blood dilating the Heart and issuing out thorough the valves of the Aorta and Pulmonique Artery at the same instant which is pure â—artesianism He holds that the Blood comes up from the veins to the Heart and there acquires the last Perfection and becomes vital and spirituous in the mention of the Arterious Blood he useth indifferently the termes of Blood spirit and natural heat which I desire may be observed lest the proofs seem not full enough and he be construed to speak of nothing but spirits and natural heat in the Arteries He saith that this Blood having acquired its Perfection in its passage through both the ventricles is distributed through all the parts of the body for its nutriment by the Arteries in which Arteries there is such a constant quantity of Blood that the effervency of that in the Heart impells the whole continuation of the Arteries so that they beat all at once Cum enim pulsatio Cordis Arteriarum sit accidens quoddam quod ex necessitate insequitur humoris in corde effervescentiam qua sanguinis generatio per ficitur ut in caeteris quae igne elixantur accidit lib. de vita mort c. 2. intumescente corde necesse est simul omnes Arterias dilatari in quas derivatur fervor non enim repleri potâ—st una pars quin totum fiat majus ubi non omni ex parte vasa quae continua sunt fuerint exinanita Nam nullo intus existente corpore non contingit simul repleri principium extrema cum motus non fiat in instanti existente autem per totos canales aliquo spiritu simul ac in principio alius fuerit genitus necesse est totum simul dilatari unum enim sit spiritus accedens cum toto Cum ergo totum reddatur majus simul ac accesserit pars non potest una pars dilatari quin eodem tempore dilatetur totum Est autem veluti totum quoddam Arteriae omnes cum corde Continuum enim est vas sanguinis perfecti Spiritu autem efflante inhabitum corporis distributo particulis sanguine necesse est tumorem vasorum desidere quae est pulsus contractio Continue autem hoc fit quia continua est partium nutritio continua sanguinis generatio in corde Elevatio igitur Spiritus a calore fit non tamen temere sed alicujus gratia Nam sine hujusmodi amplificatione non fieret distributio alimenti in omnes partes He plants a kind of Flammula cordis or fire in the heart which causeth the ebullition and imprints a spirituousness in the blood that issueth out into the Arteries Hujusmodi locus Cor est in quo secundum Naturam elementum praeparatum ardere possit fieri spiritus venae alimentum suppâ—ditant Arteriae flammae spiritum recipiunt He â—aith that the Blood moves towards the Heart as the Oyle to the flame of the burning Lamp and that the Valves as the orifice of the Vena Cava which immit the blood are placed there to moderate the source of the blood lest it should fall in too fast extinguish the vital fire and that the valves at the entrance of the Aorta do flie open upon the effervescency of the blood by the pressure of it every way to get more room it finding no out-let but by those yielding valves which were so placed lest upon any accident or violent passion the arterious blood should regurgitate into the Heart Motus fit ex venis in Cor caliditate alimentum trahente ex corde autem in arterias quia hac solum patet iter propter membranarum positionem positae autem sunt hoc modo membranae he unquam contingeret contrarium motum fieri quod accidere posset in vehementibus animi perturbationibus aut aliis causis a quibus sanguinis retractio fit ad Cor Obsistunt enim huic motui membranae Nam si hoc modo condite non essent ignis cordis vel levi causa extingueretur Si enim motus fâ—eret contrarius simile esset ac si flamma compingeretur deorsum ad alimentumâ— quod â—um minime sit praeparatum aut copiosius quâ—m 〈…〉 ignem sâ—ffocat Oportet enim alimentum praeparari 〈…〉 dispâ—â—sâ—ri ad locum flammae He saith th◠〈…〉 blood or spirit is distributed into all parts of the body â— with great celerity and that it is that which nourisheth the parts and that upon its diffusion into the habit of the body the spirits are very much exhausted and the corpulent part of the aliment doth remain being coagulated partly by heat and partly by cold He saith that the variety of the pulse as to strength or debility celerity and slowness depends upon the nature of the viâ—â—l fire the nature of the aliment with which it is fed and sometimes upon the particular Fabrick or conformation of the Heart in which that Fire is seated He placeth Anastomoses betwixt the veins and arteries every where in the body Osculorum communio est non solum in corde sed etiam per totum venerum arteriarum ductum He saith that the blood is never extravasated but where it is aggregated to any part by way of nourishment or else it putrifies he doth not understand how it should not coagulate if once extravasated nor can he comprehend how it should be reassumed into the veins in such a case Venam continuam esse oportet usque ad cordis ventriculos ut inde omnis virtus descendat nec ullibi contingit disjunctam esse sanguis enim calore cordis destitutus concrescit tandem putrescit He makes the Blood to pass betwixt the right and left ventricle of the Heart partly by the Lungs and partly by the Septum Cordis Pulchre igitur condita sunt omnia Cum enim fervere oporteret in corde sanguinem ul fieret alimenti perfectio primo quidem in dextro ventriculo in quo crassior adhuc continetur sanguis deinde autem in sinistro ubi sincerior sangâ—is est partim per medium septum partim per medios pulmones refrigerationis gratia ex dextro in sinisâ—rum mittitur Interim autem pulmo abunde nutriri potest totum enim eum sanguinem absumere quem recipit egreditur fines rationis Non enim rara esset ejus substantia levis ut videtur si tantum alimenti vim in suam naturam converteret This he thus â—urther explains Pulmo per venam arteriis similem ex dextro cordis ventriculo fervidum hauriens sanguinem eumque per anastomosin arteriae â—enalâ—â—â—â—deâ—s quae in sinistrum 〈◊〉 ventriculum tendit transmisso interim aere frigido per asperae arteriae canales qui juxta arteriam venalem proâ—enduntur non tamen osculis communicantes ut pulavit Galenus solo tactu temperat Huic Sanguinis Circulationi ex dextro cordis ventriculo per pulmones in sinisâ—rum ejusdem ventriculum optime respondent ea guae ex disseâ—â—iâ—ne apparent
Nam duo sunt vasa in dextrum ventriculum desâ—nâ—ntia duo etiam in sinistrum Duorum autem unum introâ—â—â—â—it â—anâ—umâ— alterum educit membranis eo ingenio conâ—â—râ—â—â—is Vas igitur intromittens vena est magna quidem in â—extro quae cava appellatur parva autem in sinistro ex pulâ—â—â—â— introducens cujus unica est tunica ut caeterarum venarum Vaâ— autem educens Arteria est magna quidem in sinistro quae Aâ—rta appellatur parva autem in dextro ad pulmones derivans â—ujus similiter duae sunt tunicaeâ— ut in caeteris arteriis He holds that the spirituous or arterious blood is cast out â—nd diffused vigorously into the habit of the body that the vâ—ins and arteries being continuous by Anastomosis it returns to the Heart again vigorating the blood of the vena pâ—rta and â—ava as it returns which is sufficiently intimated in that he deduces all the vigour and vitality of the blood from the Heart â— and that this vigour or natural heat is carried over the body by the Arteries alone and that it is necessary that the whole vâ—nous Systeme or contexture of Arteries and veins be continuous lest the blood in the veins being destitute of the cordial heat should coagulate and putrifie He holds that this motion or Circulation of the blood is without intermission and that the swelling of the veins upon the Ligature is a sufficiâ—nt proof of it But he holds that the recourse of the blood by the veins is greater in the sleep then when we awake which he proves thusâ— in that the veins are more full and â—umid during sleep then waking and the pulse weaker and more slow as any man may observe From whence he concludes that the natural heat which is the Artâ—riâ—us â—lood as I observed before to prevent all possible 〈◊〉 which was otherwise in great part expended upâ—n the 〈◊〉 and sensories doth in sleep return and fill the 〈…〉 that exhaustion ceasing then when we 〈…〉 His opinion will be best set down in his own words and I think it necessary to do it because Nardius hath done it so imperfectly that one would attribute as little to his allegations as to those which are cited out of the Ancients and if I had not read Caesalpinus long before I should have thought the Florentine to have intitled Caesalpinus to the opinion out of envy to Harvey or out of a partial desire to advance the glory of the Tuscan Academy at Pisa when Caesalpinus was Professour Thus that learned man writ about the year 1590. or a little after Audraeas Caesalpinus Questâ— Medic. l. 2. Qu. 17. edit venetae secunda in 4 to A. D. 1593. fol. 234. col 1. Sed illud speculatione dignum videtur Propter quod intumescunt venae ultra locum apprehensum non citrâ— quod experimento sciunt qui vena secant vinculum enim adhibent citra locum sectionis non ultra quia tument venae ultra vinculum non citra Debuisset autem opposito modo contingere si motus sanguinis spiritus a visceribus fit in totum corpus intercepto enim meatu non ultra datur progressus tumor igitur venarum citra vinculum debuisset fieri An â—olvitur dubitatio ex eo quod scribit Aristoteles de Som c. 3. ubi inquit Necesse enim quod evaporatur aliquousque impelli deinde converti permutari sicut Euripum calidum enim cujusque animalium ad superiora natum est ferri cum autem in superioribus locis fuerit multum simul iterum revertitur ferturque deorsum Haec Aristoteles Pro cujus loci explicatione illud sciendum est Cordis meatus ita a natura paratos esse ut ex vena Cava intromissio fiat in Cordis ventriculum dextrum unde patet exitus in pulmonem ex pulmone praeterea alium ingressum esse in Cordis ventriculum sinistrum ex