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A00908 A defence of the Catholyke cause contayning a treatise in confutation of sundry vntruthes and slanders, published by the heretykes, as wel in infamous lybels as otherwyse, against all english Catholyks in general, & some in particular, not only concerning matter of state, but also matter of religion: by occasion whereof diuers poynts of the Catholyke faith now in controuersy, are debated and discussed. VVritten by T.F. With an apology, or defence, of his innocency in a fayned conspiracy against her Maiesties person, for the which one Edward Squyre was wrongfully condemned and executed in Nouember ... 1598. wherewith the author and other Catholykes were also falsly charged. Written by him the yeare folowing, and not published vntil now, for the reasons declared in the preface of this treatyse. Fitzherbert, Thomas, 1552-1640. 1602 (1602) STC 11016; ESTC S102241 183,394 262

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eucharist whereof I haue spoken already but also before when he promised it for that whē soeuer he spoke therof he represented the same to the vnderstanding of the hearers as a body sacrificed dead not speaking of his whole person or of himselfe as liuing but of his flesh of his body of his blood as my flesh is truly meate and my blood is truly drink and the bread which I will geue is my flesh this is my body this is my blood or if he spoke of himselfe or of his person it was with an addition to shew that he was to be eaten as when he sayd he which eateth me liueth for me which kynd of speech made some of his disciples forsake him say●ng it was durus sermo ae hard speeche conceauing therby that they were to eate him dead as other flesh bought in the shambles wheras he spoke in that manner to signify that he shuld be sacrificed before he should be eatē and therefore he euer spoke of himselfe as already killed and dead for that no creature whyles he is liuing is in case to be eaten as S. Gregory Nissen doth note very wel in the place before alledged in which respect Paschasius also sayth that our Lord is killed to the end wee may eate him and Isichius that Christ killed himselfe when he supped with his disciples not because he is truly killed or doth truly dy but because he dyeth mistically that is to say for that his death is mistically and truly represented by the separation of his blood from his body vnder seueral and dyuers formes of bread and wyne for although by reason of his immortality and impassibilytie he cannot dy neyther yet be so deuided but that he remayneth whole vnder both kynds yet for as much as the forme of wyne rather representeth his blood then his body and the forme of bread rather his body thē his blood according to the very woords of our sauiour saying of the one kynd this is my body and of the other this is my blood it followeth I say that by reason of this separation wrought by the force of the woordes of consecration he is exhibited in the Sacrament as dead and so dyeth in mistery as wel to represent his death vpon the crosse as also to offer himselfe in sacrifice to his father for the which it is not of necessity that he truly and realy dy but it suffiseth that he dy in some sort that is to say mistically for although all liuing creatures that are sacrificed are offred to God with the losse of their lyues and so are made true sacrifices yet in such other creatures as are not subiect to death it sufficeth that they be offred to almighty God and receiue withall some notable mutation or change to make the action to be sacrifical and different from a simple oblation for when any thing is offred to God and remayneth stil in his owne kynd forme and nature it is called an oblation so the first fruits the tythes the first begotten or borne of liuing creatures yea and religious persons as leuits and others in the old law were only offred to God for that they were no way changed wheras al things sacrifysed were eyther wholy destroyed or consumed by swoord or fyre or els at least receiued by the actiō of the priest some notable mutation Therfore seeing our sauiour being now eternal immortal and impassible is not subiect to death nor to any destruction or mutation by losse of his lyfe it sufficeth to make him a true sacrifice that he be offred to God with such mutation or change as may stand with his present state and condition as wee see he is offred in this sacrifice wherein the selfe same body that was borne of the blessed virgin Mary and is now in heauen glorified with the proper forme and lineaments of a natural body is by the omnipotency of our sauiours woords pronounced by the priest represented vpon the altar as dead and in formes of bread and wyne his body to be handled broken eaten and his blood to be dronke or shed as the body or blood of any other liuing creature that is killed in sacrifice wherby