his Prologue to the sayd Martine in this wise Nec mora longa processit quin statutum publicum per omne regni concilium in publico emanauit edicto quod omnes Wicleuistae sicut dei proditores essent sic proditores regis proscriptis bonis censerentur et regni duplici poenae dandi incendio propter deum suspendio propter regem c. That is And it was not long after but a publicke law and statute came out by the common assent of the general parliameÌ„t of the whole Realme that al Wiclenistes as they were traytours to God so also should be counted traytors to the king and to the realme hauing their goods lost and confiscate vnto the king And therefore should suffer double punishment as to be burnt for God and to bee hanged for the king c. And thus haue you Maister Cope not onely my sentence but also the very wordes of my story confirmed by this author because ye shall not think me to speake so lightly or impudently without my booke And moreouer to confirme the said sentence of Tho. Walden it followeth also in an other place of the foresayde author Tomo 1. lib. 2. De doctrinali fidei Ecclesie Cathol Cap. 46. where he writeth in these wordes Et tamen iam cum regnare coepisset Illustris rex Henricus 5. qui adhuc agit in sceptris et de eoruÌ„ perfidia per catholicos bin doctos legem statui fecit vt vbique per regnum Wickliuista probatus vt reus puniretur de crimine lesae maiestatis c. That is And yet when the noble king Henry the v. who as yet doth liue and raigne began first to raigne began to set forth a law by his learned catholickes which were about him against the falsenes of these men so that whosoeuer was proued to be a Wickleuist through the whole Realme should be punished for a traytour c. What wordes can you haue M. Cope more playne then these or what authoritie can you require of more credite which liued in the same tyme and both did see and heare of the same thinges done who also writing to Pope Martine was by the sayd pope Martine allowed approued solemnly commended as appeareth by the popes Epistle to him wherin yâ— pope declareth how he caused his books Per solennes viros videri examinari That is by solemne persons to be seene and examined c. So that you must needes graunt either this to be true that Walden writeth or els that the Pope tanquam Papa in allowing his writings may erre and be deceaued Chuse ye mayster Cope of these two options whether you will take And if ye thinke this my assertion yet not sufficiently rescued with these authorities aboue sayd I will also here vnto adioyne the testimony of an other writer named Roger Walle who writing De Gestis Henric 5. and speaking of the sayd statute of this parliament some thing more plainly then the rest hath these wordes In hoc etiam Parliamento nobilitas regia hostes Christi sibi reputans proditores volens dare intelligere vniuersis quòd ipse absque cuiuscunque fluctuationis dubio quam diu auras hauriret vitales verus perfectus Christianae fidei aemulator existeret statuit decreuit vt quotquot Ipsius sectae quae dicitur Lollordorum inuenirentur aemuli fautores eo facto rei proditorij criminis in maiestatem regiam haberétur c. In English Also in this parliament the noble K. reputing Christes enemies to be traytors to himselfe to the intent that all men should know withall doubt that so loÌ„g as he liued he woulde be a true and perfect follower of Christen faith did enact decree that whosoeuer shoulde be found followers and mayntayners of this sect whiche is called the Lollards sect Ipso facto should be counted and reputed giltie of treason against the kings maistie c. By these hetherto alledged if M. Cope will not be satisfied yet let the reader indifferent iudge Vâ—rum in hac re magis nugatur Foxus an Copus calumniatur And yet moreouer to make the matter more certayne marke the clamation of the sayd Roger Walle added to the end of those words aboue recited whereby we haue to vnderstand more clearly both what were the proceedings of the king in the said Parliament also what was the blinde affection of moÌ„ks and Priestes at that time towarde their kinge and Prince which was then called princeps sacerdotum in condemning and destroying the poore Lollardes The wordes of the monke be these O verus amicus qui amico illa tam iniuriam sibi inferri coÌ„similiter arbitratur praeiudicium illi intentuÌ„ reputat esse suum ad eius onera conferenda auxiliationis humeros supponere non veretur c. That is O true frend who taketh and reckoneth that iniury no lesse done to him selfe which is done to his frend and that preiudice whiche is intended against him reputeth to bee as his owne And to beare together the burdens of his friend sticketh not to lay to his owne shoulders for the easing and helping of him c. How can it now be denied M. Cope in reading these authors and seeing theyr testimonies but that Lollardery in this Parliament was made both treason and heresie had therfore a double iudgement of punishment annexed to be hanged for for the one and to be burned for the other according as in my former Latin story I recorded and yet I trust I trifled not But you will say agayne as ye doe that there is no mention made for heresie to be made treason nor of anye double punishment to be inflicted for the same In the body of the statute I graunt there is no expresse mention in wordes of heresie to be made treason expresly signified in rigour of wordes but inclusiuely it is so inferred that it can not be denied For first where landes goodes and cattell of the sayd Lollardes were lost and forfeit to the kyng what doth this importe els but treason or felonie And where the Lorde Cobham for whose cause specially this statute seemed to be made did sustaine afterward both hanging and burning by the vigor of the same statute what is here contained but a double penalty Again wherin the beginning of the statute mention is made of rumors and congregations and after vpon the same followeth the seruices of the king whereunto the officers be first worne should first be preferred for libertie of holy Churche punishment of hereticks made before these dayes and not repealed vt supra pag. 000. what meaneth this but to make these congregations of the Lollardes to be forcible entres riotes great ridings vnlawful assembles affrayres of the people armour routes insurrections so sendeth them to the former statutes not repealed that is to the statute an 13. Henr. 4. chap. 7 Where the punishment is left to the discretion
woulde geue so impudent an attempt to the blinding and deceiuing of all posterityes inserting for grounded truthes and holy decrees such loude lyes and detestable doctrine what may be thought of the rabble of the rest of writers in those dayes what attemptes hope of gayne might cause them to worke By whom and such like is to be feared the fasifying of diuers other good workes now extant in those perillous tymes writtē Thus when the Bishops had once wrested this autoritie out of the Emperours handes they then so fortified armed thēselues and their dominion that although afterwardes Fredericke the first graundfather vnto this good Emperor Fredericke the second as also Ludouicus Boius and Henricus Lucelburgensis as men most studious and carefull for the dignities of the Empire vnfeined louers and maintainers of the vtilitie of the commō weale and most desirous of the preseruatiō and prosperity of the Church did all their indeuors with singular wisedome strength as much as in them lay to recouer agayne from the byshop of Rome this the authoritie of the Imperiall iurisdiction lost most cruelly wickedly abusing the same to the destruction both of the Empyre vndoyng of the cōmon wealth and vtter subuersion of the Churche of God yet coulde they not be able to bryng the same to passe in those darck and shadowed tymes of peruerse doctrine and errours of the people and most miserable seruitude of ciuile Magistrates The same and like priuilege also in the election of theyr bishops Prelates and disposing of Ecclesiasticall offices as the Emperour of Rome had euery Prince and king in theyr seuerall dominions had the like For by the decree of the Councell of Tolerane which in the 25. canon and 63. distinction is mentioned the authoritie of creating and chusing byshops and Prelates in Hispane was in the power of the king of Hispane The like also by the Histories of Clodoueus Carolus Magnus Ludouicus nonus Philippus Augustus Philippus pulcher Carolus 5. Carolus 6. Carolus 7. Kinges of Fraunce is apparaunt and well knowne that all these kinges had the chiefe charge and gouernement of the French Church and not the byshops of Rome And by our English historyes also as you heard it is manifest that the authoritie of chusing ecclesiasticall ministers and byshops was alwayes in the kings of Englād till the raygne of king Henry the 1. who by the labour and procurement of Anselmus Archb. of Cant. was depriued and put from the same Also the Princes of Germany and electors of the Emperor till the tyme of Henry the 5. had all euery Prince seuerally in his owne dition and Prouince the same iurisdiction and prerogatiue to geue dispose ecclesiasticall functions to their Prelates at theyr pleasure and after that it appertayned to the people and prelats together And how in the raigne of Fridericke the Prelates gate vnto themselues alone this Immunitie Ioannes Auentinus in his 7. booke of the Annales of the Boiores doth describe Also it is probable that the kinges of Sicilia had the same facultie in geuing and disposing their Ecclesiasticall promotions and charge of churches Andreas de Istmia ad 1. constit Neap. nu 12. And that because Fridericke defended him against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome therfore as Fazellus sayth he was excommunicated of Honorius But that Platina and Blondus allege other causes wherfore he was excommunicate of Honorius I am not ignorant Howbeit he that will compare theyr writings with others that write more indifferently betweene Honorius and hym shall easily finde that they more sought the fauor of the Romayn bishops then to write a veritie But now agayne to the history of Fridericke Nicholaus Cisnerus affirmeth that whilest Friderike the Emperour was in Sicilia hys wife Constantia dyed at Catrana or Catana In the meane time the Christians which was a great nauy sayled into Egipt and tooke the citie Heliopolis commonly called Damatia and long ago named Pelucinum beyng in good hope to haue dryuen Sultanus the Sowdā out of Egipt had a great marueilous ouerthrow by the conueiyng of the water of the floude Nilus which then ouerflowed into their Campe were sayne to accord an vnprofitable truce with the Sowldane for certayne yeares and to deliuer the citty agayne and so departing out of Egipt were faine to come to Acone and Cyrus to the no small detriment and losse of the Christian army Wherupon king Iohn surnamed Brennus being king of Ierusalem arriued in Italy and prayde ayd of the Emperor agaynst his enemies in whō he had great hope to finde remedy of the euils and calamities before declared and from thence he went to Rome to the Pope declaring vnto him the great discomfite and ouerthrow past as also the present peril and callamitie that they were in desiring also hys ayd therin By whose meanes as Cisnerus sayth the Emperour was reconciled agayne to the Pope and made friendes together to whome also king Iohn gaue Ioell his daughter in maryage which came of the daughter of Conradus King of Ierusalem and Marques of Mounte Ferrat with whome he had for dowry the inheritaunce of the kingdome of Ierusalem as right heyre thereunto by her mother By whome also he atter obteyned the kingdome of Naples and Sicill and promised that with as much expedient speede as he might he would prepare a power for the recouery agayne of Ierusalem and be there himselfe in proper person whiche thinge to doe for that vppon diuers occasions he deferred whereof some thinke one some an other Honorius vnto whome he was lately reconciled purposed to haue made agaynst hym some great and secrete attempt had hee not bene by death before preuented vppon whome were made these Uerses O pater Honori multorum nate dolori Est tibi decori viuere vade mori After whom succeeded Gregorius the 9. as great an enemy to Frederike as was Honorius whiche Gregory came of the race whom the Emperor as before ye heard condemned of Treason which they wrought against him This Gregory was scarcely setled in hys Papacy when that he threatned hym that greatly with excommunication vnlesse he woulde prepare hymselfe into Asia according to hys promise as ye heard before to king Iohn And what the cause was why the Pope so hastened the iourney of Frederike into Asia you shall heare hereafter In effect he could not wel bring that to passe which in his mischieuous minde he had deuised vnlesse the Emperour were farther from him Notwithstanding Fredericke it shoulde seeme smelling a ratte or mistrusting somewhat as well he might alledged diuers causes and lets as lately and truely he dyd to Honorius Fazellus a Sicilian writer sayth that the special cause of the Emperors stay was for the oathe of truce and peace during certayne yeares whiche was made betweene the Saracens and Christians as you heard which tyme was not yet expired The same
of the Ecclesiasticall dignity decreed and pronounced Fredericke to be an enemy to the Church which as I haue sayd I leaue others to iudge thereof Hitherto Pandolphus Colonutius And doubtles examples to the contrary doth appere that Fredericke was no enemy to the church of Rome for that he both gaue large and great giftes therunto and also franchised the same with great priuiledges imminuities which thinges by his owne constitutions statutes customes may be perceiued and vnderstood But rather contrariwise that the Bishops of Rome most filthely recompeÌ„ced the same his great liberality and princely beneuoleÌ„ce again which he gaue and bestowed vpoÌ„ the same as partly in the discourse of this history you haue heard who not withstanding they so molested and tired him with such so many iniuries as you haue seene he neuertheles forgiuing and pardoning all the same for the great zeale he had to the common Christian wealth whereof he more forced then els of any other thing sought by all the meanes he might for to haue peace although it wer to his own great hinderance Therfore seing he was of necessity by the Bishops of Rome prouoked to that warr if he did them any skath in reuenge of his Imperiall dignity let them thank their owne selues which might otherwise haue remedied the same Notwithstanding vpoÌ„ this occasioÌ„ diuers both Italian and Germany writers which at that time sought for fat benefices and euer since euen vnto these our dayes haue done the like by flattery rather to obtaine that which they hunted for then to beare true and saythfull testimony of things as they were in deed took great occasioÌ„ to write and sclaunder this good Emperour But let vs passe ouer these Parasites and returne to those which although they themselues were of that calling I mean of the Ecclesiasticall order yet notwithstanding for that they rather preferred the study of veritye and to reuerence the trueth before Popish authority flattering seruitude greatly extolled and commended this good Emperor Fredericke So did Nicholaus Cusanus a Cardinall in his writing affirme this Emperor to be an alter Carolus Magnus both for hys wisedome and also diligent regard to the common weal. So also writeth Aegidius Biturigum the Bishop in his books of the institution bringing vp of a prince which he wrot to the French king exhorting him and all others to take a patterne of this most worthy and excellent Prince In coÌ„mendation of whose worthy prayse and vertue these verses are written on his tombe Si probitas sensus virtutem gratia census â—obilitas orti poslent resistere morti Non foret extinctus Fridericus qui iacetintus Wherfore in as much as it appeareth by the approued writers of whom I haue made meÌ„tion who what maner of prince Fredericke this Emperor was And for that he diligently labored as wel in the preseruatioÌ„ of the christen common weale as in the conseruation of the Imperiall dignity procured to himselfe the great hatred and displeasure of the Romain Bishops who haue ben to all the good Emperors for the most part vtter foes and enemies with what wicked slauÌ„ders other iniuries both by theÌ„ by their ministers they coÌ„tinually molested him withal This lesson ought to be ours that hauing the same in our memory we imitate folow his vertues hating detesting the wicked flagitious doings of those holy fathers the will so be called Bishops of Rome desiring God that he will so guid the harts of all kings Princes that they may by his grace aduaunce and set forth his glory and reforme the corrupt vicious maner and order of the Church to a ll sincerity and purity both of life and doctrine These verses which here ensue were sent and written betwene the Emperor Pope Innocentius the 4. which for that to the learned are both coÌ„modious and profitable at the end of this history I thought good to place ¶ Fridericus Imp. Innocent 4. Papae Fata mouent stellaeque docent auiúmque volatus Totius subitò malleus orbis ero Roma diu titubans longis erroribus acta Corruet mundi desinet esse caput ¶ Innocent Papa Frederico Imp. Fata silent stellaeque tacent nil predicat ales Solius est proprium nosse futura Dei. Niteris in cassum nauem submergere Petri Fluctuat at nunquam mergitur illa ratis Fama refert Scriptura docet peccata loquuntur Quòd tibi vita breuis poena perennis erit Quod diuina manus potuit sensit Iulianus Tu succedis ei te tenet ira Dei Fre. fremit in mundo de deprimit alta profundo Ri. mala rimatur cus cuspide cuncta minatur ¶ Fredericus Innocentio Fata mouent stellaeque docent auiúmque volatus Lapsurum te mox ad stigis antra nigrae Cymba Petri non est sed Christi quae natat vndis Fluctuat at nusquam mergitur illa ratis Fama refert tua scripta docent peccata nefanda Interitum ostendunt exitiumque tuum Strangulat Adrianum musca annon ira tonantis Cogitat de te sumere supplicium Carcere suspendit sese Benedictus alter In stupro captus saucius ense perit Siluestrum extinguit Sathan sceleratior ipse Ergo tuis factis praemia digna feres Innocuum te voce notas cum sis nociturus Orbi terrarum Christianóque gregi ¶ Fredericus Innocentio de integro Essoâ—â—â—membrum non te caput orbis vrbis â—actates cum sis orbis vrbis onus Nunc membrum non es sed putre cadauer vlcus Ense recidendum ridiculúmque caput A Daniele 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nefasque caputque malorum Diceris a Paulo filius exitij Nos solum Christum nostrum caput esse malorum Totius orbis te caput esse facis Et caput est vnum quod Paulus dicit vbique Tu vecors balatro dic mihi quale caput Corporis ergo caput monstrosi monstra parisque Monstra paris monachos scorta nefanda foues Est tua religio stuprum Ira superbia caedes Error deliciae fulmina turpe lucrum Ex his ergó liquet Christum te spernere Christo Hostem esse in uisum dedecorique Deo Rex tandem veniet coelo delapsus ab alto Tunc non defendent te sacra missa cruces Non in sublimi surgentes vertice cristae Non diploma potens non tua sacra cohors Nec diadema triplex nec sedes sanguine parta Nullus honos solij purpura nulla tui Triginta argenteis Christum vendebat Iudas Tu Christi vendis corpora plura tui Corpora tu vendis Christi paruo aere polumque Caelestes genios sidera Iura deos As ye haue heard of the iniquity raging pride of the popish church against their lawfull Emperor Now shall ye heare Christ willing how God beginneth to resist and withstand the corruption of that whorish Church by stirring vp certaine faythfull teachers in
tripled besides Annates and Palles whiche all together are thought to make the totall summe yearely goyng out of Fraunce to the Popes coffers â—f late yeares x. Myriades or MillioÌ„s euery Myriade mountyng to x. thousand crownes Now what hath risen besides in other Realmes and NatioÌ„s let other men coniecture Wherfore if the Gospell send vs to the fruites to know the tree I pray you what is to be thought of the Churche of Rome with these fruites of lyfe Or if we will seeke the Church in length and number of yeares where was this Church of Rome with these qualities then at what tyme the Church of Rome was a persecuted Church not a persecutyng Church And when the Byshops therof did not make Martyrs as these do now but were made Martyrs them selues to the number of xxv in order one after an other Or when the Byshops therof were elected exalted not by factioÌ„s conspiring not by power or partes taking not by money or frendes makyng as they be now but by the free voyces of the people of the Clergy with the consent of the Emperour ioyned with all and not by a few coÌ„spired Cardinals closed vp in a corner as they be now c. ANd yet if there were no other difference in the matter but onely corruptioÌ„ of life all that we would tollerate or els impute to the common fragilitie of man and charge them no further therein then we might charge our selues Now ouer and beside this deformitie of life wherein they are cleane gone froÌ„ the former steppes of the true Church of Rome we haue moreouer to charge them in greater pointes more nearely touchyng the substauntiall ground of the Church as in their iurisdiction presumptuously vsurped in their title falsely grounded and in their doctrine heretically corrupted In all which three pointes this latter pretenced Churche of Rome hath vtter sequestred it selfe from the Image and nature of the auncient and true Church of Rome and haue erected to them selues a new Church of their owne makyng as first vsurping a iurisdiction neuer knowen before to their auncient predecessors For although the Churche of Rome in the old primitiue tyme had his due authoritie and place due vnto that sea among other Patriarchall Churches ouer and vpon such Churches as were within his precinct bordering neare vnto it as appeareth by the Actes of Nicene CouÌ„cell yet the vniuersall fulnesse and plenitude of power in both the regimentes spirituall temporall in deposing dispensing matters of the Church not to him beloÌ„ging in taking Appeales in geuyng elections inuestyng in benefices in exeÌ„pting him selfe from obedience subiection of his ordinary power Magistrate with his coactiue power newly erected in the church of Rome was neuer receaued nor vsed in the old Romane church froÌ„ which they disagree in all their doings For although Victor theÌ„ bishop of Rome an 200. went about to excoÌ„municate the East Churches for the obseruation of Easter day yet neither did he proceede therein neither was permitted by Irenaeus so to doe And although Boniface the first likewise writyng to the Byshops of Carthage required of theÌ„ to send vp their appellatioÌ„s vnto the Church of Rome alledgyng moreouer the decree of Nicene CouÌ„cell for his authoritie The Byshops Clergy of Carthage assemblyng together in a generall CouÌ„cell called the vj. Councell of Carthage to the nuÌ„ber of .217 Byshops after they had perused the decrees in the autentike copies of the foresayd Nicene Councell fouÌ„d no such matter by the sayd Bonifacius alledged made therefore a publike decree that none out of that countrey should make any appeale ouer the sea c. And what maruell if appeales were forbiddeÌ„ them to be made to Rome wheÌ„ as both here in EnglaÌ„d the kyngs of this land would not permit any to Appeale froÌ„ them to Rome before king Henry the ij because of the murther of Thomas Becket beyng thereunto compelled by Pope Alexander the iij. And also in Fraunce the like prohibitions were expressely made by Ludouicus Pius an 1268. which did forbid by a publicke instrument called Pragmatica sanctio all exactions of the Popes court within his Realme Also by kyng Philip named Le bel an 1296. the like was done which not only restrayned all seÌ„dyng or goyng vp of his subiectes to Rome but also that no money armour nor subsidy should be transported out of his Realme The like also after him did king Charles the v. surnamed the Wise and his sonne likewise after him Charles the vj. who also punished as traytours certaine seditious persons for appealyng to Rome The like resistauÌ„ce moreouer was in the sayd countrey of FrauÌ„ce against the Popes reseruatioÌ„s preueÌ„tioÌ„s other like practises of his vsurped iurisdictioÌ„ in the dayes of pope Martin the v. an 1418. Item when kyng Henry the vj. in England and kyng Charles the 7. in FrauÌ„ce did both accord with the Pope in inuesting in collatioÌ„ of benefices yet notwithstandyng the highe Court of Parliament in Fraunce did not admit the same but still maintayned the old libertie customes of the French Church In so much that the Duke of Beâ—hfort came with the kynges letters pateÌ„t to haue the Popes procurations reseruations admitted yet the court of ParliameÌ„t would not agree to the same but the kyngs Procurator generall was fayne to go betwixt them as is to be sene in their Registers an 1425. the fift day of Marche In the dayes of the which kyng Charles the vij was setforth in Fraunce Pragmatica sanâ—tio as they call it agaynst the Annaâ—es reseruations expectatiues and such other proceedyngs of the Popes pretenced iurisdictioÌ„ an 1438. Wherfore what maruell if this iurisdiction of the Popes Court in excommunicatyng in takyng Appeales and geuyng of benefices was not vsed in the old Church of Rome when as in these latter dayes it hath bene so much resisted And what should I speake of the forme and maner of elections now vsed in the Church of Rome cleane coÌ„uerted from the maner of the old Church of their predecessors For first in those auncient dayes when as yet the Church remayned in the Apostles onely a few other Disciples the Apostles then with prayer and imposition of handes elected Byshops Ministers as by the Apostles Iames was made Bishop of Hierusalem Paule in Creta elected Titus and Timothe in Ephesus Also Peter ordayned Linus and Clement in Rome c. After which tyme of the Apostles when the Church began more to multiply the election of Byshops and Ministers stode by the Clergie the people with the consent of the chief Magistrate of the place and so continued during all the tyme of the Primitiue Church till the tyme and after the time of Constantine the 4. Emperour which Emperour as writeth Platina and Sabellic Enead 8. lib. 6. published a law concernyng the election of the Romane Byshop that
singular Apostles For he that said to Peter Feede my sheepe said also to all and singular his Apostles Go into all the world preach c. Math. vlt. Moreouer for as much as this man collecteth out of Chrysostome that the whole world was committed to Peter how shall we then ioyne this meaning of Chrysostome with S. Paule which sayth that the Gospel was committed to Peter euer the circumcision as was Paule ouer the vncircumcision And here an answer to this doughtie argument both to the forme to the matter thereof albeit concerning the matter here lacketh much to be said more of Peters successours in the text of Chrysostome By the which successours is not ment the bishop of Rome onely as the Papists would beare vs in hand but all such true and faithfull Pastors whom the Lordes calling sendeth and setteth ouer his flocke where so euer or whatsoeuer they be For as Peter beareth a representation of the church by the testimonie of August in Ioan. tract 124. Praefat. in Psal. 108. so the successours of Peter be all faithfull Pastors and ouerseers of Christes Church to whom Christ our Lord hath committed the charge of his flocke Wherefore they are not a little deceiued which looking vpō the rocke onely of the person and not the rock of confession contrary to the rule of Hilarie De trinit lib. 6. doe tie the Apostleship or rocke of Peter to one onely Bishop and the succession of Peter to one onely sea of Rome where as this being a spiritual office and not carnall hath no such carnall race or discent after any worldly or locall vnderstanding but hath a more mysticall meaning after a spirituall sense of succession such as Hierome speaketh of epist. ad Euagrium Omnes inquit Apostolorum successores sunt c. That is All saith he speaking of Bishops be successours of the Apostles c. Of like force and fashion and out of the same figure the same Author patcheth moreouer another argument proouing that the Bishop of Rome was tituled the head of Christes church in the primitiue time of the old aunciters before the age of Gregory His argument procedeth thus in the third figure S. Peter was called by the auncient fathers head of Christes church S. Peter was bishop of Rome Ergo the bishop of Rome was called head of the Church in the old auncient tyme. This argument expositorie beyng clouted vp in the third figure and concluding singularly hath rather a shew of an argumēt then maketh any necessarie conclusiō standing vpon no moode in the said figure if the Author thereof were put to his triall Albeit to leaue the forme and to come to the matter of the argument First how wel he wil dispatch himselfe of the Maior prooue vs that S. Peter although he were at Rome and taught at Rome and suffred at Rome yet that he was bishop and proper Ordinarie of that citie and speciall sea of Rome As touching the allegation of Abdias Orosius Ado Tertullian Cyprian Hierome Optatius and Augustine brought forth for his most aduantage to prooue his Maior thus I answer cōcerning Orosius Tertullian Cyprian Hierome and Augustine that where they speake of S. Peters chaire or planting the faith at Rome straightway this man argueth there upon that Peter was Bishop of Rome But that doth not clarkely follow For the office of the Apostles was to plant the faith in all places and in euery regiō yet were they not bishops in euery region And as for the chaire as it is no difference essentiall that maketh a bishop for so much as a Doctour may haue a chaire and yet be no bishop so cannot he conclude by the chaire of Peter that S. Peter was Bishop of Rome For all this proueth no farther but that Peter was at Rome and there taught the fayth of Christ as Paul did also and peraduenture in a chayre likewise yet we say not that Paule was therefore Bishop of Rome But that he was there as an Apostle of Christ whether he taught there standing on his feete or sittyng in a chayre In the Scripture commonly the Chaire signifieth doctrine or iudgement as sitting also declareth such as teach or iudge whether they sit in the chaire of Moyses or in the chaire of pestilence Planting likewise is a worde Apostolicall and signifieth not onely the office of a Bishop Wherefore it is no good consequent he sate he taught he planted at Rome his chaire and seate was at Rome Ergo he was Bishop of Rome And thus much touchyng Orosius Tertullian Cyprian Augustine As for Abdias Ado Optatus and such other although we should haue much wrong offered and neuer should make an ende if we should be prest with the authoritie of euery one that could or did mooue pen in all the whole first age of the church to be our iudges in euery ecclesiasticall matter and much more wrong should haue if the authors either corrupted or countersaited should be layd vnto vs speaking not in the same sense or in the same tongue or in the same time wherin they wrote yet to helpe and to faine the authorities of these authors so much as we may I answer to their allegations with this distinction of a bishop which is to be taken either generally or specially After the first a bishop is he to whom so euer the publike cure and charge of soules is committed without any limitation of place And so the name of Bishop is concident with the office of Apostle or any publique Pastour Doctour or Curator of the vniuersall flocke of Christ. And thus may Paule Peter or any other of the Apostles be called Bishops So also is Christ himselfe by expresse worde called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Bishop and Pastor 1. Peter 2. And thus may Peter wel be named a bishop of these foresaid authors after this maner of taking But this publike and generall charge vniuersally ouer the whole without limitation ceased after Christ and the Apostles For then were bishops by places and prouinces appointed to haue speciall ouersight of some perticular flock or prouince and so to be resident and attendant onely vpon the same The other diuersitie of this name bishop is to be taken after a more speciall sort which is when any person orderly called is assigned namely specially to some one certain place citie or prouince wherunto he is only bound to employ his office charge and no where els according to the old Canons of the Apostles and of the Councell of Nice And this Bishop differing from the other is called Episcopus intitulatus hauing his name of his citie or Dioces And thus we deny that Peter the Apostle was euer Bishop elected installed or intituled to the Citie of Rome neyther doth Optatus Abdias Ado or Hierome affirme the same And if Ado say that Peter was bishop of Rome 25. yeares vntill the last
Churches to the Romains one to the Corinthians two to the GalathiaÌ„s one to the Ephesians one to the Philippians one to the Colossians one to the Thessalonians two Moreouer he wrote to his Disciples to Timothie two to Titus one to Philemon one The Epistle which beareth the title to the Hebrues is not thought to be his for the difference of the stile phrase but either iudged to be written of Timothie as Tertullian supposeth or of S. Luke as other do thinke or els of Clement afterward Bishop of Rome who as they say was adioyned with Paul and compiling together his sayings and sentences did phrase them in his stile and maner Or els as some do iudge because S. Paul wrote vnto the Hebrues for the odiousnes of his name among that people therefore he dissimuled and confessed his name in the first entre of his salutation contrary to his accustomed condition And as he wrote to the Hebrues he being an Hebrue so he wrote in Hebrue that is in his own tongue more eloquently And that is thought to be the cause why it differeth from his other Epistles and is after a more eloquent maner translated into the Greeke then his other Epistles be Some also read the Epistle written to Laodicea but that is explosed of all men Thus much Hierome As touching the tyme and order of the death and Martyrdome of S. Paule as Eusebius Hierome Maximus and other authors doe but briefly passe ouer So Abdias if his booke be of any substaÌ„tial authoritie speaking more largely of the same doth say that after the crucifying of Peter the ruine of Simon Magus Paule yet remayning in free custody was dimissed and deliuered at that time from Martyrdome by Gods permission that all the Gentiles might be replenished with preaching of the Gospell by him And the same Abdias proceeding in his story declareth moreouer that as Paule was thus occupied at Rome he was accused to the Emperour not onely for teaching new doctrine but also for stirring vp sedition against the Empire For this he being called before Nero and demaunded to shew the order and maner of his doctrine there declared what his doctrine was to teach all men peace and charitie how to loue one an other how to preuent one an other in honor rich meÌ„ not to be puft in pride nor to put their trust in their treasures but in the liuing God Meane men to be contented with foode and rayment and with their present state Poore meÌ„ to reioyce in their pouertie with hope Fathers to bring vp their children in the feare of God Children to obey their parents Husbandes to loue their wiues Wiues to be subiect vnto their husbands Citizens and subiects to giue their tribute vnto Caesar and to be subiect to their magistrates Maisters to be curteous not currish to their seruaunts Seruants to deale faithfully with their maisters And this to be the summe of his teaching which his doctrine he receiued not of men nor by men but by Iesus Christ and the father of glory which spake to him from heauen the Lord Iesus saying to him that he should goe and preach in his name and that he would be with him and would be the spirit of life to all that beleued in him and that whatsoeuer he did or said he would iustifie it c. After that Paule had thus declared vnto the Emperour shortly after sentence of death was pronounced against him that he should be headed Unto whose executâ—oÌ„ then Nero sent two of his Esquiers Ferega and Parthemius to bring him word of his death They comming to Paule instructing then the people desired him to pray for them that they might beleue Who told them that shortly after they should beleue and be baptised at his Sepulchre as Abdias writeth This done the souldiours came and led him out of the Citie to the place of execution where he after his prayers made gaue his necke to the sword Abdias reporteth that as his head was strokeÌ„ off in stead of blood issued out white milke and that at laying downe his head he signed himselfe with the signe of a crosse in his forehead but this being found in no other historie Abdias semeth either to adde of his own or els to borow out of the Legend as he doth many other things beside wherof more shal be sayd Christ willing hereafter Although the same miracle of milke flowing out of his necke is referred also vnto Ambrose who in his sermon 68. if it be not counterfaited seemeth to affirme the same Of the tyme and yeare when these blessed Apostles did suffer histories doe not all agree They that follow the commoÌ„ opinion and the Popes decrees say that both Peter and Paul suffred both in one day and in one yeare which opinion semeth to be taken out of Dionysius bishop of Corinth Hierome in his booke De viris illustr affirmeth that they suffred both in one day but he expresseth not the yeare So doth Isodorus and Eusebius Symon Metaphrastes bringeth in the opinion of some which thinke that Paul suffred not with Peter but after Peter Prudentius in his PeristephanoÌ„ noteth that they both were put to death vpon the same day but not in the same yere and saith that Paule followed Peter a yeare after Abdias aboue mentioned recordeth that Paule suffered two yeares after Peter Moreouer if it be true which Abdias saith that after the crucifiyng of Peter Paul remained in his fyare custody at Rome meÌ„tioned in the Actes of the Apostles which was as Hierom witnesseth the 3. or 4. yere of Nero then must it be x. yeare betwixt the Martyrdome of Peter and of Paule for as much as it is by all writers confessed that Paule suffered the 14. yeare which was the last yeare of Nero. And so Abdias seemeth neither to agree with other authors nor with himselfe And thus much of the first persecution The second Persecution THe first Romaine persecution beginning vnder Nero as is aforesaid ceased vnder Vespasianus who gaue some rest to the poore Christians After whose raigne was mooued not long after the second persecution by the Emperor Domitian brother of Titus Of whome Eusebius and Orosius so write that he first beginning mildly afterward did so farre outrage in pride intollerable that he commaunded himself to be worshipped as God and that images of gold and siluer in his honour should be set vp in Capitolio The chiefest nobles of the Senators either vpon enuy or for their goodes he caused to be put to death some openly and some he sent into banishment there causing them to be slaine priuilie And as his tiranny was vnmeasurable so the intemperancie of his life was no lesse He put to death all the nephewes of Iuda called the Lordes brother and caused to be sought out and to be slayne all that could be found of the stocke of Dauid as Vespasian also did
Philadelphia suffered Martyrdome at Smyrna which Policarpus specially aboue the rest is had in memory so that hee in all places among the Gentiles is most famous And this was the ende of this worthy disciple of the Apostles Whose hystory the brethren of the congregation at Smyrna haue wrytten in this their Epistle as is aboue recited Iraeneus in his 3. booke against heresies the 3 chap. and Eusaebius in his 4. booke and 14. chap. of his Ecclesiasticall history reporteth this worthy saying of Poticarpus This Policarpus sayth hee meeting at a certeine time Martion the heretick who said vnto him doest thou not know me made answere I know that thou art the first begotten of Sathan So great feare what euil might ensue therof had the Disciples of the Apostles that they would not speake to them whom they knew to be the deprauers of the verytie euen as Paule saith The hereticke after the first and second admonition shonne and auoyd Knowing that he which is such one is peruerse or frowarde and damneth himselfe This most holy confessour and Martyr of Christ Policarpus suffered death in the fourth persecution after Nero when Marcus Antonius and Lucius Aurelius Commodus raigned an Dom. 167. as Vrsperg affirmeth an 170. as Eusebius witnesseth in his Chronicles the 7. before the Calendes of Februarie Of Germanicus mention is made aboue in the storye of Policarpus of whome writeth Eusebius Lib. 4. cap. 15. notyng him to be a younge man and most constantly to perseuere in the profession of Christes doctrine whom wheÌ„ the Proconsul went about to perswade to remember his age and to fauor him selfe being in the floure of his age he woulde nor be allured but constaÌ„tly and boldly and of his owne accorde incited and prouoked the wild beast to come vpon him and to deuour him to be deliuerd more spedely out of this wretched life Haec Eusebius an 170. Thus haue you heard out of the Epistle of the brethren of Smyrna the whole order and liâ—e of Policarpus wherby it may appeare that he was a very aged maÌ„ who had serued Christ lxxxvj yeares since the first knowledge of him and serued also in the ministery about the space of 70. yeares This Policarpus was the schooler and hearer of Iohn the Euangelist and was placed by the sayde Iohn in Smyrna Of him also Ignatius maketh mention in his Epistle which he wrote in his iourney to Rome going toward his martyrdome and commended to him the gouernement of hys Church at Antioch whereby it appeareth that Policarpus then was in yâ— ministery Likewise Iraeneus writeth of the sayd Policarpus after this maner He alwaies taught sayd he those things which he learned of the Apostles leauing them to the Church and are onely true Wherevnto also at the Churches that be in Asia and all they which succeeded after Policarpus to this day beareth witnes And the same Irenaeus witnesseth also that the sayd Policarpus wrote an Epistle to the Phillipians which whether it be the same that is now extant and read in the name of Policarpus it is doubted of some notwithstanding in the sayd Epistle diuers things are founde very holesome and Apostolicke as where he teacheth of Christ of iudgement and of the resurrection Also he writeth of faith very worthily thus declaryng that by grace we are saued and not by works but in the will of God by Iesus Christ. In Eusebius we reade in like maner a part of an Epistle written by Irenaeus to Florinus wherin is declared how that the said Irenaeus being yet yong was with Policarpus in Asia at what time he saw well remembred what Policarpus did and the place where he sat teaching his whoâ—e order of life and proportion of his body with the sermons wordes which he said to the people And furthermore he perfectly remembred howe that the saide Policarpus often times reported vnto him those thinges which hee learned and heard them speake of the Lord his dooinges power and doctrine who heard the worde of life with their owne eares all which were more consonant and agreable to the holy Scripture Thus with much more hath Irenaeus concerning Policarpus Hierome also writing of the same Policarpus hath howe he was in great estimation throughout all Asia for that he was scholer to the Apostles and to them which did see and were conuersant with Christ himselfe whereby it is to be coniectured his authority to be much not onely with them of his owne Church but wyth all other Churches about him Ouer and besides it is witnessed by the sayd Irenaeus that Policarpus came to Rome in the time of Anicetus Byshop of Rome about the yere of our Lord. 157. in yâ— raigne of Antoninus Pius whose cause of his comming thether appeareth to be about the controuersie of Easterday wherin the Asians and the Romanes somthing disagreed amonge theÌ„selues And therfore the said Policarpus in the behalfe of the brethren and Church of Asia tooke his long iourneye thether to come and conferre with Anicetus Wherof wryteth also Nicephorus Lib. 4. declaring that Policarpus and Anicetus something varied in opinions and iudgement about that mater And that notwithstanding yet both freÌ„dly communicated either with the other insomuch that Anicetus in his Church gaue place to Policarpus to minister the Communion and Sacrament of the Lordes Supper for honour sake which may be a notable testimony now to vs that the doctrine concerning the free vse and liberty of ceremonies was at that time retained in the church without any offence of stomacke or breach of Christian peace in the Church This Policarpus as is aboue mentioned suffered his Martyrdome euen in his owne Church at Smyrna where he had laboured so many yeares in planting of the Gospel of Christ which was about the yeare of our Lorde 170. as Eusebius rekoneth in his Chronicle and in the 7. yeare of Antoninus Verus his raigne wherby it appeareth that Socrates in Historia tripartita was much deceaued saying that Policarpus suffered in the time of Gordianus In this fourth persecution beside Policarpus and other mentioned before we read also in Eusebius of diuers other who at the same time likewise did suffer at Smyrna Ouer and besides in the said persecution suffered moreouer Metrodorus a ministrr who was giuen to the fier so consumed An other was worthy Pionius which after much boldnes of speeche with his Apologies exhibited his sermons made to the people in the defence of christian sayth and after much reheuyng and comforting of such as were in prisons and otherwise discoÌ„forted at last was put to cruell torments and afflictions then giuen likewise to the fire so finished his blessed martyrdome After these also suffered Carpus Papylus and Agathonyca a woman who after their most constaunt and worthye confessions were put to death at Pergamopolis in Asia witnessing Eusebius Lib. 4 cap 7.