quotandem patet exitus in Arteriam Aortam membranis quibusdam ad ostia vasorum appositis ut impediant retrocessum Sic enim perpetuus quidam motus est ex vena cava per Cor pulmones in Arteriam Aortam ut in Quaestionibus Peripateticis explicavimus Cum autem in vigilia motus caloris nativi fiat extra scilicet ad sensoria in Somno autem intra scilicet ad Cor putandum est in vigilia multum spiritus sanguinis ferri ad arterias inde enim in nervos iter est In somno autem eundem calorem per venas reverti ad Cor non per Arteriam Judicio sunt pulsus qui expergiscentibus fiunt magni vehementes celeres crebri cum quadam vibratione in somno autem parvi languidi tardi rari notante Galeno 3. de caus pul 9 10. Num in Somno calor nativus minus vergit in arterias in casdem erumpit vehementius cum expergiscuntur Venae autem contrario se modo habent nam in somno fiunt tumidiores in vigilia exiliores ut patet intuenti eas quae in manu sunt Transit enim in somno calor nativus ex arteriis in venas per of culorum communionem quam Anastomosin vocant inde ad Cor. Vt autem sanguinis exundatio ad superiora retrocessus ad inferiora ad instar Euripi manifesta est in somno vigilia sic non obscurus est hujusmodi motus in quacunque parte cor poris vinculum adhibeatur aut alia ratione occludantur venae Cum enim tollitur permeatio intumescunt rivuli qua parte fluere solent From hence it is clear that He held that the blood did circulate continually falling into the Heart by the vena Cava and issuing out by the Aorta into all parts of the body that this motion of the blood was perceivable by the Ligatures at any time but most manifest in the intumescence of the veins in sleep at what time also the blood or natural heat which is all one to him did pass by way of Anastomosis out of the arteries into the veins as well as at other times So that we are not to imagine any interrupted circulation in him but that it did constantly flow night and day sleeping and waking though with unequal celerity In letting of blood he tells us that the blood which first issues out is venous and blacker then that which follows and comes more immediately out of the Arteries Venas cum Arteriis adeo copulari osculis ut vena secta primum exeat sanguis venalis nigrior deinde succedat arterialis flavior quod plerumque contingit And he explains the motion of the blood and natural heat thus to prevent all ambiguity At instabit quis in somno nequaquam prohiberi caloâ—em in cerebro sensoriis pulsant enim arteriae in toto corpore etiam in somno At praesente calore innato debuisset duci in actum facultas animalis An calor innatus in somno viget in venis
arteriis non in nervis sine quibus non sit sensus motus Extra igitur forri est nervos petere intra autem non solum ad viscera sed in omnes venas arterias unde operationes naturales magis perficiuntur in toto corpore I hope I have now determined the Question which hath occasioned so many heats in the world concerning the Circulation of the blood who was the first Inventor of it I have demonstrated that Andraeas Caesalpinus a rigid Peripatetick upon sensible Experiments Mechanical considerations not notional apprehensions did not only discover this motion of the blood even through the Lungs but gave it the name of CIRCULATIO SANGUINIS which name is not so proper in it self considering the Fabrick of the veins and arteries and the Labyrinth in which the blood moves universally describing a Line no way circular as that a man would have pitched upon it in any other Age then when Caesalpinus lived when the knowledge of the Learned Languages was less general then now and such a barbarous stile in fashion as our Inveâ—tour â—sed But it was not so in the days of Dr. Harvey who published his Treatise in 4 to at Francfourt in the year as I take it 1628. I must confess I am apt to think upon this consideration that Dr. Harvey who was a Peripatetique Physician and in whose time at Padoa those Physicians did flourish with the greatest repute of Learning and skill in Anatomy as well as Philosophy did take up this opinion from my Author And although there wanted not occasion by reason of what Walaus Riolanus Slegelius and others had said upon the point for him to declare the original of the discovery yet in his two Answers to Riolanus and his Book of Generation He no where asserts the Invention so to himself â— as to deny that he had the intimation or notion from Caesalpinus but leaves the Controversy in the dark which silence of his I take for a tacite Confession His Ambition of Glory made him willing to be thought the Authour of a Paradox he had so illustrated and brought upon the Stage when it lay unregarded and in all probability buried in oblivion Yet such was his Modesty as not to vindicate it to himself by telling a Lie And such his Prudence as rather to avoid the debate then resolve it to his prejudice Had Dr. Harvey been a Chymist I should have guessed that he might have fixed upon the word Circulation upon other reasons and those congruous enough to his Hypotheses but since especially in the days when he writ those Studies were unknown to him and not valued by him I am inclined to think that He did receive his first Iâ—telligence from this Professour at Pisa where Harvey also was and so improved those hints that in the divulging of his Opinion they are as little to be seen as the first indeclines which Painters draw in Pictures that are lost when the Pourtraict is finishedâ— or as in the first Appearances of Plants above ground where those leaves and buds which often give growth â— to the succeeding stemmeâ— flower and fruit are lost or altered so as not to be known Let it suffice that Dr. Harvey had parts and industry enough to have discovered it had he not been prevented thâ—â—ein And I should have imagined that our Countreyman had found it out without any communication with those other books a thing possible enough and of which we have instancâ— in the case of â—udbek Bartholine and Iolice but that the reasons I have alledged render the case suspicions Had Câ—salpiâ—us writ a distinct Treatise I doubt not but much of the Glory had been his since there are as great differences between one Circulator and another and greater then betwixt him and Hâ—rvey but his notions being confusedly laid down here and there in his Peripatetick and Medicinal Questions and he being not ambitious to pretend to any 〈◊〉 discoveries only to illustrate Aristotleâ— tenets I shâ—ll allow Harvey the possession of his present repaâ—â— nor do I give my self this trouble of collecting up into a method thâ—se confuâ—ed aâ—â—eâ—tions of Caesâ—lpiâ—us onâ— of any envy to the dead but out of animosity to Preâ—â—â—ders to Wit and Learning that brave it thâ—s amongsâ— uâ— yeâ— if to be ignorant of what 〈◊〉 passed 〈…〉 heretofore â— be an argument of câ—â—ldishness â—here is not any thing more puerile then this sort of Viâ—tâ—â—si I might not dismiss my Reader â— but that the great noise which this Circulatioâ— of blâ—â—d makes in the World enforceth mâ— to speak a little mâ—â—e about the utility of this discovery which ouâ— Aâ—â—hour describes to be the most noble of â—ll those discoveries in the Oâ—conomy of humane â—ature which Wit and Iâ—dustry have made I do confess I think the Arguments for it to be such as admit of no Answer in general but when we come to debate how it passeth throught the Lungs which Riolanus almost invincibly disproves or through the Septum Cordis which Riolan and Bartholin asserts but Harvey Slegelius Vander Linden and others reject it on good grounds what it is that causeth the pulsation of the Heart what continues on the motion of the blood in the veins even when a Ligature is made betwixt the antecedent and subsequent blood Whether the blood be diffused into the habit of the body and reimbibed by capillary veins or conveyed on by Anastomoses whether there be any difference betwixt the venous and Arterious blood How the Phaenomena which undeniably are observed about the pulse can be made out and particularly how some have lived without any Pulse others which I have known in the palpitation of the Heart suffer no change in their Pulse How upon diffection or wounds somtimes both ends of the veine divided do bleed How some bleed at the arme without any Ligature some upon a double Ligature These and many other questions when I come to dispute with my self methinks I am forced to constrain my judgement in the assent I give to that Probleme and what I am ashamed to deny I finde I cannot own without some reluctancy which is daily encreased in me by scruples arising from the Practick Part of Physick nor do I blush to declare my self an Abettour only of such Tenets as are consistent with and illustrated by Practical Physick it was thought at first that this Circulation of blood would overthrow all the usual Methods of Physick and introduce new and beneficial discoveries in that part of Medicine which is Therapeutick But Harvey denieth that it varieth the Medicine of the Ancients and Slegelius asserts the same opinion avowing it to be rather an happy illustration then a subverâ—ion of the former praxis though it alter the Theory much In fine those little advantages and Diorismes which we derive from that Invention mâ—rit not our notice nay any man shall with more assurance bleed in many diseases in sundry manners and different places upon