he is also in some sort cōsumed for that his body being eaten and his blood dronke he looseth the forme and peculiar māner of beeing that he hath in the sacrament which beeing deuynes caul Sacramental in respect of all which admirable mutations S. Augustin doth notably and truly apply to our sauiour in this sacrifice the history of King Dauid when he changed his countenance as the scripture sayth before Abimelech or king Achis for they are both one which he sayth was verifyed in our sauiour Christ when he changed his countenance in the priesthood and sacrifice of Melchisedech geuing his body and blood to be eaten and dronk There was sayth he a sacrifice of the Iewes in beasts according to the order of Aaron and that in mistery and there was not then the sacrifice of the body and blood of our Lord which the faythful know and is dispersed throughout the world and a litle after shewing how Melchisedech brought forth bread and wyne when he blessed Abraham he teacheth that it was a figure of this sacrifice then prosecuting the history how Dauid being taken for a mad man went from Abimelech which signifieth regnum Patris that is to say as he expoundeth it the people of the Iewes he applyeth also the same to our Sauiour saying that whē he told the Iewes that his flesh was meat his blood drinke they took him for a mad man and abandoned him wherevpon he also forsook them changing his countenance in the sacrifice of Melchisedech that is to say leauing all the sacrifices of the order of Aarō and as it were disguysing him-selfe vnder the formes of bread and wyne which was the sacrifice of Melchisedech he passed from the Iewes to the Gentils This is the effect of S. Augustinus discours in that place concerning the mutation or change incident to our Sauiours person in the sacrament of the Eucharist and requisit to the sacrifice whereof I treat wherby it hath the nature of a true sacrifice as I haue declared before which being considered with the circumstances of our sauiours owne woords as wel in the promise as in the institution thereof all signifying that his flesh his body aud his blood was to be eaten dronk as of a creature killed in sacrifice yea that the same was then presently geuen or offred by him to his Father for his disciples who represented the whole Churche and for remission of sinnes besyds his manifest allusion to the promulgation of the old Testament dedicated with the blood of a present sacrifice and lastly the consent of the learned Fathers of the Churche confirming our Gatholyke doctrin in this behalfe no reasonable man can dout but that our Sauiour at his last super did ordeyn the Sacrament
is notably confirmed by an other circumstance that is to be considered in the woords of our Sauiour concerning the promulgatiō of his new law or manifestation of his new testament in the institution of the Sacrament of the Eucharist for as the old testament was dedicated by the blood of a sacrifice not to come but then offred to God when it was promulgat with the which blood Moyses sprinkled the people saying this is the blood of the testament that God hath sent vnto you so the new Testament was also dedicated by the blood of a sacrifice not to be offred only after-wards vpon the crosse but then also presently offred by our sauiour who therefore alluded euidently to the dedication of the old law and to the very woords of Moyses saying this is my blood of the new Testament sanctifying his Churche farre more inwardly and effectually with the blood of his owne sacrifised body when he gaue it to his Apostoles to drink then Moyses sanctified the people of the Iewes when he sprinkled them exteriorly with the blood of a sacrificed beast and therfore saynt Ireneus calleth the Sacrament of the Eucharist nouam oblationem noui Testamenti● the new oblation of the new Testament and S. Augustin cauleth it Sacrificium noui Testamenti the sacrifice of the new Testament and in an other place defyneth it to be a ryte or ceremony commanded by almighty God in the manifestation of the new Testament pertayning to the wourship which is due to God alone and called latria quo sibi sacrificari precepit with which ryte or ceremony he commanded sacrifice to be donne to him self and S. Chrisostome expounding these woords of our sauiour in saynt Paul Hic calix nouum Testamentum est in sanguine meo this cup is the new Testament in my blood compareth euidently the cup of the old Testament with the cup of the new blood with blood and sacrifice with sacrifice saying the cup of the old Testament was certayne licors and the blood of brute beasts for after they had sacrificed in the old law they took the blood in a cup and offred it and therfore because Christ in steede of the blood of brute beasts introduced or brought in his owne blood hee renewed the memory of the old sacrifice c. Thus far S. Chrisostome of the woords of our sauiour and