excommunicate all those Byshops and churches of Asia as heretickes and schismatickes which disagreed from the Romaine order had not Irenaeus otherwise restrayned him from that doyng as is a foresayd whiche was about the yeare of our Lord .191 in the reigne of Commodus Thus then began the vniformitie of keeping that holy day to be first required as a thing necessary all they accompted as heretickes and schismatickes which dissented from the Bishop traditioÌ„ of Rome With Victor stoode Theophilus Byshop of Cesarâ—a Narcissus of Hierusalem Irenaeus of Lyons Palmas of Pontus Banchillus of Corinthe the Byshop of Dâ—â—roena and other moe All which condescended to haue the celebration of Easter vpon the Sonday because they would differ froÌ„ the Iewes in all things as neare as they might and partly because the resurrection of the Lord fell on the same day On the contrary side diuers Byshop were in Asia of whom the principall was Policrates Byshop of Ephesus who being assembled with a great multitude of Bishops and brethren of those parties by the common assent of the rest wrote agayne to Victor and to the Church of Rome declaring that they had euer from the beginning obserued that day according to the rule of Scripture vnchaunged neither adding nor altering any thing froÌ„ the same Alledging moreouer for them the examples of the Apostles and holy fathers their predecessours as Phillip the Apostle with hys three daughters at Hierapolis also Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist at Ephesus Polycarpus at Smyrna Thraseas at Eumenia Byshoppe and Martyr lykewise of Sagaris at Laodicaea Byshop and Mattyr Holy Papyrius and Melito at Sardis Beside these bishops also of his own kindred and his owne aunceters to the number of seuen which all were bishops before him he the eight now after them All which obserued saith he the solemnitie of the same day after the same wiâ—e and sort as we do now Victor being not a litle mooued herewith by letters agayne denounceth against them more bold vpon authoritie then wiâ—e in his commission violent excommunicatioÌ„ Albeit by the wise handlyng of Irenaeus and other learned men that matter was staid and Victor otherwise perswaded What the perswasioÌ„s of Irenaeus were partly may appeare in Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 26. the summe whereof tendeth to this effect That the variance and difference of ceremonies is no straunge matter in the Church of Christ when as this varietie is not onely in the day of Easter but also in the maner of fasting in diuers other vsages among the christian For some fast one day some two days some other fast moe Other there be which counting xl houres both day night take that for a ful dayes fast And this so diuers fashion of fasting in the church of Christ began not onely in this our tyme but was before among our fore elders And yet notwithstanding they with all this diuersity were in vnitie among themselues and so be we neyther both this difference of ceremonies any thing hinder but rather commendeth the concorde of fayth And bringeth forth the examples of the fathers of Telesphorus Pius Anicetus Soter Eleutherius and such other who neither obserued the same vsage themselues neither prescribed it to others and yet notwithstanding kept christian charitie with such as came to coÌ„municate with them not obseruing the same forme of things which they obserued as well appeared by Polycarpus and Anicetus which although they agreed not in one vniforme custome of rites yet refused not to coÌ„municate together the one geuing reuerence vnto the other Thus the controuersie being taken vp betwene Irenaeus Victor remained free to the time of Nicene Councell Haec ex Iren. Eusebius And thus much coÌ„cerning the controuersie of that matter and concerning the doings of Victor After Victor succeeded in the sea of Rome Zephyrinus in the dayes of the foresayd Seuerus about the yeare of our Lord .203 To this Zephyrinus be ascribed two Epistles in the first Tome of the Councels But as I haue sayd before of the decretall Epistles of other Romaine Bishops so I say and verily suppose of this that neither the countenaÌ„ce of the stile nor the matter therin contained nor the condition of the â—yme doth otherwise giue to thinke of these letters but that they be verily bastard letters not written by these fathers nor in these tymes but craftily and wickedly pact in by some which to set vp the primacie of Rome haue most pestilently abused the authoritie of these holy auncient fathers to deceaue the simple Church For who is so rude but that in considering onely the state of those terrible tymes may easily vnderstand except affectioÌ„ blind him beside a nomber of other probable coniectures to lead him that the poore persecuted bishops in that time would haue bene glad to haue any safe couert to put their heades in so far was it of that they had any lust or laisure theÌ„ to seeke for any Primacie or Patriarkeship or to driue all other churches to appeale to the sea of Rome or to exempt all Priests from the accusation of any lay man as in the first Epistle of Zephyrinus is to be seene written to the Bishops of Sicilia And likewise the second Epistle of his to the Bishops of the prouince of Egypt containing no maner of doctrine nor consolation necessary for that time but only certain ritual decrees to no purpose argueth no lesse but the said epistles neither to sauor of that man nor taste of the tyme. Of like credite also seemeth the constitution of the Patines of glasse which Damasus sayth that the same Zephyrinus ordained to be caried before the Priest at the celebratioÌ„ of the Masse Againe Platina writeth that he ordayned the ministration of the SacrameÌ„t to be no more vsed in vessels of wood or of glasse or of any other mettall except only siluer gold and tinne c. But how these two testimonies of Damasus and Platina ioyne together let the reader iudge especially seyng the same decree is referred to Vrbanus that came after him Againe what needed this decree of golden chalices to be stablished afterward in the Councell of Tybur and Rhenes if it had bene enacted before by Zephyrinus How long this Zephyrinus sate our writers do varie Eusebius sayth he died in the raigne of Caracalla and sate 17. yeares Platina writeth that he died vnder Seuerus and sate 8. yeares and so saith also Nauclerus Damasus affirmeth that he sate 16. yeares and two monthes Matthaeus author of the story intituled Flores HistoriaruÌ„ with other latter Chronicles maketh mention of Perpetua and Felicitas and Reuocatus her brother also of Saturninus and Satyrus brethren and Secundulus which in the persecution of this Seuerus gaue ouer their liues to Martyrdome for Christ beyng throwen to wild beasts and deuoured of the same in Carthage and in Affrike saue that Saturninus brought agayne from the beasts was
to the brethren of Fraunce and of Spayne appointeth such an order and forme of the church as seemeth not to agree with the time then present For so hee declareth in that Epistle that a Byshop in al places whether soeuer he goeth should haue two Priestes with three deacons waiting vpoÌ„ him to be witnesses of al his waies and doings Which ordinaunce although I deny not but it may be and is conuenient yet I se not how that time of Lucius could serue then for a Bishop to cary such a pompe of Priestes Deacons about him or to study for any such matter for so much as Bishops commonly in those daies were seldome free to go abroad went they neuer so secrete but either were in houses close and secret or in prison or els in banishment Moreouer in the said Epistle how poÌ„pously he writeth to the Church of Rome This holy and Apostolycall Church of Rome sayth he the mother of all Churches of Christ which by the grace of God omnipotent hath neuer bene proued to swerue out of the pathe of Apostolicall tradition neyther hath euer fallen or bene depraued with heretical innouations but euen as in the first beginning it receaued the rule of the Apostolicall faith by his first instructers the Princes of the Apostles so it continueth euer immaculate and vndefiled vnto the end Unto this Lucius also is referred in the decrees of Gratian this constitution that no minister whatsoeuer after his ordination should at any time reenter to the chamber of his owne wife in paine of loosing his Ministery in the Church c. Eusebius in his vij booke making mention of the death of Lucius and not of his Martyrdome saith that he sate but eight moneths But Damasus in his Martyrologe holdeth that hee sat thre yeares was beheaded the second yeare of Valerian and Galienus Emperours And so doth also Marianus Scotus and Nauclerus with other that folow Damasus affirme the same After him came Stephanus next Bishop of Rome following Lucius whome Damasus Platina and Sabellicus affirme to haue sit vij yeares fine monethes to die a martir Contrary Eusebius and Volateranus holding with hym giue him but two yeares which part commeth most neare to the truth I leaue to the readers iudgement of his two Epistles decretall and of his ordinaunces out of the same collected I nede not much to tary for two respects eyther for that concerning these decretal Epistles suspiciously intituled to the names of the fathers of the primitiue church sufficiently hath bene said before or els because both the phrase barbarous and incongrue and also the matter it self therin contained is such that although no testimony came against it yet it easely refelleth it selfe As wherein the second Epistle he decreeth that no Byshop being expulsed out of hys seate or depriued of his goodes ought to be accused of anye or is bound to aunswere for himselfe before that by the lawe regularly he be restored agayne fully to his former state and that the Primates and the Synode render to him agayne all such possessions and fruites as were taken froÌ„ him before his accusation as is agreeing both to the lawes Canon also seculare First here I would desire the Reader a little to stay this to consider to himself who be these here ment which either vsed or might despoile these bishops of their goods expulse theÌ„ froÌ„ their seates for such wroÌ„gfull causes but only Kings Emperours which at this time were not yet Christened nor vsed any such proceedinges against these Bishops in such sort as either Primates or Synodes coulde restore them again to their places and possessioÌ„s Againe what priuate goodes or possessions had Byshops then to be taken from them when as Churches yet neither were indued wyth patrimonies nor possessions And if any treasures were coÌ„mitted to the church it pertained not properly to the Byshop but went in general to the subuention of the poore in the Church as in the Epistle of Cornelius to Fabius maye appeare alleaged in Eusebius Lib. 6. cap. 43. where he speaking of his Church declaring how there ought to bee but one Byshoppe in the same â—nterreth mention of xlvj Priestes vij Deacons with vij Subdeacons xlij Acoluthes of widowes and poore afflicted persons to the â—â—ber of a 1500 and aboue founde and nourished in the same Church by the mercifull benignitie and prouidence of god Eusebius Lib. 6. cap. 43. It followeth more in the ende of the said Canon which thing is forbidden both by the lawes Ecclesiastical also seculer c. Now what lawes seculer were in the time of Stephen for bishops not to be charged with any accusation before they were restored againe to their state let any Reader marking well the state or the Heathen lawes that then were iudge and in iudgeing I doubte not but this matter alone though there were no other will be ynough to descry the vntruth hereof Moreouer by diuers other probable notes and arguments in the saide seconde Epistle of Stephanus it maye be easely espied this Epistle to be famed and â—â—authored especiall by the fift Canon of the saide Epistle where hee so solemnely entreateth of the difference betweene Primats Metropolitanes and Archbyshops which distinction of degres and titles sauoring more oâ— ambition then of persecution giueth me verily to suppose this Epistle not to be written by this Stephen but by â—ine other man either of that name or of some other time when the Churche began to be setled in more prosperitie and orders therein to bee taken for euery man to know his â—egâ—â—e and limits of his authoritie according as tâ— specified by the vj and vij Canon of Nicene Councell â—â—â—ceeing of the same matter The like 〈…〉 of the seuenth Canon of the said Epistle where he writeth and appointeth all causes iudiciarie to be decided determined within the precinct of their owne proper Prouince and not to passe ouer the boundes theron vnlesse saith he the appeaâ—e be made to the Apostolical sea of Rome which sanâ—reth in my nose rather of a â—â—acke of Popery then of the veine of Christianity especially in these times during this terrible persecution among the Byshops of Christ. And thus much of the second decretall Epistle of Stephanus although of the first Epistle also written to Hilarius some thing may be said as where he speaketh in the said Epistle of holy â—â—â—timentes and holy vessels and other ornaments of the aulter seruing to diuine worship and therfore not to be touched nor handled of any maÌ„ sauing of Priests alone Concerning all which implements my opinion is this that I thinke the Church of Rome not to haue beene in so good state theÌ„ that either Stephanus or Sixtus before him beyng occupied about other more earnest maters and scarce able to hide their owne heades had any minde or cogitation to studie vpon such vnnecessary inuentions seruing in
the Pope to shew a pleasure to Carolus would not agree but gaue the mother with her two children Desiderius the Lombard king with hys whole kingdome hys wife and Children into the hands of the said Carolus who led them with him captiue into Fraunce and there kept them in seruitude during their lyfe Thus Carolus Magnus beyng proclaymed Emperour of Rome through the preferment of Adrian and of Pope Leo the third which succeeded next after him was the Empire translated from the Grecians about the yeare of our Lord 801. vnto the Frenchmen where it continued about 102. yeares till the comming of Conracus and hys nephew Otho which were Germaynes and so hath continued after them amoÌ„g the Almanes vnto this present time This Charles builded so many Monasteries as there be letters in the row of A. B C. he was beneficiall chiefly to Church-men also mercifull to the poore in hys actes valiaunt and triumphaunt skilde in all languages he held a counsell at Francford where was condemned the Councell of Rice and Irene for setting vp and worshipping Images c. Concerning which Councell of Nice thinges there concluded and enacted because no man shal thinke the detesting of Images to be any new thing now begon thus I finde it recorded in an auncient written history of Roger Houeden called Continuationes Beda His wordes in Latin be these Anno 792. Carolus Rex Francorum misit Sinodalem librum ad Britanniam sibi à Constantinopoli directum In quo lib. Heu proh dolor multa inconuenientia verae fidei contraria reperiuntur maximè quòd pene omnium orientalium Doctorum non minus quà m 300. vel eo amplius Episcoporum vnanimi assertione confirmatum sit imagines adorari debere Quod omnino Ecclesia Dei execratur Contra quod scripsit Albinus Epistolam ex autoritate diuinarum scripturarum mirabiliter affirmatam illamque cum eodem libro ex persona Episcoporum ac principum nostrorum Regi Francorum attulit Haec ille That is In the yeare of our Lorde 792. Charles the Frenche King sent a booke contayning the actes of a certeine Synode vnto Brittayne directed vnto hym from Constantinople In the which booke lamentable to behold many thinges inconuenient cleane contrary to the true fayth are there to be found especially for that by the common consent of almost all the learned bishops of the East Church not so few as 300. it was there agreed that Images should be worshipped Which thing the church of god hath alwayes abhorred Against which booke Albinê° wrote an Epistle substantially grounded out of the authoritie of holy Scripture Which Epistle with the booke the sayde Albinus in the name and person of our Bishops and Princes did present to the French king And thus much by the way of Romish matters now to returne agayne to the Northumberland kings where we left at Egbert Which Egbert as is before declared succeeded after Ceolulphus after he was made Monke And likewise the sayd Egbert also followyng the deuotion of hys vncle Ceolulphus and Kenredus before him was likewyse shorne monke after he had raigned 20. yeres in Northumberland leauing his sonne Osulphus after him to succeede about which tyme and in the saine yeare when Ceolulphus deceased in his Monastery which was the yeare of our Lord 764. diuers Cities were burnt with sodaine fire as the citie of Wenta the citie of London the citie of Yorke DoÌ„acester with diuers other townes besides Roger Houeden Lib. Contin post Bedam who the first yeare of hys raigne which was the yere of our Lord 757 beyng innocently slayne next to him followed Mollo otherwise called Adelwald who likewise beyng slayne of Alcredus after hee had raigned ii yeres departed After Alcredus wheÌ„ he had raigned 10. yeres was expulied out of his kingdom by his people Then was Ethelbert otherwise named Edelred the sonne of the foresayd Mollo receaued kyng of Northumberland which Ethelbert or Adelred in like sort after he had raigned v. yeares was expulsed After whome succeeded Alswold who likewise when he had raigned ii yeres was vniustly slaine So likewise after him his nephew and the sonne of Alcredus named Osredus raigned one yeare was slayne Then the foresayd Ethelbert the sonne of Mollo after 12. yeares banishment raigned agayne in Northumberland the space of foure yeares and was slayne the cause wherof as I finde in an old written story was that forsaking his old wife he maried a new Concerning the restoring of whoÌ„ Alcuinus writeth in this maner Benedictus Deus qui facit mirabilia solus Nuper Edelredus filius Edelwaldi de carcere processit in solium de miseria in maiestatem cuius regni nouitate detenti sumus ne veniremus ad vos c. And afterward the same Alcuinus againe speaking of his death writeth to king Offa in these wordes Sciat veneranda dilectio vestra quod Do. Carolus amabiliter fideliter saepe mecum locutus est de vobis in eo habetis fidelissimum amicum Ideo vestrae dilectioni digna dirigit munera per Episcopales sedes regni vestri similiter Edelredo Regi ad suas Episcoporum sedes direxit dona Sed heu Proh dolor donis datis Epistolis in manus missorum superuenit tristis legatio per missos qui de Scotia per nos reuersi sunt De infidelitate gentis nece Regis Ita Carolus retracta donorum largitate in tantum iratus est contra gentem illam vt ait perfidam peruersam homicidam dominorum suorum peiorem eam paganis estimans vt nisi ego intercessor essem pro ea quicquid eis boni abstrahere potuisset mali machinari iam fecisset c. The kingdom of Northumberland ceaseth Thus as you haue heard after the raigne of king Egbert before mentioned such trouble and perturbatioÌ„ was in the dominion of Northumberland with slaying expulsing and disposing their kings one after an other that after the murdering of this Edelred aboue specified none durst take the gouernemeÌ„t vpon him seing the great danger thereupon insuing Insomuch that the foresayd kingdome did lye void and waste the space of xxxiij yeares together after the terme of which yeares this kingdome of Northumberland with the kingdomes also of the other Saxons besides came all together into the handes of Egbert king of the Westsaxons and his progeny which Monarchy began in the yeare of our Lord. 827. and in the 28. yeare of the raygne of the sayd Egbert whereof more shall be sayd Christ willing hereafter Of this troublesome ragious time of Northumberland people speaketh also the sayd learned man Alcuinus otherwise called Albinus in the same country borne writing out of FrauÌ„ce into England and complayning of the same in diuers his letters as first to Offa where he thus writeth Ego paratus eram euÌ„ muneribus Caroli regis ad vos venire
which are read in the Churche of Winchester of this Swythinus them I leaue to be read together with the Iliades of Homere or tales of Robenhood This Gregory the fourth here in this present Chapter aboue mentioned was the third pope which succeeded after Paschalis the first being but. 4. yeares betwixt them which Paschalis succeeded after Steuen the 4. who followed after Leo the 3. next Pope vnto Hadrian aboue in our history mentioned whereas we intreated of Charles the great From the tyme of that Hadrian the first vnto Pope Hadrian the 3. The Emperours had some stroke in the election at lest in the confirmation of the Romaine Pope Notwithstanding diuers of those foresayd popes in the meane time began to work their practises to bring that purpose about But yet all their deuises could take no full effect before the sayd Hadrian the iij. as hereafter Christ willing shal be declared So that the Emperours all this while bare some rule in chusing the Popes and in assembling generall Councels Wherfore by the commaundement of Ludouicus the Emperour in the tyme of this Gregory the iiij a generall Synode was commensed at Aquisgraue where it was decreed by the sayd Gregory and his assistaunce first that euery Church should haue sufficient of his owne proper landes and reuenewes to finde the Priestes thereof that none should need to lacke or go about a begging Itē thatnone of the Clergy of what order or degree soeuer he be should vse any vesture of any precious or scarelet coulour Neither shall weare ringes on their fingers vnlesse it be when Prelates be at Masse or geue their consecrations Item that Prelates should not keepe to great portes or families nor keepe great horse vse dice or harlots And the Monkes should not exceed measure in glotony or riot Item that none of the Clergye being either annoynted or shauen should vse either golde or siluer in their shooes slippers or girdles like to Heliogabalus By this it may be coniectured what pompe and pride in those daies was crept into the Clergy Moreouer by the sayd pope Gregory the 4. at the commaundement of Ludouicus Emperour the feast of all Saintes was first brought into the Church After this Pope came Sergius the second which first brought in the altering of the Popes names because hee was named before os porci that is Swines snout which also ordayned the Agnus thrice to be song at the Masse and the hoast to be deuided into three partes After him was Pope Leo the iiij to whom this kyng Ethelwulfus as in this present chapter is aboue specified did commit the tuition of his sonne Alured By this Pope Leo it came in and was first enacted in a Counsell of hys that no Bishop should be condemned vnder 72. witnesses according as ye see in the witnesses at the condemnation of Stephen Gardiner orderly practised Item contrary to the law of Gregory the iiij his predicessor this Pope ordayned the crosse all let with golde precious stone to be caried before him like a Pope And here next now followeth commeth in the whore of Babylon rightly in her true colours by the permission of God and manifestly without all tergiuersation to appeare to the whole world and that not only alter the spiritual sense but after the very letter and the right forme of an whore in deed For after this Leo aboue mentioned the Cardinals proceeding to their ordinary electiō after a solemne Masse of the holy Ghost to the perpetuall shame of them of that sea in stead of a mā Pope elected an whore in deed to minister Sacraments to say masses to geue orders to constitute Deacons Priests and bishops to promote Prelates to make Abbots to consecrate Churches and altars to haue the raigne and rule of Emperors and kings And so she did in deede called by name Ioan. the 8. This womans proper name was Gilberta a Dutch woman of Magunce who went with an english monke out of the Abbey of Fulda in a mans apparell vnto Athens and after through her dexteritie of wit and learning was promooted to the Popedom where the sate two yeres 6. monthes At last openly in the face of a general procession fell in labour trauail of child so died By reason wherof the Cardinals yet to this day do auoid to come nere by that streete where this shame was taken By Benedictus the iij. who succeeded next in the whorish sea was first ordained as most writers record the Dirge to be sayd for the dead Albeit before him Gregory the iij. had done in that matter worthily for his part already After him sate Pope Nicholas the first who enlarged the Popes decrees with many constitutions equallyng the authoritie of them with the writings of the Apostles He ordayned that no secular Prince nor the Emperour himself should be present at their Councels vnles in matters concerning the fayth to the end that such as they iudged to be heretikes they should execute and murther Also that no lay men should sit in iudgement vpon the clergy men or reason vpon the Popes power Item that no Christian Magistrate should haue any power vpon any Prelate alledging that a Prelate is called God Item that all Church seruice should be in Latine yet notwithstanding dispensing with the Sclauonians and Polonians to retaine still their vulgar language Sequences in the Masse were by him first allowed By this Pope Priestes began to be restrained and debarred from marrying whereof Hulderike Bishop of Ausbrough a learned an holy man sending a letter vnto the Pope grauely and learnedly refuteth and reclaimeth against his vndiscret proceedings touching that matter The copy of which letter as I thought it vnworthy to be suppressed so I iudged it here worthy meete for the better instruction of the Reader to bee inserted The wordes whereof here follow out of Latine into English translated A learned Epistle of Hulderike bishop of Ausbrough sent to Pope Nicholas the first proouing by probations substantiall that Priestes ought not to bee restrayned from Mariage Nicolao Domino patri peruigili sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae prouisori Huldericus solo nomine Episcopus amorem vt filius timorem vt seruus Cum tha O pater Domine decreta super clericorum continentian c. ¶ The same in English Hulderike bishop onely by name vnto the reuerend father Nicholas the vigilant prouisor of the holy church of Rome with due commendation sendeth loue as a sonne and feare as a seruaunt Vnderstanding reuerend father your decrees which you sent to me concerning the single lyfe of the Clergy to be far discrepant from all discretiō I was troubled partly with feare partly with heauinesse With feare for that as it is sayd the sentence of the pastor whether it be iust or vniust is to be feared For I was afrayde for the weake hearers of the Scripture which scarsely obey the iust sentence of their Pastour
to reduce the new Church of Saxons or Englishmen to the order that was in the old time among the Britanes that is to be vnder 2. Metropolitanes one of London the other of York for so the Church was ordered in the tune of the Britanes as is before declared Notwtstanding he geueth to Austen thys prerogatiue during his life time to haue authoritie iurisdiction not onely ouer his 12. Byshoppes but vpon all other Bishops and Priests in England And after his decease then these 2. metropolitanes London and Yorke to ouersee the whole Clergie as in times past amongest the Britaines whoÌ„ he ioyneth together after the death of Augustine to constitute Bishops and to ouersee the Church And that he so meaneth London to be equall in authority with Yorke it appeareth by 4. argumentes First that he wil London to be consecrate by no Bishop but of his own Sinode Secondly in that he willeth no distinction of honor to be betwixt London and Yorke but according only to that as eche of them is elder in time Thirdly for that he matcheth these two together in common couÌ„sell and with one agreement to consent together in doing and disposing such things as they shall consult vpoÌ„ in the zeale of Christ Iesus and that in such sort that one should not dissent nor discorde from the other What meaneth thys but that they should gouerne together whome he woulde not to dissent together Fourthly where he wryteth that the bishop of Yorke should not be subiect to the bishop of London what meaneth this but that the Bishop of London should be equiualent with the Metropolitane of Yorke or rather superiour vnto him And thus he expounded the meaning of Gregory to be in the foresaid letter To whom Lancâ—rancus again aunswereth that he was not the Byshop of London and that the question pertained not to London Thomas replieth hauing on his part many fautours that this priuiledge was grauÌ„ted by Gregory to Augustine alone to haue al other Byshops subiect to him but after his discease there should be equalitie of honor betwixt London and York without all distinction of pryoritie saue the onely prioritie of time shuld make superiority betwene them And although Augustin translated the seat from London to Kent yet Gregory if his mind had bene to geue the same prerogatiue to the successors of Austen which he gaue to him would expresly haue vttered it in the words of his Epistle writing thus to Austen That which I geue to thee Austen I geue also and graunt to al thy successors after thee But in that he maketh heere no mention of his successors it appeareth thereby that it was not his minde so to do To this Lancfrancus argueth again If this authority had bene geuen to Austen alone not to his successors it had bene but a smal gift proceeding from the Apostolike seate to his speciall and familiar freno especially seeing also that Austen in all his life did constitute no Byshop of Yorke neither was there any such Bishop to be subiect to him Againe we haue Priuileges from the Apostolike sea which confirme this dignitie in the successors of Austen in the same seat of Douer Moreouer all Englishmen thinke it both right and reason to fetch the directioÌ„ of wel liuing from that place where first they tooke the sparkle of right beleuing Farther where as you say that Gregory might haue confirmed with plaine wordes the same thing to the successours of Austen which he gaue vnto him all that I graunt yet notwithstanding this is nothing preiudiciall to the fear of Canterburie For if you know your Logike that which is true in the whole is also true in the parte And what is true in the more is also true in the les Now the Church of Rome is as the whole to whome all other Churches be as partes thereof And as Homo i. mankinde is Genus i. the general in a certaine respect to al his Indiuidua i. to all particular persons and yet in euery particular person lieth the propertie of the generall so in like maner the sea of Rome in a certain respect is the general and the whole to other churches yet in euery particular church is contained the whole fulnes of the whole christian faith That Church of Rome is greater then all Churches that which is wrought in it ought to worke in the lesse Churches also so that the authority of euery chiefe head of the church ought to stand also in theÌ„ that do succede vnles there be any precise exceptioÌ„ made by name Wherfore like as that Lord said to al bishops of Rome the same thing which he said to Peter so Gregory in like maner said to all the successors of Austen that which he said to Austen So thus I conclude likewise as the bishop of Canterburie is subiect to Rome because hee had his Faith from thence so Yorke ought to be in subiection to Cant. which sent the first preachers thether Now where as you alledge that Gregorie would Austen to be resident at LoÌ„don that is vtterly vncertaine For how is it to be thought that suche a Disciple wold do contrary to the mind of such a master But grauÌ„t as you say that Austen remoued to London what is that to me which am not bishop of London NotwithstaÌ„ding all this coÌ„trouersy ceasing betwixt vs if it shal please you to come to some peaceable composition with me all contention set apart you shall finde me not out of the way so farre as reason and equitie shall extend With these reasons of Lancfranke Thomas gaue ouer condescending that the first of his prouince shoulde begin at Number Whereupon it was then decreed that Yorke from that time should be subiect to Caunterbury in all matters apperteining to the rites regiment of the catholike church So that wheresoeuer within EnglaÌ„d Canterbury shuld or would hold his Councel the Byshop of Yorke shoulde resort thether with his Byshops and be obedient to hyâ— decrees canonicall Prouided moreouer that when the bishop of Canterbury should decease Yorke should repair to Douer there to consecrate with other the Byshop that shoulde be elect And if Yorke should decease his successor should resorte to CaÌ„terbury or els where the byshop of CaÌ„terbury should appoint there to receiue his coÌ„secration making his profession there with an othe of Canonicall obedience Thomas being content wtall Lancfrancus the Italian triumpheth with no small ioy and putteâ—h the matter forthw t in wryting that the memory therof might remain to the posterity of his successors But yet that decree did not long stand For shortly after the same scar so superficially cured brast out againe In somuch that in the reigne of king Henrie the first An. Domini 1121. Thurstinus Archbyshop of Yorke could not be coÌ„pelled to sweare to the Archbishop of Canterbury and yet notwithstanding by the letters of Calixtus 2. was consecrate without any profession made to