is so unlike any thing of Moses's and so like to the doctrine of Harvey that any man must blame Mr. Glanvill for rashness of what he says The words are thus set down by Riolanus and I have not the Original by me to consult Cum coelestia corpora circulariter moveantur inferiera corpora motum illum imitari debent cumque Oceanus fluxu refluxu moveatur ab influxu Lunari similiter humores â—â—lem motum habere necessum est Which words seem clear enough so as to justifie the Epiphonema of my Author in opposition to our Virtuoso Quid ista significant nisi sanguinis Circulationem He that would be informed more fully about the judgement of the Ancients whether there be any thing in them that discovers the Circulation of the blood to have been known unto them or that they were not totally ignorant and without any apprehensions of it let him reade the first letter of Walaeus and the several Pieces of Ioannes Riolanus about the Circulation of the blood and the disputations of Vander Linden about the Circulation of the blood in which he vindicates it in a prolixe discours unto Hippocrates I wil not trouble my self to transcribe them It is evident that all men do give unto Harvey the credit of having so explicated it and Anatomically proved it that he may as well be termed the Author of it as Epicurus and others the Authors of that Philosophy which they derived from Pythogoras Democritus Leucippus and Ocellus Lucanus Nor hath Harvey any other Plea and Right to the Invention then that he did more fully and perspicuously declare it and in the most judicious and solid manner assert what others had but hinted at or faintly insisted on Nor is Mr. Glanvill any better acquainted with the notions of the Modern Writers then he is with those of the Ancients He saith that some have ascribed the Circulation of the blood to Paulus Venetus I must inform the Reader who may easily mistake if he be one of the ordinary Comical Wits that it is not to be ascribed to Paulus Venetus the great Traveller who is generally understood when that name is mentioned none can say that he brought it from the Kingdom of Cathay But Pater Paulus Sarpa or Serpa or Father Paul the famous Venetian Monk of the order of the Servi who signatised himself during the time that Venice was interdicted He was a Student at Padoa at the same time that Harvey was there and discovered to Aqua pendens the valves in the veins which discovery that great Anatomist appropriated to himself and so Harvey was thought to have abused the same Father But since Fulgentio in the life of Padre Paolo doth not challenge Harvey for this Cheat as he doth Fabricius for that other and since Marquardus Slegelius could not hear of any such thing upon a strict Enquiry at Venice and Padua I know not any since Walaeus and Franciscus Ulmus that have ascribed the invention to Paulus Venetus Servita Neither did I ever reade of any man that attributed it to Prosper Alpinus nor is it credible that any ever did so For that great Physician established his glory by being an excellent Practitioner and not by any Anatomical curiosities which he rather contemned then pursued and till I know what Author Mr. Glanvill follows I believe the mentioning of him was occasioned by that way of discoutse which is common to the Wits of this Age to blunder out any thing and by laughing at improbabilities of their own suggestion to explode substantial truths or represent them as forgeries But if any did deceive the world in attributing the Circulation of the blood to Padre Paolo and Prosper Alpinus it doth not follow but that Andreas Caesalpinus was the first Inventor of it and proposed it to the world in his Medical and Peripatetical Questions though not in any Set Discourse but as it casually falls into the discussion of other Problems Whereupon it was little regarded and not enquired after the book being also scarce and he being of that faction of Physicians which adheres to Aristotle against Galen whence it hapned that few read his Paradoxes and one of the bravest men of the latter Age hath been almost buried in oblivion However an ingenious Florentine call'd Ioannes Nardius hath asserted the repute of Andraeas Caesalpinus for precedency to Harvey in the Discovery nor doth the same Author doubtâ— but that Erasistratus was of the same opinion but he â—aith of Caesalpinus this Foelix cui contigit post mortem nancisci clarissimum Patronum Guglielmum Harveium Regium Mâ—dicum nobisque per charum qui abortivam illam opinionem excoluit adeo ut nihil cultius nostro seculo nilque mirabilius occurrerit curiosis amaenarum literarum amatoribus To decide this question and to put an end to those disputes which trouble some of our Virtuosi so much by reason of that little converse they have with Books I shall draw out the opinion of Caesalpinus as he expresseth himself in his Disputations As a great abettour of Aristotle he avows that the Heart is the principal part in man and the original of the veins arteries and nerves which is the opinion of Hofman Van der Linden and other Aristotelian Physicians He describes the Fabrick of the Heart as exactly as any of the Circulators in reference to the Valves so much talked of but he declares not their shape Vasorum in Cor desinentium quaedam intromittunt contentam in ipsis substantiam ut vena Cava in dextro ventriculo arteria venalis in sinistro quadam educunt ut arteria aorta in sinistro ventriculo vena arterialis pulmonem nutriens iu dextro omnibus autem membranule sunt appositae officio delegatae ut oscula intromittentia non educant educentia non intromittant And for the account of the Vena arteriosa and Arteria venosa in the Lungs Harvey is not more perspicuous then he is afterwards where he makes the one to be an Artery the other a veine viz. Putaverunt autem Medici usum hunc non videntes commutatae fuisse vasa in pulmone ut Arteria quidem similis esset venae vena autem similis Arteriae appellantes venas vasa omnia quae in dextrum ventriculum desinunt Arterias autem quae in sinistrum figmenta multa absurditates excogitantes ut usum invenirent Pulsat igitur in pulmone vas dextri ventriculi haec enim e corde recipit ut Arteria magna similiter fabricatum est ejus corpus Vas autem sinistri ventriculi non pulsat quia introducit tantum ejus corpus simile est reliquis venis He holds that the motion of the Heart and Arteries depends not upon any pelsifick Faculty but that it ariseth from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ebullition or effervescency of the blood in the Ventricles and that the Heart and Arteries are dilated at the same time the
blood if it stand 24 houres which sometimes is as firme as those tunicles that encompass the Liver or Kidneys Observations upon that and upon the â—urning of the coagulated Mass and its becoming red again though not so floridly Trials upon that in vessels cover'd that it is not from the air in opposition to the Fracassati I will not mention any thing hereof now but having imparted some observations to some and knowing what plagiaries some men are I thought fitting to publish thus much that they might not pretend to the inventions each whereof were enough to make one of them proud and fill the Transactions Yet I will say this That I never had put my self upon these trials but out of envy and indignation against them and the Transfusion of blood about which they made such ado every where I shall promise one thing that Mr. Boyle is very much mistaken in imagining that there is a great difference betwixt the effects of Medicaments when miâ—ed with thâ— warm blood of an Animal out of the veins and in them as will appear by the mixture of milk already spâ—cifiâ—d and that of the Salt of Tartar which will follow out of the Letter of Borrichius Experiments upon the mixture of Liquors with the warm blood of Animals taken out by Phlebotomy 1. By putting into the warm blood as it came from Animals a little Aqua fortis or Oyle of Vitriol or spirit of Salt these being the most usual and acid menstruums Mr. Boyle observed that the blood not only would presently lose its pure colour and become of a dirty one but in a trice also be coagulated whereas some if fine urinous spirit such as the spirit of Sal Armoniack wâ—re mingled with the warm blood it would noâ— only not cuâ—dle 〈◊〉 or imbase its colour but make it look rather more florid â—hen before and both keep it fluid and preserve it from putrefaction for a long time 2. The Learned and Inquisitive Man Olaus Bâ—rrichius having cut up a dog alive made these observations He took five glasses and placed them in order putting into the one spirit of vinegar into another oyl of Tartar per deliquium into a third a Solution of Allom into a fourth spirit of Salt Armoniack into a fifth spirit of wine into each of the Glasses he suffered the blood of the Crural Artâ—ry to run After some time he come to look upon his Glasses but the next day the observation was most perspicuous That Glass which had the spirit of vinegar in it it was become black like to the blood of Melancholique persons with a thick and copious black sediment and that liquor which was on the top was blackish Where the Oyl of Tartar was the colour was pretty florid but the liquor more turbid no sediment at all only some filements like little fibres floated in it conspicuously here and there Where the Solution of Allom was there all seemed like a subcineritious or dirtyâ—coloured putrilage there being no reliques of the crimson colour of blood to be seen Where the spirit of wine was there the liquor was more turbid then that which had the Oyl of Tartar in it Where the spirit of salt Armoniack was that was of the most beautiful colour of all being very florid of a thin consistence with a diaphanous sediment like to the gelly of currants This observation he also tells Bartholinus that he had in like manner made the preceding Summer Out of all which it most evidently appears how nice a thing the blood is and how small mixtures alter the colour and texture of it and what consequences may follow upon such alteration of its consistâ—nce and particular texture no man knows but that they may be very bad even where innocent and wholesom Medicaments are affused is evident ouâ— of what I have set down It is also as manifest that there are in the bodies of men and women solutions or liquors imbued with sundry salts as aluminous acid and vitriolate