then prosecuting the interpretatiō of S. Pauls discours therevpon he addeth that Saynt Paule represented to the Corinthians our sauiours actiō at his super to the end they might be so affected as though they where sitting at the same table with him ab ipso Christ● ac●●pientes hoe sacrificium and as though they receiued this sacrifice of Christ himselfe declaring euidently that the sacrifice where with our sauiour did dedicat his testament according to the figure in the old law was not only offred one the crosse but also at his super whereof the reason is euident for at his supper he was a publik person a maister of a family free and at his owne liberty to make and publish his lawes to assemble his friends and witnesses of his wil and those whome he meant to make his heyres his vicars and substituts all which he did whereas vpon the crosse he represented no publik person no maister of a family no law maker nor so much as a free man but seemed the most abiect and miserable man in the world forsaken of all men and therefore S. Paule teacheth not that he did make institut or publish his Testament vpon the crosse but that he confirmed it there by his death and that from thens forward it tooke effect as men ar wont before they dye to make their Testaments which when they are dead beginne to be of force And for the furder explication of this question it is to bee considered that although the sacrifice of the Crosse was a most absolute and perfect cōsummation of all sacrifices whatsoeuer and a ful redemption and satisfaction for the sinnes of the world yet neuerthelesse it cannot be sayd properly to haue distinguished the old testament from the new for that it was as I may tearme it a certayne common and transcendent good indifferent to both states and testaments whereto all sacrifices as wel of the law of nature and the law of Moyses had a relation as now also the sacrifice of the Churche hath in the law of grace yet with this difference as S. Augustin noteth that the sacrifice of the crosse was prefigured and promised to come by the many and sundry sacrifices of the old law and now is represented as past by our one and only sacrifice of the new law which sacrifice though it be the same that our sauiour offred at his last supper yet it hath a different respect to the sacrifice of the crosse for that ours representeth the same as already past and our sauiours sacrifice in his last supper going before the other vpon the crosse did not only represent the same to come but also was as it were a preamble thereto where in as venerable Bede our cuntryman sayth he began by passion for that as Rupertus affirmeth in angustia passionis agonizans being already in the Agony and anguish of his passion he offred himselfe with his owne hands to God his father and as Isichius testifieth preuenting his enemies first sacrifised himselfe in his mististical supper and after on the Crosse wherof S. Leo also sayth that he preuented his death by a voluntary oblation of himselfe in the Sacrament and S. Gregorius Nissenus explicating this matter diuinly sayth thus Remember sayth he the woords of our Lord to wit no man shal take my lyfe from me but I my selfe will geue it c. For he which doth geue al things of his owne power and authority doth not expect necessity by treason nor the violent fury of the Iewes nor the vniust iudgement of Pilat that their wickednes malice shuld be the beginning of our saluation but by a secret ineffable manner of sacrifice he doth preoccupat or preuent the violence of men by his owne disposition offring himselfe an oblation or sacrifice for vs being both the priest the lambe which taketh away the sinnes of the world But perhaps thou wilt say vnto me when chanced this euen then when he gaue to his familiar friends his body to be eaten his blood to be dronke for a man cannot eat the sheep but the slaughter must go before Therefore when he gaue his body to his disciples to be eaten he did playnly demonstrat and shew that the lamb was already immolated sacrificed for the body of the host whyles it is liuing is not fit to be eaten Thus farre this famous Graecian brother to saynt Basil whose doctrin cōcerning the sacrifice of our sauiours body before it be eaten is most consonant to our sauiours owne woords not only when he instituted the holy