the Emperour himselfe yet notwithstanding he ought to be feared as he himselfe glorieth in a certain epistle as one that could not erre and had receiued of Christ our sauiour and of Peter authoritie to bynd and vnbind at his will and pleasure Priestes thē in those daies had wiues openly and lawfully no law forbidding to the contrary as appeareth by the deede and writings of their chapter seales donations which were geuen to temples and monasteries wherein their wyues also be cited with them for witnes and were called praesbiterissae Also for Bishops Prelates Persons of Churches gouernors of the Clergy maisters of monasteries religious houses all these were then in those times in the emperors ordination to assigne by voice or consent to whom he would Now these two things Gregorius this Pope could not abide For the which two causes onely was all his striuing and driuing from his first beginning to abolish the mariage of Priests and to translate the authoritie Imperiall to the Clergy For to this scope only tended all his labour practises and deuises as appeared before in the councell of Lateran vnder Pope Nicolas and also in the councell of Mantua vnder Alexander making their mariage heresie and the other to be simonie And that which before he went about by other now he practiseth by hymself to condemne ministers that were maried for Nicolaitans and to receiue any spirituall regiment of secular persons for simonie Directing forth his letters vpō the same to Henricus the Emperour to Dukes Princes Potestates Tetrarkes namely to Berchtoldus to Rodulphus of Sweuia to Whelpho Adalberon their wines Item to bishops Archbishops to Priests and to all the people in the which letters he denounceth them to bee no priests so many as were maried forbidding men to salute them to talke to eate to company with them to pay them tithes or to obey thē if they would not be obedient to him Amongst all other he directed special letters to Ottho bishop of Constance concerning this matter But Ottho perceinyng the vngodlye and vnreasonable pretence of Hildebrand would neyther seperate them that were maried from their wyues nor yet forbid thē to marrie which were vnmaried c. The copy of the letter of Hildebrand sent to the bishop of Constance against priests mariages GRegorius bishop seruaunt of seruants of God to the Clergie and laitie both more and lesse within the Dioces of Constancie salutation and benediction We haue directed to our brother Ottho your bishop our letters exhortatory wherin we enioined him according to the necessitie of our duetie by the authoritie Apostolicall that he should vtterly abolish out of his Church the heresie of simonie and also should cause with all diligence to bee preached the chastitie of priests But he neither moued with reuerence of S. Peters precept nor yet with the regard of his duty neglected to do these things whereunto we so fatherly haue exhorted him incurring thereby a double offence not onely of disobedience but also of rebellion in that he hath gone and done cleane contrary to our commaundement yea rather the commaundement of blessed S Peter so that he hath permitted his clergy not onely such as had wiues not to put them away but also such as had none to take vnto them Whereupon we beyng truely informed thereof and agrieued therewith haue directed to him an other letter declaring the motion of our displeasure and indignation In which letters also we haue cited him vp to our Councell at Rome there to appeare and geue account of his disobedience in the audience of the whole Synode And nowe therefore we thought it best to signifie this to you our deare children whereby in this behalfe we might the better prouide for your health saluation For if your bishop shall continue so obstinately to repugne aud resist against our commaundement he is not meete to sit ouer you c. Wherfore these shall be to commaund you all them that be obedient to God and to blessed S. Peter by our Apostolicall authoritie that if this your Bishop shall persist in his obstinacie you that be his subiects hereafter geue to him no seruice nor obediēce For the which thing doyng we here discharge you before God and your soules For if your bishop shall seeme contrary to the decreements iniunctions Apostolicall We through the Apostolicall authoritie of S. Peter discharge and absolue you frō the band of your allegeāce to him So that if you be sworne to him so long as he is a rebell against God and the Apostolike seat we lose you from the peril of your othe that you shall not need to feare therein no daunger c. Ottho bishop of Constance thus being cited whether he did appeare personally himselfe I doe not reade This I read and find that in the sayd councel holden at Rome Hildebrand with other bishops of Rome did then enacte amongst many other these three things most special First that no Priest hereafter should marrie wiues Secondly that all such as were married should be diuorst Thirdly that none hereafter should be admitted to the order of priesthood but should sweare perpetual chastitie c. This coūcell of Rome beyng ended forthwith the act of Hildebrād concerning the single life of Priests was proclaymed and published in all places and straight commaundement geuen to bishops to execute the same The Copy of his Bull sent into Italie and Germanie was this GRegory the Pope otherwise Hildebrand the seruaunt of the seruaunts of God sendeth the Apostles blessing to all them within the kingdoms of Italy and Germany that shew their true obedience to S. Peter If there be any Priests Deacons and Subdeacons that still will remayne in the sinne of fornication We forbid them the Churches entrance by the omnipotent power of God and by the aucthoritie of S. Peter till tyme they amend and repent But if they perseuere in their sinne we charge that none of you presume to heare their seruice For their blessing is turned into cursing and their prayer into sinne as the Lord doth testifie to vs by his Prophets I will turne your blessing c. The bishops of France being called vpon daily with the popes letters were compelled to obey the decree of the councel but the residue of the clergy manfully and stoutly withstanding the Popes decree and inforcement of theyr bishops would not agree but repined thereat sayd that the councell did manifestly repugne agaynst the worde of God that the Pope did take from Priestes that whiche both God and nature had geuen them and therefore that person to be an heretike and Author of a wicked doctrine which ruled and gouerned not by the spirit of God but by Sathan The decree and act set forth to tende directly against the word of God and the saying of Christ Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc all men haue not the gift and capacitie of the word
health and communion with the seruaunts of the catholicke Church Of the which communion discipline and power he vaynely braggeth yâ— by the presumption of hys authoritie shal vniustly bynd or lose any maner of persoÌ„ And he doth vniustly bynd what soeuer he be that curseth any man being willing to make satisfaction and bewayling hys boldnes beyng also vncoâ—â—â—et and not confessing the crime but rather cursing that party in vayne he curseth and condemneth himself turning his weapon vpoÌ„ his own persoÌ„ to destructioÌ„ O straunge and new found trechery proceeding from the sanctuary nay rather from 〈◊〉 whiche as high Priest seemeth to rule the church to be a Iudge ouer the Iudges Hildebrand was earnestly in hand with the Emperor that he should depriue those Bishops which came in by simonie The Emperour thinking as a zelous Prince that this commission had proceeded from the throne of God without delay obeyed the same and forthwith without any consideration or iudiciall order depriued certayne Bishops and thought that by this his obedience to Hildebrand be 〈◊〉 an acceptable sacrifice to God not knowyng the 〈…〉 But Hildebrand then agayne placed those whom the Emperour for 〈◊〉 at his commaundement had before deposed and those whom by that meanes he made to beaâ—â— a hatefull heart to the Emperour he reconciled agayne vnto himselfe in great familiaritie and by many and great othes taken of theÌ„ for their fidelitie towards him he promoted aboue al the rest And thus by these prankes the Imperiall seat of the king beyng shortly after empaired destitute almost of frends he craftily purchasing the friendship and fauor of the greatest princes the better to bring his matters to passe sodainly agayne without any lawfull accusation without any canonicall vocation without all iudiciall order excoÌ„municated the Emperor so obedient alwayes vnto him set the Princes of the Empire all agaynst him And notwithstandyng as the Apostle sayeth that no man ought to circumuent his brother in his busines as much as in him lay he rather mortified and killed him then brotherly corrected him Thus the Emperor beyng many wayes circumvented as excommunicate besides the canonicall order and by the consent and counsail of Hildebrand spoiled of the greatest part of his Imperiall honour and ouercharged with great warres and slaughters of hys owne subiects in vayne desired he and sued for to haue the Canon read and heard causing him by force and violence at Canusium in the presence of Hildebrand to accuse himselfe by his owne confession Say you now I pray you all such as loue iustice and loue not to leane either vpon the left hand or els the right hand in the fauour of any person Say your mindes whether that such a confession beyng inforced vpon neuer so poore a man much lesse vpon an Emperor ought at such a tyme to be preiudiciall or not Or whether he which extorted the same confession is guilty of the Canon Or els he which beyng so peruersly iudged suffered the iniury of a most peruerse iudge Which also most paciently and publikely suffred this violence with lamentable affliction vpoÌ„ his bare feete clothed in thinne garments in the sharpe winter which neuer was vsed and was three dayes together at Canusium made a spectacle both of angels and men and a ludibrious mocking stocke to that proud Hildebrand Neuer trust me if that 14. Cardinals the Archdeacon himselfe and he that is called Primicerius beyng all wise and religious men besides many other of yâ— clarks of Laterane to the iudgement and priuiledge of whose holy seat the whole world is obedient waying and considering his intollerable apostasie departed not from participating and refused from communicating with him This glorious Hildebrand his affinitie by their new authoritie breaking the decrees of the Calcedone Councel not onely in wordes but also in publike writings haue agreed that it is tollerable both to baptise and communicate beyng out of the church of God and how blynd these men were and also what heretikes they be their own writings do declare What a mischiefe is this saith Benno they presume to iudge of the Church which swarme them selues in all errours who also esteeme the veritie but as a lye and least their poysoned falshood both in words writings should appeare they haue like subtill poysoners the sooner to deceiue mixed hony therwithall A lye sayth S. Augustine is euery thing pronounced with the intent of deceauing other It were too long and tedious here to recite all the detestable doyngs and diabolicall practises of coniurings charmes and filthy sorceries exercised betwene hym and Laurentius Theophilact otherwyse named Pope Benedict the 9. wherof a long narration foloweth in the foresayd epistle of Benno to the cardinals to be seen to whom the reader may repaire who so hath either laisure to read or mynd to vnderstand more of the abhominable partes and diuelish artes of this Hildebrand Thus hauing sufficiently alledged the wordes and testimonies of Benno and Auentinus concerning the actes and factes of this Pope Now let vs proceed in the order as followeth in his story to set forth the miserable vexation which the vertuous and godly Emperour sustayned by that vngodly person About what time Hildebrand was made Pope Henricus the 4. Emperour was incombred and much vexed with ciuill dissention in Germany by reason of certayne greuances of the Saxons against him his father Henricus the 3. Whereupon the matter growyng to sedition sides were taken great warres ensued betwixt 〈◊〉 Duke of Saxony Henricus the Emperour This 〈◊〉 tyme seemed to Hildebrand very opportune to worke his feates whose study drift was euer 〈◊〉 the beginning to aduaunce the dominion of the Romish fear aboue al other bishops and also to presse down the authoritie of the temporall enters vnder the 〈◊〉 men of the Church And although he went about the same 〈…〉 traynes and actes set forth to 〈…〉 he thought more effectuously to accomplish his purposed intent after that he was exalted thether where he would be And therefore now bearing himselfe the bolder by the authority of S. Peters throne first he began to pursue the acte set out by his predecessor as touching simonie cursing and excommunicating whosoeuer they were that receiued any spirituall liuing or promotion at lay mens hands as all such as were the geuers therof For this he called than Simonie that vnder that colour he might defeat the temporal potestates of their right and so bring the whole clergy at length to the lure of Rome And forasmuch as yâ— emperour was the head thinking first to begin with him he sendeth for him by letters and Legates to appeare in the councel of Laterane at Rome But the Emperour busied in his warres against the Saxones had no laysure to attend to councels Notwithstanding Gregorius the Pope procedeth in his councel rendring there the cause and reason before the bishops why he had excommunicate diuers of
Emperour Henricus vnderstanding the false feare of the Pope of his retire to Canusium incontinent commyng out of Spires with his wife and his young sonne in the deepe sharp of Winter resorteth to Canossus All his pieres and nobles had left him for feare of the Popes curse neyther did any accompany him Wherfore the Emperour beyng not a little troubled laying apart hys regall ornamentes came barefooted with hys wyfe and childe to the gate of Canossus where he from morning to night all the day fasting most humbly desireth absolution crauing to be let in to the speech of the Bishop But no ingresse might be geuen him once within the gates Thus he continuing 3. dayes together in hys petition and sute at length answer came that the Popes maiesty had yet no leysure to talke with him The Emperour nothing moued therwith that he was not let into the Citty patient and with an humble minde abideth without the walles with no litle greuance and paynefull labour for it was a sharpe winter and all frosen with cold Notwithstanding yet through his importunate sute at length it was graunted through the intreating of Matilda the Popes paramour and of Arelaus Erle of Sebaudia and the Abbot of Cluniake that hee should be admitted to the Popes speach On the 4. day beyng let in for a token of his true repentance he yeldeth to the Popes handes his crowne with all other ornaments Imperiall and confessed himselfe vnworthy of the Empire if euer he doe against the Pope hereafter as he hath done tofore desiring for that tyme to be absolued and forgeuen Henricus the Emperour with his wife and chyld barefoote and barelegd waiting on Pope Hildebrand three dayes and three nightes at the gates of Canusium before he could be suffred to come in The Pope answereth he will neither forgeue hym nor release the bande of his excommunication but vpon conditions First to promise that he shall be content to stand to his arbitrement in the councell and to take such penance as he shall enioyne him also that he shall be prest and redy to appeare in what place or tyme the Pope shall appoint him Moreouer that he beyng content to take the Pope iudge of his cause shall aunswer in the sayd councel to all obiections and accusations layd against him that he shall neuer seeke any reuengement herein Item that he though he be quit and cleared therin shall stand to the Popes mynd and pleasure whether to haue his kingdom restored or to loose it Finally that before the triall of hys cause he shall neither vse his kingly ornaments scepters or crowne nor to vsurpe the authoritie to gouerne nor to exact any othe of allegeaunce vpon his subiects c. These things beyng promised to the bishop by an oth and put in writing the Emperour is onely released of excommunication The tenour of the writing is this The forme and tenour of the othe which Heniicus made to the Pope I Henricus King after peace and agreement made to the mynde and sentence of our Lord Gregorius the 7. promise to keepe all couenants and bandes betwixt vs and to prouide that the Pope go safely wheresoeuer he will without any daunger eyther to him or to his retinue Especially in all such places as be subiect to our Impery Nor that I shall at any tyme stay or hinder him but that he may doe that belongeth to his function where whensoeuer his pleasure shal be And these things I bynd my selfe with an othe to keepe Actum Canos 5. Calend. Februarij indic 15. Thus the matter beyng decided betwixt them after the Popes owne prescribement the Emperour taketh hys iourney to Papia The Pope with his Cardinals dyd vaunce and triumph with no little pryde that they had so quailed the Emperor brought him on his knees to aske them forgeuenes Yet notwithstanding mistrusting themselues misdoubting tyme what might befall them hereafter if fortune should turne God geue the Emperour to enioy a more quiete kingdome therfore to preuent such dangers betime they study and consult priuily with them selues how to displace Henry clean frō his kingdom And how that deuise might safely be conueyed they conclude and determine to deriue the Empire vnto Rodolphus a man of great nobilitie amongst the chiefest states of Germany and also to incite and stirre vp all other princes and subiects beyng yet free and discharged from their othes against Henry so by force of armes to expulse the emperour out of his kingdom To bring this purpose the better to passe legates were sent downe from the Pope Sigehardus Patriarch of Aquilia and Altimanus Byshop of Padway which should perswade through all Fraunce that Henry the Emperor was rightfully excommunicate and that they should geue to the bishop of Rome their consents in chusing Rodolphus to be Emperor This beyng done there was sēt to the said Rodolphus duke of Swenia a crowne from the Pope with this verse Petra dedit Petro Petrus diadema Rodolpho The rocke gaue the crowne to Peter Peter geueth it to Rodolph Here by the way of digression to make a litle glose vpon this barbarous verse two notable lyes are to be noted One where he lyeth vpon Christ the other where he lyeth vpon S. Peter First that Christ gaue any temporal diademe to Peter it is a most manifest lye and against the scriptures when as he would not take it beyng geuen to himselfe and sayth his kingdome is not of this world Agayne where he saith that Peter geueth it to Rodulph Here he playeth the Poet for neither had Peter any suche thing to geue and if he had yet he would not haue geuen it to Rodulph from the right heyre neither is it true that Peter did geue it because Hildebrand gaue it For it is no good argument Hildebrand did geue it Ergo Peter dyd geue it except ye will say Hildebrand stirred vp great warres bloudshed in Germany Ergo Peter stirred vp great warres in Germany So Peter neyther could nor would nor did geue it to Rodolphus but only Hildebrād the Pope who after he had so done he gaue in commaundement to the Archbishop of Mentz and of Collen to elect this Rodulphus for Emperour and to annoynt hym kyng and also to defend him with all force strength they might While this conspiracy was in hand Henricus the emperor was absent and the Popes ambassadors with hym also In the meane space Rodulphus was elected Emperor vnknowing to Henry Upō this commeth the bishop of Strausborough vnto the emperor certifiyng him what was done He suspecting seing the stomack and doyngs of the Saxōs so bent against hym mustreth his men with expedition marcheth forward to defend his right But first sendeth to Rome trusting vpon the league betwixt hym and the Pope and requireth the bishop to proceede with his sentence agaynst Rodulphus for the rebellious inuasiō of his
the Pope did hold a councell at London In the which councel first began new found appellatiōs from councels to the Pope found out by Henry Bishop of wint For as the wordes of myne author doe recorde In Anglla namq̄ appellationes in vsu non erant donec eas Henricus Wint. Episcopus dum legatus esset malo suo crudeliter intrusit In eodem namq̄ concilio ad Rom. pontificis audientiam ter appellatū est c. That is For appellations before were not in vse in England till Henry Bishop of Winchester being thē the Popes Legate brought them cruelty in to his own hurt For in that Councell thrise appeale was made to the Bishop of Rome In the tyme of king Stephen died Gracianus a mōke of Bononie who compiled the booke called the Popes decrees Also his brother Petrus Lambardus bishop of Paris which is called the maister of Sentences compiled his foure bookes of the sentence These two brethren were the greatest doers in finding out and stablishing this blynde opinion of the sacrament that the only simnitude of bread and wyne remayned but not the substaunce of them and this they call the spirituall vnderstandyng of the mysterie And therefore no meruail if the sunne in those dayes were seene blacke and dimme Some also affirme that Petrus Comestor writer of the Scholasticall history was the third brother to these aboue named In the same tyme and raigne of the said king Stephen was also Hugo surnamed De sancto victore About the which tyme as Polychronicon reciteth liued and died Bernardus Clareuallensis The author of the history called Iornalensis maketh also mention of Hildegare the Nūne and propheresse in Almaine to liue in the same age Concerning whose prophesie agaynst the Friers hereafter by the grace of Christ more shal be said when we come to recite the order and nūber of Friers and religious men crept into the Church of Christ. We read moreouer of one named Ioannes de temporibus which by the affirmaunce of most of our olde histories lyued 361. yeares seruaunt once to Carolus Magnus and in the raigne of Stephen king of England dyed Polychron lib 7. Continuator Henr. Hunt Iornalens in vita Steph. Nicol. Triuet c. In the dayes also of this king and by him was builded the Abbey of Feuersham where his sonne he were buried He builded the monastery of Finerneys of Fomitance the castle of Walingford with a number of other Castles mo During the tyme of the sayd kyng Stephen the yeare of our Lord 1144. the miserable Iewes crucified a child in the Citie of Norwich N. Triuet alij Much about the same tyme came vp the order of the Gilbertines by one Gilbert sonne to Jacoline a knight of Lincolnshire c. Mention hath bene made before of certayne English Councels holden in the tyme of this kyng where it was in one of them vnder Theolbald the Archbishop of Canterbury decreed that bishops should lyue more discretely should reach their flocke more diligently that readyng of scriptures should be frequented more vsually in Abbeys that Priests should not be rulers of worldly matters and that they should learne and teach the Lordes prayer and Creede in English Malmesb. Matth. Parisiensis writeth how Stephen king of England in these dayes reserued to himselfe the right and authoritie of bestowyng of spirituall liuyngs and inuestyng Prelates an 1133. At which tyme also Lotharius the Emperour began to do the lyke in recouering agayne the right priuiledge taken away from Henricus his predecessor had not Bernardus geuen him contrary counsaile Here came into the Church the maner of cursing with booke bell and candle deuised in the Councell of London holden by William bishop of Winchester vnder Pope Celestinus which succeeded after Innocentius an 1144. Also Lotharius succeeded in the Imperiall crowne Conradus the nephew of Henricus the v. afore mentioned an 1138. which only amongst many Emperors is not found to receiue the crowne at the Popes hand In the dayes of this Emperor who raigned 15. yeres were diuers Popes as Celestinus 2. Lucius the 2. Eugenius the 3. at which time the Romaines went about to recouer agayne their former olde maner of chusing theyr Consuls and Senators But the Popes thē being in their ruffe in no case would abide it wherupon rose many commotions with much ciuile warre amongest them In so much that Pope Lucius sending for ayde to the Emperour and he otherwise letted at that tyme could not come armed his souldiours thinking to inuade them or els to destroy them in their Senate house But this comming to their knowledge before the people was all in aray and so much add was amongst them Pope Lucius beyng also amongst thē in the fight wel pelted with stones blowes liued not long after Likewise Pope Eugenius after him an 1145. pursuing the Romains for the same matter first did curse them with excommunicatiō After when he saw that would not serue he came with his host and so compelled them at length to seeke his peace and to take his cōditions which were these That they should abolish theyr Consuls and take such Senators as he by his Papall authoritie should assigne them Then followed Anastacius the 4. after him Hadrianus 4. an Englishman by his name called Breakespere belonging once to S. Albōs This Hadrianus kept great stirre in like sort with the citizens of Rome for abolishyng their consuls and Senate cursing excommunicating and warring agaynst them with all power he could make to the tyme he remooued the Consuls out of their office and brought them all vnder his subiection The lyke businesse and cage he also styrred vp against Apulia and especially against the Empire blustering and thundering agaynst Friderieus the Emperour as the Lord graunting you shall heare anone after we haue prosecuted such matter as necessarily appertayneth first to the continuation of our English story King Henry the second HEnry the secōd of that name the sonne of Jeffrey Plantagenet and of Maude the Empresse and daughter of king Henry the first beganne his raigne after king Stephen and continued 35. yeares The first yeare of his raign he subdued Ireland and not long after Thomas Becket was made by him Lord Chauncellour of England This king cast downe diuers Castles which were erected in the time of king Stephen He went into the North partes where he subdued William king of Scotland who at that tyme held a great part of Northumberland vnto new Castell vpon Tyne and ioyned Scotland to his owne kingdome from the South Ocenm to the North Iles of Orchades Also he put vnder his dominion the kingdome of Wales and there let to fall downe many great wooodes and made the wayes playne So that by his great manhood and policie the seignorie of England was much augmēted with the addition of Scotland Ireland the Iles Orchades
wrote a sharpe and thundering letter to the Archb. bishops and prelates of England commanding them by his authority Apostolical that for so much as the iniuries done to his Legate did redounde to the contumelie of the whole mother church of Rome they should not faile therfore but with seuere censures of the Church that is wyth booke bell and candle procede as wel against the foresayd Iohn Erle of Morton as also all other who so euer had or should attempt any violence or iniury against the sayd his legate B. of Ely with no lesse seuerity then if the sayd iniury should be offred to the person of the Pope himselfe or any other of his brethren the Cardinals c. The bishop of Ely the popes Legate bearing himselfe bold vpon the fauour and letters of the Pope which tooke his part writeth to Henry B. of Lincolne charging requiring that he in vertue of obedience shoulde execute the Popes sentence mandate in excommunicating all such as were offenders in that behalfe there reciteth the names of diuers against whome he should procede as the Archb. of Roan yâ— B. of Wint. W. Mareschal Geffrey Peterson Bruer and Bardoâ—f the Earle of Salisbury the Earle of Mellent Gilbert Basset the Archdeacon oâ— Oxforde and especially Hugh B. of Couentry Also M. Benet Steuen Ridle Chancelor to Erle Iohn the kings brother to the which Earle he reserued a further day of respite before he should be excommunicate with a number of other moe beside these Howbeit the saide B. of Ely could finde none to execute this commandement of the Pope Then they with a generall consent wrote againe to K. Richard complaining of the intollerable abuses of the sayd B. his Chauncellor In like sort the sayd Chancelor also complaining of them wrote his letters to the king signifying how Earle Iohn his brother went about to vsurpe his kingdome woulde also shortly set the crowne vpon his owne heade vnles he made the more spede homeward The king then was busie in repulsing the Saladine and prepared to lay siege against Hierusalem and got Sclauonia with diuers other townes from the Saracens which was in the yere of our Lord 1192. hauing diuers conflicts in yâ— meane space with the Saladine and euer put him to the worse As the king thus was preparing to lay his siege against Ierusalem the Saladine glad to fall to some composition with the king sent vnto him that if he would restore to him againe Sclauonia in as good state as it was when he tooke it hee would graunt to him and to all Christians in the lande of Ierusalem truce for 3. yeres and offred himselfe thereunto to be sworn The king seeing the Duke of Burgundy and the frenchmen to shrinke from him and his owne men to decay and also his mony health to diminish but especially for that he vnderstode by the B. of Ely his Chancelor the French king to set vp Iohn hys brother to possesse his kingdome being counsailed thereto by the Templaries tooke the truce offred of the Saracens so began to draw homeward In this meane while much grudge and strife increased more and more betwene the B. of Ely and the archbishop of Roan aboue specified in so much that the Archb. being excommunicate sent vp his Clerkes to Pope Celestine to complaine of the Bishop But the Pope euer stoode in his purgatioÌ„ At last he sent two of his Cardinals to wit Ottomannus Bishop of Hostia and Iordanus de fossa noua to breake the strife betwene the B. of Ely and the Archbishop of Roan After this king Richard being taken and in the custody of Henry the Emperor the B. of Ely resorting to him was sent by him into England to Alinor his mother and other nobles Who then returning into England againe not as Chauncelour nor as Legate as he sayde but as â— simple plaine Bishop so by that meanes was receiued Ex Matt. Paris Et ex alijs incerti nominis manuscriptis codicibus But of this vaine glorious prelate inough too much Nowe to returne againe to Richarde concerning whose worthy actes done abroad in getting of Cyprus Achon Ptolemaida in pacifying Ioppe c. partly is spoken of before Many other valiant famous actes were by him and the French king atchieued and mo should haue bene had not those two kings falling into discord disseuered theÌ„ selues by reason whereof Philip the French king returned home againe wythin short space Who being retourned againe eftsones inuaded the couÌ„try of Normandy exciting also Iohn the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdome of England in his brothers absence Who then made league vpon the same with the French king and did homage vnto him which was about the fourth yere of king Richard Who then being in Syria hearing thereof made peace with the Turkes for 3. yeres And not long after king Richard the next spring following returned also Who in hys returne driuen by distresse of weather about the parties of Histria in a towne called Synaca was there taken by Limpold duke of the same country and so sold to the Emperor for 60000. markes Who for no small ioy thereof writeth to Phillip the French king these letters here following The letter of the Emperour to Phillip the French king concerning the taking of king Richard HEnricus dei gratia Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus dilecto speciali amico suo Philippo illustri FrancoruÌ„ Regi salutem sincerae dilectionis affectum Quoniam Imperatoria celsitudo non dubitat regalem magnificentiam tuam laetiorem effici de vniuersis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos Rom. imperiuÌ„ honorauerit exaltauerit nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus quòd inimicus imperij nostri turbator regni tui Rex Angliae quum esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reuersurus accidit vt ventus rupta naui sua in qua ipse erat induceret eum in partes Histriae ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam Venetias Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium cum paucis euasit Quidam itaque fidelis noster comes Maynardus de Gooxce populus regionis illius audito quòd in terra erat considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis proditionem traditionem perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat insecuti sunt intendentes eum captiuare Ipso autem rege in fugam conuerso ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiepiscopatu Salseburgensi qui vocatur Frisorum vbi Fridericus de Betesow rege cum tribus tantùm versus Austriam properante noctu sex milites de suis cepit Delectus autem consanguineus noster Limpoldus Dux Austriae obseruata strata saepe dictum Regem iuxta Denam in villa vicinori in domo despecta captiuauit
life by reasoÌ„ of their ignorance or simplicity after their entrance become subtle false deceiuing hipocrites entring together with the rest into poore mens houses yea oftentimes become worsse then the other wherupoÌ„ Mat. 22. wo be vnto you Scribes Phareseis hypocrits which go about c. Therfore they which do this are no true messengers but false Apostles The 3. signe is that the true Apostles if they be reproued suffer the same patiently 2. Cor. 12. saying the tokens of my Apostleship are accomplished among you in all patience sufferance meaning that patience which pertayneth to the maners of the preachers Therfore they which suffer not correction or punishment be no true Apostles but rather shew themselues to be no Christians at all 1. Cor. 12. No man can say that Iesus is the Lord but by the holy ghost Glossa It is meet that christians should be huÌ„bled to the inteÌ„t that they may suffer themselues to be reproued and not to be holden vp with yea and nay And also such men do shew themselues to be carnall and not spirituall at all although they fayne themselues to be spirituall Gal. 3. Therefore am I become an enemye vnto you Notwithstanding the Glossa sayth no carnall man will be reproued although he erre Wher efore those preachers which suffer not coroection seeme not to be true Apostles but false Prophets The 4. signe is that true Apostles commend not them selues 2. Cor. 4. For we dare not ioyne our selues nor yet compare our selues vnto others which commend boast many of theyr actes when God alloweth none of them at all Also true preachers although they be in deede prayse worthy for theyr good desertes In the consciences of men are they prayse worthy not to the outward shew alone 2. Cor. 3. We commend our selues sayth the Apostle to the consciences of all men Then they do not commend them selues in coÌ„parison of other wherfore the glose saith vpon the same place those that deserue no commendation but in comparison of other do chalenge to theÌ„selues other mens desertes and prayse wherefore in the second Epistle of S. Peter the last chapter it is sayd Euen as our welbeloued brother Paule according to the wisedome that God hath geuen vnto him hath written vnto you Glossa The chiefest of the Apostles hath here forgotten his papall authority and also his keies that were deliuered vnto him For he is astonied as it were at the great wisedom geuen vnto his brother Paule For in deede it is the maner of the elect children of God to be more in loue with the vertues of other men then with their owne wherefore in the second chap. to the Philipp is writteÌ„ Let those that are superiors esteeme of themselues in all humility They therefore that do the contrary â—â—ving that their state or doings be better then other mens although they be preachers yet are they no true Apostles in deed but false prophets The 5. signe is that true Apostles neede no letters of commendation nor yet desire to haue themselues praysed of men as in the 2. Cor. 3. chap. the Apostle sayth we neede not the letters of commendatioÌ„ of any man that is to say of false prophets The 6. signe is that true Apostles doe not preach vnlesse they be sent as in the 10. chap. to the Rom. how shall they preach vnlesse they be sent Glossa There be no true Apostles but those that be sent For they haue no neede of Signes which are true witnes bearers but those that be not sent and do preach are false prophets The 7. signe is for as much as false Prophetes haue their authority in their owne names wherfore in the 2. epistle of S. Paul to the Cor. it is written For we dare not boast of our selues or make comparison Glossa That is to say with those that be false prophets not taking their authority froÌ„ God but vsurping the same desirous to beare rule clayming in their owne name their authority And therefore although peraduenture by presumption they say that they are sent of God as all hereticks will say yet notwithstanding vnlesse they shal proue theyr sending either by spirituall prophecy as Iohn Baptist did saying I am the voyce of a cryer in the desert As out of the prophet Esay in the first chapter of S. Iohns Gospell is alledged Or els by myracles as Moyses did which turned his rod into a Serpent and againe from a Serpent to a rod as in the 7. chap. of Exodus they ought for to be excommunicated till such time they cease from preaching Yet notwithstanding a miracle ought not to be a sufficieÌ„t testimony of theyr sending for as much as they be done oftentimes and that of euill and wicked men 1. q. 1. we may perceiue towards the end But miracles ought to be suspected for as much as our Sauiour sayth in the 23. of Mathew Then shall false prophets arise c. Therfore they which do chalenge authority in their owne name for as much as they haue not theyr authority from God they are not true Apostles but false preachers The 8. signe is that false Prophets pretending great wisedome and holynes to be in superstition haue named theyr owne traditions to be religion the which are rather to be counted sacrilege or Church robbery and doe vsurpe vnto themselues the due deserts of other men by boasting and bragging among straunge vnknown people Wherfore the Apostle speaking of false Prophets in the 2. chap. to the Col. sayth According to the precepts of men which hauing a face of wisedome consist in superstition interlaced with humility Glose That is to say mingled with fained religion that it might be called religion when in very deede it is nothing els but sacrilege because it is coÌ„trary to all authoritye that is contrary to God himselfe that any man should desire to haue gouernment of a multitude without publicke commaundement as in Deuteronomiâ—â— 23. chap. Thou hast entred into thy neighbors vineyarde Glose that is to say into the Church of an other Bishop May a man warne admonish others or els correct that congregation which is not lawfull for him to gouern nor yet to take so great a charge vpon him no. And that it is not lawfull to enter into an other bishops Dioces it is apparant because it is not lawfull for the Archbishopp so to doe To this effect appertayneth that which is red 6. q. 3. And also it is written 9. q. 2. through out Therefore those preachers which agaynst God and his diuine Scriptures do call their owne traditions religioÌ„ are not are Apostles but false Prophets The 9. signe is by the authority which they haue For as much as they be no preachers of the gospell or ministers of the Sacraments yet they will liue by the Gospell and not by the labour of theyr owne handes against the text in the 2. Thess. 3. neither haue we