c. which when they shall mix with the injected blood what the issue may be I leave the Prudent to conjecture Câ—rtain iâ— is that for these considerations specified reserving my own Experiments to my self none but inconsiderate Quacksalvers would put a Patient upon the trial of injecting of Medicaments or transfusing of blood It is a course Nature whose Servants and Imitators Physicians hitherto were never prompted us unto Having taken so many courses whereby blood might at any time of need issue out of the veins and arteries in sundry parts of the body But especially provided that nothing might immediatâ—ly come into the veins Whatever comes into the veins by the Stomach suffers a great alteration first and whatsoever is noxious either separates from it there and in the guts or is mortified or mitigated so as to be innocent and agreeablâ— to the nature of the veins Which particular nature of the sanguifâ—rous vessels is that which in the dead keeps its own blood fluid and in the living contributes so much to the motion of it that if you make a stop and intâ—rcept the impulse of the subsequent blood yet will the other continue its coursâ— But what will the effect be of Heterogâ—neous blood For undoubtedly the nature of the veins is agreeablâ— to the blood and communicates its impurities and vertue as the cask doth to the wine But further since the blood is to pass through the porosities of the Liver and Lungs and capillary veins and arteries how will they agree with the new blood it being evident upon mixture of Liquors and upon burning that there is a difference in the fibrosity of the bloods and consistence of the several Serums or how will that circulate which results from the mixture I know not but certain it is that the ill consequence is almost if not absolutely past remedy In fine what is it that is aimed at in this Transfuâ—ion is it the rectifying the mass of blood suppose sevâ—ntâ—en pound in a body with the affusion of a few ounces or a pound of Lâ—mbs blood They may as soon rectifie as much vinegar or decayed wine with the like proportion of good wine would they amend the impurities of the vessels there is the same difficulty as before That which they transfuse is not a Chymical spirit but an impure and hâ—terogeneous mixture fitted by different digestions and ferments to a different nourishment of another Animal with different excrements resulting from it It is in the Stomach and first digestion where food is so concocted by the Humane heat or Acidity as to turn to a chyle adequate to the nourishment of man and generating such blood and such excrements as are the result of such a concoction as is agreeable to the nature of man And so it is in all creatures Thus we see that in different Animals different Excrements are generated nor is it to be doubted but that the concoctive principle differs as much in a dog or
de cerebro c 6. p. 82 83. Io. Iac. Wepferus Apoplex p 116. Bartholin Anat l. 3. c. 7. Vol. Coiter observ anatom miscel Ex substantia cerebri cerebelli quatuor radicibus oritur primum â—runcus insignis Medulla spinalis appellatâ—â— ex quo multi emergunt sâ—â—culi nomine neâ—vorum insigâ—iti Varolius Anatom l. 1. c. 13. p 12. Moebius fundament med c. de usu â—ervor p 606. Caspar Hofman 〈◊〉 med l 2. c. 65. secâ— 1. So Dr. Charlton in his Discourse to the Royal Society concerning the Brain takes the liberty to understand by the Cerebrum as well as others totum illud corpâ—â— quod Calvariae concavo continâ—tur pag. 67. de Propr cerebri humani though afterwards when he comes to sâ—eak more accurately he treats of the Medulla oblongata thus Cerebro proxime subjicitur alma nervorum ad sensus spectantium mater funiâ— argentei sicut Sapiens in Ecclesiaste cleganti â—â—d obscuâ—a Allegoria vocat Medullâ—m spinalem principlum Medulâ—a scilicet intra cranium oblonâ—ata Behold the addition of Mr. Glanvill V. de Vâ—roâ—ium l. 1. c. 3. If Varolius 〈…〉 I â—elieve be did by a peâ—â—liar wa◠〈◊〉 diâ—â—â—cting the headâ— what is it that Mr Gâ—anvill then 〈◊〉 I am sure that Fâ—acassatus saith Vaâ—olius pâ—imus principium spinalis medullâ— vel intra cranium soboleâ—cere in nervoâ—â— quorum oâ—igo olim á cerebro petebaâ—uâ— dâ—cuit Highmore de affect hypochondâ— c. 4. Willis in Anatome cerebri c 20. Bartholin spiâ—ileg 1. c. 3. Bartholin â—picâ—â—eg 1. de vasis lymphat p. 23. Plus â—â—tra pâ—g 15. Hippocrates de oss nat t. â—7 Eâ— lib. de alim 1.4 12. Plato in Tiâ—â—aeâ— Vide Slegel de motu Sanguin c. 2. Riâ—lan in not ad ep Walai Aâ—dâ—aeas Caesalâ—inus â— peripatet f. 5. qu. 3. Ib. qâ— 4. Mark this where he mâ—kes the Heart and Arteries to be one continued receptacle of perfect blood by which you must â—xplain what he says in some pâ—aces as iâ— only spirits or natural heat went into the Arteriâ—s or returned by the vâ—inâ— Qu. Med. l. 2. qu 5 â—ol 212. col 1. lit c. Qu. Med. l. 2. qu. 15. fol. 230. col 1. l. c. Narravit mih. Nobiliss. Amplissâ— Nicâ—laus Cudart illustrissmi Principis Auriaci Consiâ—â—arius meminisse se andire ipsum Harveium profitentem se revera primam circuitus sanguinis nâ—titiam in cum seâ—tione viventium inquirendi occasionem ex Heâ—ioto accepisse Fuit is serenissimi 〈◊〉 â—â—pis Iacâ—bi gemmâ—rius Matheâ—â—os periâ—us eoque nomine Londini â—elebris Si verum hoc verisi milius quoque est vel ipsâ—m vel Sarpium vel Heriâ—â—um a Câ—sâ—lpinâ— accepisse Nemo enim mihi persâ—aserit ab eorum nemine visum fuisse scriptum venetiis impressum quod vel titulo sâ— nedum eruditionis varietate atque sublimitate commendet Io. Artâ—râ— Vander Linden disput de circuit sangu 〈◊〉 9. sect 196. exercit 16. sectâ— 582. Navdiuâ— noct Genial â— p. 412. Epist xxi C. Hofman var lect l. 2. c. 2. Iâ— Ant. Vandâ—r Lindâ—n de Ciâ—â—uiâ—fangu â—xâ—rc 9 Fracassatus de cerebro p. 202. Plus Vltra pag. 17. Those Forreignerâ— will rectifie hereafâ—er their mistakes and not attribute the injectinâ— of Medicâ—ments to thâ—â—â—â—nventionâ— as Caspar Schottus in Mirâ—b Art l. xi c. 21. p. 891. â— Phil. Iac. Sacks in Ocean Micromicrocosm sâ—ct 155 have doâ—c unjustly magnifying â—olerâ—issâ—ram Industriam Exâ—pâ—rientiam of these Pretenders Andr. Liâ—av defens Syntagm arcanor adv Henning Scheunemem act 2. c. pag. 8. edit Fâ—ancofâ—urt A. 1615. Philâ—s Tâ—ansact Numb 37. p. 740. â—y his leave it infers only the mention of it to be more ancient not â—he Operation Libavius proposâ—th it out of some Paracelâ—ian Magical Writer and not from his own Fancy adding â—hat the Physician who practiseth thâ—s Transfusion deâ—eâ—vs Hellebore himself See Mr. I. Denny's Letter in the Transact numb 27. Ib. numâ— 28 See Transact Num. 28. pag. 524. In the Transactions numb 37. pag. 371. The Gâ—zâ—ttier affiâ—ms that upon further invâ—stigâ—tion iâ— waâ— by gâ—od proof which is in hâ—s hands prov'd that the invention 〈…〉 â—nown to some Ingenious persâ—ns in â—ngland thiâ—â—y years ago If so â—hen is not the Socâ—ety the Inventors of it excâ—pt we will say that Societies as well as individual 〈◊〉 de pre-exist But may not a man ask 〈◊〉 Gazettierâ— where is the publike record 〈◊〉 this Invenâ—iâ—n wâ—aâ— Account â—s there of the Meâ—hod with whiâ—h it was practised with what suâ—ces How comes all this â—o be conceaâ—ed till â—fter Dr. Lower atchieves it and the Frâ—nch prâ—â—â—nd to it would any man haâ—e conâ—â—â—led thâ—ir claim to the Dâ—scovâ—ryâ— afteâ— that it was become the talk of Eâ—ropeâ— the Daâ—ling of the Socâ—eâ—y and woâ—thy to â—e dispuâ—ed by the French why did they not put in their Claim being wâ—thin heaâ—ing till about three years after Transact num 27. p. 490 491. Car. Fracassat Ep. Anaâ— de cerebro p. 252.253 â—54 Dr. Lâ—wer de moâ—u Cordis pag. 1.9 Transact num 27. pag. 49. Mr. Boylâ— of the Usefuâ—nesâ— of Nat Pâ—ilâ—s part 2 p. 54 55. Vid â—upâ—a p 53.54 Phil. Iac. Sachs in Ocean-macromicrocosm sâ—ct 15â— Transact numb 30. paâ— 564 565. Vulgo hactenus a non pâ—ucis spâ—â—itus Vitrioli Sulphuâ—is pro diversis rebâ—s habiti sunt adeo quidem ut nonnulli 〈◊〉 sulphuris acidum ad eâ—sdempulmonis morbâ—s exhiberent sed valde impeâ—ite cum ac da omnia sint pectâ—ri inimica spiritus Sulphuris Vitri li essâ—ntia nullâ— modo â—iffâ—rantâ— sed ex â—adem re generentâ—r parentuâ— Etenim spiritus Vâ—trioli Sulphuris eundem saâ—orem coâ—oâ—em omnino easdem qâ—alitatâ—s â—ffâ—ctus habent ad â—osdâ—m usuâ— in mâ—dicina adhiâ—â—ntur nâ—ndumquâ— inventus est qui â—pecuâ—iarem aliquam seu manifestam seu occuliam qualitatem in spiritu Sulphuris monstrare potuerit quae non eâ—iâ—m iâ— spiritu Vitrioli sit Sâ—nnert in Paralipomen ad institut l. 5 part 3 sect 3 c. 5. â—ngelus Sala Tartaralog sect 3 c 2. p. 133. Dâ—squisit de soeâ—u pag. 130. Transact numb 29. p. 552. Thâ— Barthâ—lin ep Centur 3 ep 97. pag. 421 4â—2 Inspeximus post intervallum plenius postrâ—â—ie omnia Observavimus sanguinem cui affâ—sus erat spiritus aceâ—i reddiâ—um nigricantem instar sanguinis Melancholicorum sedimento crasso copioso aâ—ro supernatantem liquorem paene etiam atrum Cui afâ—usum oleum salis tartari redditum coloris sic satis floridi sed turbidiorem liquoremâ— sedimentum nullum ramenta tantum fibrillarum insâ—ar hinâ— inde conspicua Cui affufa solutio aluminis redditum instar putiâ—ae subcineâ—itiae putâ—ilaginis omni sanguinis colore prorâ—us abolito Cui affusus spiritus vini redditum turbidiorem quam cui oleum salis tartari Cui spiâ—itus salis Armoniaci redditâ—m omnium elegantissimum colore floridum tenuem substantia infundo seâ—imentum diaphanum instar Galatinae