hauing attempted to poyson the Queenes Ma tie and my Lord of Essex by the instigation as was surmised of one Father VValpoole a Iesuite in Siuil with the priuity consent of Father Creswel and my selfe here in Madrid I was I assure your Lordships at the first brute amased and much afflicted to heare that these good men so farre of in my conscience from such cogitations and my self no lesse were slaundered with matter so haynous odious and although I had re●ours presentlie to the brazen wall of our owne innocency as the Poet speaketh and the comfort of a good conscience which our Sauiour geueth his seruāts in like cases saying to his Apostles happie are yow when men shall rayle vpon you and persecute you and speake all euil of you belying you for my sake reioyce and be glad for your reward is copious in heauen although I say I rested cōforted with this consideration so resolued my self to patience silence yet waying afterwards that as the Latyn prouerb sayth Qui tacet consentire videtur he that holds his peace seemes to consent that my sylence might not onlie turne to my further condēnation in this matter but also to the preiudice of all the good Catholyks of England against whome euery supposed fault of any one or two be it neuer so false is commonlie wrested to the reproche condemnation of all I could not forbeare to offer to all indifferēt men this necessarie defence and Apology of my innocencie in this affayre as also to addresse the same to your Lord ships hands especially for 2. causes which heer I wil expresse The one was for that it is not only conuenient in respect of your place dignitie as also of the duety I owe beare you but also importeth for the preuētion of the inconueniēce aforesaid that I seek to satisfie your honours before all others in whose hands principally resteth the satisfastion of her Ma tie the moderation of the rigour or iniust persecution vexation which vpon this false conceyt may otherwayes be vsed against the innocents Catholyks of England which haue neyther parte nor fault therin The other is for that persuading my selfe that so fond a fiction or rather so foule vnchristian a practyse tēding to the spilling of guyltlesse blood in this acte to the slaunder of innocent people both at home abroad could not proceed from the body of a councel consisting of men so honnorable graue wise as your Lordships are presumed to be but rather frō some inferiour persons of lesse consideratiō more desyrous of garboyles to whose examinations such causes cōmonly are committed who may haue abused perhaps your Lordships in this behalf dazling your eyes with pretence of daungers to her Ma ties person in consideration whereof I thought my selfe bound as wel in conscience as duety to your Lordships to discouer vnto you not onely the trecherous deuises dryfts of those that contryned this infamous tragedy but also the dishonour daunger and ineuitable dommages that must needes redound to her Ma tie to your honours and to the whole state in tyme if such proceedings be permitted in which respect if those ancient senators gouernors among the Romans being heathens did think it conuenient euen for honour of theyr common wealth to chasten oftentymes most sharpely examplary certayne newe deuisers of publyk shiftes deceyptes dishonorable trecheryes vsed by thē though it were against their enemyes and in farre countreys and to the common publique benefit of theyr state as they pretended whereof many examples may be read in Liuy Halicarnasseus others S. Augustine in his book of the city of God thinketh that God gaue them so florishing a Monarchie ouer the world for this honorable kynd of proceeding in moral iustice how much more ought Christian councelours detest and punish such base vile proceedings or rather malitious and diabolical as this is whereof now I am to treate vsed against the blood of Christian subiectes at home in your owne sights to no publique benefit but rather to publique infamy and shame among all nations where it shal be knowne wherefore this a matter so worthie necessary for your L. to know remedy I hope you wil take it wel that it cometh dedicated to your selues THE AVTORS PROTESTATION of his innocency with the confutation of the fiction by the improbability of the end that was supposed to moue Squyre thereunto CHAP. 1. FIRST then for as much as my innocēcy in this matter is best knowne and most cleare vnto my selfe by the testimony of my owne cōscience which is to me mille testes as the law sayth no one but a thousand witnesses and would be no lesse cleare to your Lordships yf my hart were knowne as wel to you as it is to God and my selfe I think yt conuenient for the first poynt of my discharge to caul him to witnes that is the searcher of hartes raynes which manner of purgation though it may argue weaknes or want of credit in him that vseth it for as S. Chrysostome sayth an othe is a geuing of surety where mans manners haue no credit neuerthelesse it is so conforme to all lawes humayne and deuine and so confirmed by custome of all countreys and common wealthes that it cannot iustlie be refused when the party in neyther infamous for falshood nor conuict by euident testimonyes of the cryme obiected to the contrarie in which respect S. Paule sayth an othe is the end of euery controuersie for the confirmation of the truth Therfore I do here caul almightie God his Angels and Sayntes to witnesse that I am so farre from being guilty of this matter which