none of them whom he could there finde so he neuer ceased all hys life after to enquire out and to be reuenged of all suche as had bene in any part or consenting to that matter For the which his extreme and implacable tyranny he was in such hatred of all the people that as he sayd he could not fynde one of all the commons to take his part when need required Among all other which were for that matter troubled was one Adam Byshop of Hereford who being unpeached of treason with other moe was at length arested in the Parliament to appeare and answere to that should be to him obiected Many thinges there were layde agaynst him for taking part with them that rose agaynst the Kyng with matters moe and haynous rebukes c. Whereunto the Byshop a great while aunswered nothing At length the Byshop clayming the liberties and priuiledges of the Church answered to the king in thys form The due reuerence of your Princely maiesty euer saued Ego Sanctae Ecclesiae Dei minister humilis membrum eius Episcopus consecratus licèt indignus ad tam ardua nequeo respódere nee debeo absque D. Cant. Archiepiscopi post summum pontificem mei directi iudicis cuius etiam sum suffraganeus autoritate aliorum parium meorum Episcoporum consensu That is I an humble minister and member of the holy Churche of God and Byshop consecrate albeit vnworthy cannot neither ought to answere to these so hye matters without the authoritie of the Archbishop of Caunterbury my direct iudge next vnder the high Bishop of Rome whose suffâ—agane also I am and the consent likewise of the other my fellow Bishops After which wordes by him pronounced the Archbishop and other Byshops with him were ready to make humble intercession for hym to the king and did But when the king would not be wonne nor turned with any supplication the sayd Byshops together to the Archbishop and the Clergy comming with their crosses tooke him away challenging him for the Churche without any more answere making charging moreouer vnder the censures of the Churche and excommunication none to presume to lay any further handes vpon him The king moued with thys boldnes and stoutnes of the clergy coÌ„mandeth notwithstanding to proceede in iudgement and the iury of 12. men to go vppon the enquiry of his cause who finding and pronouncing the Bishop to be gilty the kyng caused immediately al his goods possessioÌ„s to be coÌ„fiscate vnto himselfe moreouer made hys plate and all his housholde prouision to be throwne out of his house into the streete but yet he remained so stil vnder the protection and defence of the Archbishop c. This Archb. was Walter Winchelsey after whom succeeded Simon Mepham in the same see of Caunterbury an 1327. Ex Thom. Walsingham After pope Clement the 5. by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant as ye heard two yeares and 3. moneths next was elected Pope Iohn 22. a Cistercian monke who fare in that papacy 18. yeares He was stout and inflexible geuen so much to the heaping of riches that he proclaymed them heretickes whiche taught that Christ and hys Apostles had no possessions of theyr owne in thys world At this time was Emperour Ludonicus Bauarus a worthy man who with this Pope and other that folowed hym had no lesse contention then had Fredericus before mentioned in the time of king Henry the thyrd Insomuch that this contention and variaunce continued the space of 24. yeares The cause and first origene of this tragical conflicte rose vpon the constitution of ClemeÌ„t the 5. predecessor to this pope by whom it was ordayned as is afore meÌ„tioned that Emperours by the Germayne Princes elected might be called kinges of the Romaynes but might not inioy the title or right of the Empyre to bee nominated Emperour without theyr confirmation geuen by the Pope Wherefore this foresayd Emperour because he vsed the emperiall dignitie in Italy before he was authorised by the pope the sayd Pope therefore excommunicated the Emperour And notwithstanding the Emperoure oftentimes did profer himself to make intreaty of peace and coÌ„corde yet the Pope inflexible woulde not bend The writinges of both partes yet be extant wherein the sayd Byshop doth make his auaunt that he had full power to treat and depose kinges and Emperours at his pleasure In the same time were diuers learned men which seeing the matter did greatly disalow the Bishop of Romes doynges among whome was Guillerne Ocham whose tractations were afterward condemned by the Pope for writing agaynst the temporall iurisdiction of theyr see And an other named Marselius Patauius which wrote the booke intituled Defensor pacis geuen vp to the handes of the sayd Emperour wherein the controuersie of the Popes vnlawful iuiurisdiction in things temporall is largely disputed the vsurped authoritie of that see set forth to the vttermost It is found in some wryters that a great cause of this variaunce first began for that one of the Emperours secretaries vnknowing to the Emperour in certayne of hys letters had likened the Papal see to the beast rising out of the sea in the Apocalips At length when the Emperour after much sute made to the pope at Auinion could not obtayne his coronation comming to Rome was there receaued with great honour where he with his wife were both crowned by the full consent of all the Lordes and Cardinals there and moreouer an other pope there set vp called Nicholas the fift After which thinges done the Pope not long after departed at Auinion in France after whom succeeded then Benedictus 12. a monke of Benedicts order and rayned 7. yeares Who by the counsayle of Phillip the French kyng confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursinges that Iohn his predecessour had published agaynst Lewes the Emperour Moreouer depriued him of his Emperiall Crowne and also of hys Dukedome of Bauaria The Emperour vpon this commeth to Germany and assembling the Princes electors Dukes Bishops Nobles and the learned in a councel at Francford there declared before them out of the auncient lawes and customes of the Empire how it standeth onely in the Princes Electours and in none other to elect the k. or the Emperors of the Romaines for in both these names was no difference so that the same Electors in chusing the king of the Romaynes did also elect and chuse the Emperour whiche Emperour so by them constitute had lawfull right without any information of the Apostolicall see to exercise the administration of the Empyre And if he were lawfully elect ought to be annoynted of the Romayne Byshop which if hee doe refuse then might hee be annoynted and declared Emperour and Augustus by any other Catholicke Bishoppe thereunto appoynted as by the olde maner and custome hath bene especially seeing these iniunctions are but certaine soleÌ„nities added and inuented by the bishops onely for a token of vnitie betweene the church
in an other worke of free iustification by grace And extenuated merits saying that they are no causes efficient of our saluation but onely sine qua non that is to say that workes be no cause of our iustification but yet our iustificatiō goeth not without them For the which his doctrine most sound and Catholicke he was condemned by the Pope an 1324. by the Popes decree extrauagant cap. Licet intra doctrinam Concerning the which man and his doctrine I thought good thus much to commit to history to the entent men may see that they which charge this doctrine now taught in the Church with the note of noueltye or newnes how iguoraunt and vnskilfull they be in the historyes and order of times fore past In the same part of condemnation at the same tyme also was Ioannes de Gunduno an 1330. and contayned also in the foresayd Extrauagāt with Marsilius Patauinus Whiche Ioannes wrote much vpon Aristotle and Auerrois and are yet remayning And no doubt but he wrote also of diuinity but not vnlike that these workes haue bene abolished In the same number and cataloge commeth also Guillermus Ockam who was in the yeare of our Lord 1326. as is afore mentioned pag. 375. and wrote likewise in defence of Ludouicus the Emperour agaynst the Pope and also in defence of Michael Generall of Grayfriers whom the Pope had excommunicated cursed for an hereticke Diuers treatises were by the sayd Ockam set forth whereof some are extant and in print as his questions distinctions some are extinct and suppressed as Ascentius reporteth quoòd essent aliquando asperiora Some againe be published vnder no name of the author being of his doing as the dialogue betwene the souldiour and the clarke wherin it is to be coniected what bookes and workes this Ockam had collected agaynst the Pope Of this Ockā Iohn Sledane in his history inferreth mention to his great cōmendation whose wordes be these William Ockam in time of Ludouicus 4. Emperor did florish about the yere of our Lord 1326. Who among other thinges wrote of the authority of the Bishop of Rome In the which booke he handleth these 8. questions very copiously whether both the administrations of the Bishops office and of the Emperors may be in one man 2. Whether the Emperour taketh his power and authority onely of God or els of the Pope 3. Whether the Pope and Church of Rome haue power by Christ to set and place kinges and Emperors and to commit to them theyr iurisdiction to be exercised 4. Whether the Emperor being elected hath full authority vpon the sayd his election to administer his Empire 5. Whether other kinges besides the Emperor and King of Romaines in that they are consecrated of priestes receiue of thē any part of their power 6. Whether the sayd kings in any case be subiect to their cōsecrators 7. Whether if the sayd kings should admit any newe sacrifice or should take to themselues the Diadeine without any further consecration they shoulde thereby lose their kingly right and title 8. Whether the seuen princes electors geue as much to the election of the Emperour as succession rightfull geueth to other kings Upon these questions he disputeth and argueth with sundry arguments and sundry reasons on bothe sides at length decideth the matter on the parte of the ciuil magistrate and by occasion therof entreth into the mention of the Popes decrees Extrauagant declaring how litle force or regard is to be geuen therunto Trithemius maketh mention of one Gregorius Ariminensis a learned a famous and right godly man who not much differing from the age of this Ockam about the yeare of our Lorde 1350. Disputed in the same doctrine of grace and free will as we doe nowe and dissented therein from the Papistes and Sophisters counting them woorse then Pelagians Of the like iudgement and in the same time was also Andreas de Castro as apeareth super lit 1. Sentent dist 45. and Burdianus vppon the Ethiques of Aristotle which both maintained the grace of that gospel as is now in the church receiued aboue 200. yeres since And what should I speake of the Duke of Burgundy named Eudo who at the same time An. 1350. disswaded the French king not to receiue in hys land the new founde cōstitutions decretall Extrauagant within his realme whose sage counsail then geuen yet remaineth among the French kings records as witnesseth Charol Molinaeus Dante 's an Italian wryter a Florentine lyued in the time of Ludouicus themperour about the yere of our lord 1300. and tooke his parte with Marsilius Patauinus against three sortes of men which he sayd were enemyes to the truth That is the pope Secondly the order of religious men which count thēselues the children of the church whē they are that children of the deuil their father Thirdly the Doctors of decrees and decretals Certain of his wrytings be extant abroad wherein he prooueth the Pope not to be aboue the Emperour nor to baue any right or iurisdiction in the Empire He cōfuteth the Donation of Constantine to be a forged and a fained thing as which neither did stande with any lawe or right For the which he was taken of many for an hereticke He complaineth moreouer very much the preaching of Gods worde to be omitted and in stede thereof the vaine fables of monkes and friers to be preached and beleued of the people and so the flock of Christ to be fed not with the foode of the Gospell but wyth winde The Pope sayeth he of a pastor is made a wolfe to wast the church of Christ and to procure with his Clergie not the word of God to be preached but his own Decrees In his canticle of purgatory he declareth the Pope to be the whore of Babylon And to her ministers to some hee applieth 2. hornes to some 4. As to the Patriarches whō he noteth to be the tower of the sayd whore Babilonicall Ex libris Dante 's Italice Hereunto may be added the saying out of the booke of Iornandus unprinted with the foresaid Dante 's that forsomuch as Antichrist commeth not before the destruction of the Empire therefore such as go about to haue the Empire extinct are forrunners and messengers in so doing of Antichrist Therfore let the Romaines sayth he and their Byshops beware least their sinnes and wickednes so deseruing by the iust iudgement of God the priesthood be taken from them Furthermore let all the prelates and princes of Germany take hede c. And because our aduersaries which obiecte to vs the newnes of our doctrine shall see the course and fourme of this religion now receaued not to haue ben eyther such a newe thing nowe or a thing so straunge in times past I will adde to these aboue recited master Taulerus a preacher of Argentine in Germany An. 1350. Who contrary to the Popes proceedings taught openly against al mennes merites
persecutour in Rome fighting against Constantinus was drowned wyth his souldiours like as Pharao was drowned persecuting the children of Israel in the red sea Unto the which xlij moneths or Sabbothes of yeares if yee adde the other sixe yeares wherein Licinius persecuted in the East ye shal finde iust three hundred yeres as is specified before in the first booke of thys volume pag. 97. After the which fortie and two monethes being expired manyfest it is that the furie of Sathan that is hys violent malice and power ouer the Saints of Christ was diminished and restrained vniuersally through the whole world Thus then the matter standing euident that Sathan after 300. yeares counting from the passion of Christ began to be chayned vp at what time the persecution of the primitiue Church began to cease Nowe let vs see howe long thys binding vp of Sathan shoulde continue which was promised in the booke of the Reuelation to be a thousand yeares Which thousand yeares if yee adde to the xlij monethes of yeares that is to 294. yeares they make 1294. yeares after the passion of the Lord. To these moreouer adde the 30. yeares of the age of Christ and it commeth to the yeare of our Lord 1324. which was the yeare of the letting out of Sathan according to the prophesie of the Apocalips A Table containing the time of the persecution both of the primitiue and of the latter Church with the count of yeares from the first binding vp of Sathan to his loosing againe after the minde of the Apocalips The first persecution of the primitiue Churche beginning at the 30. yeares of Christ was prophecied to continue 42. monthes that is An. 294. The ceasing of the laste persecution of the primitiue Churche by the death of Licinius the last persecutour began An. 324. from the natiuitie of Christ which was from the 30. yeare of hys age 294. 294. The binding vp of Sathan after peace geuen to the church counting from the 30. yeares of Christ began An. 294. And lasted a thousand yeres that is counting from the thirtie yeare of Christe to the yeare 1294. About which yeare Pope Boniface the 8. was Pope and made the 6. booke of the decretals confirmed the orders of Friers and priuileged them with great fredomes as appeareth by his constitution Super cathedram An. 1294. Unto the which count of yeares doeth not much disagree that I founde in a certaine olde Chronicle prophesied and wrytten in the latter ende of a booke which booke was wrytten as it seemeth by a monke of Douer remayneth yet in the custodye of William Cary a Citizen of London alledging the Prophesie of one Hayncardus a gray Frier grounded vppon the authoritie of Ioachim the Abbot prophesying that Antichrist shoulde be borne the yeare from the Natiuitie of Christ. 1260. Which is counting after the Lordes passion the very same yere and time when the orders of Friers both Dominickes and Franciscans began first to be sette vp by Pope Honorius the 3. and by Pope Gregorius 9. which was the yere of our Lord counting after his passion 1226. And counting after the Natiuitye of the Lord was the yeare 1260. Wherof these verses in the author was wrytten Cum fuerint anni completi mille ducenti Et decies seni post partum virginis almae Tunc Antichristus nascetur daemone plenus And these verses were wrytten as appeareth by the sayd author An. 1285. These thyngs thus premised for the loosing out of Satan according to the prophesie of the Apocal. nowe let vs enter Christe willing to the declaration of these latter times which folowed after the letting out of Sathan into the worlde Describing the wondrous perturbations and cruell tiranny stirred vp by him against Christes Church Also the valiant resistance of the Church of Christ against him and Antichrist as in these our bookes heere vnder following may appeare The argument of which booke consisteth in 2. partes first to entreate of the raging furie of Satan nowe loosed and of Antichrist Against the saints of Christ fighting and traueiling for the maintenance of the truth reformation of the Church Secondly to declare the decay and ruine of the said Antichrist through the power of the word of God being at length eyther in a greate parte of the worlde ouerthrowen or at least vniuersally in the whole world detected Thus then to begin wyth the yeare of our Lord. 1360. wherin I haue a litle as is aforesayd transgressed the stint of the first loosing out of Sathan we are come now to the time wherin the Lord after long darknes beginneth some reformation of hys Churche by the diligent industrie of sondry hys faithful and learned seruauntes of whome diuers already we haue foretouched in the former booke before as namely Guliel de Sancto Amore Marsilius Patauinus Ockam Robertus Gallus Robertus Grosted Petrus de Cugnerijs Ioannes Rupescissanus Conradus Hager Ioannos de Poliaco Cesenas wyth other moe whych withstoode the corrupt errours and intollerable enormities of the Byshop of Rome Beside them which about these times were put to death by the saide bishop of Rome as Chastilion Franciscus de Arcatara in the booke before recorded also the two Franciscanes Martyrs which were burned at Auinion mentioned pag. 391. Now to these the Lord willing we will adde such other holy Martyrs and confessors who following after in the course of yeares with like zeale and strength of Gods worde and also with like daunger of their liues gaue the like resistance against the enemie of Christes religion and suffered at hys handes the like persecutions First begynning wyth that godly man whosoeuer he was the author of the Booke hys name I haue not intituled the prayer and complaint of the Ploughman wrytten as it appeareth about thys present time Which booke as it was faithfully set foorth by William Tindall so I haue truely distributed the same abroade to the Readers handes neyther chaunging any thyng of the matter neyther altering many woordes of the phrase thereof Although the oldnesse and age of hys speache and termes be almost growne nowe out of vse yet thought I it so best both for the vtilitie of the booke to reserue it from obliuion as also in his owne language to let it go abroad for the more credite and testimonie of the true antiquity of the same Adding withal in the margent for the better vnderstanding of the reader some interpretation of certaine difficult termes and speches as otherwise might perhaps hinder or stay the reader The matter of this complaining prayer of the ploughman thus proceedeth An olde auncient wryting intitled The prayer and complaint of the Ploughman IESV CHRIST that was ybore of the maid Marie haue on thy poore seruauntes mercie and pitie and helpe them in their great nede to fight against sinne and against the deuill that is author of sinne and more nede nes there neuer to cry to
of the kings protection whereunto was aunswered by the kyng that the statutes and ordinaunces therefore made should be obserued In these rolles and recordes of such Parliamentes as was in thys kings time continued diuers other thynges are to be noted muche worthy to be marked and not to be suppressed in silence Wherein the Reader may learne and vnderstand the state of the kings iurisdiction here wythin this realme not to be straightned in those daies although the Pope then seemed to be in his chief ruffe as afterward since in other kings dayes was seene As may appeare in the parliament of the 15. yeare of thys king Edward the 3. and in the 24. article of the sayde Parliament where it is to be read that the kings officers and temporall Iustices did then both punish vsurers an◠impeached the officers of the Church for bribery and for taking mony for temporall paine probate of willes solemnitie of Mariage c. al the pretensed liberties of the popish church to the contrary notwythstanding Furthermore in the Parliament of the 25. yeare appeareth that the liberties of the clergie and their exemptions in claiming the deliuerance of men by their booke vnder th◠name of Clerks stode then in litle force as appeared by one Hauketyne Honby knight who for imprisonning one of the kings subiectes till hee made fine of 20. li. was therefore executed notwithstanding the liberty of the Clergie whych by his booke would haue saued hym but could not The like also appeared by iudgement geuen agaynst a priest at Notingham for killing of hys maister And likewise by hanging certaine monks of Combe Ex Parliam An. 23. Ed. 3. Item in the Parliament of the 15. yeare by apprehending of I. Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury and hys arrainment concerning which his arrainment all things were committed to sir William of Kildisby Besides these truthes and notes of the kings Parliaments wherin may appeare y◠toward procedings of this king of all his commons against the pretensed church of Rome Thys is moreouer to be added to the commendation of the king how in the volumes of the actes rolles of the king appeareth That the sayd king Edward the 3. sent also Iohn Wickleffe reader then of the Diuinitie lector in Oxford wyth certaine other Lords Ambassadors ouer into the parts of Italy to treat wyth the Popes Legates concerning affaires betwixt the King and the Pope with ful cōmission the tenor whereof here foloweth expressed REX vniuersis ad quorum notitiam presentes literae peruenerint c. In English thus The King to all and singuler to whome these presentes shall come greeting Know ye that we reposing assured confidence in the fidelitie and wisdome of the reuerend father Iohn Bishoppe of Bangor and other our louing and faithful subiects M. Iohn Wickliffe reader of the diuinitie lecture M. Iohn Gunter Deane of Segobyen and M. Symon Moulton doctor of the lawe Syr William Burton Knight M Iohn Belknappe M. Iohn Honnington haue directed them as our Ambassadors and special Commissioners to the partes beyond the seas Geuing to the sayde our Ambassadors and Commissioners to sixe or fiue of them of whome I will that the sayde Bishop shal be one full power and aucthoritie wyth commaundement speciall to treat and consult mildely and charitably with the Legates and Ambassadors of the L. Pope touching certaine affaires Where upon of late we sent heretofore the sayd Bishop and M. William Vghtred monke of Duresme and M. Iohn Shepie to the see Apostolicall And hereof to make ful relation of all things done and past in the sayd assembly that all such things which may tend to the honor of holy Church and the aduauncement of our crowne and this our realme may by the assistaunce of God and the wisedome of the see Apostolicall bee brought to good effect and accomplished accordingly Witnes our selues c. at London dated the 26. day of Iuly in the 48. yeare of our raigne By the which it is to be noted what good wil the king then bare to the sayd Wickleffe and what smal regarde he had to the sinfull sea of Rome Of the whych Iohn wickleff because we are now approched to his time remaineth consequently for our story to entreat of so as we haue heere to fore done of other lyke valiant souldiours of Christes Church before him ¶ Iohn Wickliffe AFter all these heretofore recited by whome as ye haue heard it pleased the Lord something to worke against the Byshop of Rome to weaken the pernitious superstition of the Friers Nowe remayneth consequently following the course of yeares orderly to enter into the story and tractation of Iohn Wickleffe our countreyman and other moe of his time and same countrey whom the Lord wyth the like zeale and power of spirit raysed vp here in England to detect more fully and amply the poison of the Popes doctrine false religion set vp by the Fryers In whose opinions and assertiōs albeit some blemishes perhaps may be noted yet such blemishes they be whych rather declare him to be a mā that might erre then which directly did fight against Christ our Sauiour as the Popes procedings and the friers did And what doctor or learned man hath ben from the prime age of the church so perfect so absolutely sure in whome no opinyon hath sometyme swarued awry And yet be the sayd articles of hys neither in number so many nor yet so grosse in themselues and so cardinall as those Cardinal ennemies of Christ perchance doe geue them out to be if his bookes whō they abolished were remaining to be conferred with those blemishes which they haue wrasted to the worste as euill will neuer sayde the best This is certaine and can not be denied but that he being the publike Reader of Diuinitie in the Universitie of Oxford was for the rude time wherein he liued famously reputed for a great clerke a deepe scholeman no lesse expert in all kinde of philosophie The which doth not onely appeare by his owne most famous and learned wrytings and monuments but also by the confession of Walden hys most cruel bitter enemy Who in a certain Epistle wrytten vnto pope Martin the fift sayth that he was wonderfully astonyshed at his most strong arguments wyth the places of authority whych hee had gathered wyth the vehemency and force of hys reasons c. And thus much out of Walden It appeareth by such as haue obserued the order and course of tunes that this wickleffe florished about the yeare of our Lord. 1371. Edward the third raigning in England for thus we doe finde in the Chronicles of Caxton In the yere of our Lord 1371. sayeth he Edward the third king of England in his Parliamēt was against the Popes clergy He willingly harkned and gaue eare to the voices and tales of heretickes wyth certaine of his counsel conceiuing and folowing sinister opinions against the Clergy
reforme theyr liues Whereby it appeareth that if euery of the fiue and forty Articles conteyneth in it wholly the thing that is false and vntruth the same is either playnelye or darckly condemned in the holye Scriptures Secondly it followeth by the sentence and minde of this holy man that if the condemation of the fiue and forty Articles be profitable the same is founde in the holy scriptures And where as agayne Saynt Augustine writeth vnto Saynt â—ierome in his â—ight Epistle and the ninth Distinction I sayth he haue learned to attribute this honor and reuerence vnto those writers onely which are called Canonicall that I dare affirme none of them to haue erred in theyr workes or writinges As for all other writers I doe so read them that although they abound wyth ueuer so much holynesse or excell in doctrine I do not by and by thinke it true because they themselues do so iudge but if they can by other Canonicall Authors or probable reasons perswade or proue that they doe not degresse froÌ„ the trueth Also the sayd Augustine in his booke De vnico Baptismo Lib. 2. sayeth thus Who doeth not knowe or vnderstande that the holy canonicall scripture to be contayned in hys owne bondes and limittes and the same to be preferred before all other letters and decrees of Bishops c. And a litle after he hath the like saying as for the letters of other Bishops which haue bene written or be written after the Canon being confirmed they may lawfully be reprehended and reproued both by the word of them that be more skilfull in that matter and also by the auncient authority of other Bishops or by the prudeÌ„ce and wisedome of such as be better learned or more expert or els by generall couÌ„sels if it so chaunce that they in any poynt haue erred and gone a stray from the sincere truth By these sayings of S. Austen and other like c. The Vniuersity of Prage hath concluded and determined that they will not receiue the condemnation of the fiue and forty Articles made by the Doctors in their councel house as iust and true except they which condemned them will proue theyr condemnation by the holy Scriptures and probable reasons vpoÌ„ euery of the fiue and forty Articles Wherefore for the dew examination of the foresayd coÌ„demnation whether it be effectuall or no we will at thys present take in hand the fouretenth Article of the number of the fiue and forty which Article is this They which leaue of preaching and hearing of yâ— word of God for feare of excommudication of men are alreadye excommunicate and in the day of iudgement shal be counted the betrayers of Christ. This Article conteineth first that all priests omitting the preaching of the word of God for feare of the excommunication of men they are already excommunicate Secondly it conteineth that all such as doe omitte the hearing of the word of God for feare of excommunicatioÌ„ are already excommunicated Thirdlye that both these sortes of men in the daye of iudgement shal be counted traitors of Christ. As concerning the first poynt it is presupposed that the preaching of the word of God is commaunded vnto the Apostles and theyr followers as it appeareth in Mathew the tenth where it is sayd Iesus sent his xii Disciples commaunding them and saying goe and preach that the kingdome of heauen is at hand Also in the last of Mathew and the tenth of Luke Whereupon Peter the Apostle of Christ acknowledging this precept and commaundement for himselfe and for the other Apostles and successors in the 10. of the Actes sayth thus he commaunded vs to preach and to testifye that it is he which is ordayned of God the iudge both of the quicke and the dead This commaundement also the other Apostles did acknowledge specially the chosen vessell pronouncing vnder a great threatning in the first Corinthians 9. chap. Wo be vnto me if I do not preach the Gospell And Pope Nicholas considering that great threatning in 43. Distinction sayeth the dispensation and distribution of the heauenly seade is commaunded and enioyned vnto vs. Woe be vnto vs if we doe not sow it abroode or if we hold our peace Whiche thing when as the vessell of election did feare and cry out vpon how much more ought all other inferiours to feare and dread the same To the same purpose doth S. Gregory write in his pastorall in the distinction Sit rector It is also euident by many other doctours and holy men as by S. Augustine Hierome Isidore Bernard whose words it were here to long to rehearse As touching the second poynt that the hearing of the word and law of God is commaunded vnto the people it is euident both by the olde and new law for it is sayd in the 28. of the Prouerbes he that turneth away his eare will not heare the law of God his prayer shall be cursed And our Sauior rebuking the Scribes and Pharesyes concludeth thus in the 8. of S. Iohn saying he that is of God heareth Gods word But forsomuch as you are not of God therfore you heare not his word Thirdly it is to be noted that excommunication is a seperation from the Communion the 11. Question 3. Nihil cap Canonica And 27. question first Viduas 34. Question 3. Cum sacerdos And this excommunication is double that is to say either secret or manifest The secret excommunication is whereby a man is seperated from the misticall body of Christ and so from God through sinne according vnto the 59. Psalme Your iniquities haue made seperation betwene your God and you And with this excommunicatioÌ„ doth the Apostle excommunicate euery man which doth not loue the Lorde Iesu Christ. Saying in the first Corinth and the last Chapter If any man do not loue the Lord Iesu Christ let him be accursed The manifest and apert excommunication may be deuided into a manifest excommunication by God Whereof it is spoken Math. 25. go ye curied c. And often times els in the lawe of God Also into a manifest excommunication by men whereby the Prelate doth either iustly or vniustly cast out any man from the participation of the Communion of the Church Whereof this shall suffise at this present Then as touching the first part of the article it is thus argued c. Whosoeuer forsaketh or leaueth the commaundemeÌ„ts of God vndone they are excommunicate of God But the Priestes which leaue of the preaching of the word of God for feare of the vniust excommunication of men do leaue the coÌ„maundement of God vndone Ergo those Priests which do leaue of preaching of the word of God are excommunicated of God The first part of this Article is true The maior appereth by the Psalme Cursed be they which doe decline and swarue from thy preceptes The Minor is euident by the first proposition which proueth that the preaching of the word of God is the
