to the Just and that a sharp Death remits Sins He examines why Baptism remitting Original Sin does not free Men from the Law of Death and he gives two Reasons for it taken out of S. Austin and of Julian Pomerius He believes Angels assist the Just at their Death and that Devils do then lie in wait for them He commends the Piety of the Faithful who take care to do the last Office to their Parents hereupon he produces some Passages out of S. Austin about the Sacrifices offered for the Dead and the Suffrages of Martyrs In the Second which is of the State of Souls after Death he says Those of perfect Christians are immediately carried into a Paradise where they remain joyfully waiting for the Resurrection of their Bodies And that they enjoy in that Place the Happiness and the Knowledge of God He believes those of them who have some Sins to blot out are detain'd for a while but neither the one not the other do enjoy as perfect a Vision of the Divine Substance as they shall do after the Resurrection tho' they do already see God and reign with Christ That the Wicked immediately after Death are precipitated into Hell where they undergo endless Torments He establisheth * Vid. not u Purgatory which he believes to be a real Fire wherewith Sins remaining at ones Death are expiated in the other World and that the Time of the Soul 's abiding there is proportion'd to the number or the grievousness of Sins committed by them He affirms That the Souls of the Dead may know one another He says The Dead pray for the Living but not for the Damned that they know what is done here below that they pity those they have been acquainted with that they are earnestly desirous of Men's Salvation that sometimes they appear to the Living that the Damned see only some of the Blessed c. The Third Book is of the Judgment and Resurrection These are his Opinions Neither the Time nor the Place of the Final Judgment can be known nor how long it will last Jesus Christ shall appear descending from Heaven with Angels carrying his Cross At the Sight of him the very Elect shall tremble for fear and that Fear shall purify them from their Sins but the ungodly shall be in a strange Confusion All the Saints shall judge the World together with Christ. All Men shall rise in a Moment and shall put on again a true Body and Flesh but uncorruptible without Defect Imperfection or Mutilation in a perfect Age and perfect Beauty The Difference of Sexes shall remain but without Lust without any need of Food or Raiment All Children who had any Life in their Mothers Womb shall rise again Angels shall separate the Good from the Bad the Consciences of both shall be laid open the ungodly shall be cast down head-long into real Fires in which their Bodies shall burn without being consumed there shall be different Torments according to the Difference of Crimes and the Children guilty of Original Sin only shall suffer the easiest Pain of all It is needless to ask where that Fire shall be after the Condemnation the Recompence of the Just shall follow and then the Heaven and the Earth shall be set on Fire there will be a New Heaven and a New Earth where the Saints may dwell tho' they may also ascend up into the Heavens they shall then see God as the Angels do see him now they shall enjoy a Liberty so much the more perfect as they shall no more be obnoxious to Sin they shall all be happy tho' in different Degrees of Happiness they shall be wholly employed in praising God they shall place all their Felicity in the perpetual Contemplation and Love of him These are the Points of Doctrine which Julian gathereth from the Fathers of the Church for properly this Work is nothing else but a Collection of Passages of the Fathers chiefly of S. Augustin S. Gregory and Julian Pomerius The Treatise against the Jews is more of Julian's Composition He proves in the first Book That the Signs of the Messias's coming pointed at in the Old Testament are come to pass That the Time set down by Daniel agrees with the coming of Christ and that after Jerusalem's Destruction the Jews can expect no other Messias In the second he shews by the History of the New Testament That Jesus Christ is the Messias and that the Apostles did convince the Jews of it In the last he distinguisheth the Ages of the World by the Generations and shews we are in the sixth Age The first is from Adam to the Flood the second from the Flood to Abraham the third from Abraham to David the fourth from David until the carrying away into Babylon the fifth from the carrying away into Babylon to Jesus Christ. He compares the Account of the Years of the Hebrew Text and of the Septuagint and preferrs the latter because it was more suitable to his Design finding by this means 5000 Years run out from the Beginning of the World to Christ's Birth He extols the Authority of the Version of the Septuagint and affirms that the Jews have corrupted the Hebrew Text. He adds That altho it were not so yet the distinction of the Generations shews the fifth Age of the World was run out when Christ came into the World The History of the Acts of