of others After him Fallopius and Eustachius were the most remarkable though many others came in with their little inventions to make up the cry and failed not to supply the inutility of their discoveries with excessive clamor What Apologies were made for Galen by Sylvius and others would be tedious to relate they being so ridiculous and repugnant to common sense that nothing could stop the growing glory of Vesalius and his followers The issue of all was that as Hippocrates lost no credit by an ingenious confession of his mistake about the Sutures in the head of Autonomus small errors being not observable in great Authors So Galen still retained a great repute in the world his other Works having advanced him above the effects of petty calumnies or defaults And the great Guinterus Andemacus a competent Judge of old and new discoveries in Physick and Anatomy gives this censure upon those curious Disquisitions Multa in rerum natura extant quorum notitia non quidem Medicum aptiorem facit sed medicinae tantum profectum reddit Sic nolli ob accâ—ratam illam ne dicam curiosam nimis partium corporis perscrutationem Medici excellentiores sed ob curationes dextre sentatas absolutasque censentur Ideo etiam Hippocrates Galenus Erasistratus plures id genus alii tantum ex rerum natura corporis humani fabricatione scrutari voluerunt quantum ad medicinam probe exercendam ex usu esse putarunt Non eadem enim semper omnibus similem ob causam conducunt Sic Anatome aliter physicis inseruit qui disciplinas ipsas propter se amant alterii qui illam non adeo affectant sed nihil temere a natura factum esse demonstrant aliter his qui argumenta ut illâ— ait ad actionem quandam vel naturalem vel animalem cognoscendam ex partium humani corporis historia adferre nituntur aliter medico qui manum aculeis telonumque cuspidibus probe exprimendis vel alicui parti apte excidendae vel sinubus fistulis abscessibus incidendis adhibiturus est quo Anatomes usn nihil aeque est necessarium Certainly it had been an action of greater ingenuity in our Novelists to have acknowledged the many excellent things that are in Galen which are so advantageous to Physick then to endeavour to render a man multi ingenii multaque nihilominus habiturum contemptible by the representation of a few defects in him relating to things not much material to his profâ—ssion It must always be said of Galen that he was the man who by his dextrous wit happy practice and great eloquence as well as universal learning did restore the glory of the Hippocratical Physick which was in a manner extinct in his days He again brought Anatomy into request which had been slighted and dis-used so long he himself dissected bodies privaâ—ely and publickly in the Temple of Peace and amongst other Discoveries of his own it is observable that he found out the use of recurrent nerves whose influence upon the voice is such that as they are pressed or cut into two so a Dog becomes perpetually mute or onely howls never barks Had that curiosity been but the discoveâ—ry of some Novelists what a noise would they have made what boastings should we have had But all that is good in Galen is passed by and to make way for the glory of our new Inventors Vesalius Fallopius Carcanus Eustachius Ingrassias Columbus Arantius Varolius are not so much as mentioned by Mr. Glanvill to the end that we may if we will believe that it is the genius of this Age alone which puts men upon discoveries and that before them there were none that had merited this remark I instance in the most remarkable of their discoveries briefly and those I take notice of are The valves of the veins discovered by Fabricius ab Aqua pendente The valve at the entrance of the Gut Colon found as is generally thought by Bauhinus I cannot think these to be so remarkable discoveries but that he might have found out many more since the time of Vesalius I shall nâ—me one woâ— gave a great light to the Circulation of bloud and that is the discovery which Realdus Columbus made that the blood did pass through the Lungs out of the right ventricle into the left and so into the Aorta and all the body As for the valves in the veins I believe there are few that think that Fabricius ab Aquapendente was the first discoverer of them for they were shewed to Fabricius by father Paul that famous Venetian Monk as appears in his life written by Fulgentio and extant in English Neither indeed was Father Paul the first Inventour of them for they are described before by Iacobus Sylvius Professor of Physick at Paris as Riolanus and Slegelius and Bartholinns do inform the world And as to the valve in the beginning of the Colon-gut if there be such a one and that it be not rather a protuberant circle arising from the joyning of the Ileon and Colon as Pavius Falcoburgius and Riolanus hold whatsoever it be it was discovered by Varolius and called the Operculum Iléi before that ever Bauhinus was born as Riolanus doth demonstrate there are two others that may as justly pretend to it to better merit the credit then Bauhinus and those are Solomon Albertus whom Bartholin inclines unto and Ioannes Posthius of Montpelier whom Riolanus also favours The Sinus of the veins and their use found out by Dr. Willis I wonder Mr. Glanvill should not acquaint us with those particular Sinus which Dr. Willis should finde out for since in common discourse when we speak undeterminately of the Sinus we understand those of the brain it did become him to tell us which others he meant lest a man that knew his skill should apprehend him so ignorant as to think that Dr. Willis had newly found out those Sinus one whereof hath for above two thousand years born the name of Herophilus and was called Torcular Herophili in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But I shall be so favourable as to think that these are not the Sinus he meant Dr. Willis having tried nothing more in prosecution of them then to pursue the Circulation of the blood there by the injecting of Inkish liquor whereas Wepferus used a tincture of Saffron and Bartholin evidenced the same thing by a pair of bellows or tube and winde insufflated I do beleeve that He or they that suggested this to him did mean the Sinus or venae vertebrales which are described exactly in the Doctors Book in the thirteenth Table But I must tell him that whatsoever there is in that Piece which is Anatomical the glory thereof belongs to Dr. Lower whose indâ—fatigable industry produced that elaborate Treatise and any man that knows the great practice of that other Doctor will grant that although he could not want abilities yet he wanted leisure to attend to such
with Instances of Anatomical Advancements unless I should hitherto referre the late noble Experiment of Transfusion of the Blood from one living Animal into another which I think very fit to be mentioned and I suppose it is not improper for this place Or however I shall rather venture the danger of improprieâ—y and misplacing then omit the taking notice of so excellent a Discovery which no doubt future Ingenuity and Practice will improve to Purposes not yet thought of and we have very great likelihood of advantages from it in present Prospect For it is concluded That the greatest part of our diseases arise either from the scarcity or malignant tempers and corruptions of our Blood in which cases Transfusion is an obvious Remedy and in the way of this Operation the peccant blood may be drawn outâ— without the danger of too much enfeebling Nature which is the grand inconvenience of meer Phlebotomies So that this Experiment may be of excellent use when Custom and Acquaintance have hardned men to permit the Practice in Pleurisies Cancers Leprosies Madness Ulcers Small-Pox Dotage and all such like Distempers And I know not why that of injecting prepared Medicines immediately into the blood may not be better and more efficacious then the ordinary course of Practice Since this will prevent all the danger of frustration from the loathings of the Stomach and the disabling clogging mixtures and alterations they meet with there and in the inâ—estines in which no doubt much of the spirit and virtue is lost But in the way of immediate injection they are kept intire all those inconveniences are avoided and the Operation is likeâ— to be more speedy and successful Both these noble Experiments are the late Inventions of the ROYAL SOCIETY who have attesâ—ed the reality of the former that of Transfusion of Blood by numerous trials on several sorts of brute Animals Indeed the French made the Experiment first upon humane Bodies of which we have a good account from Mounsieur Dennis But it hath been practised also with fair and encouraging success by our Philosophical Society The other of injection if it may be mentioned as a different invention was also the Product of some generous Inventors though indeed more forward Forreigners have endeavoured to usurp the Credit of bothâ— This latter likewise hath succeedâ—d to considerable good effects in some new Trials that have been made of it in Dantzick as appears in a Letter written from Dr. Fabricius of that City and Printed in the Philosophical Translations I shall not quarrel with Mr. Glanvill for misplacing this discourse about the Transfusion of Blood but I think all the World will condemn him for ascribing either the invention of Transfusing blood or of injecting Medicaments into the veins unto the Society That the latter was a thing much practised by Dr. Wren and others in Oxford beforâ— the Restoration of his Majesty and before that ever the SOCIETY was thought upon is a thing known to all that were at those days in that University I saw my self in those days the Dog into whose veins there was injected a Solution of Opium at the Lodgings of the Honourable Robert Boyle of which he makes mention in his second discourse of the Usefulness of Natural Philosophy and Borrichius in his Letters to Bartholinus As for that other of Transfusing the blood out of one Animal into another if the Question be who first proposed it into the World to be trâ—ed it is certain that Libavius first did thaâ— at least I know not any more ancient then Heâ— That Learned man above Fifty years ago so plainly describes the Tranâ—fusion that one can hardly discourse of it with more clearness