Heldad and Medad were prophesying in the tentes a childe ranne vnto Moises and tolde him saying Heldad and Medad do prophecye in the Tentes and by and by Iosue the sonne of Nunne the seruaunt of Moyses which he had chosen out amongst many sayd my maister Moises forbid them and he sayd why enuiest thou for my sake would God that all the people could prophecy and that the Lord would geue them his spirite O woulde to God the Pope and Bishops had the affection which this holye man the frend of God had Then would he not prohibite the meeke Deacons and Ministers of Iesus Christ to preach the Gospell of Iesus Christ. The like affection had the blessed man Gregory which in his 22. booke of Morals writeth vpon these wordes of Iob. And I haue afflicted the soule of his husbandmen he sayth thus the husbandmen of this earth are these which being set in small authority with as feruent desire as they can and with as great labor as they may doe worke by the preaching of grace to the erudition of the holy Churche the which husbandmen of this world not to afflict is not to enuy their labors and doinges neither ought the ruler of the Church albeit he doe chalenge vnto himselfe alone the title of preaching through enuy gainesay others which do preach truely and vprightly For the godly mind of the pasture which seketh not his owne glory amongest men desireth to be holpen the which thing also the faythfull preacher doth wish if it might by any meanes be brought to passe that the trueth which he alone caÌ„ not sufficieÌ„tly expresse all meÌ„s mouthes might declare Wherefore when as Iosue woulde haue resisted the 2. which were prophecying in the host why doest thou enuy sayd he for my sake for he did not enuy that good in other which he himselfe had this writeth S. Gregory Also the meeke ministers of Christ haue by a speciall gift of God knowledge and minde to preach the Gospell but neither is it lawfull for the Pope or Bishop or any other man to let or hinder them least thereby they should let the word of God that it haue not his free course Ergo this article is true for the king doth not so much rule ouer the goods of his subiects no not of his owne sonnes but that they may geue almes to whom they will muche more the bishop hath not so great authority ouer the knowledge of the meeke minister with his other giftes of God but that he may frely vnder the title of spirituall almes frely preach the gospell vnto the people Ergo forasmuch it should seme straunge that a Bishop should forbid any man to geue any corporall almes to the poore that are a huÌ„gred much more strauÌ„ge and maruelous would it be if that he should prohibite the spirituall minister of Christ to geue spirituall almes by the preaching of the gospell of the word of God Item no catholicke man ought to doubt but that a man able for the purpose is more bounde to teache them which are ignoraunt to councell comfort the weake in spirit to correct such as are vnruly to forgeue those that do theÌ„ wrong theÌ„ to do any other work of mercy forsomuch then as he that hath sufficient is bound vnder paine of daÌ„nation to geue corporall almes as it appeareth Math. 25. much more he which is able is bound to doe spirituall almes And this alms S. Barnard writing vnto Eugenius in his 3. book perceiued to be very necessary for the Bishop of Rome where as he said thus I feare no greater poysoÌ„ nor greater sword or mischiefe will happen vnto thee theÌ„ this vnsatiable desire of dominion With what face then caÌ„ the faythfull minister withdraw or keepe back the spirituall almes from the Pope and any other euen without the speciall licence of the Pope or of the Bishop which licence through the far distance from the Pope the ministers can not so easily obtaine or come by For all prohibition of anye Prelate beeing broken through necessitye is not to be blamed 11. Quest. 3. Intercessor and also in the chapter folowing Item all authoritye of preaching geuen vnto deacons and Priestes in theyr consecration were but vayne except that in 〈◊〉 of necessitye without any speciall licence they might prâ—ach the gospell It is euident forsomuch as it is not lawfull for them to vse that authority by their aduersary without a speciall liceÌ„ce Ergo it is geueÌ„ them in vain The consequent is euident by the common saying of the Philosopher that power is but vayne wherof proceedeth no vse of action But forsomuch as this Article doth as it were depend vpon the article before passed therefore this shall suffice spoken therof at this present But agaynst the affirmations oâ— both these Articles this is obiected out of the 16. quest 1. All faythfull people and specially all priests deacons and all others of the clergy ought to take heede that they doe nothing without the licence of theyr bishop It is also obiected out of the 5. book of Decretals Titulo de hereticis cap. cuÌ„ ex iniuncto Where it is no man ought to vsurp to himself indiffereÌ„tly the office of preaching forsomuch as the Apostle sayth how shall they preach except they be sent Where as also Innocentius doth declare that it is not sufficieÌ„t for a man to say that he is sent of God to preach except he do shew the same As touching the first poynt the Glose doth sufficiently aunswere vpon this word without licence that is to be expounded sayth he without generall licence the which is obtayned and geuen when as a bishop doth appoynt any priest to gouern the people For therby sayth he it semeth a bishop is thought to geue him generall power to minister vnto the people and to rule the church Thus much in the glose And to the same end and purpose it is sayd in the 7. quest 1. chap. Episcopi Bishops or Priestes if they come vnto the church of an other Bishop for to visite the same as it is said glose 1. in honore suo Let them be receiued in their degree and desired as well to preach the word as to do any other consecration or oblation Secondly it is to be noted that which is uery wel spoken in the same place no man ought to vsurpe vnto himselfe the office of preaching as a thing indifferent For to vsurpe is vnlawfully to vse any thing ergo the same deacon or priest doth then vsurpe the office of preaching as indiffereÌ„tly who liuing viciously coÌ„trary vnto the law of Christ or being ignorant of the law of God doth preach either for gayne or couetousnes of lyuing either for his belly or dainty life or for any vaynglory but he whiche doth liue according vnto the lawes of Christ being moued with the affection of sincere charity intending purely the honor of God and the saluatioÌ„ of him selfe his neighbors doth
of this poesie or epistle aboue writtē it is not euidētly knowē neither yet doth it greatly skill The matter beynge well considered of their part which here be noted may minister vnto them sufficiēt occasion of holesome admonition either to remember themselues what is amisse or to be thinke with thēselues what is to be amended Diuers other writings of like argumēt both before since haue bene deuised as one bearinge the title Luciferi ad malos principes Ecclesiasticos imprinted first at Paris in Latin And vnder the writing therof bearing this date Anno a palatij nostri fractione consortiumque nostrorum subtractione 1351. Which if ye count from the Passion of the Lord reacheth wel to y◠time of Wickliffe 1385. which was aboue vj. yeres before y◠examination of this Walter Brute There is also an other epistle of Lucifer prince of darknes ad praelatos mentioned in the Epistle of the schoole of Prage to the vniuersitie of Oxford set forth by Huldericus Huttenus about the yeare of our Lorde as is there dated 1370. which seemeth to be written before this epistle Also Vincētius in Speculo histo lib. 25. cap. 89. inferreth like mention of a letter of the fiendes infernal vnto the clergy men as in a vision represēted before 400. yeres In which the deuils geue thankes to the spirituall men for that by their silence and not preaching the Gospel they send infynite soules to hell c. Diuers other letters also of like deuise haue ben written also recorded in authors Whereunto may be added that one Iacobus Cartusiensis wrytinge to the Byshop of Wormace alleageth out of the prophecie of Hildegardis in these wordes Ideo et diabolus in semetipso de vobis sacerdotibus ait Escas epulantium conuiuia et omnes voluptates in istis inuenio sed et oculi et aures et venter meus et venae meae de spumis illorum plenae sunt et vbera mea plena sunt diuicijs illorum c. 1. Therefore saith he y◠deuil may say of you priests in himselfe The meates of banketting dishes and feastes of al kind of pleasure I find in these men Yea also mine eyes mine eares my belly all my vaines be full of their froathing and my brests be full stuffed with their ryches c. Furthermore saith he they labour euery day to rise vp higher with Lucifer but euery daye they fall with him more deepely Hereunto also appertayneth a story written cōmonly found in many olde written bookes In the yeare of our Lord. 1228. at Paris in a Synode of the clergie there was one appointed to make a Sermō Who being much carefull in hys minde solicitous what to say the deuil came to him and asking why he was so careful for his matter what he should preach to y◠clergy say thus quod he The princes of hell salute you Oh you princes of the Church gladly geue you thankes because through your default and negligence it cōmeth to passe that al soules go downe to hel Adding moreouer that he was also enforced by the commaundement of God to declare the same yea and that a certayne token moreouer was geuen to the sayde clerke for a signe wherby the sinode might euidently see that he did not lye Ex catall Illyr Fol. 546. ¶ The Bull of Pope Bonifacius the ix agaynst the Lollardes BOnifacius Bishop seruaunt of the seuants of God To the reuerend brother Iohn Bishop of Hereford sendeth greeting Apostolicall benediction We meane to write vnto our welbeloued sonne in Christ Richard the renowmed king of England in forme enclosed within these presents Therfore we will and commaund your brotherhood that as much as ye maye ye study and endeuour your selfe to exhorte and induce the same king to doe those thinges which we haue wrytten vnto him as it is sayde before And notwithstanding that now many a day you ought to haue done it of your self not to loke that wee should perswade you to that effect by vs written you may proceed as well by our authoritie as by your owne for as much as it was geuen you before that here after we may know effectually by your diligence what zeale your deuotion beareth vnto the Catholike fayth and to the conseruing of the ecclesiasticall honour and also to the execution of your pastorall office ¶ Geuen at Rome at S. Peters the xv Kalendes of October the 6. yeare of our bishoplike dignitie ¶ The tenour of the Bull to the renowmed prince Richard by the grace of God king of England of Fraunce whereof mention is made aboue as followeth and is thus much in effect TO our welbeloued sonne in Christ Rycharde the noble king of Englande wee send greetinge c. It greeueth vs from the bottome of our hartes and our holy mother the Church in all places through Christendome lamenteth Wee vnderstande that there bee certayne heresies sprong and do without any condign restraynt raunge at their owne libertie to the seducynge of the faithful people and do euery day with ouermuch liberty enlarge their vndiscreete boundes But howe much the more carefullye we labour for the preseruation both of you your famous kingdome and also the sinceritie of the faith and doe with muche more ardent desire couet that the prosperous state of the same should be preserued and ēlarged the sting of greater sorow doth so much the more penetrate and molest vs for as muche as wee see alas the while in our tyme and vnder the regall presidence of your moste Christyan gouernment a certayne craftye and hairebraine sect of false Christians in the same your kingdom to grow and increase which call themselues the poore men of the treasury of Christ and his disciples and whom the common people by a more sounder name call Lollardes as a man would saye withered darnell according as their sins require and perceyue that they waxe strong as it were preuayle agaynst the diocesās of some places and other gouernors as they meete together not courageously addressing themselues agaynst them as they ought to do whereof chiefly and not vndeseruedly I geue them admonition for that they take thereby the more bolder presumption and stomacke among the vnlearned people And for as muche as those whom we cannot call men but the damnable shadowes or ghosts of men do rise vp against the sound fayth holy vnyuersall church of Rome and that very many of them beinge indifferently learned which to the confusion eternall damnation of some of them they got sitting vppon their mothers lap the sayde Church of Rome doe rise vp or inueye agaynst the determination of the holy fathers with too much presumptuous boldnes to the subuersion of the whole ecclesiasticall order and estate Haue not bene afrayd nor are not yet afrayd publikely to preach very many erroneous detestable and hereticall articles for that they are not put to silence reproued driuen out
downe to yâ— Archbishop praying him that he would deliuer me to him for to say Martins with him he would vndertake that within three dayes I shoulde not resist any thing that were commaunded me to do of my Prelate And the archbishop sayd that he would ordayn for me himselfe And then after came agayne the Constable and spake priuily to the Archbishop And the archbishop coÌ„maunded the Constable to lead me forth thence with him so he did And when we were gone forth thence we were sent after againe And wheÌ„ I came in agayne before the archbishop a Clerke bad me kneele downe and aske grace and submit me lowly and I should finde it for the best ☞ And I sayd theÌ„ to the archbishop Syr as I haue sayd to you diuers times to day I will wilfully lowlye obey and submit me to be ordeined euer after the cunning and power to God to his law and to euery member of holy Church as farre forth as I can perceiue that these members accord with their head Christ and will teach me rule me or chastise me by authority specially of Gods law ¶ And the archbishop sayd I wist wel he would not with out such additions submit him And then I was rebuked scorned manassed on euery side and yet after this diuers persons cried vpon me to kneele downe and submit me but I stood still and spake no word And then there was spoken of me and to me many great words I stood and heard them manasse curse and scorne me but I sayd nothing Then a while after the archbishop sayd to me Wilt thou not submit thee to the ordinaunce of holy Church ☞ And I sayd Syr I will full gladly submitte me as I haue shewed you before ¶ And then the Archbishop bad the Constable to haue me forth thence in haste And so then I was led forth and brought into a foule vnhonest prison where I came neuer before But thanked be God when all meÌ„ were gone forth then from me had sparred fast the prison doore after them By and by after I therin by my selfe busied me to thinke on God to thanke him of his goodnesse And I was then greatlye comforted in all my wits not onely for that I was then deliuered for a time from the sight from the hearing from the presence from the scorning and from the manassing of mine enemies but much more I reioysed in the Lord because that through his grace he kept me so both among the flattering specially and among the manassing of mine aduersaryes that without heauinesse and anguish of my conscience I passed away from them For as a tree layd vpon an other tree ouerwharte or Crosse wise so was the Archbishoppe and hys three Clerkes alwayes contrarye to me and I to them Now good God for thine holy name and to the praysing of the most blessed name make vs one together if it be thy will by authority of thy word that is true perfite charity and els not And that it may thus be all that this writing read or heare pray hartely to the lord God that he for his great goodnesse that can not be with tongue expressed graunt to vs and to all other which in the same wise and for the same cause specially or for any other cause be at dystauÌ„ce to be knit made one in true fayth in stedfast hope and in perfite charity Amen ¶ Besides this examinatioÌ„ here aboue described came an other treatise also to our hands of the same W. Thorne vnder the name and title of his testament which rather by the matter and handling thereof might seme to be counted a complaynt of vicious Priestes which treatise or Testament in this place we thought not meere to be left out MAthew an Apostle of Christ and his Gospeller witnesseth truly in the holy Gospell the most holy liuing and the most wholesome teachyng of Christ. He rehearseth how that Christ likeneth theÌ„ that heare his wordes and keepe theÌ„ to a wise maÌ„ that buildeth his house vpon a stone that is a stable and a â—ad ground This house is mans soule in whome Christ delighteth to dwell if it be grounded that is stablished faythfully in his liuing in his true teaching adourned or made faire with diuers vertues which Christ vsed and taught without any medling of any error as are chiefly the conditions of charity This foresaid stone is Christ vpon which euery faythful soule must be builded since vpon none other ground then vpon Christes liuing and his teaching no bodye may make any building or housing wherein Christ will come and dwell This sentence wytnesseth S. Paule to the Corinthians shewing to them that no body may set any other ground then is set that is Christes liuing and teaching And because that all men and women shoulde geue all their businesse here in this life to build them vertuously vpon this sure foundation S. Paule knowledging the seruent desire and the good will of the people of Ephesye wrote to them comfortablye saying Now ye are not straungers guestes nor yet comelinges but ye are the Citizens and of the householde of God builded aboue vpon the foundement of the Apostles and Prophetes In which foundement euery building that is builded or made thorough the grace of God it encreaseth or groweth into an holy teÌ„ple that is Euery body that is grounded or builded faythfully in the teaching and liuing of Christ is there through made the holy temple of God This is the stable grouÌ„d and stedfast stone Christ which is the sure corner stone fast ioyning holding mightely together two walles For through Christ Iesu meane or middle person of the Trinitye the Father of heauen is pitious or mercifully ioyned and made one together to mankinde And through dread to offeÌ„d God and seruent loue to please him meÌ„ be vnseparably made one to God and defended surely vnder his protection Also this foresayd stone Christ was figured by the square stones of whiche the temple of God was made For as a square stone wheresoeuer it is cast or layd it abideth and lyeth stably so Christ and euery faythfull member of his Church by example of him abideth and dwelleth stably in true fayth and in all other heaueÌ„ly vertues in all aduersityes that they suffer in this valley of teares For loe when these foresayd square stones were hewen and wrought for to be layde in the walles or pillers of Gods temple none noyse or stroke of the workeman was heard Certaine this sileÌ„ce in working of this stone figuâ—eth Christ chiefly and his faithfull members which by example of him haue bene and yet are and euer to the worldes end shall be so meeke and pacient in euery aduersity that no sound nor yet any grudging shall any time be perceiued in them Neuerthelesse this chiefe and most worshipfull corner stone which onely is ground of all vertues proude beggers repriued but
haue ordeined a speciall iudgement as they should thinke good yet when hee was before atteinted by the outlawrie they could not lawfully varie from the common iudgemeÌ„t of â—reason At least how could or should the iudgement of Sir Roger Acton Maister Browne and Iohn Beuerley who were iudged in the Buildhall before and without the Parliament vary from the said common iudgement of Traytors if they had truly committed and bene conuicted of such high treason Adde this moreouer to the foresaid Notes that if Sir Iohn Oldcastle after his escape out of prison had bene culpable and so atteinted of that high treason wherby his lands had bene immediately forfait vnto the King by the processe of his outlawry What needed the king then in the second yeare of his raigne in the Parliament after holden at Leycester haue made that prouiso to haue his lands forfaite to him by vertue of Parliament vpon his escape on the day of his arest when as the lands and cattaile of his had bene forfeite before by the processe of the outlawry as is before specified Thus you see Maister Cope how little aduantage you can wrast out of this Commission and inditement against the Lord Cobham and his fellowes to proue them traytors And admit the said Lord Cobham was attainted of treason by the Acte and that the King the Lordes and the Commons assented to the Act yet it hindeth not in such sort as if in deed he were no Traytour that anye man may not by search of the truth vtter and set forth sincerely and iustly the very true cause whereby his death hapt and followed Thus then hauing sufficiently cleared the Lord Cobham and his parteners from all that you can obiect vnto them out of records and statutes let vs now come to your English Chroniclers wherwith you seeme to presse me to oppresse them whome ye name to be Robert Fabian Edward Halle Polydor Virgilius Thomas Cooper Richard Grafton with other briefe Epitomes and Summaries c. Concerning which authors as I haue not to say but to their commendation in this place so if that you had auonched the same to the commendation rather then to the reproofe of other I would better haue commeÌ„ded your nature and beleued your cause But now like a spidercatcher sucking out of euery one what is the worst to make vp your leystall you heape vp a donghill of dirtie Dialogues conteining nothing in them but malicious railing virulent slanders manifest vntruths opprobrious contumelies stinking blasphemies able almost to corrupt infect the aire Such is the maladie cacoethes of your pen the it beginneth to barke before it hath learned well to write Which pen of yours notwithstanding I do not heere reproch nor contemne as neither do I greatly feare the same God of his mercy keepe the sword out of the Papists hand it is not the pen of the papists I greatly passe vpoÌ„ though xx Copes and so many surplesses were set against the booke of Monuments were I so disuâ—sed Maister Cope to dally or as the Breckes do say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to repay againe as I am prouoked But in despightful railing and in this Satyricall sort of barking I geue you ouer and suffer you therin to passe not only your selfe but also Cerberus himself if ye will the great bandog of Pluto Mildnes and humanitie rather beseemeth and is the grace of the Latine phrase If ye could hit vpon the vaine therof it would win you much more honestie with all honest men But the Lord hereafter may cal you which I beseech him to do and to forgiue you that you haue done In the meaue time seeing this your pratling pen must nedes be walking yet this you might haue lerned of these your own authors whom you aledge more ciuilly to haue reÌ„pered your fume in exclaiming against theÌ„ whose cause is to you not perfectly known And now briefly to answer to these your foresaide wryters as witnesses produced against these men there be 2. things as I take it in these chronicle wryters to be coÌ„sidered First the grouÌ„ds which they follow secondly in what place they serue As touching the order and ground of wryting among these Chronicles ye must consider and caÌ„not be ignorant that as none of all these by you forenamed was present at the deede nor witnesse of the fact so haue they nothyng of theÌ„selues herein certainely to affirme but either must follow publike rumor and hearesay for their autor or els one of them must borrow of another Whereof neither seemeth to me sufficient For as publike rumor is neuer certain so one author may soone deceiue an other By reason whereof it commeth oft to passe that as these story wryters hit many times the truth so againe al is not the gospell that they doe wryte Wherefore great respect is heere to be had either not to credite rashly euery one that wryteth stories or els to see what groundes they haue whome we doe followe Now to demaund M. Cope of you what authoritye or foundation hath your Robert Fabian hathe Polydore Uirgil Edward Hal and other of your authors to prooue these men to be traytors What authority do they auouch what actes what registers what recordes or out of what court do they shewe or what demoÌ„stration do they make And do you thinke it sufficient because these men doe only affirme it wythout any further probation wyth youre 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therfore we are bouÌ„d to beleue it Take me not so M. Cope that I do here diminish any thing or derogate from the credit of those wryters you alledge whose labors haue deserued well and serue to great vtilitie but coÌ„ming now to triall of a matter lying in coÌ„trouersie betwene vs we are now forced to seeke out the fountaine and bottome of the truthe where it is not enough to say so it is but the cause is to be shewed why it is so affirmed And what though Robert Fabian Polydore Uirgile and Edwarde Hall should all together as they do not agree in the treason of sir Iohn Oldcastle and of the rest yet neither is this any sufficient surety to prooue them traitors Considering that wryters of stories for most part folowing either blind reporte or els one taking of an other vse commonly all to sound together after one tune tanquam Dodonaei lebetes so that as one sayth all say and if one erre all do erre Wherfore you see M. Cope howe it is not sufficient nor sure to sticke onely to the names and authorities of Chronographers vnlesse the ground be found substantial wherupon they stand themselues Which yet in none of these whome you haue produced doth appeare Secondly in alleaging and wryting of Chronicles is to be considered to what place and effect they serue If yee would shew out of them the order course of times what yeres were of dearth and of pleÌ„ty where kings kept their
Christenmasse what condites were made what Maiors and shirifes were in London what battails were fought what triumphs and great feasts were holdē when kings began their raigne and when they ended c. In such vulgare and popular affairs the narration of the Chronicler serueth to good purpose may haue his credite wherein the matter forceth not much whether it be true or false or whether any listeth to beleue them But where as a thyng is denied and in cases of iudgement and in controuersies doubtfull which are to be decided and boulted out by euidence of iust demonstration I take them neither for Iudges of the bench not for arbiters of the cause nor as witnesses of themselues sufficient necessarily to be sticked vnto Albeit I deny not but hystories are takē many times and so termed for witnesses of times and glasses of antiquitie c. yet not such witnesses as whose testimony beareth alwaies a necessary truth and bindeth beliefe The two witnesses whych came against Susanna being seniours both of auncient yeares bare a great countenance of a most euidēt testimony wherby they almost both deceiued the people oppressed the innocent had not yōg Daniel by the holy spirite of God haue take thē aside and seuerally examining them one from the other found them to be falsliers both leauing to vs therby a lesson of wholsome circumspection not rashly to beleeue euery one that commeth and also teaching vs how to try thē out Wherfore M. Cope following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records whom ye inferre against these men we wil in like maner examine them seuerally one frō an other and see how their testimonie agreeth first beginning wyth your Robert Fabian Which Robert Fabian being neither in the same age nor at the deede doing can of himselfe geue no credite herein without due proofe and euidence conuenient Now thē doth Rob. Fabian proue this matter of treason true what probation doeth he bring what authoritie doth he alleage And doth Rob. Fabian thinke if he were not disposed to conceiue of the L. Cobham and those men a better opinion but to be traitors that men are bounde to beleue him only at his word without any ground or cause declared why they shuld so do but only because he so saith and pleased him so to write And if yee thinke M. Cope the word only of this witnes sufficient to make authority speaking against the Lord Cobham and prouing nothing which followed so many yeres after him why may not I as well and much rather take the worde and testimonie of Richard Belward a Northfolke man and of the towne of Crisam who liuing both in his time possible knowing the party punished also for the like trueth is not reported but recorded also in the registers of the church of Norwich to geue this testimonie among other his articles for the foresaid L. Cobham that is that sir Iohn Oldcastle was a true Catholike man and falsely condemned and put to death wythout a reasonable cause c. Ex Regist. Noruic Agaynst this man if you take exception say that one hereticke will hold with an other why may not I with the like exception reply to you agayne say as well one Papist hold with an other and both cōiure together to make and say the worst agaynst a true Protestant Further yet to examine this foresayd Fabian witnes agaynst Sir Iohn Oldcastle as Daniell examined that witnesses agaynst Susanna I will not here aske vnder what tree these adherentes of sir I. Oldcastle conspired agaynst the king subuersion of that land but in what time in what yeare and moneth this conspiracie was wrought Fabian witnesseth that it was in the moneth of Ianuary Cōtrary Edward Hall other our Abridgementers followyng him doe affirme that they were condemned in the Guild hall the xij of December and that their executiō vpon the same was in Ianuary followyng so that by their sentence the fact was done either in the moneth of Decēber or els before so Fabianus mentitus est in caput suum vt cū Daniele dicam or if it were in the moneth of Ianuary as Fabian sayth then is Hall and his followers deceiued testifying the fact to be done in the moneth of December And yet to obiect moreouer against the sayd Fabiā for so much as he is such a rash witnes agaynst these burned persons whom he calleth traytors it would be demaūded further of him or in his absence of Maister Cope in what yeare this treason was conspired If it were in the same yeare as he cōfesseth himselfe in which yeare Iohn Cleidon the Skinner Richard Turmine Baker were burned then was it neither in the moneth of Ianuary nor in the first yeare of kyng Henry the fift For in the register of Cāterbury it appeareth playne that Iohn Claydon was condemned neither in the tyme of Thom. Arundell Archbyshop nor yet in the first nor second yeare of kyng Henry the v. but was cōdemned in the second yeare of the translation of Henry Chichesly Archbyshop of Canterbury the. 17. day of August which was the yeare of our Lord. 1415. So that if this conspiracie was in the same yeare after the witnesse of Fabiā in which yeare I. Cleydon was burned then doth the testimony of Fabian neither accord with other witnesses nor with him selfe nor yet with truth And thus much concerning the witnes of Rob. Fabian Let vs next proceede to Polidore Uirgill whose partiall and vntrue handling of our history in other places of of his bookes doth offer vnto vs sufficient exception not to admit his credite in this And yet because we will rather examine him then exclude him let vs heare a little what he sayth how he fayleth in how many pointes numbring the same vpon my fiue fingers First ending with the life of king Henry 4. hee sayeth that hee raigned 14. 14. yeares and 6. moneths and 2. dayes Angl. hist. lib. 21. whyche is an vntruth worthy to be punyshed wyth a whole yeares banishment to speake after the maner of Apulenis when as truth is he raigned by the testimony of the story of S. Albones of Fabian of Hall of our old English Chronicle and of Scala mundi but 13. 6. moneths lacking as some say 5. dayes Hal saieth he raigned but 12. yeares The second vntruth of Polydore is this where as hee speaking of this sedition of sir Iohn Oldcastle and his adherents affirmeth the same to be done after the burning of Iohn Hus and of Hierome of Prage whych was sayeth he An. 1415. in which yere sayth he Thomas Arundell died Hys wordes be these In eodem concilio damnata est Ioh. Wicliffi haeresis ac Ioan. Hus Hieronymus Pragensis in ea vrbe combusti sunt Quod vbi reliquis consocijs qui etiam tunc in Anglia erant patefit tanquam furijs agitati primùm