I am charged with that I neuer saw in my lyfe for ought I know the sayd Edward Squyre nor euer had any correspondence or dealing with him by letters or any other meanes neyther yet euer conspired my self or was any way priuie to any other mānes conspiracy of the death of her Matie or of my Lord of Essex this I affirme in such sort as yf it be not true in all and in euery part I renounce all the benefit I expect of my Sauiour Iesus Christ which I would not do for all the good in the world as your Lordships may beleeue of me yf it please yow to consider that for the only respect not to offend God and my conscience I left all the peasures and commodityes of my owne countrey to lead this banished lyfe for many yeares not hauing bene any way charged whilest I was in Englād with matter of state or any other greater cryme then that I would not go to your Churches and prayers persuading my selfe as styl I do that I should offend God damnably therin If therfore I haue bene am contented to loose all that a man can loose lyfe excepted rather then to do an act offensiue to God and my conscience I hope no
open iniustices donne vnto vs in this kynd for yf this had beene the first we should haue had lesse cause to complayne this might haue passed the better vncōtrold as many others of lyke sort haue donne but seing this māner of proceeding against vs is now so vsual in England that it is growne to a common practise and therby much guyltles blood shed many innocent men slaundered many weake scandalized the simple abused and deceyued the true cause of our suffring obscured and our religion defamed no reasonable man can blame me I hope if vpon so iust an occasion as the defence of my brethren our common cause and my selfe that am more perticularly interessed in this matter then many others I lance a litle this long festring sore to the end that the malignitie therof being discouered it may receyue some cure and remedie through your Lordships wisedomes whome yt importeth and in whose hands yt resteth to remedie the same For this purpose may it please yow to consider that ther is such a symphathy betwixt persecution calumniation as they are euer lightly found to concurre and go accompagned for besyds that calumniation is of it self a kynd of persecution we neuer read that Gods Churche was euer persecuted but his seruants were calumniated slaundred in which respect our Sauiour fore warning his Apostles Disciples of the persecutions that they were to suffer armeth them no lesse against slaunderous and calumnious tongues then against other furious assaultes of his their enemies saying happy are yow when men shal rayle vpon yow and persecute yow speak all euil of yow belying yow for my sake and after exhorting them to pray for their persecutours insinuateth also the concurrence of calumniatours saying pray for them that persecute and caluminiate yow and S. Paule speaking of persecution raysed against him the rest of the Apostles sayth we are cursed and we blesse we are persecuted and we indure yt we are blasphemed and wee beseech This wil be also more manifest yf we consider the nature and propertie of the cheife persecutour of Gods Churche whose armes and instruments all other persecutours are I meane the deuil himselfe who being as the Scripture sayth a lyer and the father of lyes yea and a slaunderer in which respect he is called Diabolus which signyfieth nothing els in the greeke tongue but a calumniatour can no more forbeare to lye and slaunder then the dog to bark when he is augrie or the snake to hisse and therfore whēsoeuer by Gods permission he maketh warre against the Churche he employeth his instruments no lesse to slander and calumniate Gods seruants then corporally to afflict and persecute them Hereof the experience hath beene seene in all the persecutions aswel of our Sauiour himself as of his Apostles infinite other Martyrs whensoeuer the Churche hath beene persecuted eyther by Infidels or heretyks our Sauiour was slaūdered to be a seducer of the people to woork by the deuil to be enemie to Caesar to hinder the paying of his tribute and lastly to make himself a King S. Paule was falsly charged with prophaning the Temple with sowing sedition stirring vp the people to rebellion and many other such lyke odious and greiuous matters S. Stephen the first Martyr was stoned to death vpon the testimonie of false witnesses that were suborned to accuse him of blasphemy against God and Moyses In lyke sort in the persecutions vnder Nero Dioclesian Antonius others the Chrystians were put to death vnder colour that they had set a fyre the citie of Rome killed sacrifised children eaten mānes flesh stirred vp the people to seditiō against the Emperours and their Gods and religion The Arrian heretikes in Greece accused S. Athanasius to be a whore maister a witche and a traytour The Vandales that were also Arrians in Africk