Liquor of Nitre which remained in the bottom did turn of a most beautiful red as ever I saw in any thing but that with the spirit of Harts-horn or Solution of Alcali c. did not vary after two days all the remains of blood in the several glasses turned blackish and sanious only that with the raw liquour altered not 4. I bled upon the liquors of Salt-peter which had passed the ashes and on that which had never passed the ashes both were of the same blackish and sanious colour after the first bastard-scarlet was past both had on the top a certain cremor which being cast into the fire discovered it self to be nitrous both of them though they were of such a dirty red inclining to black yet were they of one consistence from top to bottom all fluid nothing gelatinous nor any one part blacker or redder then the other Which is very much considering the difference of the two Liquors 5. I bled upon the unctuous Mothers of Salt-peter which turned at first to a bastard-scarlet the blood did never mix with the Mothers nor otherwise ting their colour then as it cast a shadow by its innating on the surface of them It coagulated on the top of the Mothers being of colour all thorough exactly like to Ocher the concretion was a quarter of an inch thick a firm mass to seâ— to like so much bees wax cast into a cake I took it up in one mass with my knife but trying its tenaciousness I found it as brittle as most short cakes are Upon the surface there was an appearance of certain striae which might be saline All the blood did not coagulate so but underneath there was a quantity which in the glass was of equal dimensions with the other mass it was of the colour of Oker and fluid and would not mix with the Mothers at all I took of the mass and tried to burn it in an arched fire twice or thrice it boyled and bubled up upon the fire-shovel like impure Niter and so burned with a flashing as if it had been most of it Peter it never came to flame as blood doth usually only one blaze as it were always hovered over it for a moment or two not being continued to the body otherwise then by a parcel of smoke issuing out them 6. I took also two pottingers of blood the first and the last of the blood I took away there was no difference in the blood of one and the other the coagulated mass well-coloured of a good consistence less of that black or melancholick crastament then is commonly found the Serum well coloured of tast brinish I placed it in an arched fire it rose up with a globous intumescence but crackled not