summoned by the Emperour Sigismund and Pope Iohn 23. about the natiuity of our Lord Iesus an 1414. began the same yeare to be assembled about the latter end of the yere Which first beginning as the maner is with a Masâ—e of the holy Ghost as they were singing according to their custoÌ„e the Himne Veni sancte spiritus there was at the same time a certayne Bill set vp in the Church by some well disposed man as it seemed wherein was conteyned these wordes folowing Alijs rebus occupati nunc adesse vobis noÌ„ possumus That is to say We are otherwise occupyed at this tyme we can not intend to come to you Here is also to be remeÌ„bred the worthye saying of the Emperour Sigismund when talke was ministred as touching the reformation of the spiritualtye and some sayde quod oporteat in cipere a minoritis that is that reformation ought first to beginne at the Minorites The Emperour aunswering againe Non a minoritis sed a maioritis that is not with the Minorites sayth he but with the Maiorites Meaning the reformation ought first to begin with the Pope Cardinals Byshops and other superior states of the church and so to discend after to the inferiors This much by the way now to the purpose and order of the Sessions as we promised The which counsell continued as is aforesayd by the space of iiij yeares and had in it 45. Sessions wherein many things were concluded the which altogether were to long to be recited in this place as the deposition of three seueral Popes whiche were before spoken of the hearing of certaine Legates Yet I minde to make some briefe recapitulation of the most principall matters there done in the sessions orderly ensuing 1. In the first Session chiefly was coÌ„cluded first that this Councell was lawfully congregate 2. Item that the going away of the pope should be no let or stay but the Councell might proceed ¶ Wherein note gentle Reader that the authority of the generall Councell is aboue the Pope contrary to their owne doctrine 3. Item this Councell should not be dissolued before the Church were reformed as well in the superiours as inferiours In the 4. Session amongest other thinges this was first concluded That a Synode congregate in the holy Ghost making a generall councel representing the whole Catholicke Church here militant hath power of Christ immediately to the which power euery person of what state or dignity so euer he be yea being the pope himselfe ought to be obedient in all such things as concerne the generall reformation of the Church aswell in the heades as in the subiectes Item the sayd Pope should not translate the Court of Rome and the officers of the same from the Citty of Constance And that all his censures doinges and workinges after the time of his departure whatsoeuer he shoulde enterprise to do to the preiudice of this Councell should be of no effect In the 5. Session the same Articles were repeated and concluded agayne In the 6. Session procuration and citation was sent out agaynst the Pope Item commissioners were appointed out of the foure nations for the hearing of Iohn Hus which shal be hereafter mentioned in his story folowing Item the memory of Iohn Wickliffe was condemned and the sentence geuen in the Councel holden at Rome vpon the condemnation and burning of Wickliffes bookes was there confirmed Item in the same Session Citation was sent out agaynst Ierome of Prage The tenor whereof foloweth after in the story of the sayd Ierome Item in this Session was decreed agaynst libelles of infamy In the 7. Session nothing was handled but that the tenour of the citation agaynst Pope Iohn was recited In the 8. Session the sentence and condemnation of Iohn Wickliffe and his 45. Articles was recited and sentence geueÌ„ against his memory bones to be burned The tenor wherof is rehearsed in the history of Iohn Wickliâ—fes before passed fol. 449. In the 9. Session The matter cause of Pope Iohn was agayn intreated and commissioners appoynted to enquire vpon his cause and iudges for the same In the 10. Session Suspension was geuen out reade agaynst the sayd Pope In the 11. and 12. Sessions Notaries were assigned definitiue sentence geuen agaynst the said Pope where also was decreed that none of them that contended before for the Papacy should be chosen Pope In the 13. Session was decreed Quod nullus praes biter sub pena excommunicationis comunicet populo sub vtraque specie panis vini This is that no Priest vnder payne of excommunication shall communicate vnto the people vnder both kindes of bread and wine In the 14. Session came in that resignation of pope Gregory the 12. which was one of the 3. before mentioned striuing for the Papacy with certayne other Articles concerning the election of the Bishop of Rome and the ratification of their resigning which gaue ouer the Papacy Then ensueth the 15. Session in the which silence was commanded on all partes vnder pain of excommunicatioÌ„ and the great curse that no persoÌ„ or persons high or low of what estate or degree so euer he were Emperour Kyng Cardinall or other should disturbe the sayd Session wyth any maner of noise either by hand foot or voyce This being done the sentence condemnation against Iohn Hus was read and pulished whiche after in the story of Iohn Hus foloweth to be sene more at large In the 16. Session Ambassadors were assigned by the Councell to go into Arragon to Benedictus the 13. to entreat with him for the resignation of his Papacy as the other two had done before Item power was geuen to iudges to cite vnder pain of depriuation all such as priuily departed away from the Councell in the whiche Session also the sentence agaynst Iohn Hus was confirmed and ratified In the 17. Session the Emperour tooke vpon him a iourney to the king of Arragon to entreat with pope Benedictus An excommunication denounced agaynst al such as should go about to empeche the Emperours iourney about that matter c. Item prayâ—rs and processions were determined to be made by the Councell euery Sonday for the same cause with an hundred dayes of pardon geuen to theÌ„ that would be present thereat and that all Prelats should be present at euery of these sayd Masses and processions in theyr Pontificalibus Graunting besides to euery Priest that sayd one Masse for the same a 100. dayes of pardon And to all other that once a day should say one Pater noster and one Aue for the safety of the Emperour xl dayes of pardon In the 18. Session certayne iudges were assigned for the hearing of matters which the Councell had no leasure to heare It was there also decreed that suche letters and Buls as were written in the name of that councell should be receiued with no lesse credite and authority then the
Lords depart in peace whereunto the standers by answered Amen Thus the councell being dissolued Frier Iohn Bishop of Catthan by the consent and commandement of the Pope and the Councell went vp into the Pulpit to make a Sermon taking for his theame Vos autem tristitiam habetis iterum autem videbo vos gaudebit cor vestruÌ„ You are now in sadnes I will see you againe and then your harts shall reioice The which collation being ended an other Cardinall named Anthony was sent vp by the Pope and the Councell with this proclamation first to dismisse the Synode and to geue euery man leaue to depart home Also to declare the Popes indulgence vnto them who by the authoritie of God almighty had granted to them all and euery one preâ—ent at that Councell full absolution once in their life so that euery one within two moneths after the hearing of this indulgence should procure the same in forme of writing Also another indulgence was graunted in like maner of plenary remission at the hour of death and that was vnderstand as well of the houshold as of the maisters themselues But vnder this condition that from the time of notification of the same they should fast by the space of one whole yeare euery Friday for the absolution in their life time And for the absolution at the houre of death to fast the same Friday another yeare except they had some lawfull impediment to the contrary so that after the second yeare they should fast vnto their liues end or else to do some other good worke The which beeing in this maner proclaimed the Synode brake vp and euery man departed home The number of the foriners resorting to this Counsell both spirituall and temporall was 60500. whereof the number of Archbishops and Bishops was 346. Abbots and Doctours 564. Secular men Princes Dukes Earles Knightes Esquiers 16000. Besides common women belonging to the same Councell 450. Barbers 600. Minstrels Cookes and Iesters 320. So that the whole multitude which were vewed to be in the Towne of Constance betweene Easter and Whitsontide were numbred to be 60500. strangers and forreners at that Councell Here is to be noted that in this Councell of Constance nothing was decreed or enacted worthy of memorie but this only that the Popes authoritie is vnder the Councell and that the Councell ought to iudge the Pope And as touching the Communion in both kindes although the Councell did not denie but that it was vsed by Christ and his Apostles yet notwithstanding by the same Councell it was decreed to the contrary Hetherto wee haue comprehended the order and discourse of this Councell with the actes and Sessions concerning the same which Councell although it was principally thought to be assembled for quieting of the schisme betweene the three Popes yet notwithstanding a great part thereof was for the cause of the Bohemians and especially for Iohn Hus As appeared by their preparation before the Councell For before the Councell began the Emperour Sigismund aforesaid sent certain Gentlemen Bohemians which were of his owne houshold giuing them in charge to bring Iohn Hus Bacheler of Diuinitie vnto the saide Councell and that vnder his safe conduict the meaning and intent thereof was that Iohn Hus should purge and cleare himselfe of the blame which they had laid against him and for the more better assurance the Emperour did not only promise him safe conduict that he might come freely vnto Constance but also to returne againe into Boheme without fraud or interruption he promised also to receiue him vnder his protection and vnder sauegard of the whole Empire For the same onely cause the Emperour sent him afterwards the said safeconduicts double written both in Latine and Almaine the forme whereof doth heereafter ensue ¶ Sigismund by the grace of God King of the Romaines of Hungary and Denmarke Croatia c. To all Princes as well Ecclesiasticall as Seculer Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barrons Captaynes Borovvmaisters Iudges and Gouernours officers of townes burgages and villages and vnto all rulers of the comminalty and generally to all the subiects of our Empire to whome these letters shall come grace and all goodnes Wee charge and commaund you all that you haue respect vnto Iohn Hus the which is departed out of Boheme to come vnto the generall Councell the which shall be celebrate and holden very shortly at the towne of Constance The which Iohn Hus we haue receiued vnder our protection and safegard of the whole Empire desiring you that you will chearefully receyue hym when he shall come towards you and that you intreat and handle hym gently shewing hym fauour and good will and shew hym pleasure in all thyngs as touchyng the forwardnes ease and assurance of hys iourney as well by land as by water Moreouer we will that he and all his company with hys carriage and necessaries shall passe throughout all places passages portes bridges lands gouernances Lordships liberties cities townes bourgages castels and villages and all other your dominions wythout payeng of anye manner of imposition or dane money peage tribute or anye other manner of tolle whatsoeuer it be we will also that you suffer hym to passe rest tarie and to soiourne at libertie without dooing vnto hym anye maner of impeachment or vexation or trouble and that if neede shall so require you do prouide a faythfull company to conduct hym withall for the honour and reuerence which you owe vnto our imperiall maiesty Yeuen at Spire the xviij of October in the yeare of our Lord GOD 1414. ¶ By this it may appeare that this safe conduct was graunted not in the time of the Councell by the Bishops but before the Councell by the Emperour who was or ought to be the principall ordeiner and directer of the Councell vnder God Now whether the Bishops in breaking and adnulling this promise of the Emperour against the Emperours mind because the discussion therof belongeth Ad materiam iuris non facti being a matter rather or lawe then of story I will differ to reason this case with maister Cope to such time as may be more conuenient to the full tractation thereof Notwithstanding briefly to touch and passe let vs consider part of the reasons of the saide Cope how friuolous and false they be and easie to be refelled What saith he if he preached by the way comming vp First that is false vide infra page What saith he if he stood obstinate in his heresie What if he sought to escape away after hys comming vp To this the Lords of Boheme doo aunswere that his safeconduct was broken and he imprisoned not onely before he attempted to escape or before hee was condemned for an hereticke but also before he was heard of the Councell what he was Vide infr page Further where Cope sayth that the generall Councell was aboue the Emperour and hath power in case of heresie to breake publique leagues
which were spoken of a litle before who euery mā for himselfe affirmed with an othe that which he had said Amongest whom Iohn Protyway parishe priest of S. Clemēts in Prage whē he should come to confirme his testimony added more that Iohn Hus should say that S. Gregory was but a rimer whē he did alleadge his athoritie against him Unto whō Iohn Hus answered that in this point they did him great iniury for somuch as he alwaies esteemed and reputed S. Gregory for a most holy doctor of the Church These contentions and disputations being somewhat appeased the Cardinall of Florence turned himselfe toward Iohn Hus said Maister you know well inough that it is written that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all witnes is firme and stable and heere you see nowe almost 20. witnesses against you men of authority worthy of credite amongst the whych some haue hearde you teach these things themselues the other by report common brute or voice do testify of your doctrine and altogether generally bring firme reasons proofes of theyr witnesse vnto the which wee are forced constrained to geue credite and for my part I see not howe you can maintaine defend your cause against so many notable wel learned men Unto whom Iohn Hus answered in this maner I take God and my conscience to witnes that I neuer taught any thing neither was it euer in my minde or fantasie to teach in such sort or maner as these men here haue not feared to witnesse against me that which they neuer hearde And albeit they were as many more in nūber as they are for all that I do much more esteme yea and wtout comparison regard the witnes of my Lord God before the wytnes and iudgement of al mine aduersaries vpon whom I do in no poynt stay my selfe Then sayde the Cardinall againe vnto him it is not lawfull for vs to iudge according to your conscience for we can not chuse but that wee must nedes stay our selues vpon the firme euident witnes of these men heere For it is not for any displeasure or hatred that these men do witnes thys against you as you doe alleadge for they alleadge and bring foorth suche reasons of their witnesse that there is no man that can perceyue any hatred in them or that we can in any case be in dout thereof And as touching M. Steuen Paletz whereas you say you do suspect him that he hath craftly deceitfully drawen out certaine poyntes or articles out of your books for to betray them afterward It semeth that in this point you do hym great wrong for in myne aduise he hath vsed and shewed a great fidelitie and amitie towarde you in that he hathe alleuiated and moderated many of your articles much more then they are in your owne bookes I vnderstand also that you haue like opinion of diuers other notable men and specially you haue sayd that you do suspect M. Chauncellour of Paris then whome there is no more excellent and Christian man in all the whole world Then was there read a certayne article of accusation in the which it was alledged that Iohn Hus had taught obstinately defended certayne erroneous Articles of Wicliffes in Boheme Whereunto Hus answered that he neuer taught any erroures of Iohn Wickliffes or of anye other mans Wherefore if it be so that Wickliffe haue sowed any errours in England let the English men look to the themselues But to confirme theyr article there was alleaged that Iohn Husse did withstande the condemnation of Wickliffes articles the which was first condemned at Rome afterward also whē the Archb. Swinco with other learned men held a conuocation at Prage for the same matter when as they should haue bene there condemned for this cause that none of them were agreeing to the Catholicke faith or doctrine but were either hereticall erroneous or offensiue he aunswered that he durst not agree thereunto for offending hys conscience and specially for these Articles that Siluester the pope and Cōstantine dyd erre in bestowing those gret gifts rewards vpō the church Also that the pope or Priest being in mortall sinne can not consecrate nor baptise This article said he I haue thus determined as if I should say that he doth vnworthely consecrate or Baptise when as he is in deadly sinne and that he is an vnworthy minister of the Sacramentes of God Here his accusers with their witnesses were earnest and instant that the article of Wickliffe was written by the very same wordes in the treatise which Iohn Husse made agaynst Stephen Paletz Uerely said Iohn Husse I feare not to submit my selfe euen vnder the daunger of death if you shall not find it so as I haue sayd When the book was brought forth they founde it written as Iohn Husse had sayd He added also moreouer that he durst not agree vnto them which had condemned Wickliffes articles for this Article the tenthes were pure almes Here the Cardinal of Florence obiected vnto him this argument as touching the almes it is required that it shold be geuē freely without bond or duety But tenthes are not geuen freely without bond or duety therefore are they no almes Iohn Hus denying the Maior of this Sillogismus brought this reason agaynst him For somuch as rich men are bounden vnder the payne of eternall damnation vnto the fulfilling of the 6. works of mercy which Christ repeteth in the 25. chap. of Mathew and these workes are pure almes Ergo almes is also geuen by bond duety Then an Archbishop of Englād stepping vp sayd if we all be boūd vnto those 6. workes of mercy it doth followe that poore men which haue nothing at al to geue should be damned I answere sayd Husse vnto your antecedent that I spake distinctly of rich men and of those which had where withall to doe those workes they I say were bound to geue almes vnder payne of damnation He answered moreouer vnto the Minor of the first argument that tenthes were at first geuen freely and afterward made a bond and duetie And when as he woulde haue declared it more at large he could not be suffered He declared also diuers other causes why he coulde not with safe conscience consent vnto the condemnatiō of Wickliffes articles But how soeuer the matter went he did affirme say that he did neuer obstinately confirme any Articles of Wickleffes but only that he did not alow and consent that Wickliffes Articles should be condemned before that sufficient reasons were alleadged out of the holy Scripture for theyr condemnation of the same minde saith Iohn Hus are a great many other Doctors and maysters of the Uniuersitie of Prage For when as Swinco the archbishop commanded all Wickliffes bookes to be gathered together in the whole City of Prage and to be brought vnto him I my self brought also certayn books of Wickliffes which I
to be feared The answere It is not so in my treatise but contrariwise that the subiects are boūd willingly gladly to obey the vertuous and good rulers and also those which are wicked and euill But notwithstāding if the pope do abuse his power it is not thē to be feared as by bondage And so the Lordes the Cardinals as I suppose did not feare the power of Gregory the xij before his deposition whē as they resisted him saying that he did abuse his power contrary vnto his owne othe The 8. Article An euill and a wicked Pope is not the successor of Peter but of Iudas The aunswere I wrote thus in my treatise If the pope be humble and meek neglecting and despising the honors and lucre of the world if he be a shepheard taking his name by the feeding of the flock of God of the which feeding the Lord speaketh sayinge feede my sheepe if he feede the sheepe with the worde and with vertuous example and that he become euen lyke hys flocke with his whole hart and minde if he doe diligently and carefully labour and trauell for the Church then is he without doubt the true Uicare of Christ. But if he walke contrary vnto these vertues for so much as there is no society betwene Christ and Belial and Christ himselfe saith he that is not with me is agaynst me how is he then the true vicar of Christ or Peter and not rather the Uicare of Antichrist Christ called Peter himselfe Sathanas when he did cōtrary him but onely in one word and that wyth a good affection euen him whom he had chosen his Uicare and specially appoynted ouer his church Why should not any other then being more contrary vnto Christ be truely called Sathanas and consequently Antichrist or at lest the chiefe and principall minister or vicar of Antichrist There be infinite testimonyes of this matter in S. Augustine S. Ierome Ciprian Chrisostom Bernard Gregory Remigius and Ambrose c. The 9. Article The Pope is the same beast of whome it is spoken in the Apot. power is geuen vnto him to make warre vpon the sayntes The answere I deny this Article to be in my booke The 10. Article It is lawful to preach notwithstāding the Popes inhibition The answere The Article is euidēt forsomuch as the Apostles did preach contrary to the commaundement of the bishops at Ierusalem And S. Hillary did the like contrary to the cōmaūdement of the pope which was an Arrian It is also manifest by the example of Cardinals which contrary vnto the cōmaundement of Pope Gregory the xij sēt throughout all realmes such as should preach agaynst him It is also lawfull to preach vnder appeale contrary vnto the Popes commaundement And finally he may preach which hath the commaundement of God wherunto he ought chiefly to obey The 11. Article If the Popes commaundement be not concordant and agreeable with the doctrine of the Gospell or the Apostles it is not to be obeyed The answer I haue thus written in my booke The faythfull disciple of Christ ought to wey and consider whether the popes commaundement be expressely plainely the cōmaūdement of Christ or any of his Apostles or whether it haue any foundatiō or groūd in their doctrine or no and that being once knowne or vnderstand he ought reuerētly and humbly to obey the same But if he do certaynly know that the popes cōmaūdement is contrary and agaynst the holy Scripture and hurtful vnto the Church then he ought boldely to resist agaynst it that he be not partaker of the crime and offēce by cōsenting thereunto This I haue handled at large in my treatise and haue confirmed it by the authorityes of Saint Austine Hierome Gregory Chrisostome Bernard and Bede and with the holy Scripture and Canons the which for breuities cause I do here passe ouer I will onely reherse the saying of Saint Isydore who writeth thus He which doth rule and doth say or commaund any thing cōtrary and besides the will of God or that which is euidētly commaunded in the Scriptures he is honoured as a false witnesse of God and a Church robber Whereupon we are bounden to obey no Prelate but in such case as he do commaund or take counsell of the Councels and commaundements of Christ. Likewise S. Augustine vpon this saying vpon the chayre of Moyses c. sayth Secondly they teach in the chayre of Moyses the law of God Ergo God teacheth by them but if they will teach you any of theyr owne inuentions do not geue eare vnto them neither doe as they cōmaund you Also in the saying of Christ he that heareth you heareth me all lawfull and honest thinges be comprehended in the which we ought to be obedient according to Christes saying it is not you which doe speake but the spirite of my father whiche speaketh in you Let therfore my aduersaryes and slaunderers learne that there be not onely 12. Counsels in the Gospell in the which subiectes ought to obey Christ and his appoynted ministers but that there are so many Counsels and determinations of God as there be lawfull and honest thinges ioyned with preceptes and commaundementes of God bindinge vs thereunto vnder the payne of deadly sinne for euery such thing doth the Lord commaund vs to fulfill in tyme and place with other circumstaunces at the will and pleasure of their minister The 12. Article It is lawfull for the clergy and laytye by their power and iurisdiction to iudge and determine of all things pertayning vnto saluation and also of the workes of the Prelates The aunswere I haue thus written it in my booke that it is lawfull for the clergy and laity to iudge and determine of the works of their heades and rulers It appeareth by this that the iudgement of the secret counselles of God in the court of conscience is one thyng the iudgement of the authority and power in the church is an other Wherefore subiectes first ought principally to iudge and examine themselues 1. Corinthians 11. chapter Secondly they ought to examine all thinges whiche pertayneth vnto their saluation for a spirituall man iudgeth and examineth all thinges And this is alleadged as touching the first iudgement and not the second as the enemy doth impute it vnto me Whereupon in the same place I doe say that the lay man ought to iudge and examine the workes of his Prelate like as Paule doth iudge the doinges of Peter in blaming him Secondly to auoyd them according to this saying Beware of false Prophets c. Thirdly to rule ouer the ministery For the subiect ought by reason to iudge and examine the works of the Prelats And if they be good to prayse God therefore and reioyce But if they be euill they ought with patience to suffer them and to be sorry for them but not to do the like least they be damned with them according to this
hys booke De sacerdotum Monachorum abhominatione desolationis pag. 84. c. I beseech the reader to note Nam ista scribens fateor ê™ nihil aliud me in illis perurget nisi dilectio Dom. Nostri Iesu crusifixi c. That is For in writing these things I confesse nothinge els to haue moued me hereunto but onely the loue of our Lorde Iesus crucified whose printes and stripes according to the measure of my weakenes and vilenes I couet to beare in my selfe beseeching hym so to geue me grace that I neuer seek to glory in my selfe or in any thing els but onely in his crosse and in the inestimable ignominy of his passion which he suffered for me And therefore I write and speake these thinges which I do not doubt will like all such as vnsaynedly do loue the Lord Christ crucified and contrary will mislike not a little all suche as be of Antichrist Also agayne I confesse before the most merciful Lord Iesus Christ crucified that these thinges which I do now write and those that I haue written before neither I could haue writteÌ„ nor knew how nor durst so haue written vnlesse he by hys inward vnction had so commaunded me Neither yet do I write these thinges as of authority to get me fame and name For as S. Augustine Hierome do say that is onely to be geuen to the scriptures and writinges of the Apostles Euangelistes and Prophetes and to the Canonicall Scriptures which doe abounde in the fulnes of the spirite of Iesus And whatsoeuer is there sayd is full of veritie and wholesome vtilitie c. And here place also would require something to say to Aeneas Siluius to Antoninus and to Laziardus which falsly impute articles to him whiche he neuer mayntayned But because tyme suffereth not I wil proceed to the story of maister Hierom of Prage The Tragicall and lamentable history of the famous learned man and godly Martyr of Christ maister Hierome of Prage burned at Constance for like cause and quarrell as Maister Iohn Hus was 1416. THese thinges hetherto being discoursed touching the lyfe Actes and Constant martyrdom of M. Iohn Hus with part also of his letters adioyned to the same whose death was on the 6. of Iuly an 1416. now remayneth coÌ„sequently to describe the like Tragedy and cruell handeling of his Christian companion and fellow in bandes M. Hierome of Prage Who grieuously sorrowing the slaunderous reproch and diffamation of his couÌ„try of Boheme and also hearing tell of the manifest iniuries done vnto that man of worthy memory M. Iohn Hus freely and of hys own accord came vnto Constance the 4. day of Iprill an 1415. Who there perceiuing that Iohn Hus was denyed to be heard and that watche and wayte was layd for hym on euery side he departed to Iberling a Citty of the Empire vntill the next day the which Citty was a myle of froÌ„ Constance and from thence he wrote hys letters by me vnto Sigismund kyng of Hungry and hys Barons and also vnto the Councell most earnestly requiring that the kyng and the Councell would geue him a safe conduct frely to come and go and that he woulde then come in open audience to aunswere vnto euery man if there were any of the Councell that would lay any cryme vnto hym as by the tenour of his intimation shall more at large appeare When as the sayd king of Hungary was required therunto as is aforesayd being in the house of the Lord Cardinall of Cambray he denyed to geue M. Hierome anye safe conducte excusing himselfe for the euil speede he had with the safe conduct of Iohn Hus before and alleadging also certayne other causes The deputies also of the foure nations of the Councell being moued thereunto by the Lords of the kingdome of Boheme aunswered wee say they will geue hym a safeconduct to come but not to depart Whose aunsweres when they were reported vnto maister Hierome he the next day after wrote certaine intimations according to the tenour here vnder written which he sent vnto Constance to be set vpon the gates of the Citty and vpon the gates of the Churches and Monasteries and of the houses of the Cardinals and other nobles and prelates The tenour wherof here followeth word for word in thys maner Unto the most noble Prince and Lord the Lord Sigismund by the grace of God king of the Romanes alwaies Augustus and of Hungary c. I Hierome of Prage maister of Arte of the generall vniuersities of Paris Colleyn Heldeberg Prage by these my present letters do notifie vnto the king together with the whole reuerend Councell and as much as in me lyeth do all men to vnderstand and know that because of the crafty slaunderers backbiters accusers I am ready freely of myne owne will to come vnto CoÌ„stance there to declare openly before the Councell the puritie and sinceritie of my true fayth and myne innocencie and not secretly in corners before any priuate or particulate person Wherfore if there be any of my slauÌ„derers of what natioÌ„ or estate soeuer they be which will obiect agaynst me anye crime of errour or heresie let them come forth openly before me in the presence of the whole Councell and in theyr owne names obiect agaynst me and I will be ready as I haue written to aunswere openly and publikely before the whole Councell of myne innocencie and to declare the puretie and sinceritie of my true fayth And if so be that I shal be fouÌ„d culpable in errour or heresie then I will not refuse openly to suffer such punishment as shall be meete and worthy for an erroneous person or an hereticke Wherefore I most humbly beseech my Lord the King and the whole sacred CouÌ„cell that I may haue to this end and purpose aforesayd safe and sure accesse And if it happeÌ„ that I offering suche equitie and right as I do before any fault be proued agaynst me be arested imprisoned or haue any violence done vnto me that theÌ„ it may be manifest vnto the whole worlde that this generall Councell doth not proceede according to equitie and iustice if they woulde by any meanes put me backe from this profouÌ„d and straight iustice being come hether freely and of myne owne minde and accorde The whiche thing I suppose to be farre from so sacred and holy Councell of wise men WHen as yet he through such intimations copied out in the Bohemian Latine and Germayne tongue being set vp as is aforesayd could not get any safeconduct theÌ„ the Nobles Lords and Knightes specially of the Bohemian nation present in Constance gaue vnto maister Hiâ—rome their letters patentes coÌ„firmed with their seales for a testimony and witnesse of the premisses With the which letters the sayd M. Hierome returned agayne vnto Boheme but by the treason and conspiracy of his enemies was taken in Hirsaw by the officers of Duke Iohn and in Zultzbach was brought backe agayne to
not onely left such articles and opinioÌ„s wherin he was defamed but also did abstaine from all company that were suspected of such opinions so that he should neither geue ayd helpe councell nor fauor vnto them And moreouer the sayd Iohn was asked by the sayde Archbishop whether he euer had in his house since his abiuration in his keeping any bookes written in Englishe Wherunto he confessed that he would not deny but that he had in his house and in his keeping many english bookes for he was arested by the Mayor of the city of London for such bookes as he had which bookes as he thought were in the Mayors keping Upon the which the Mayor did openly confesse that he had such bookes in his keping which in his iudgement were the worst and the moste peruerse that euer he did read or see and one booke that was well bound in red leather of parâ—chment written in a good english hand and among the other bookes found with the said Iohn Claydon the Mayor gaue vp the sayd booke afore the Archbishop Whereupon the sayde Iohn Claydon being asked of the Archbishop if he knewe that booke dyd openly confesse that he knew it very well because he caused it to be written of his owne costes and charges for he speÌ„t muche money thereupon since his abiuration Then was he asked who wrote it He did aunswere one called Iohn Grime And further being required what the said Iohn Grime was he aunswered he coulde not tell Agayne being demaunded whether he did euer read the same booke he dyd confesse that he could not read but he had heard the fourth part therof red of one Iohn Fullar And being asked whether he thought the contentes of that booke to be Catholicke profitable good and true he aunswered that many thinges which he had hearde in the same booke were both profitable good and healthful to his soule and as he sayde he had great affection to the sayd book for a Sermon preached at Horsaldowne that was written in the sayd booke And being futher asked whether since the tyme of hys sayd abiuration he did commune with one Richard Baker of the City aforesayd he did answere yea for the sayde Richard Baker did come often vnto his house to haue coÌ„munication with him And being asked whether he knew the said Richard to be suspected and defamed of heresy he did aunswere agayne that he knew well that the sayd Richard was suspected defamed of many men and women in the City of LondoÌ„ as one whom they thought to be an hereticke Which confession being made did cause the sayd bookes to be deliuered to maister Robert Gilbert Doctour of diuinity to William Lindewood Doctor of both lawes and other Clerkes to be examined and in the meane time Dauid Beard Alexander Philip and Balthasar Mero were taken for witnesses agaynst him and were committed to be examined to Maister Iohn Escourt generall examiner of Canterbury This done the Archbishop continued hys Session till Monday next in the same place Which Monday being come which was the xx of the sayd moneth the sayd Maister Escourt openly and publickely exhibited the witnesses being openly read before the Archbishop and other Bishops which being read then after that were read diuers tractations founde in the house of the sayde Iohn Claydon out of the which being examined diuers points were gathered and noted for heresies and errors and specially out of the booke aforesaid which booke the said Iohn Claydon confessed by his owne costes to be written and bound which booke was intituled the Lanterne of light In the which and in the other examined were these Articles vnder written conteyned 1. First vpon the text of the Gospell how the enemy dyd sowe the tares there is sayd thus that wicked Antichrist the Pope hath sowed among the lawes of Christ his popish and corrupt decrees which are of no authoritye strength nor valure 2. That the Archbishops and Bishops speaking indifferently are the seates of the beast Antichrist when he sitteth in theÌ„ and raigneth aboue other people in the darck caues of errors and heresyes 3. That the Bishops licence for a man to preach the word of God is the true caracter of the beast i. Antichrist therfore simple and faythfull Priestes may preache when they will agaynst the prohibition of that Antichrist and without licence 4. That the court of Rome is the chiefe head of Antichrist and the Bishops be the body the new sectes that is the monks canons and friers brought in not by Christ but damnably by the pope be the venimous pestiferous tail of Antichrist 5. That no reprobate is a member of the Church but only such as be elected and predestinate to saluation seing the church is no other thing but the congregation of faythfull soules which doe and will keepe their faith constantly as well in deed as in word 6. That Chryst did neuer plante priuate religions in the church but whilest he liued in this world he did root them out By which it appeareth that priuate religioÌ„s be vnprofitable branches in the church and to be rooted out 7. That the materiall churches should not be decked with golde siluer precious stone sumptuously but the folowers of the humility of Iesus Christ ought to worship their Lord God humbly in mean simple houses not in great buildings as the churches be now a dayes 8. That there be ij chiefe causes of the persecution of the christians one is the priestes vnlawfull keeping of teÌ„poral and superfluous goods the other is the vnsatiable begging of the friers with their hye buildings 9. That almes is not geuen vertuously nor lawfully except it be geuen with these 4. conditions first vnlesse it be geuen to the honor of God 2. vnlesse it be geuen of goodes iustly gotten 3. vnlesse it be geueÌ„ to such a person as the geuer therof knoweth to be in charity And 4. vnles it be geueÌ„ to such as haue need and do not dissemble 10. That the often singing in the church is not founded in the scripture and therefore it is not lawfull for priestes to occupy theÌ„selues with singing in the Church but with the study of the law of Christ and preaching his word 11. That Iudas did receiue the body of Christ in breade his bloud in wine In the which it doth playnly appeare that after consecration of breade and wine made the same bread and wine that was before doth truely remayne on the aultar 12. That all ecclesiasticall suffrages do profit all vertuous and godly persons indifferently 13. That the Popes and the Bishops indulgences be vnprofitable neither can they profite them to whom they be geuen by any meanes 14. That the laity is not bound to obey the prelates what so euer they commauÌ„d vnles the prelats do watch to geue God a iust account of the soules of them 15. That Images are not to be