then there is done in these words Adsit Iuvenis robustus sanus sanguine spirituoso plenus Adstet exhaustus viribus tenuâ—s macitentus vix animam trahens Magister Artis habeat tubulos argenteos inter se congruenâ—es apâ—riat arteriam robusâ—i tubulum inserat muniatque mox aegrâ—ti arteriam findat tubulum foemineum infigat jam duos tubulos sibi mutuo applicet ex sano sanguis arterialis calens spirituosus saliet in aegrotum unaque vitae fontem afferet omnemque languoâ—em pellet This allegation was made use of by an Italian Phiâ—osopher and silenceth all those in England or France that pretend to the Glory of having first proposed So that the Authour of the Philosophical Transactions confesseth it in these words This indeed is clear enough and obligeth us to averre a greater Antiquity of this operation then before we were aware of though 't is true Libavius did not propose it but only to mock at it which is the common fate of new Inventions in their Cradle besides that He contrives it with great danger both to the Recipient and Emittent by proposing to open Arteries in both which indeed may be practised upon Brutes but ought by no means upon Man Till that learned Italian had instructed the Virtuosi in the point there had been a great Controversie agitated between the French and English Societies about the Invention The former pretended that it was mentioned first amongst them about eleven years ago at the Assembly in the house of Mounsieur de Montmor and that the publick is beholding to that Monsieur for this discovery and the benefits and advantages that shall be reaped thereby But about the person that should first mâ—ntion the design the French vary Monsieur de Gury fathers it upon the Abbot Bourdelot but the Author of their Iournals upon a Benedictine Friar Our Society having given the world occasion to take notice of it publikely and having otherwise long before pursued the Oxford Invention of injecting Liquors into the veins thought themselves injured in this that the French should usurp the Credit of such a discovery as had its first birth in England upon a preâ—ence that it was conceived in France it being notorious the French took occasion to try it by the Example of the English Virtuosi and there being no publick record cited declaring the time and place of the Invention proposed the Method to practise it and the success of the Execution ' Thereupon began a Paper-scuffle betwixt the Gazettiers of the Curiensâ— which any mâ—n may readâ— with some pleasâ—re because they had on both sides such little Logick as to argue from the mentioning of a design to the effecting it If the way of Argumentation be good and solid then Aristotle and such of the Ancients as proposed the squaring of the Circle must not be denied the glory of being Inventors of it So they which first proposed a perpetual motion or the Northwest Passage may go for Inventors of them yet are none of these things yet discovered Oh! new Correlates and worthy of our Inventors Long ago Aristotle and the Common Dialectioâ—s told us Datur scibile de quo non datur Scientia But none likâ— our Anti-Logicians-ever taught there were a sort of
Inventors whoâ—e Inveâ—tions were yet to seek All that our Inventors did was that after Dr. Lower had first discovered and practised the Transfusion at Oxford in Februâ—ry 1665. They on the seventeenth of May following 1665. gave order that there should be trials made for transfusing the blood bâ—t their â—rials proving lame for want of a fit Apparatus and a well continued Method of Operation the Dr. sent them a convenient Method for effecting the thing Before this there never was any mention or proposal made at the Society concerning the Transfusion as I am certainly informed by one of their Number who hath examined their Iournal Books in which such Proposals and Experiments are recorded Nay they were so far from pretending to it at first that when it was mentioned unto them by Mr. Boyle there were some as well severe as ingenuous Criticks who thought it somewhat strange and bold for him to affirm that the Dr. had made it succeed And besides I observe that Mr. Boyle in his Letter to Dr. Lower who hath vindicated the Invention to himself in his late Book de Corde doth not say that ever the Society had thought of or attempted or designed to attempt the thing He calls it insolitum insperatum conamen June 26. 1666. and desires He would acquaint the Society with the manner how he atchieved it Now since that neither was Dr. Lower then of the Society nor any way entitles them unto it but himself and that in a Treatise wherein he doth not so much as call himself a Member of that Assembly set any man judge with how much truth this other Discovery is ascribed to these NEW EXPERIMENTATORS by our Virtuoso But least I should seem to deal too severely and malâ—ciously with them rather then it shall be said That they invented nothing I grant that They invented a LYE and shall conclude the Debate by representing the words out of their Transactions by which they assume to themselves the Credit of the Invention and by a dubious wording and pointing of the Period insinuate as if Dr. Lower as well as Dr. King had been encouraged to the Attempt by the Society Phiâ—osoph Transact Numb 27. pag. 490. How lonâ— soâ—ver that Experiment may have been conceived in other parts which is needless to contest it is notorious that it had its Birth first of all in England some ingenious persons of the Royal Society having first started it there several years ago as appears by their Journal and that dextrous Anatomist Dr. Lower reduced it into practice both by contriving a Method for the Operation and by successfully executing the same wherein he was soon overtaken by several happy Trials of the skilful hand of Dr. Edmund King and others encouraged thereunto by the said Society which being notified to the World Numb 6.19 20. of these Transactions printed Novemb. 19. Decemb. 17. 1666. the Experiment was soon after that time heard of to have been tried in forreign Parts without hearing any thing of its having been conceived ten years ago In which relation I must take notice that it doth not really appear in their Iournal-books that ever any such thing was started by any persons how ingenious soever of their Society Dr. Lower being not then nor long after in the History of the Royal Society reckoned as a Member of it Nextâ— that the intâ—rpunction of the period is so equivocally placed and penned that the unwary Reader may think that Dr. Lower as well as the others was encouraged to the trial by the Society Whereas he was not whatever the others were Again it is disingeniously said that he was soon overtaken by several happy Trials of Dr. Edmund King and others encouraged thereto by the Society Since it appears by the letter of Mr. Bâ—yle that the Society knew not how to do the thing in Iune which Dr. Lower had effected in February and the fame thereof at that time was spread over England In Iuly Dr. Lower acquainted the Society with the manner of the Transfusion whereof Dr. Wallis had given the Society an imperfect accoâ—nt a little before of what he had seen Dr. Lower do at Oxford So that for at least four or five months the Members of the Society did not overtake Dr. Lower But after they were acquainted with the contrivance they invented it very clearly From heâ—ce it is easie for any man to judge with how much right Mr. Glanvill doth say that both the injecting of Medicines and transfusing blood into the veins of Animals those Noble Expâ—riments were the late Inventions of the SOCIETY I shall now proceed to inquire into the Utility of them thereby to discover how noble and excellent they are and what advantages we may hope to derive from them hereafter Because this Transfâ—nding of blood hath hitherto been looked on as the primary Invention and the most famed of any the Society were ever intitled unto and that they themselâ—es have particularly concerned themselves in asserting it to be their discovery â— to the end that every Reader may the better be able to judge of the Controversie without being forced to go seek out amongst the scattered transactions and elsewhere several Histories that are material to the passing a right judgement I shall crave pardon if I do relate particularly the matter of fact and what hath been sundry times performed by the English Italian and Freâ—ch Virtuosi with every circumstance both as to injecting of Medicines and of blood into the veins As to the injecting of Medicaments into the veins it is an Experiment that I am apt to think was first tried by the English and as a curiosity it was not unpleasant but that it should be so advantageous a discovery as Mr. Glanvill represents it is like to be I do not beleeve There was a time when men had regard to their Consciences and what could not be administred but upon prudential hopes of advantage to the Patient no approved Physician durst or would give to any sick person but in this Age such as ought to protest against it are as forward as any to forget these considerations and prompt men on to practices without either regarding whether the effect be not Murther in the Physicians besides the ill consequences to the diseased In the injecting of Medicaments I must complain that neither the Operation of Medicaments immediately injected into the blood and veins is known nor the dose and consequently the Project not like to improve Physick at all unless our Magistrates will licence men to try so many Experiments even to the apparent hazard or certain death of the parties and may regulate and authenticate the practice in such manner as becomes a Baconical Experiment and to encourage Rational men to this procedure there ought to be a greater deficiency in Physick then yet appears and a more hopeful success then any man can yet expect supposed by this way A Paynim told us Nulla unquam de morte hominis