Wamba in Gallia being no Ecclesiastical Work we will make no Extract of it here contenting our selves in observing that it is found in the first Volume of the Historiographers of France put out by Du Chesne In the Bibliotheca Patrum of Colen in 1618. they have attributed to Julian of Toledo a Book of Antilogies * at Basil in 1530. at Colen in 1533. octavo or seeming Contrarieties of the Scripture which had been already printed without the Author's Name but it was found to be Berthorius's Abbot of Mount Cassin There was also part of a Commentary upon the Prophet Nahum published under Julian's Name But besides that there is nothing said of it in Felix's Catalogue the Style and the manner of the Writing of it shews plainly enough it belongs to another Author tho' bearing Julian's Name in the Manuscript upon which Canisius publish'd it THEODORUS of Canterbury THEODORUS bred a Monk of Tarsus was ordained Bishop by Pope Vitalian and sent in 668. into England to govern the Church of Canterbury He arrived there Two Theodorus of Canterbury Years after his departure staying long in France as he went and was well entertained by King Egbert who had sent to Rome to desire a Bishop to be sent to him He laboured much in the establishing of the Faith and the Church-discipline in England He held several Councils made Bishops founded Monasteries made Peace between Princes kept the People in their Duty and having thus performed all the parts of a good Pastor during the space of 20 years he died in 690. being 88 years old He
admitted which was dedicated to the Novices of the Monastery of St. Sulpicius of the Cistercian Order These two Authors wrote in the end of the Century ZACHARY a Regular Canon as some say of the Order of Premontre in the Monastery of St. Martin at Laon or according to others Bishop of Chrysopolis wrote a Commentary on Ammonius's Evangelical Concord which was printed at Colen A. D. 1535. and in the Nineteenth Tome of the Bibliotheca Patrum We have no certain Account of the Life and Character of this Author or of the time when he flourish'd CHAP. XIII Of the Writers of Ecclesiastical History of the Twelfth Century THE Twelfth Century has produc'd so great a Number of Historians and Historical Works as well Ecclesiastical as Prophane that 't is in a manner impossible to give a particular Account of every one of them nevertheless we have endeavour'd to make a Catalogue of them and at least to represent the Authors and their Works in general In order to do which more conveniently and more methodically we have distributed them under several Articles and Divisions The Writers of General History FLORENTIUS BRAVO an English Monk of Winchester wrote a Chronicle from the Creation Florentius Bravo Monk of Winchest of the World to the Year of our Lord 1118. taken in part from that of Marianus Scotus printed at London A. D. 1595. and at Francfurt in 1601. as also a Genealogical Account of the Kings of England which is likewise annex'd to the London Edition He died A. D. 1119. ECKARD Abbot of Urangen in the Diocess of Wurtzburg flourish'd A. D. 1130. and left a Eckard Abbot of Urangen Chronicle to Posterity Trithemius makes mention of a Work of this Author call'd The Lantern of Monks there are also extant certain Letters and Sermons written by him HUGH a Monk of Fleury compos'd A. D. 1120. a Chronicle from the Creation of the World Hugh Monk of Fleury to the Year 840. which was printed at Munster in 1638. The same Author wrote two Books concerning the Royal Authority and the Sacerdotal Dignity which were dedicated to Henry I. King of England and publish'd by M. Baluzius in the Fourth Tome of his Miscellaneous Works ORDERICUS VITALIS born in England at Attingesham on the River Severn A. D. 1075. Ordericus Vitalis Monk of St. Evrou was sent at the Age of eleven Years to Normandy and plac'd in the Abby of St. Evrou where he assim'd the Habit of a Monk and compleated his Studies He likewise enter'd into Holy Orders and spent his whole Life in that Monastery leaving XIII Books of Ecclesiastical History from the Nativity of Jesus Christ to the Year 1142. which were publish'd by M. du Chesne in the Volume of the Historiographers of Normandy ANSELM Abbot of Gemblours in Brabant continu'd Sigebert's Chronicle from the Year 1112. to Anselm Abbot of Gemblours Otho Bishop of Frisinghen 1137. This Continuation with two others the first of which is extended to the Year 1149. and the second to 1225. was set forth by Albertus Miraeus and printed at Antwerp A. D. 1608. The Birth of OTHO Bishop of Frisinghen is no less illustrious than the Reputation he acquir'd by writing his History For he was the Son of Leopold Marquess of Austria and of Agnes the Daughter of the Emperor Henry IV. That Princess was twice marry'd viz. at first to Frederick Duke of Suevia or Schwaben to whom she brought forth two Sons namely Conrad the Emperor and Frederick Duke of Suevia But by her second Marriage with Leopold she had Leopold Duke of Bavaria Henry Duke of Austria Gertrude Dutchess of Bohemia Bertha Dutchess of Poland Ita Marchioness 〈◊〉 Montferrat