make the Pope subiect vnto the Church for it is conuenient that the lesse perfect be subiect vnto the more perfect There be also many other testimonies reasons wherof we will now somewhat more entreate If authoritie be sought for sayth S. Hierome for I willingly occupie my selfe in his senteÌ„ces as in a most fertile field the world is greater then a Citie What then I pray you Hierome Is the Pope mighty because he is head of the Church of Rome His authoritie is great notwithstanding the vniuersall Church is greater which doth not onely coÌ„preheÌ„d one Citie but also the whole world Hereupon it followeth that if the Churche be the mother of all faithfull then she hath the Bishop of Rome for her sonne Otherwise as S. Augustine saith he can neuer haue God for his father which will not acknowledge the Church for his mother The which thing Anacletus vnderstandyng called the vniuersal Church his mother as the writers of the Canons do know And Calixtus sayth as a sonne he came to doe the will of his father so we do the will of our mother which is the Church Whereby it appeareth that how much the sonne is inferiour to the mother so much the Church is superiour or aboue the Bishop of Rome Also we haue sayd before that the Churche was the spouse of Christ the Pope we know to be a Vicare but no maÌ„ doth so ordaine a Vicar that he maketh his spouse subiect vnto him but that the spouse is alwayes thought to be of more authoritie then the Vicar for somuch as she is one body with her husbaÌ„d but the Vicar is not so Neither will I here passe ouer the wordes of S. Paule vnto the Romaines Let euery soule sayth he be subiect vnto the higher powers Neither doth he herein except the pope For albeit that he be aboue all other meÌ„ yet it seemeth necessary the he should be subiect to the Church Neither let him thinke himselfe hereby exeÌ„pt because it was said vnto Peter by Christ whatsoeuer thou bindest c. In this place as we wil hereafter declare he represeÌ„ted the person of the Church for we finde it spoken afterward vnto theÌ„ Quaecunque ligaueritis super terraÌ„ ligata eruÌ„t in coelis i. Whatsoeuer ye shal binde vpoÌ„ earth shall be also bounde in heaueÌ„ And furthermore if all power be geueÌ„ of Christ as the Apostle writeth vnto the CorinthiaÌ„s it is geuen for the edifiyng of the Church not for the destruction therof why then may not the Church correct the Pope if he abuse the keyes and bring all thinges vnto ruine Adde hereunto also an other argument A man in this life is lesser then the aungels for we read in Mathew of Iohn Baptist that he whiche is least in the kingdome of heauen is greater then he Notwithstanding Christ sayth in an other place that amongest the children of women there was not a greater then Iohn Baptist. But to proceede meÌ„ are forced by the exaÌ„pâ—e of Zacharias to geue credite vnto auÌ„gels least through their misbelief they be striken blind as he was What more The Bishop of Rome is a maÌ„ Ergo he is lesse then the aungels and is bound to geue credite to the aungels But the aungels learne of the Church and do reuereÌ„tly accorde vnto her doctrine as the Apostle writeth vnto the EphesiaÌ„s Ergo the pope is bouÌ„d to do the same who is lesse then the aungels and lesse then the Churche whose authoritye is suche that worthely it is compared by S. Augustine vnto the Sunne that lyke as the Sunne by his light doth surmount all other lightes so the church is aboue all other authority and power Wherupon S. Augustine writeth thus I would not beleue the Gospel saith he if the authority of the church did not more me thereunto the which is not in any place souÌ„d to be spoken of the bishop of Rome who representing the Church and being minister thereof is not to be thought greater or equall to hys Lorde and maister Notwythstanding the wordes of our Sauiour Christ do specially proue the Byshop of Rome to be subiect to the church as we will hereafter declare For he sending Peter to preach vnto the church sayd go and say vnto the Church To the confirmation of whole authoritye these wordes do also pertaine hee that heareth you heareth me The which wordes are not onely spoken vnto the Apostles but also vnto their succesaurs and vnto the whole Church Wherupon it foloweth that if the Pope do not harken geue eare vnto the Church he doeth not geue eare vnto Christ consequently he is to be counted as an Ethnicke Publicane For as S. Augustine affirmeth when as the Church doth excommunicate he which is so excommunicate is bounde in heauen and when the Church looseth he is loosed Likewise if he be an heretike which taketh away the supremacie of the Churche of Rome as the Decrees of the councel of Coustance doth determine how much more is he to be counted an hereticke which taketh away the authoritye from the uniuersall Church wherein the Church of Rome and all other are conteined Wherefore it is now euident that it is the opinion of al men before our daies if it may be called an opinion which is confirmed by graue authors the the Pope is subiecte vnto the vniuersall church But this is called into question whether he ought also to be iudged of the general Councel For there are some which whether it be for desire of vaine glory or that thorough their flattery they looke for some great reward haue begon to teach new and strange doctrines and to exempt the byshop of Rome from the iurisdiction of the generall Councel AmbitioÌ„ hath blinded them wherof not only this present Schisme but also all other Schismes euen vnto thys day haue had their originall For as in times past the gredy desire ambition of the papacy brought in that pesriferous beast which through Arrius then first crept into the church euen so they do specially norish and mainteine this present heresie whych are not ashamed to begge Of the which number some cry out say the workes of the subiects ought to be iudged by the Pope but the Pope to be reserued only vnto the iudgemeÌ„t of God Others said that no man ought to iudge the high and principall Seate and that it can not be iudged either by the Emperour either by the Clergy either by any king or people Other affirme that the Lord hath reserued vnto himselfe the depositions of the chiefe Bishop Others are not ashamed to affirme that the Byshop of Rome although hee cary soules in neuer so great number vnto hell yet hee is not subiect vnto any correction or rebuke And because these their words are easily resolued they runne straight waies vnto the Gospell and interprete the wordes of Christ not according to the sense and meaning of the holy Ghost
vnto the Councelles whereby we do say that the generall Councell doth represent the vniuersall Church Wherefore the lawes and decrees of the Councell are called the lawes of the Churche for that the Church doth not set foorth any lawes in any other place then in the general councell except we will call the Popes cōstitutions the lawes of the church which can not be properly said but of the Councel whereas albeit all those which are of the church do not assemble and come together yet the most part of them are accustomed to be there present and in those whiche come the whole power of the Church doth consist Wherupon we read in the Acts of the Apostles It pleased the Apostles and Elders with all the Church For albeit that al the faithfull were not there present because a great nūber of them remained at Antioche yet notwithstanding it was called the whole Church because the whole power of the Church consisted in the coūcell Thus for this present it is sufficient that we vnderstand by the Church the generall Councell And nowe to returne vnto our purpose lette vs heare what our Sauiour sayeth vnto Peter If thy brother doe offend against thee vnto this text folowing tell it vnto the church and let vs vnderstand the Councel by the Church Who is greater in thys place hee whych is sent vnto the Councel or the Councel whereunto Peter was sent The uevity doth remit the Byshop of Rome vnto the generall Coūcell And why so verely because the bishops of Rome should not disdaine to acknowledge some power in earth to be aboue them the which they should consult withall in matters of importaunce and agree vnto the determinations thereof Whereupon Peter is also called by an other name Symon the which as Rabanus in hys Homilies wryteth is interpreted in the Hebrew tounge obedience that all men might vnderstande obedience to be necessary euen in the Bishop of Rome The authority of the Councel of Constance might suffice vs in this poynte but we thinke it good to stay a little vpon thys matter to leaue no place open for our aduersaries which whilest they goe about to maintaine the vnsatiable wilfulnes of oue man preferring a priuate wealth before a commō commodity is it incredible how great errors they doe stirre vp Against the which besides many other Zacharias bishop of Chalcedon a man both famous and eloquent did earnestly strine who in the great and sacred Synode of Chaleedon when as the sentence of the B. of Rome was obiected vnto him that the Canon of Pope Nicholas and other Patriarkes was aboue the Councell he replied against it And Zosimus the Pope sayth thus as touching the decrees of the general Councel the authority of this seat cannot make or alter any thing contrary to the decrees of the fathers Neither doth he heare speake of the decrees of the fathers which are dispersed abroad in cities or wildernesse for they do not binde the Pope but of them which are made and published by the fathers in the generall Councell For the more manifest declaration whereof the words of pope Leo the most eloquent of all the bishops of Rome are here to be annexed who wrote vnto Anatholius that the decrees of the Councel of Nice are in no part to be violate and broken thereby as it were excluding himselfe and the high Patriarke The authoritie also of Damasus vppon thys sentence is more manifest wryting vnto Aurelius the Archbish. as Isidorus declareth in the booke of Councels whose worthy saying as touching the authority of the synode is thys That they which are not cōpelled of necessity but of theyr owne wil either frowardly do any thing either presume to do any thing or willingly consent vnto those which wold do any thing contrary and against the sacred Canons they are worthely thought and iudged to blaspheme the holy ghost Of the which blasphemy whether Gabriel whyche calleth himselfe Eugenius be presently partaker let them iudge which haue heard him say that it is so farre from his office and duety to obey the general Councels that he saith he doeth then best merite and deserue when as he contemneth the decrees of the Coūcel Damasus addeth yet moreouer For this purpose sayeth he the rules of the sacred canons which are consecrated by the spirite of God and the reuerence of the whole world are faithfully to be knowne and vnderstand of vs and diligently looked vpon that by no meanes wythout a necessitye which cannot be eschued which God forbid we do transgresse of the decrees of the holy fathers Notwithstanding we daily see in al the Popes Bulles and letters these woordes Non obstante that is to say notwithstandin which no other necessitie hath brought in then onely vnsatiable desire of gathering of mony But let them take heede to these things whych be the authours thereof But now to returne againe vnto Damasus mention is made in the Epistles of Ambrose bishop of Millaine of a certaine Epistle which is laid to be writtē by Damasus vnto the iudges deputed by the Councel of Capua where he declareth that it is not his office to meddle with any matter which hath ben before the Councell By the which saying he doth manifestly reproue all those which affirme and say the Byshop of Rome to be aboue the Councell The which if it were true Damasus might haue taken into his handes the cause of Bonosius the Byshop to determine which was before begon by the Councell but for somuche as the Councell is aboue the Pope Damasus knewe hymself to be prohibited Wherupon Hilarius also acknowledging the Sinode to be aboue him would haue his decrees confirmed by the Councell Also the famous Doctour S. Augustine in his Epistle whych hee did wryte vnto Glorius Eleusius and Felix the Gramarian declareth the case Cecilianus the Byshoppe was accused by Donatus wyth others Melchiades the pope with certaine other bishops absolued Cecilian and confirmed him in hys bishopricke They being mooued wyth those doinges made a schisme in the partes of Africa S. Augustine reprooueth them which hauing an other remedy against the sentence of the Pope did raise a schisme and doth mucy against them in this maner Behold let vs thinke those Bishops which gaue iudgemēt at Rome not to haue ben good iudges ther remained yet the iudgemēt of the uniuersall church where as the cause might haue ben pleaded euen with the iudges themselues so that if they were conuict not to haue geuen iust iudgement their sentence might be broken Wherby it appeareth that not only the sentence of the Pope alone but also the Pope wyth hys Byshops ioyned with him might be made frustrate by the Councell for the full iudgement of the uniuersall Church is not founde elswhere then in the generall Councell Let not any manne doubt in that S. Augustine seemeth here onely to speake of Byshops for if the text of hys Epistle be
thys Epistle in diuers places of the decrerals as most true and therfore it shal be nothing from the purpose to rehearse other sayings out of the same Epistle where he sayth that he which liueth rebelliously and refuseth both to learne and to doe good is rather a member of the deuill then of Christ and doth shew himselfe rather to be an infidel then a faithful Christian. Vpō which words the glose which Panormitane calleth singular is muche allowed sayeth that if the crime or offence of the bishop of Rome be notorious wherby the Church is offended if he be incorrigible he may be accused therof If then he may be accused Ergo also he may be punished and according to the exigent of the fault deposed Otherwise he should be accused in vaine Now is there no more any place of defence left for our aduersaries but that the Pope may be deposed Notwithstanding it is not yet euident whether hee may be deposed by that councel or no which we now take in hād to discours And first of all the aduersaries will graunt thys vnto vs that the Bishop of Rome may be deposed by the Church for somuch as the Pope being the vicare of the Church no man doubteth but that a Lorde may put out his vicare at his wil pleasure neither is to be douted but that the Pope is more truly called the vicare of the church then of christ But if the church may depose the pope Ergo the coūcel also may do the same Also the glose which Panormitane in his wryting doth so greatly commend hath this sentence that the general coūcel is iudge ouer the pope in al cases Likewise the most sacred Synode of Constantinople whych is allowed of all men doth appoynt the bishops of Rome to be vnder the iudgement of the councel and the councell to iudge and determine of euery doutfull matter or question that doeth arise concerning the bishop of Rome Neither let any mā doubt hereof because this worde deposition is not mentioned for it is sayde of euery doutfull matter or question For if the Synode do iudge of euery doubt Ergo it shall also iudge whether the pope shal be deposed or no for that may also come in doute And because we will not seeke examples farre of Iohn 23. Whom all the world dyd reuerence was deposed of his Papacie by the Councell of Constance Neither yet was he cōdemned for any heresy but because he did offend the Church by his manifolde crimes the sacred Synode thought good to depose him and euer since continually the church hath proceded by like example that their opinion might cease which affirme that the Pope cannot be deposed but onely for heresy But heere is yet one thing not to be omitted that certaine men do affirme the general Councels to be of no effect except the Pope do cal and appoynt them and his authoritie remaine with them Wherupon they said that Dioscorus did rebuke Paschasius the bishop of Cicili and legate of Pope Leo because that hee did enterprise wythout the authoritie of the Apostolicke Sea to call a Councell at Ephesus They also alledge an other testimony of the Sinode of Chalcedone wheras when mention was made of the Councel of Ephesus al the Bishops cried out saying we ought not to call it a Councell because it was neyther gathered by the apostolike authority neither rightly kept By the which authorities they which say that the Councels cannot be holden without the consent of the Pope do thinke themselues marueilously armed Whose sentence opinion if it take place and preuaile as they desire it shall bring with it the great ruine and decay of the Church For what remedy shall we finde if that a wicked Pope doe disturbe the whole Church destroy soules seduce the people by his euil examples if finally he preach contrary vnto the faith and fill the people full of heresies shal we prouide no stay or stoppe for him Shall we suffer all things to runne to ruine and decay with him Who woulde thinke that the bishop of Rome would cōgregate a councell for hys owne correction or deposition for as men are prone vnto sinne so would they also sinne wythout punishment But when as I do peruse ancient hystories and the Acts of the Apostles I do not finde this order that councels should be gathered only at the will of the Pope for the first Councel of all after that Mathias was substitute in the place of Iudas was not congregate at the commandement of Peter but at the commandement of Christ who commanded the Apostles that they should not depart from Ierusalem but looke for the promise of the father The seconde Councell as touching the election of the deacons Peter alone did not congregate but the 12. Apostles for it is wrytten The 12. Apostles calling together the multitude c. The thirde Councell whych was holden as touching the taking away of circumcision other ceremonies of the lawe was gathered together by a generall inspiration for it is written The Apostles and Elders came together c. The fourth Councell whereas certaine thyngs contained in the law are permitted seemeth to be gathered by Iames so discoursing throughout all there can nothing be founde in the primatiue Church whereby it should appeare that the authority of congregating of Councels should pertaine onely vnto Bishoppes of Rome Neither alterwards in the time of Constantinus Magnus and other Emperours was the consent of the bishops of Rome greatly required to the congregating of Councels and therefore it is wrytten thus of the Synode of Chalcedon The sacred and vniuersall Synode gathered together at Chalcedone the chiefe Citie of the prouince of Berthunia according vnto the grace of God the sanctions of the most godly and Christian Emperours Valentinian and Martian doeth not make any mention of the Byshop of Rome although hys consent were there Wherfore if the pope would resist and would haue no Councell congregate yet if the greater part of the Church do iudge it necessary to haue a Councel the Councell may be congregate whether the Pope wil or no. The Councel holden at Pisa was not congregate by the authoritie and consent of any Pope when as Gregorie did condemne it and Benedict cursed it The same also may be sayde of the Coūcel of Constance whych was assembled by the authority of Pope Iohn who in respect of the Spaniardes was no true Pope And if the Councell of Pisa were no true Councell Pope Iohn was no true Pope wherupon his consent to the congregating of the Councel of Constance was of no effect Moreouer it is more then folly to affirme that when the pope hath once geuen his consent if it shuld be called backe that the Councel should then cease for then it is no more in his power to reuoke his cōsent And of necessity he must be obedient vnto the Councel wherof he
Arelatensis published vnto thē the name of the elect bishop After this al the prelats in their robes pōtificalibus and miters and all the clergye of the city cōming vnto the conclaue the electours being likewise adourned they brought thē vnto the great church where as after great thankes geuen vnto God and the electiō agayne declared vnto the people a Hymne being song for ioy the cōgregation was dissolued This Amedeus aforesayd was a man of reuerent age of comely stature of graue and discreet behauiour also before maried Who thus being elect for Pope about Nouember was called Felix the v. and was crowned in the city of Basill in the month of Iuly There were present at his coronation Lewes Duke of Sauoy Philip Earle Gebenēs Lewes Marques of Salutze The Marques of Rotelen Cōrade of Winsperghey Chāberlain of the Empire The Earle of Dierstein The Ambassadours of the Cittyes of Strasbrough Berne Friburge Solatorne with a great multitude of other beside to the vew of 50000. persons At this coronatiou the Popes two sonnes did serue and minister to theyr father Lewes Cardinal of Hostia did set on his head the pontificall Diademe which was estemed at 30. thousand crownes It were long here to recite the whole order and solemnity of the procession or the Popes ryding about the City First proceeded the Pope vnder his Canaby of cloth of gold hauing on his head a triple crown and blessing the people as he went By him wēt the Marques of Rotelen and Conrade of Winsperge leading his horse by the bridle The procession finished they went to dinner which lasted foure full houres being excessiuely sumptuous where the Popes two sonnes were butlers to his cup. The Marques of Salutze was the stuard c. Of this Foelix thus writeth Uolaterane in his 3. booke that he being desired of certayne of the Ambassadours if he had any dogges or houndes to shew them he willed them the next day to repayre to him and he woulde shew vnto them such as he had When the Ambassadours according to the appoyntment were come he sheweth vnto them a great number of poore people and beggers sitting at his tables at meat declaring that those were hys hoūdes which he euery day vsed to feede hunting with them he trusted for the glory of heauen to come And thus you haue heard the state of this Councell hetherto which Councell endured a long season the space of 17. yeares About the 6. yeare of the Coūcell Sigismund the Emperour dyed leauing but one daughter to succeede hym in his kingdomes whom he had maryed to Albert 2. Duke of Austricke which first succeeded in the kingdome of Hūgary and Boheme being a sore aduersary to the Bohemians and afterward was made Emperour an 1438. and raigned Emperour but 2. yeares leauing his wyfe which was Sigismūd his daughter great with childe After which Albert succeeded his brother Frederick the third Duke of Austrich in the Empire c. wherof more Christ willing hereafter In the meane time Eugenius hearing of the death of Sigismund aboue recited began to worke the dissolutiō of the Councel of Basill and to transferre it to Ferraria pretending the comming of the Grecians Notwithstanding the Councel of Basill through the disposition of God and the worthines of Cardinall Arelatensis constantly endured Albeit in the said Councell were many stops and practises to empeach the same beside the sore plague of pestilence which fell in the Citie during the sayd Councell In the which plague time besides the death of many worthy men Aeneas Syluius also himselfe the writer compiler of the whole history of that Councell sitting at the feete of the Bishops of Tournon and of Lubecke lay sicke iij. dayes of the same sore as is aboue touched and neuer thought to escape They that died departed with this exhortation desiring mē to pray to God that he would conuert the harts of them that stooke to Eugenius as Pope against that Councell as partly is afore noted and now repeated againe for the better marking Arelatensis being most instantly exhorted by his frends to flie that danger could by no meanes be intreated to auoide fearing more the daunger of the Church then of his owne life Beside these so great difficulties obstacles to stay and hinder this Councell strange it was to behold the mutation of mens minds Of whom such as first seemed to fauour the Councell after did impugne it and such as before were against it in the end shewed themselues most frends vnto the same The chiefe Cardinals prelates the more they had to loose the sooner they slipt away or els lurked in houses or townes neare and absented thēselues for feare so that the stay of the Councell most rested vpō their Proctours Doctours Archdeacōs Deanes Prouostes Priours and such other of the inferiour sort Wherof Aeneas Syluius in his 183. Epistle maketh this relation where one Caspar Schlicke the Emperours Chauncelour writeth to the Cardinal Iulian in these words Those Cardinals saith he which so long time magnified so highly the authoritie of the Church and of generall Councels seeming as though they were ready to spend their liues for the same now at the sight of one letter from their king wherin yet no death was threatned but onely losse of their promotions slipt away frō Basil. And in the same Epistle deridingly commendeth thē as wise men that had rather lose their faith then their flocke Albeit saith he they departed not farre away but remained about Solotorne waiting for other commandements from their Prince Wherby it may appeare how they did shrinke away not willingly but the Burse quoth he bindeth faster then true honour Quid enim saluis infamia nummis That is to say what matter maketh the name of a man so his money be safe Haec Aeneas Moreouer in one of the Sessions of the said Councell the worthy Cardinall Arelatensis is sayde thus to haue reported that Christ was sold for xxx pence but I saide he was solde much more deare For Gabriell otherwise called Eugenius Pope offered 60. thousand crownes who so would take me present me vnto him And they that tooke the said Cardinall afterward excused their fact by another coulour pretending the cause for that the Cardinals brother what time the Armiakes wasted Alsatia had wrought great dammage to the inhabitants there and therfore they thought said they that they might lawfully lay handes vpon a Frenchman wheresoeuer they might take him At length by the Bishop of Strasbrough Rupert and the said City the matter was taken vp and he rescued Wherein no doubt appeared the hand of God in defending his life from the pestilent danger of the Pope his aduersary Ex Paralip Abbat Vrsper And thus farre hauing proceeded in the matters of this foresayd Councell vntill the election of Amadeus called Pope Foelix v. before we prosecute the rest that remaineth thereof to be
For the liberty of celebrating of councels was institute for the profit and fauor of the church What if it shuld happen that wheÌ„ the time commeth in the place where a councell should be kept there be a great plague or some siege which shuld continue by the space of 3. or 4. moneths and the Pope in the mean time doth not chaunge the place according to the forme of the Chapter frequens that thorow such impediments the prelates did not come the first day vnto the place or if any were comming were taken by the way which if they had not ben taken had ben preseâ—t at the first day in the place appoynted Is it to be said that the power of the couÌ„cel is past or that the impediment ceasing the prelates coÌ„ming thither the councell can not be holden that truely were greatly absurd to much preiudiciall to the church of God but in this our case the cause is probable why that the prelats did defer to come at the beginning of the time appoynted For so much as when the time drew neare Pope Martin died the 20. of February For which cause the prelates might wel dout vpon some impediment of the councell Also they taried loking that some shuld come thether in the name of the Pope because they wold not tary in that place in vaine without a president As for the legate which was appoynted for the councel whose presence al men taried for before he wold prepare him selfe to that iourney he came not at the time apoynted vnto the councell but went vnto Norrenberge to persecute the Bohemians according to the coÌ„mandement of Pope Martin which had enioyned him to go first thither before he weÌ„t to Basil. And the same Legate being ofteÌ„times required at Norenberg that he shuld go to Basil to hold the councell he answered that he wold not go before he had the coÌ„sent of the new bishop This was the cause of the prelates delay neither is it greatly to be imputed vnto the prelates which suspected that Pope Martin woulde not haue holden the councell feared to bring theÌ„selues in trouble and good cause had they so to feare thorowe those things which hapned in the councel of Sene. For there were many things spoken which caused great suspition It was reported vnto me that many had said I came vnto Germany to disturbe the councell Also this was Pope Martins minde and intent that all beit the councel was not begon at the beginning of March notwithstanding the autority of holding the councel should not be void For he when as the time of the councell approched willed me that I shuld first go vnto Boheme before I went vnto the couÌ„cel wherof also mention is made in the Bull of the consistorie dissolution But what nede we any other profe then by your holinesse letters which by your letters dated the 2 Kalendes of Iune and were deliuered vnto me loÌ„g after the time by the space of 3. moneths you do commaund me that my businesse being done in Boheme I shuld take my way vnto Basil to hold the councel there to forsee vnto all things as it was enioyned me ordained in the couÌ„cel of Constance The same also ye repeat in the Bul of the dissolution brought vnto me by the Lord Parentine the wordes wherof are these Vnto you circuÌ„spection Since your going into Germany no Prelates haue assembled in Basill for the celebrating of the councel we gaue you in coÌ„mandement that in the meantime you shuld be diligent about the expedition against the Bohemian heretickes which is committed to your charge afterward you should come vnto Basil the place appoynted for the councell and there to rule in our place in the name of the church What is more euident then this If any thing were doutful by the tenure of these letters it were euidently takeÌ„ away if any man wold say that neither Pope Martine nor Eugenius could confirme the councel by wryting of suche letters because there was a prorogation which is prohibited by the chapter frequens it is answered that there is no prorogation but execution of that which is in power or a declaration that it is not necessary to hold the councel precisely eueÌ„ at the beginning Also it is no prorogation For a prorogation is made before the terme is expired and not after for after it is rather called an new indiction or appoyntment And if any maÌ„ will say that there caÌ„ be no new indiction made then may this be obiected Howe could the councel of Bononia be newly appoynted If they wil answer that the appoyntment of the couÌ„cell of Bononia was of force because the councell of Basill was dissolued by your holines then I haue my intent For if it were dissolued Ergo it was a couÌ„cel before bicause it presupposeth the habit If it were a councell before then as hereafter shal be proued it could not be dissolued without the consent of the councell what can be more answered heereunto for the greater declaration and euidence of this matter the Abbot of Virgilia euen vpon the same day of the time appoynted or afore gathering together the Prelates of the great churche and many other prelates and notable men made a solemne protestation howe the time was come to celebrate and hold the councel that he was come vnto Basil for the same purpose requiring them that they wold confer and in treat together vpon matters touching the councel and hereupon there is a publike instrument or testimoniall Within a month after the ambassadors of the vniuersity of Paris came thither began to intreat of maters touching the couÌ„cel wryting also vnto the Emperour and to the other Princes of Germany that they should send vnto the councel which letters I my self did see neither doth the smal nomber of men let for wher as aucthority is a great nomber is not required according to the saying of Christ wheras 2. or 3. are gathered together in my name I am in the midst of them Vpon the which auctority the couÌ„cels are grounded Now therfore your holines doth manifestly see the said obiection to be but friuolous For to what end shuld any dissolution be made if it had not ben a councel wherfore it is not to be doubted but that it was a lawful councel canonically congregate And peraduenture it is scarslyâ— found where any councel hath ben confirmed by so many authorities as this that is to say by the two councels before passed of Constance and of Sene and confirmed by two Bishops of Rome Besides this I haue heard that some doe report at Rome that I could not call the Prelates vnto the councell because that clause was not added in the Bul of Pope Martine I greatly meruaile why this shuld be obiected specially seeing that not I alone haue called them but I to gether with the rest which are here assembled in the coucel It is a maruelous matter Pope