cunctatio longa est A sober Physician will look upon the act to be as indiscreet as the Comedian describes love to be Quaeres in se neque consilium neque modum habet ullum eam consilio regere non potes That there is no probability that this way of Medicine can ever amount to any thing appears from this consideration that Liquors immediately injected into the blood have a different Operation there then when taken in by the Stomach and that the mixtures of Liquors with blood upon Phlebotomy in a Pottinger gives no light to the Experiment As I shall now shew Seignior Fracassati Professor of Anatomy at Pisa tried these Experiments by injecting Medicaments 1. Having injected into the jugular and crural veins of a Dog some Aqua fortis diluted the Animal died presently and being opened all the blood in the vessels was coagulated and fixed but that which was in the Viscera which I dare not English Guts but take it to denote the Heart Liver Lungs Spleen where the blood passes extravasated through though the Transactions render it Guts and destroy the antithesis betwixt vasa and viscera did not so easily coagulate It was also observed that the great vessels were burst or as it were cut asunder yet have I known who hath put Aqua fortis into cooling Iuleps in Fevers as others do spirit of Vitriol without â—ny harm 2. There was also infused into another Dog some spirit of Vitriol which had not so present an effect for the Animal complained a great while and foamed like Epilepticks and had its respiration very thick and observing the beating of his breast one might easily judge the Dog suffered much who dying at last his blood was found fixed in the veins and grumous resembling Soot whereas in the Experiment with Aqua fortis which may as easily be given inwardly as spirit of Nitre the blood is not said to have been changed in its colour from other coagulated blood It was also observablâ— thoâ—gh the Transactions minde it not that the blood in this last Dog was not upon coagulation continuous in the veins but broken and severed into parcels 3. There was also injected into the jugular of another dog some oyle of Sulphuâ— per campanam but he died not of it though this infâ—sion was several times tried on him And the wound being closed and the dog lâ—t go he went into all the corners of the room searching for meat and having found some bones he fell to gnawing them with a strange avidity as if this Liquor had caused in him a great appetite 4. Another dog into whose veins some Oyle of Tartar per deliquium was injected did not escape so well for he complained much and was altogether swoln and then died â—eing oâ—ened the Spectators were surprised to finde his blood not curdled but on the contrary more thin and florid then ordinary 5. Dr. Lower having extracted half a pound of blood out of the crural urine of a Mastiff dog did inject the like quantity of warm milk into him within half an hour the dog became very sick breathed with difficulty and seemed to labour much with his heart and diaphragme and after to palpitate tremble and sigh grievously and at length miserably died Upon dissection he found the vena cava the ventricles of the heart the vessels of the Lungs and the Aorta full of blood and milk coagulated together and the concretion was so hard that it was not easie to part it This he tried but once But Monsieur Dennys the French Physician saith he tried it with a different success For having syringed about a quarter of a pint of milk into the veins of an Animal he tells not what and having opened the same some time after he found the milk so perfectly mixed with the blood that there was not any place in which appeared the least footstep of the whiteness of the milk and all the blood was generally more liquid and less apt to coagulate 6. I received an account of some Experiments from one much versed in these injections which he may one day acquaint the world with to this effect That the infusion of Crocus Metallorum injected in a less quantity then otherwise vizâ— â„¥ ss semis will work by vomit in a dog almost presently and very strangely and make him grievously sick Yet Dr. Wren informs Mr. Boyle that a moderate dose of the infusion of Crocus Metallorum did not much move the dog that he injected it into but a large dose of two ounces or more wrought soon and so violently that he vomited up life and all That a dog will take two drams of Opium into his Stomack and seem never the worse if you keep him from lying down half an hour after but two drams of Poppy-seeds made into an Emulsion and injected into his veins will kill him presently 7. Mr. Boyle saith that he conveyed a small dose of the tincture of Opium into a dog this way which began to work so speedily upon the brain that he was scarce untied before the Opium began to disclose its Narcotick quality and almost as soon as he was upon his feet he began to nod with his head and reel and faulter in his place but being kept awake and in motion by whipping up and down the Garden after some time he came to himself again and not only recovered but began to grow fat so manifestly that 't was admired 8. A certain German Count coming into England relates an Experiment which he saw in the presence of Pr. Rupert After some blood taken from a dog there was injected into him a small quantity portiuncula of Spanish wine within sometime after the dog was perfectly drunk being giddy performing sundry ridiculous actions then vomiting with a profound sleep 9 Dr. Fabricius Physician to the City of Dantzick injected purgatives into humane bodies with this effect A strong bodied Souldier being dangerously infected with the Pox and having grievous protuberations of the bones in his armes two drams of a purgative liquor were injected he presently complained of great pains in his elbows and the little valves of his arm did swell so visibly that it was necessary by a great compression on 's fingers to stroke up that swelling towards the Patients shouldersâ— Some four hours after it began to work not very troublesomely and so it did the next day in so much that the man had five good stools with it Without any other remedies those protuberances were gone nor are there any footsteps of the disease left Two other trials were made upon women the one a married woman of 35 the other a Servant-maid of 20 years old both from the birth had been grievously troubled with Epileptick Fits so that there was little hopes of curing them There was injected into their veins a laxative rosin dissolved in an Antiepileptical spirit the first of these had gentle stools some hours after the injection
to that of red Currants which rendred the one half of it opacous it was no way dis coloured nor unequally mixt the spirit of Sal Armoniack being poured on it did render it fluid presently and transparent Having occasion after some weeks stay at the Bath to ride in extream hot weather above 200 miles in a few days and being tired with watching and the journey and being wet very much with a great shower of rain at my return I went immediately into the Cross-Baâ—h for half an hour to prevent any inconveniences that might befal me upon such travel but at my coming out of the Bath I felt so violent a defluxion into my throat and the adjacent Glandules that I apprehended some danger of a Squinoncy which yet I avoided by bleeding purging and other means together with the use of the same Bath after all when I was to bleed I was willing to try some further Experiments in Liquors different from the former and the Observations I made were these 1. I caused two veins to be opened in the left arm at once and received one Pottinger out of the Mediana and the other out of the Cephalica my intent in that was to observe as I had done once before in my self whether the blood of two veins in the same arm would yield different bâ—ood if so then I thought that it might not be indifferent in what vein a man bleeds though they all arise from one trunk of the vena cava and that we might justly have regard to those cautions of our observing Ancestors not to bleed those veins promiscuously but some in one case and some in another I was confirmed in those sentiments by the Phaenomena I met with a second time in the trial as other observations have satisfied me about the doctrine of revulsion and its truth Having taken one Pottinger out of the Mediana and another out of the Cephalica I stopped the Mediane and continued to bleed into the liquors out of the Cephalick In the first issuing out of the two bloods I could finde no difference in the colour or consistence but after standing three or four houres that of the Mediane had much less of Serum in it the Serum thereof seemed Limpid in the Pottinger but that of the Cephalick was citrine coloured that of the Mediane somewhat of a volatile saline pungency upon the tongue different from the taste which the other Serum had that being very salt that of the Mediane had a blewish Gelatine gathered upon the top of the condensed mass of blood the other had none but was of a fâ—orid red on the top After two days I came to look on them again and upon turning the coagulated mass of blood in the pottinger that of the Mediana had much more of black towards the bottom then the other and also a thinner surface of red then that of the Cephalick 2. To carry on the Experiment of mixing several liquors with blood I bled into some ounces of Aqua mirabilis which grew deep coloured almost unto the top which was transparent and of the colour of Mant-wine almost after some houres the Liquor became of a bright beautiful â—laret-colour almost unto the bottom where there was an opacous dark-red setling with an enaeorema of contexed â—ilaments pretended to the top The Wasps flocked to that glass in great numbers and drowned themselves in it not medling with any other of the subsequent