Otho and Conrad These two last being design'd by their Father for the Ecclesiastical Functions Otho obtain'd the Government of a College which his Father had founded at Neuâ—…g and where he order'd himself to be bury'd But Otho soon resign'd his Office to Opoldus and being incited with an ardent desire of becoming Master of the Liberal Sciences went to Paris where he compleated his Studies Some Years after he turned Cistercian Monk in the Abbey of Morimond with Fifteen of his Companions In 1138. the Emperor Conrad his Brother conferr'd 〈◊〉 him the Bishoprick of Frisinghen in Bavaria and honour'd him with the Dignities of Chancellor and Secretary of State He accompanied that Prince in his Expedition to the Holy Land A. D. 1147. and at last in 1156. leaving his Bishoprick retir'd to the Abbey of Morimond where he died in the Month of September in the same Year This Prelate compos'd a Chronological History from the Creation of the World to his time divided into Seven Books and annex'd an Eighth concerning the Persecution to be raised by Anti-christ and the Resurrection of the Dead He wrote a very fine Style with respect to the Age in which he liv'd and much more politely than the other Historians of those Times He was well versed in Scholastical Divinity as also in Aristotle's Philosophy and was one of the first who as Radâ—ic has observ'd introduced that Science into Germany Upon which Account 't is not to be admir'd that he has been very favourable to Gillebert de la Porréc in the Dissertation prefix'd before his History It was first published by John Cuspinian and printed at Strasbourg A. D. 1515. afterwards at Basil in 1569. and among the German Historiographers at Francfurâ— in 1585. and 1670. Otho in like manner wrote two Books containing the History of the Actions of Frederick Barbeâ—ossa which are subjoyn'd at the end of his Chronicle Moreover Wolfgangus Lazius says that he saw an History of Austria compos'd by the same Otho but there has been no talk of it since neither has it as yet appear'd any where in Print GODFREY OF VITERBO so call'd from the Name of his Native Country who was a Godfrey of Viterbo Priest Almoner and Secretary of State to the Emperors Conrad III. Frederick I. and Henry VI. wrote an Universal Chronicle dedicated to Pope Urban III. and call'd Pantheon by reason of the great Variety of Occurrences contain'd therein It ends at the Year 1186. and is inserted among the Works of the German Historians collected by Pistorius and printed at Francfurt in 1584. It is reported that this Writer spent Forty Years in travelling that he made a prodigious Collection of all sorts of Observations during his Voyages and that he understood the Hebrew Chaldaick Greek and Latin Tongues Lambecius makes mention of another Work by the same Author which is to be seen in Manuscript in the Emperor's Library bearing this Title The Mirror of Kings or Genealogies of all the Kings and Emperors from the universal Floud to the time of Henry VI. ROBERT OF TORIGNY a Monk afterwards Prior of Bec Abbey and at last Abbot of St. Michael's Robert of Torigny Abbot of Mount St. Michael Mount compos'd a Supplement of Sigebert's Chronicle and a Continuation to the Year 11â—4 as also
as two different Sacraments He speaks of the Eucharist as of a Sacrament wherein the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ is received and which requires great Purity and great Preparation to be worthily received He establishes the matter of this Sacrament but he urges the necessity of mingling Water with the Wine with too much heat He is the firâ—â— that talked largely of Penance and of the Power of the Priesthood to bind and unbind He zealously demonstrates how necessary it is towards Salvation to be within the Church He discourses very advantageously of the Bishop of Rome and looks upon the Bishop of that See to be the Superintendent of the first Church in the World But then he was of Opinion that he ought not to assume any Authority over the rest of the Bishops that were his Brethren or over their Churches That every Bishop was to render to God an account of his own Conduct That the Episcopal Authority is indivisible and that every Bishop has his Portion of it That in case of neoessity all Bishops may assist their Brethren with their Counsels though they are not under their ordinary Jurisdiction That Causes ought to be determined in the respective Provinces where the Accusers and Witnesses are to be found That Councils or Assemblies of Bishops are extremely useful That the Keys were given to the whole Church in general in the Person of St. Peter to denote Unity It may be proved out of his Writings That they used to Offer Sacrifice for the Dead in his time That they were perswaded that the Saints interceded for us and that Sacrifices were Offered in Honour of their Memory That they made use of Holy Water that they had Virgins who made Profession of Virginity and that this condition was mightily honoured amongst the Christians I take no notice of abundance of other points of Discipline and Morality which may be observed