kylled the Catholykes there vnder pretence that they had secret intelligence with the Romans against their state and gouermēt as we are now and lastly the Emperesse Theodora wyfe to Iustiniā the Emperour did cruelly persecute S. Siluerius Pope of Rome and all his cleargie obiecting falslie against them that they had written to the Gothes to inuite them to inuade the Roman Empyre and other lyke calumniations wherby to spil their blood with lesse admiratiō and repugnance of the common people In all which it is to be noted that as S. Gregorie Nazianzen sayd of Iulian the Apostata when he persecuted the Christians the enemies of Gods Churche endeuoured by all subtyle crafty meanes to procure that they which suffred for Christs cause should be punished as wicked and facinorous men yea and to make them and their religion more odious to all they slaundered them commonly with matters pernicious and daungerous to all as with treason against the Prince and State so that whilest they were punished as publyke enemies neyther fauoured nor pittied by any their persecutors had free scope to discharge all their furie vpon them without contradiction This hauing beene alwayes the custome and practise of the enemies of the Christian and Catholyke fayth which we professe yt is no marueil though those which impugne the same in England in these our dayes prouoked or rather possessed by the same spirit of lyes and calūniations that their praedecessours were do hold the same course that they haue donne partly slaundering vs with such deuised matter as this of Squyre which neuer had essence or being in rerum natura but only in imagination and fiction of the deuisers and partly ordayning lawes and statutes wherby some principal points of Catholyke Religion or els some necessarie consequence exercise and issue therof being made treason many may be intrapped within some shew of offence against these lawes and statutes whervpon agayne yt enseweth that the common people who hold for Gospel all that our English parlament enacteth and haue not the capacitie to discerne betwixt a true and a fayned treason hearing that the Catholykes are alwayes put to death as traytours whome they vnderstand to be none but such as commit some heynous crymes against the Prince or state are brought to imagyn that all Catholyks are perturbers and enemies of the common wealth and that their religion is not the common and general religion of Christendome or that ancient fayth in which all their forefathers liued and dyed and our Realme florished so many hundred yeares together but rather some particuler and pestilent opinion of some sect sprong vp of late that cannot stand with the safety of Kinges and Princes nor with the quietnes of their states And verely I dare say that such of the common sorte as are not aboue 40. yeares of age and neuer saw Catholyke tymes in England and haue heard of so many executions of trayterous papists as we are tearmed do think Papistery to be nothing els but a very compact of treason or perhaps vnderstand that Papist and
In which respect that is no smalle point of wisdome in any prosperous and victorious Prince euer to feare the after clap and to bee such an enemy as he may after be a friend and so to make warre as he exclude not himself from possibility of peace yf his former fortune fayle him yea and during the course of his prosperity to harken to any reasonable composition rather then to stand to the hazards of future euents which many great Princes and famous Captaynes not obseruing haue obscured all their former glory with final disgrace and made themselues lamentable examples of humain infelicity Perseus King of Macedony puffed vp with pride for diuers victories that he had got against the Romans prouoked them so long with continual iniuries that at length Paulus AEmilius conquered his country caried him and all his children prisoners to Rome in triumphe And Charles the last Duke of Burgundy being growne so hauty and insolent with his great power prosperitie excellent wit and courage that he would not harken to the most reasonable offers and humble sutes of the Swissers with whome he was at variance lost two battayles vnto them at Granson and Morat and his credit and friends with all where vpon ensued his other disgraces and finally the ruin of him and his state This my good Lords I say to shew the inconsideration of our aduersaries who promising themselues as it seemeth a perpetuity of her Ma ties lyfe and prosperity think it good pollicy to kindle the coales of these present warres betwyxt her and the King Catholyke with abuse and iniury of them both as before hath ben declared seeking to make an immortal hatred betwyxt them and a quarrel irreconciliable and yet are withall so vnaduised at home as to procure as much as in them lyeth to alienat from her Ma tie the harts of her owne subiects by most exorbitant cruelties