listed These thinges thus being done and the tumult ceased after three dayes Mahometes the Turke entreth into the Citie and first calling for the heades and auncientes of theÌ„ Citie such as he found to be left aliue he commaunded the to be mangled and â—ut in peeces It is also sayth my author reported that in the feastes of the Turks honest matrones and virgins and such as were of the kinges stocke after other coâ—umeties were he 〈◊〉 and cut in peeces for their disport And this was the end of that princely and famous 〈◊〉 of Constantinople beginning first by Constantinus and ending also with ConstaÌ„tinus which for the princely royalty therof was named and euer honoured from the time of the first Constantine equally with the City of Rome called also by the name thereof new Rome so continued the space of 1120. yeares I pray God that olde Rome may learne of new Rome to take heed and beware by tyme. This terrible destruction of the Citty of Constantinople the Queene of Cittyes I thought here to describe not so much to set forth the barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake hels and mercilesse murtherers as specially for this that we being admonished by the dolefull ruine and misery of these our euen christened may call to minde the plagues miseryes deserued whiche seeme to hang no lesse ouer our owne heades and thereby may learne betime to inuocate and call more earnestly vpon the name of our terrible and mercifull God that he for his sonnes sake will keepe vs preserue his church among vs and mitigate those plagues and sorrowes whiche we no lesse haue deserued then these aboue minded before vs. Christ graunt it Amen Ex hist. Wittenbergica Peucer The history of Reynold Peeocke Byshop of Chichester afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospell of Christ. AFter the death of Henry Chichisley before mentioned pag. 657. next succeeded Iohn Stafford an 1445. who continued 8. yeares After hym came Iohn Kempe ann 1453. who sate but three yeares Then succeeded Thomas Burschere In the time of which Archbishop fell the trouble of Reynold Pecocke Bishop of Chichester afflicted by the Popes Prelates for hys fayth and profession of the Gospell Of this Byshoppe Halle also in his Chronology toucheth a little mention declaring that an ouerthwart iudgement as he termeth it was geuen by the Fathers of the spiritualty agaynst him Thys man sayth he beganne to moue questions not priuatly but openly in the Uniuersityes concerning the Annates Peter pence and other iurisdictions and authorities perteyning to the sea of Rome and not onely put forth the questioÌ„s but declared his mind and opinion in the same wherefore he was for thys cause absured at Paules Crosse. Thus muche of hym wryteth Hall Of whom also recordeth Polychronycon but in few wordes This bishop first of S. Assaphe then of Chichester so long as Duke Humfrey lyued by whome he was promoted and much made of was quiet and safe and also bolde to dispute and to write hys mynde and wrote as Leland recordeth diuers bookes and treatises But after that good Duke was thus as ye haue heard made away this good man lacking his backstay was open to his enemies and matter soone found agaynst hym Wherupon he being complayned of and accused by priuy and malignant promoters vnto the Archbishop letters first were directed downe from the Archbishop to cite al men to appeare that could say any thing agaynst hym The forme of which citation here ensueth The copy of the Citation sent by the Archbyshoppe THomas by the permission of God Archb. of Canterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke Sea to all and singuler Parsons Vicares Chaplaynes Curates not Curates Clerkes and learned men whatsoeuer they be constitute ordeined in any place throughout our prouince of Caunterbury health grace and benediction We haue receiued a greeuous complaint of our reuerend felow brother Reynold Pecocke Byshop of Chichester conteyning in it that albeit our sayd reuerend felow brother the Byshop deliuered vnto vs certayne bookes written by him in the English tongue by vs and our authority to be examined corrected reformed and allowed notwithstanding many the examination and reformation of the sayde bookes depending and remayning before vs vndiscussed haue openly preached and taught at Paules crosse in London and in diuers other places of our prouince of Canterbury that our sayd felow brother the Byshop hath propouÌ„ded made and written or caused to be writen in the sayde bookes certayne conclusions repugnaunt to the true fayth and that he doth obstynately hold and defend the same By the pretence of which preaching and teaching the state good name and fame of the sayd Lord Reynolde the Byshoppe are greeuously offended and hurt and he and his opinion maruellously burdened Wherefore we charge you all together and seuerally apart do commaund you firmely enioyning you that openly and generally you doe warne or cause to bee warned all and singular such persons whiche will obiect any thing contrary and agaynst the conclusions of our sayd reuereÌ„d felow brother the Bishop had or conteined in his bookes or writings that the 20. day after such monition or warning had they do freely of theyr own accord appeare before vs and our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted wheresoeuer we shall then be in our Citty Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to speake propound alledge and affirme fully sufficiently in writinge whatsoeuer hereticall or erroneous matter they wil speak propound or obiect agaynst the sayde conclusions conteyned in his sayde bookes and both to satisfye and receiue whatsoeuer shall seeme meete and right in this behalfe by the holy institutions and ordinaunces And for so muche as this matter depending yet vndetermined and vndiscussed nothing ought to be attempted or renewed we charge you that by this our authority you inhibite and forbid all and euery one so to preach and teach hereafter Vnto whom also we by the the tenour of these presents do likewise forbid that during the examination of the conclusions and bookes aforesayde depending before vs and our Commissaryes vndiscussed they do not presume by any meanes without good aduise and iudgemeÌ„t to preach iudge and affirme any thing to the preiudice or offeÌ„ce of the sayd Lord Reynold the Byshop and if so be you do finde any in this behalfe gayne saying or not obeying this our inhibitioÌ„ that you do cite or cause theÌ„ peremptorily to be cited to appeare before vs or our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted the 10 day after theyr citation if it be a courte day or els the next courte day following wheresoeuer we shall then be in our City Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to make further declaration by form of law of the cause of their disobedieÌ„ce to receiue such punishment as iustice and equity shall determine in that behalfe that by your leters you do duely certify vs or our Commissaries what you haue
Charta Charta de foresta The Pope raiseth warre Anno. 1226. The popes wicked malice against the Christian Earle of Tholouse Marke reader the right nature of pharisies striuing for the chiefe place The Pope geueth the right possessions away from the owners Reimundus wrongfully disherited by the Pope Reimundus the good Earle of Tholouse answereth for him selfe Albingenses falsly suspected for heresie The proud vilanie of the Popes Legate Marke reader the practise here of prelates for thy learning The clergie of Fraunce answering to the legate Inferiors euermore bolde to speake in difficult causes of trueth then the rich The obiectâ—ons of the clergie 〈◊〉 Fraunce against the Popes 〈◊〉 God graunt say we The Cardâ—nall repulsed and defeyted of hiâ— purpose in Fraunce Ex Math. Parisiensi Pag. 63. The Pope rayseth was against the Earle the people of Tholouse â—eâ—timony 〈◊〉 the autor 〈◊〉 the clâ—aâ—nge 〈◊〉 Reimunâ—s and of 〈◊〉 Albinâ—oles â—he vnreaâ—â—nable tyâ—â—nny of the â—ope against 〈◊〉 Tholosâ—ins â—â—commuâ—â—cation aâ—â—sed â—wes the â—â—ench king 〈◊〉 Romanus 〈◊〉 Popes â—â—gate marâ—ing against â—lbingenses â—eimundus â—â—le of Thoâ—â—use excomâ—unicated â—he citie of â—uinion beâ—â—eged Poâ—licie of â—arre Famine and pestilence in the French campe The freÌ„ch souldiours destroied at the siege of Auinion Lewes the freÌ„ch kyng dyeth at the siege of Auinion The false dealing of the popes Legate in betraying the citie of Auinion The popes Legate wickedly periured Periury of the papistes The citie of Auinion taken by treason and periury of the popes Legate The number of the French soldiours in this siege destroyed The incontinent lyfe of these Romish prelateâ— to be noted Anno. 1227. The kyng claymeth to be freed from gouernours and to be his owne man Hubert the iustice made Earle of Kent The kyng vndoeth and dissolueth the liberties which before he graunted Practises of princes to set in money The citizens of London freed froÌ„ tole through all England Anno. 1228. Ex Fabiae part 7 SeditioÌ„ betwene the Romanes and the Pope The Popes Church may be iudged by their dissentions and schismes No peace in the Popes Church Dissention betweene the prior anâ— couent of Durham the kyng Canonicall election The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 sendeâ— Rome â—gains◠〈◊〉 kyng Appelâ—â—â— to Rome â— gaynst 〈◊〉 kyng Ex Math. Paris Another â—â— tention â—â—tweene 〈◊〉 Monkes 〈◊〉 Couentâ— the Câ—nons of Lâ—â—field Ex Matâ— Parisienâ— pag. 68. Stephe◠〈◊〉 Ateâ—o 〈◊〉 The châ—â—tâ—rs of the bible 〈◊〉 stincâ—â—â— by Stephen Langhtoâ— An other conteâ—â—â— distenâ—â—r 〈…〉 Monkes of Canteâ—buâ—â— and K. 〈◊〉 the third Obiection laide agâ—â—â— the new Archb. Appeaâ—◠〈◊〉 to Râ—â— K. Henr. seâ—deth to 〈◊〉 Pope Tithe of amoueable goods in England 〈◊〉 Ireland prâ—mised to the Pope for grauntinâ— the kinâ—â—s sute 〈◊〉 sacra 〈◊〉 â—â—pitie the 〈◊〉 will 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Pope◠〈◊〉 tâ— the election of Walter Archb. of Câ—â—t No but wheÌ„ your darling Tho. Becket came hee waâ— heard without such communicatâ—â—ns The election of Walter Archb. of Cant dissolâ—â—eâ— of the Pâ—pe for the kings mony Richarde chaÌ„celour of Lincolne â—ommended â—o the Pope â—o be Archb. â—f Cant. Richarde â—ade archb â—f Cant. by â—he Pope without election The effect of the Popes letters to the â—uffraganes of Cant. The pope beginneth first with a 〈◊〉 Ex Math. Paris This was a deare archb of Cant. bought with â—he tythes of â—ll England The Pope requireth the tâ—nthes of all the moueables in Englande Wales and Irelande The contentes of the Popes letters to the kyng The false preteÌ„ce of the pope vnder the name of the church wrekyng his owne cankered malice The kynges mouth stopped The Earles and Barons refused payment to the Pope The prelates in feare of the Popes curse Excommunication abused The Popes extortion Vsurers brought into England by the Pope to serue him with money Coâ—ne vpon the ground tythed to the Pope Ranulphus Erle of Chester denyeth to paye the Popes teâ—â—hs Anno. 1229. The Church of Couentry finished The popes freÌ„ch army thinking to destroy Reimunde is deby the way The inconstant loue of Princes toward them that be chiefe about them Anno. 1230. A soden terrour among the people in Paules church by thunder and lightning Ex Paris Pag. 75. Anno. 1231. Richard Archb. of Cant. The complaint of Rich. Archb. of Cant. against Hubert Lâ—rd chiefe iustice The kinges answere to Rich. the Archb. Excommunication abused Richard the archb complaineth to the pope of his â—ing 〈◊〉 of other matter 〈◊〉 Pluraliâ—◠〈◊〉 benefiâ—es complained of by the Archbish. 〈◊〉 Cant. The kingâ—â— tournieâ— coulde 〈◊〉 speede 〈◊〉 the Pope Respect of person 〈◊〉 much with the Pope Richard the Archb. in 〈◊〉 iourney 〈◊〉 Rome 〈◊〉 Raffe 〈◊〉 B. of Chichester eâ—eâ—ted Archb. of Cant. The K. 〈◊〉 the Archb. 〈◊〉 Cant. Ex Math. Paris A rare â—â—ample of â— good 〈◊〉 The praâ—â— of the 〈◊〉 elect SimoÌ„ Lâ—â—â—toÌ„ Arch◠〈◊〉 Yorke a â—licious â—â—biter of â—â—dolphus Archb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 she 〈…〉 the pope â—â—cclection Radulfe â—rchb elect â—â—etâ—d by 〈◊〉 Pope 〈◊〉 Archb. 〈◊〉 Cant. eâ—â—ted 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 â—he popes â—ollerable â—actions â—pon Engâ—â—nd â—x Math. â—aris pa. 79. Hubert lord â—â—hief Iustice 〈◊〉 worker aâ—ainst the â—ope â—he copy of â—he letter written vnâ—er the kings â—uthoritie â—o restraine â—he benefices of the Roâ—â—ns withâ—n the realm Anno. 1232. A Romayne priest Chanon of Paules taken and robbed by souldiours The barnes of a Romane parson broke vp and the corne distributed to the poore The Romanes and Italian parsons in England robbed of their rents and corne A general spoile of the Romayne parsons in England The popes cholar stirred vp against England A furnish vicare of milde Christ. InquisitioÌ„ made for the spoyling of the popes corne Hubert de Burgo Robert Twing spoyled of his benefice by the Romaines The Byshops go about to bring Hubert out of the kings fauor Obiections laid against Hubert by the kyng Note that with Wint. the kyngs charter is no loÌ„ger in force then whilest he liueth Other crimes obiected to Hubert by the king Princâ—◠〈…〉 be truâ—â— The kings displeâ—â—â— against â—â—bert The kingâ— messag◠〈◊〉 the Marâ— of London Old 〈◊〉 borne â—n minde Some wiâ—â— then 〈◊〉 Good 〈◊〉 of â—â—â—creet Câ—â—â—zens Cruel 〈◊〉 saile 〈◊〉 of Peter's of Wint. The 〈◊〉 of displeâ—â— betweene Hubert anâ— the biâ—tâ—s of Wint. Hubert â—â—â—strate vpoâ— the grouâ—◠〈◊〉 himselfe 〈◊〉 God Sage counsaile of an Erle giueÌ„ to the kyng â—he marueâ—â—us worâ—ng of the â—ords helpe 〈◊〉 time of â—eed Iuxta â—â—rsum saith â—he storie 〈◊〉 ales alis â—lium ne loÌ„â—us ales â—x addita â—entis Mat. â—arisiensi â—ag 81. A notable â—xample of Gods iust â—unishment â—triking with â—eath him â—hat seeketh â—he death of â—nother CoÌ„mendation of Radulf B. of Chichester The Archb. of Dubline againe maketh interâ—ession for Hubert Hubert flyeth to the Church for his refuge Hubert violeÌ„tly drawen out of the Church Hubert cast into the tower of LondoÌ„ The kyng blamed for breaking the peace of holy Church The Kyng compelled to send
he should be takeÌ„ for true Byshop whom the Clergy and people of Rome did chuse elect without any tarying for any authoritie of the Emperour of ConstaÌ„tinople or the Deputie of Italy so as the custome and fashion had euer bene before that day an 685. And here the Byshops began first to writhe out their elections and their neckes a litle from the Emperours subiection if it be so as the sayd Platina and Sabellicus after him reporteth But many coniectures there be not vnprobable rather to thinke this constitutioÌ„ of Constantine to be forged and vntrue First for that it is taken out of the Popes Bibliothecarie a suspected place and collected by the keeper and maister of the Popes Librarie a suspected author who whatsoeuer fayned writynges or Apocripha he could finde in the Popes chestes of Recordes makyng any thyng on his maisters side that he compiled together and therof both Platina Sabellicus Gratianus take most part of their reportes therefore may the more be suspected c. Secondly where Platina and Sabellicus say that Constantine moued with the holynes of Pope Benedict the first made that coÌ„stitutioÌ„ how seemeth that to staÌ„d with truth when both the Emperour was so farre of from him being at Constantinople also for that the sayd Pope raigned but x. monethes which was but a small tyme to make his holines knowen to the Emperour so farre of And giue he were so holy yet that holynes might rather be an occasioÌ„ for the Emperour so to confirme and maintaine the olde receaued maner of his institution then to alter it The third coniecture is this for that the sayd constitution was not obserued but shortly after by the sayd Benedict was broken in the election of Pope Conon And yet notwithstanding albeit the constitution were true yet the election there by was not takeÌ„ away from the people and limited to the Clergy onely and much lesse might be taken away froÌ„ the Clergie and be limited onely to the Cardinals without the consent of their Prince and ruler accordyng to their owne Rubrice in their Decrees where the Rubrice sayth De ordinatione Episcopi Nullus inuitis detur Episcopus cleri plebis ordinis consensus desiderium requiratur c. That is Let no Byshop be geuen to any people agaynst their wils but let the consent desire both of the Clergy and of the people and of the order be also required c. And in the same Dist. also cap. SacroruÌ„ we read the same libertie interest to be graunted by Carolus Magnus and Ludouicus his sonne not to a few Cardinals onely but to the order as well of the Clergy as of the people to chuse not onely the Bishop of Rome but any other Bishop within their owne Diocesse whatsoeuer and to the Monkes likewise to chuse their owne Abbot settyng aside all respect of persons and giftes onely for the worthynes of life and gift of wisedome so as might be most profitable for doctrine and exaÌ„ple vnto the flocke c. And this continued till the tyme of the foresayd Carolus Magnus and Ludouicus his sonne an 810. of the which two Carolus the father receaued expresly of Pope Adâ—â—â— â—he first full iurisdiction and power to elect ordeine the Bishop of Rome like as pope Leo the ix did also to Ottho â—he first Germain Emperour an 961. The other that is Ludouicus sonne to the foresayd Charles is sayd to renouÌ„ce agayne and surrender from him selfe and his successours vnto pope Paschalis and the Romaines the right and interest of chusing the Romane Bishop and moreouer to giue and graunt to the sayd Paschalis the full possession of the Citie of Rome the whole territorie to the same belongyng An. 821. as appeareth by the decree Ego Ludouicus Dist. 63. But admit that fayned decree to be vnfaynedly true as it may wel be suspected for many causes as proceedyng out of the same fouÌ„taine with the coÌ„stitution of Constantine afore mentioned that is from the maister of the Popes Library of whoÌ„ both Gratianus Volateran by their owne confession take their grounde yet the same decree doth not so geue away the freedome of that election that he limiteth it onely to the Cardinals but also requireth the whole coÌ„sent of the Romaines neither doth he simplely absolutely geue the same but with coÌ„ditioÌ„ so that Omnes Romani vno consilio vna concordia sine aliqua promissione ad pontificatus ordinem eligerent that is whoÌ„ as all the Romaines with one counsaile with one accord without any promise of their voyces grauÌ„ted before shall chuse to be Byshop of Rome And moreouer in the same Decree is required that at the consecration of the same Bishop messengers should be directed incoÌ„tinent to the FreÌ„ch kyng concernyng the same Furthermore neither yet did the same decree albeit it were true long continue For although Pope Stephen the fourth and pope Paschalis the first in Ludouicus time were impapaced thorough discord without election of the Emperour yet they were fayne by message to send their purgation to him of their election And after that in the tyme of Eugenius the ij which succceded next to Paschalis Lotharius sonne of Ludouicus and Emperour with his father came to Rome and there appointed lawes magistrates ouer the Citie Whereby may appeare the donation of Ludouike in geuyng away the Citie of Rome to the Pope to be fayned And after Eugenius pope Gregory the iiij who followyng within a yeare after Eugenius durst not take his election without the consent and confirmation of the sayd Emperour Ludouicus And so in like maner his successours pope Sergius the ij Pope Leo the iiij pope Nicolas the first and so orderly in a long tract of tyme from the foresayd Nicolas the first to Pope Nicolas the ij an 1061. which Nicolas in his Decree beginnyng In nomine Domini Dist. 23. ordained also the same so that in the election of the Bisâ—ops of Rome commonly the consent of the Emperour and the people with the Clergy of Rome was not lackyng After which Nicolas came Alexander the 2. and wicked HildebraÌ„d which Alexander being first elected without the Emperors will and consent afterward repenting the same openly in his preaching to the people declared that he would no longer sit in the Apostolique sea vnlesse he were by the emperor confirmed Wherfore he was greatly rebuked and cast into prison by Hildebrand and so deposed Then Hildebrand and his folowers so ordred the matter of this election that first the Emperor then the lay people after that the Clergie also began to be excluded And so the election by litle little was reduced into the handes of a few Cardinals coÌ„trary to all ancieÌ„t order where euer since it hath remained And like as in elections so also in power iudiciarie in deciding and determinyng of causes of fayth and of Ecclesiasticall discipline the state of the
partly also by a common couÌ„cell and consent of the spiritual and seculer persons Then shall iustice florish so that in those dayes men shall honestly apply themselues to the ancient customes and dicipline of auncient men and shall obserue them as the auncient men did The glose agreeth c. These things thus premised now will we come to the prophecâ—e or the foresaid Hildegard concerning the foresaid begging Friers aboue metioned reciting her words not only as they are printed in a book printed of late in Germany but also as my selfe haue seene and read agreeing to the same booke word for worde and yet haue the same to shew written in old partchment leaues in such sort as the thing it selfe most euidently declareth a great iniquitie of tyme. The wordes of her prophecie be these In those dayes shal rise a senceles people proud greedy without fayth subtile the which shall eare the sinnes or the people holding a certayne order of foolish deuotion vnder the tayned cloke of beggery preferring themselues aboue all other by their fayned deuotion arrogant in vnderstanding and pretending holines walking without shamefastnes or the feare of God in inuenting many new mischiefes strong and stout But this order shall be accursed of all wyse men and faythfull Christians they shall cease from all labour and geue themselues ouer vnto idlenes chusing rather to liue through flattery and begging Moreouer they shall together study how they may perâ—erâ—y resist the teachers of the truth stay them together to the noble men How to seduce and deceiue the noâ—ilitie for the necessitie of their liuing and plesures of this world for the deuill will graft in them foure principall vices that is to say flattery enuy hipocrisie and â—launder Flattery that they may haue large giftes geuen them Enuy when they see giftes geuen vnto other and not vnto them Hypocrisie that by false dissimulation they may please men Detraction that they may extoll and commend themselues and bacbite others for the prayse of men and seducing of the simple Also they shall instantly preache but without deuotion or example of the Martyrs and shall â—etracte the secular Princes taking awaye the Sacramentes of the Church from the true pastors receauing almes of the poore diseased and miserable and also associating themselues with the common people hauing familiaritie with women instructing them how they shall deceiue their husbandes and friendes by their flattery and deceitfull wordes and to robb their husbandes to geue it vnto them for they will take all these stolne and euill gotten goodes and say geue it vnto vs and we will pray for you so that they being curious to hide other mens faults do vtterly forget their owne And alas they will receaue all thinges of rouers pickers spoylers theeues and robbers of sacrilegious persons vsurers adulterers heretickes schismatickes apostataes whores and baudes of noble men periurers marchantes false iudges souldiors tyrauntes Princes of such as liue contrary to the lawe of many peruerse and wicked men following the perswasion of the deuill the sweetenes of sinne a delicate transitory life and fulnes euen vnto eternall damnation All these thinges shall manifestly appeare in them vnto all people and they day by day shall waxe more wicked hard harted and wheÌ„ as their wickednes deceits shal be found out then shall their giftes cease then shal they goe about their houses hungry as mad dogges looking down vpoÌ„ the earth drawing in their neckes as doues that they might be satisfied with bread then shall the people cry out vpon them Wo be vnto you ye miserable children of sorrowe the world hath seduced you and the deuill hath bridled your mouthes your fleshe is frayle and your hartes without fauour your mindes haue bene vnstedfast and your eyes delited in much vanitie folly your dainty bellies desire dellicate meates your feet are swift to runne vnto mischiefe Remember when you were apparantly blessed yet enuious poore in sight but rich simple to see to but mighty flatterers vnfaythfull betrayers peruerse detracters holy hipocrites subuerters of the truth ouermuch vpright proud vnshamefast vnstedfast teachers delicate martyrs confessors for gayne meeke but slaunderers religious but couetous humble but proud pitifull but hard harted lyers pleasaunt flatterers peacemakers persecuters oppressors of the poore bringing in new sectes newly inuented of your selues mercifull thought but found wicked louers of the world sellers of pardons spoylers of benefices vnprofitable orators seditious conspirators dronkardes desirers of honours maintainers of mischiefe robbers of the worlde vnsatiable preachers men pleasers seducers of women and sowers of discord of whom Moyses the glorious prophet spake very wel in his song A people without counsell or vnderstanding would to God they did know and vnderstand and foresee the end You haue builded vp on high and wheÌ„ you could ascend no higher then did you fall euen as Simon Magus whome God ouerthrew and did strike with a cruell plague so you likewise through your false doctrin naughtines lyes detractions wickednes are come to ruine And the people shall say vnto them goe ye teachers of wickednes subuerters of truth brethreÌ„ of the Sunamite fathers of heresies false Apostles which haue fayned your selues to follow the lyfe of the Apostles and yet haue not fulfilled it in part ye sonnes of iniquity we will not folow the knowledge of your wayes for pride and presumption hath deceiued you and insatiable concupiscence hath subuerted your erroneous hartes And when as you would ascend higher then was meete or comely for you by the iust iudgement of God you are fallen backe into perpetuall opprobry and shame This Hildegardis whose prophecie we haue mentioned lyued about the yeare of our Lord. 1146. as was read in Chronico Martini About the same tyme that these Franciscans and Dominicke Friars began which are aboue mentioned spraÌ„g vp also the crossebearers or crouched Friers taking their originall occasion or Innocent the third which Innocent raysed vp an army signed with a Crosse on their 〈◊〉 to fight agaynst the Albingenses whom the pope and his sect accompted for heretickes about the partes of Tholouse What these Albingenses were it cannot be well gathered by the olde popish historyes For if there were any that did hold teach or mayntayne agaynst the Pope or his papal pride or withstand gainsay his beggarly traditioÌ„s â—â—es and religions c. the historicians of that time for the most part in writing them do so repraue and misreporte them suppressing the truth of their articles that they make theÌ„ and paynt them forth to be worse then Turkes and Infidels And that as I suppose caused Mathew Parisiensis and other of that sort to write so of theÌ„ as they did Otherwise it is to be thought and so I finde in some recoâ—eâ—â— that the opinions of the said Albingenses were sound inough holding and professing nothing els but only agaynst the waÌ„ton wealth pride
and tyranny of the Prelates denying the Popes authoritie to haue groâ—â—d of the Scriptures neyther coulde they away with their ceremonies and traditions as Images Pardons Purgatory of the Romish church calling them as some say blasphemous occupyinges c. Of these Albingenses were slayne at times and burned a great multitude by the meanes of the Pope and Symon Ecclesiasticus with other moe It seemeth that these Albingenses were chiefly abhorred of the Pope because they set vp a contrary Pope against him about the coastes of Bugarorum For the which cause the Byshop called Portinensis beyng the popes Legate in those quarters writeth to the Archbishop of Roan and other Byshops in this wise VEnerabilibus patribus Dei gratia Rothomagensi Archiepiscopo eius suffraganeis Episcopis Sal. in Domino Iesu Christo. Dum pro spoÌ„sa veri crucifixi vestrum cogimur auxilium implorare potiùs compellimur lacerari singultibus plorare Ecce quòd vidimus loquimur quod scimus testificamur Ille homo perditus qui extollitur super omne quod colitur aut dicitur Deus iam habet persidiae suae praeambulum haeresiarcam queÌ„ haereteci Albingenses Papam suum nominant habitantem finibus Bugarorum Croaticae Dalmitiae iuxta Hungariorum nationem Ad eam confluunt haeretici Albingenses vt ad eoruÌ„ consulta respondeat Etenim de Carcasona oriundus vices illius Antipapae gerens Bartholomaeus haereticorum Episcopus funestam ei exhibendo reuerentiam sedem locum coÌ„cessit in villa que Porlos appellatur seipsum transtulit in partes Tholosanas Iste Bartholomaeus in literarum suarum vndique discurrenrentium tenore se in primo salutationis alloquio intitulat in huÌ„c modum Bartholomaeus seruus seruorum Mâ—sanctae fidei saluteÌ„ Ipse etiam inter alias enormitates creat Episcopos Ecclesias perfidè ordinare contendit Rogamus igitur attentiùs per aspertionem sanguinis Iesu Christi propensiùs obsecramus authoritate Domini Papae qua fungimur in hac parte districtè praecipientes quatenus veniatis Senonas in oct Apostorum Petri Pauli proximè futuris vbi alij praelati Franciae fauente Domino congregabuntur parati consilium dare in negotio praedicto cum alijs qui ibidem aderunt prouidere super negotio Albingensi Alioqui inobedientiam vestram D. Papae curabimus significari Datum Apud Plauuium 6. Nonas Iulij For somuch as mention is here made of these superstitious sectes of Fryers and such other beggerly religions it might seeme not much impartinent being moued by the occasion hereof as I haue done in Hildegardis before so now to annexe also to the same a certayne other auncient treatise compyled by Geoffray Chawcer by the way of a Dialogue or questions moued in the person of a certayne vplandish and simple ploughman of the country Whiche treatise for the same the author intituled Iacke vpland wherein is to be seene and noted to al the world the blind ignoraunce and variable discord of these irreligious religions how rude and vnskilfull they are in matters and principles of our Christian institution As by the contents of this present Dialogue appeareth the wordes wherof in the same old English wherein first it was set forth in this wise doe proceede Wherein also thou mayst see that it is no new thing that theyr blasphemous doyngs hath by diuers good men in old tyme bene detected as there are many and diuers other olde bookes to shew A treatise of Geoffrey Chawcer Intituled Iacke vpland I Iacke vpland make my mone to very God and to all true in Christ that Antechrist and his Disciples by colour of holines walking and deceauing Christes Church by many false figures where through by Antechrist and hys many vertues bene transposed to vices But the felliest folke that euer Antechrist found bene last brought into the church and in a wonder wise for they bene of diuers sectes of Antechrist sowne of diuers countreys and kindreds And all men knowne well that they be not obedient to Byshops ne liege men to kinges neyther they tyllen ne sowne weden ne repen woode corne ne grasse neither nothing that man should helpe but onely themselues their lyues to sustayne And these men han all maner power of God as they seyn in heuyn in yerth to sell heuyn and hell to whom that them liketh and these wretches were neuer where to bene themselfes And therfore Frere if thine order rules bene grounded on Goddys law tell thou me Iacke vpland that I aske of thee and if thou be or thinkest to be on Christes side keepe thy paciens SAint Paule teacheth that all our deedes should be do in charite and els it is nought worth but displeasing to God and harme to our owne soules And for that Freres challenge to be greatest Clerkes of the Churche and next following Christ in liuing men should for charite axe theÌ„ some questions and praye them to grounde theyr aunsweres in reason and in holy write for els their aunswere woulde nought bee worth be it florished neuer so fayre and as mehinke men might skilfully axe thus of a Frere 1. ¶ Frere how many orders be in erth and which is the perfitest order of what order art thou who made thyne order what is thy rule Is there any perfecter rule then Christ himselfe made If Christes rule be most perfite why rulest thou thee not therafter without more why shall a Frere be more punished if he breke the rule that hys patron made then if he breke the heestes that God hymsefe made 2. Approueth Christ any more religions then one that S. Iames speaketh of If he approueth no more why hast thou left his rule and takest an other why is a Frere apostata that leuyth his order taketh an other sect sith there is but one religion of Christ. 3. Why he ye wedded faster to your habites then a man is to hys wife For a man may leaue hys wife for a yeare or two as many men done and if you leue your abitea quarter of a yeare ye shuld beholden apostatase 4. Makith your habite you men of Religion or no If it do then euer as it wereth your religion wereth and after that that your habite is better your religion is better and when ye haue liggin it beside then lig ye your religion beside you and byn apostatase why bye ye you so precious clothes sith no man seekith such but for vayne glory as S. Gregory sayth What betokeneth your great hood your scaplery your knotted girdle and your wide cope 5. Why vse ye all one colour more then other Christen meÌ„ do what betokeneth that ye bene clothed all in one maner clothing If ye say it betokenith loue and charite certes then ye be oft hipocrites wheÌ„ any of you hateth other and in that that ye woole be sayd holy by your clothing Why may not