in the Abridgment we have made of his Works where the Reader as he peruses them may collect them for himself and indeed they are of great importance to all People The first Edition of St. Cyprian which appear'd a little after the Invention of Printing neither bears the name of the Printer nor of the City where it was Printed It is more Correct and freer from Faults than the following ones The second Edition is that of Spire by Wendelinus in the Year 1471 in Folio It is mighty full of Errors In the Year 1512 Remboldus caused this Author to be Printed at Paris and was the first that divided the Letters into several Books Afterwards Erasmus having review'd and Corrected it Printed it with a Preface and some Annotations in the beginning in 1520 and 1525 for Frobenius It was likewise Printed the very same Year at Colen Afterwards at Paris for Langelier in 1541. At Antwerp in Octavo in the Year 1542. by Crinitus and for Frobenius in 1549. At Lyons for Gryphius in Octavo in 1544 and 1550. At Basil according to Erasmus's Edition in Folio for John Hervagius in 1558. Gravius caused it to be Printed with some Notes at Colen and it was also Printed at Lyons in 1535. 1543 1549 and 1556 in Octavo At Venice in the same Volume in 1547. After these Editions which are none of the most Correct Manutius caused it to be Printed at Rome Corrected by several Manuscripts in 1563 in Folio in a very neat Character and augmented with a fifth Book of Letters Morellus's Edition at Paris in the Year following is larger and more accurately done It was Printed too at Geneva in the Year 1593. with the Notes of Goulartius and Pamelius Pamelius after he had taken pains with Tertullian set himself to Publish a more exact Edition of St. Cyprian's Works He is the first that disposed the Letters according to the Series of Time distributing them as we have done into five Classes but he has not been very exact in distributing those of the same Class in their natural Order He likewise writ St. Cyprian's Life and has made large Observations upon this Author wherein he applys himself more to confirm the Doctrine and Discipline of our Times than to explain the difficulties of his Author Pamelius's St. Cyprian has been Printed twice at Antwerp in 1568 and 1589. And at Paris in 1607 1574 1616 1632 and 1644. These Editions are compared with several ancient Manuscripts and the former Editions In imitation of him Rigaltius after he had Published Tertuillian undertook St. Cyprian and without making the least alteration in the Order observed by Pamelius he only Corrected the Works of this Author upon the different Readings of two Italian Manuscripts which Monsieur de Monchal Archbishop of Tholouse had Copied in the Margin of his St. Cyprian and made some Notes to explain the most difficult places and some Observations to enlighten the Discipline that was in vigour in this Saint's Time Some of these Observations seem to be bold and he endeavours to excuse himself for them in his Preface This Edition was Printed at Paris for Dupuis in 1648. In the Year 1666 Dupuis Reprinted the Works of this Saint as he did those of Tertullian that is to say he added to the Trxt which is conformable to the Edition of Rigaltius the entire Notes and Observations of that Learned Man together with some choice Observations of Pamelius and joyn'd to this Author Minutius Felix Arnobius Firmicus and the Instruction of Commodianus In the Year 1681. Frederic Reinard a Minister in Germany put out St. Cyprian's Letters at Altdorf There is nothing particular in this Edition but the great number of Manuscripts with which it was compared Monsieur Lombert having Translated the Works of St. Cyprian into French and follow'd Pamelius's Method in his Translation has reformed some part of this Method in his Preface and has given us by the assistance of several judicious Men a more accurate order of the Letters and Treatises of St. Cyprian than that of Pamelius He is quoted with great respect by the Bishops of Oxford and Chester in the Oxford Edition of this Father's Works After all two English Bishops not long since put out a new Edition of St. Cyprian which is more correct and exact and larger than all the former The Text is here Printed in a very fine Character Revised upon four new Manuscripts and several different Readings Copied out of other Manuscripts by very able Men. The Margin is all along charged with a very short and clear Summary of all that is contained in the Text. Just under the Text the different reading of the Manuscripts and Editions are set down At the bottom of the Page are placed the Notes some of which are borrowed from Rigaltius and Pamelius and the rest which are new are made by the Bishop of Oxford Most of them are Theological His Tracts precede the Letters in this Edition and are disposed according to the Order wherein they are supposed to have been written The Letters likewise are distributed after a new