glasses After two days was little changed only the beautiful Claret was somewhat darkned 3. I bled upon some ounces of Treacle-water which turned as black as Ink presently but continued the blood perfectly fluid The red was so destroyed that the Aluminous Solution did not equal it there not being upon inclination of the glass the least sign of any incarnadine and so it continued for two days no variation happening 4. I bled upon some ounces of Cinnamon-water which turned of a pale red is I held up the glass to the light it seemed almost to the top opacously red as Tentâ—wine but if viewed otherwise it seâ—med of a paler red approaching to bastard-scarlet After a while it seemed as if all the blood were coagulated into one mass from top to bottom subsiding a little within the tinged Cinâ—amon-wateâ—â— Upon agitation and stirring with a knife it appeared that thâ— â—ibres of the blood were so destroyed that this mass was no coherent thing but broken into little massulae or parcels of a pale red such as the subsiding curds are in whey After two days I viewed it and found the Phaenomenon of the whole Glass to look cherry-coloured but the incoherent massulae were of a pale red 5. I bled into some ounces of Aqua Bezoarticae that did coagulatâ— with the blood â— so thatâ— it all fell in one incoherent mass towards the bottom but whethâ—r there hapned to be a greater proportion of blood in the glass or for some other cause the coagulated blood filled almost all the water much beyond what we observed in the Cinnamonâ—water the consistence of the one and the other massulae were like the curds in whey these were of a pale red retaining to whitishness and so it continued two days the small quantity of water appearing in it giving no opportunity â—or further Observations 6. I bled upon some ounces of Nanâ—es-Brandy it gave us a more tenacious curd then the former of a pale red but the mass and liquour was opacous towards the bottom so as to appear like Tent-wine in what light soever I placed it After two days that of the Brandy which was fluid the curd not being answerable to the Aqua Bezoartica was of a pretty florid red the coagulated mass was of a brick colour 7. I bled upon some ounces of Anise seed water drawn from the grounds of beer it yielded a mixture of a deep blâ—od red from top to bottom somewhat transparent The mass coagulated from top to bottom the curd was of a deeper red then the others and of such a tenaciousness as is to be found in the foft curd of possets After two days it turned blâ—ckish the coherent curdâ— being of a little lighter red 8. My indisposition and other cares permitted me not to prosâ—cute these Experiments as I did the other but one curiosity more possessed me to put two drams of spirit of Harts-horn into a pottinger and to bleed thereupon to see if it would alter the Phaenomenon from what it is if the spirit of Harts-horn be poured on the blood I did so and I found at this time that it kept my blood from coagulating into such masses as otherwise it would but the blood turned blackishly-red and in it there was observed a crimson gelatine which run off the knife as jelly of red currants would when beginning to cool After two days it continued still fluid but blackish I have sundry times tried that way of putting spirit of Harts-horn into the pottinger first and then caused them to bleed
upon it with this success that immediately it spoiles the red giving it a more dirty colour â— and casts up a mucous phlegme such as I never saw in any blood upon other Essays just like what many spit and blow out of their noses in catarrhs this covers all the pottinger without any mixture of blood in it and would be white but that the subjacent blood gives it another muddy colour The blood under it was always fluid and unequally mixed with parts of a bright and blackish red Whether my â—ourney or distemper prevented that appearance in my blood I know not 9. I had a Patient there which had unknowingly taken much of Mercurius dulcis in pills at London to her great preâ—udice several ways and though she had taken golden-bullets and uâ—ed other means to discharge her body of that troublesome Inmate yet found little benefit At the Bath I let her blood and to try an Experiment I cast a Guinny into one of the middle Pottingers as she bled I could observe no difference betwixt the blood preceding and that therein but in the afternoon I came and went to that pottinger which had the most florid and best coloured blood and searching there found my gold and that stained with white spots from the Mercury â— on the lower side Whether the separation of the Mercury or some other efficacy in the Gold of whose power in such cases I can give good instances caused that difference in the bloods I cannot tell having never tried it since Being not well at Warwick â— by reason of a violent defluxion into the Glandules of the Throat I caused my self to bleâ—d Octob. 20. 1. I took six drams of spirit of Harts-horn not very well rectified nor clear of colour and put it into a crystal-glass and bled thereupon about half an ounce of blood it turned of a dark red presâ—â—â—ly inclining much to black though as it stood or as it was held on one â—ide you might perceive a lighter but not florid red at the sides It seemed fluid for two dayes but as â— poured it out it appeared to be very Gelatinous and of colour like that which is become sanious and degenerated into blackishness with keeping 2. I bled upon the same liquor of Salt-peter about half an ounce of blood upon four ounces of liquor at first the blood did turn on the surface to a bastard-scarlet which is an effect â—very thing of Nitre mixt with blood so produceth afterwards the whole blood sunk to the bottom the upper part being all of one colour and consistence such as is observed in the Serum of the blood sometimes when the supernatancy is whitish and not transparent Being poured from the blood I found that coagulated into a mass which was all of a very natural red all over only spotted in many places underneath with black spots The concretion was so brittle that it would not hang together nor endure any light pressure but as it were melted and seemed gelatinous 3. I bled upon a Solution of the Alcali of Nitre it appeared upon the first mixture like bastard-scarlet then the blood sunk to the bottom the top being transparent yet of the colour of High-countrey-white-wine the bottom seemed redder then that of the former the limpid liquor being poured out seemed all gelatinous and had incorporated with it the serous part of the blood the red at the bottom was fluid and not tenacious but of the consistence that blood is of when it is hot and newly received in a vessel out of the veins N.B. After I had poured out the blood and mixtures out of the several glasses and that the glasses had stood a while I observed that that of the raw Liquor of Nitre which remained in the bottom did turn of a most beautiful red as ever I saw in any thing but that with the spirit of Harts-horn or Solution of Alcali c. did not vary after two days all the remains of blood in the several glasses turned blackish and sanious only that with the raw liquour altered not 4. I bled upon the liquors of Salt-peter which had passed the ashes and on that which had never passed the ashes both were of the same blackish and sanious colour after the first bastard-scarlet was past both had on the top a certain cremor which being cast into the fire discovered it self to be nitrous both of them though they were of suâ—h a dirty red inclining to black yet were they of one consistence from top to bottom all fluid nothing gelatinous nor any one part blacker or redder then the other Which is very much considering the difference of the two Liquors 5. I bled upon the unctuous Mothers of Salt-peter which turned at first to a bastard-scarlet the blood did never mix with the Mothers nor otherwise ting their colour then as it cast a shadow by its innating on the surface of them It coagulated on the top of the Mothers being of colour all thorough exactly like to Ocher the concretion was a quarter of an inch thick a firm mass to seâ— to like so much bees wax cast into a cake I took it up in one mass with my knife but trying its tenaciousness I found it as brittle as most short cakes are Upon the surface there was an appearance of certain striae which might be saline All the blood did not coagulate so but underneath there was a quantity which in the glass was of equal dimensions with the other mass it was of the colour of Oker and fluid and would not mix with the Mothers at all I took of the mass and tried to burn it in an arched fire twice or thrice it boyled and bubled up upon the fire-shovel like impure Niter and so burned with a flashing as if it had been most of it Peter it never came to flame as blood doth usually only one blaze as it were always hovered over it for a moment or two not being continued to the body otherwise then by a parcel of smoke issuing out them 6. I took also two pottingers of blood the first and the last of the blood I took away there was no difference in the blood of one and the other the coagulated mass well-coloured of a good consistence less of that black or melancholick crastament then is commonly found the Serum well coloured of tast brinish I placed it in an arched fire it rose up with a globous intumescence but crackled not so much as at Bathe though very much and like a bay-leaf it burned with a continued vivid and lasting flamâ— I suffered a pottiâ—ger of the same blood with which this last Experiment was made to stand ten days or more in which time it was quite dried up into a hard fryable mass the top of which was almost as black as Ink the bottom having somewhat of a dark red in it I cast a piece of it into a quick coal-fire therein it crackled like unto a bay-leaf but burned with a