and open iniuries drawing her and the whole estate thereby into euident daungers both domestical and forrayn which daungers if they should concurre to the effects that may be feared though their owne ruines also would be included therein yet were that but a smalle satisfaction or recompence for the losse of so many other better then them selues OF TVVO OTHER INEVITABLE dammages that must needs ensew to her Ma tie her whole state by the effusion of innocent blood with an intimation of some part of the remedy CHAP. XIX BVT albeit there were no occasion of feare eyther at home or abroad as God be thanked at home there is litle though no God a mercy to these busy fellowes yet what greater indignity or iniury can be offred to her maiesty by her subiects then to abuse her royal name and authoritie to the murdering of so many innocents as by these deuises are put to death in England where-vpon do follow two ineuitable dammages to her maiesty and her realme the one the infamy that her maiesties gouernmēt doth incurre in all the Christian world as is manifest to all those that trauel ouer other countries or read the bookes and histories that dayly are written therof by strangers in all languages which no trackt of tyme shal be able to abolish The other is the vengance of almighty God due by his iustice to all such notable wrongs donne by publyk authority of her Ma tie and her lawes the which what yt may bring vpon her and the realme in tyme any man that beleueth there is a God and iust Iudge of humain actions cannot but feare seing not only the holy Scriptures but also prophane histories do yeeld innumerable examples of Gods wrath extended vpon realmes and states for iniustices committed therein Kingdomes are transferred sayth the scripture from nation to nation for iniustices iniuries contumelies and diuers deceits and amongst iniustices there is none that more offendeth God thē the effusion of innocent blood and therefore the Prophet exclaymeth in the person of God wo be to the bloody cittie whereof I wil make a great heap as of a pile of wood to burn and the same Prophet threatning the destruction of Hierusalem and declaring the causes thereof reconeth for one of the principal the shedding of innocent blood her Princes sayth he were lyke woulues rauening for their pray to shed blood agayne their were calumntatours and slanderers in box to shed blood lyke wyse afterwards in the same place our lord speaketh to Hierusalem saying they haue receiued gifts and rewards in thee to spil blood behold my wrath is kindled against thee for thy couetousnes and the blood that hath beene shed in thee and therefore I wildispers thee into diuers nations and scatter thee into diuers countries c. Also when the King and people of Iuda and Hierusalem were led into captiuite by Nabucodonozor the scripture sayth expresly that it was donne for the blood which Manasses had shed when he filled Hierusalem with the blood of innocents and therefore God would not bee appeased In lyke manner our Sauiour himself prophesing of the destruction of Hierusalem by the Romans ascribed the same principally to the spilling of innocent blood not only of his owne but also of the prophets that he had sent and was to send Hierusalem sayth he which kils the Prophets and stonest them which are sent to thee behold your how 's shal bee left desert c. Hereof many notable examples occurre in prophane histories but 2. or 3. shal suffise for breuities sake Iustin telleth of the people of Epiras seuerely punished and almost destroyed with dearth famin warre and sicknes by Gods iust Iudgement for the cruel slaughter of Laodomia daughter of Alexander their King No lesse notable and manifest was Gods iust iudgement vpon the Lacedemonians for a horible murder and rape comitted by two of their cittizens vpon the two daughters of Scedasus who demaunding Iustice most instantly of the King councel and people and being denied it of them all craued it at Gods hands with infinit imprecations and maledictions against their state and so killed himself also vpon his daughters tombe where vpon ensewed as Diodorus Siculus Plutark doo note the memorable ouerthrow geuen to the Lacedemonians by Epimanondas hard by the tombe of the two maydens in the playne of Leuctra where the offence was comitted in which deffeit they lost not only their hole armie but also the empire of Greece which they had before in their hands many yeares Such is the style of Gods Iustice to punish iniustice not only in them that commit it but also in those that permit and suffer it yea and in respect of the sympathy and communication which is in the body politike no lesse then in the body natural where in the detrimēt of the least mēber redoundeth to the hurt of the whole he imputeth some tymes the fault of one to all sometymes for the peoples offences he punisheth the Prince in which respect Salomon