1634. in Octavo Thysius afterward revised his Edition and caused it to be Printed at Leyden by le Maire with the Notes of several others 1652. and 1657. in Quarto Lastly Priorius Printed the Books of Arnobius against the Gentiles at the end of St. Cyprian's Works at Paris by Dupuis in 1666. LACTANTIUS LUcius Caelius a Lucius Caelius This is his proper Name There are some Manuscripts where he is called Cecilius 'T is supposed that he was Surnamed Firmianus from his Country and Lanctantius from the sweetness of his Elocution but this is not certain Firmianus Surnamed Lactantius was b Converted in his Youth See the Seventh Book of his Institutions Chapter the last the Third Chapter of his Epitome l. 2. c. 10. where he seems to reckon himself in the Number of those who after they had acknowledged their Errour were converted to the Truth St. Jerome tells us That he was the Disciple of Arnobius Converted in his Youth to the Christian Lactantius Religion He Studied Rhetorick in Africk in the School of Arnobius but far surpassed his Master in Eloquence Whilest he was there he writ a Book Intituled Convivium or The Banquet which acquired him so great a Reputation in the World that he was sent for to Nicomedia to teach Rhetorick there But meeting with sew Scholars there because it was a Grecian City where they had no very great value for the Roman Eloquence he gave himself altogether to the writing of Books St. Jerome informs us That he wrote a Poem in Hexameter Verse wherein he gave a Description of his Voyage and another Piece which he called The Grammarian but imagining that he was obliged to employ his Learning and Time upon a better and higher Subject he entred the Lists in behalf of Religion The First Treatise which he composed after this manner was that about the Work of God He afterwards undertook his Seven Books of Institutions c About the Year of our Lord 320. Lanctantius was at Nicomeida at the time of Dioclesian's Persecution in the Year 302. as he himself tells us Lib. 5. of his Instit. Chap. 2. He tarried there till the Persecution was over afterwards he went to France where he wrote his Book of Institutions for he speaks of the Persecutors in the Beginning of his First Book as if he were then in another Country he therefore wrote it in the time of the Persecution carried on by the Emperour Licinius which began in the Year 320. So that the Name of Arians that is to be found in some Manuscripts of his Books might perhaps have been added since about the Year of our Lord 320 in which he strenuously defends the Christian Religion and likewise Answers all those that had written against it After he had finished them he abridged them and added the Book concerning the Anger of God to the rest He likewise wrote Two Books to Asclepiades and Eight Books of Epistles Four to Probus Two to Severus and Two to Demetrianus but all these Books that were extant in St. Jerome's time are lost at present We have only recovered one Small Treatise concerning Persecution mentioned by St. Jerome which Baluzius has lately Published under the Title of De Mortibus Persecutoruns He Promises several other Works of the same Author as his Disputes against the Philosophers against the Jews and against the Hereticks but there is no reason to believe that Lactantius ever composed these Pieces since St. Jerome doth not mention them at least that they were contained in his Epistles Constantine afterwards took him to be Tutor to his Son Crispus to instruct him in all manner of Learning In the midst of all these Honours he was so very Poor that he often wanted Necessaries being very far from making any pursuits after Pleasure This is all that we know of the History of this great and excellent Person but even this very Circumstance alone as we find it related in Eusebius's Chronicon may pass for an extraordinary and magnificent Commendation of him and ought to inspire us with no mean Idea of his Piety For he must certainly have been a very Vertuous Man that could live poorly in a Court that could neglect the Care even of Necessary things in the midst of Plenty and Abundance and had not the least taste of Pleasures when he resided amongst Persons that were overwhelmed in them We are now to consider the Subject of the Seven Books of Lactantius which besides the general Title of Divine Institutions have each of them a particular Inscription that acquaints us with the Matter whereof it Treats The First is Intituled De falsa Religione of false Religion The Second De Origine Erroris of the Original of Errour The design of Lactantius in these Two Books is to demonstrate the falsity of the Pagan Religion In the first after he has informed his Reader of the Reasons that moved him to undertake such a Work and has made his Addresses to the Emperour Constantine he shows that there is a Providence in the World and that it is God who Rules and Governs it He particularly enlarges upon this Second Proposition and makes it evident by several Arguments by the Authority of the Prophets that have Established it and by the joint-Testimonies of the Poets of the Philosophers of Mercurius Trismegistus of the Sybils and the Oracle of Apollo and there is only one God that Governs the World And lastly towards the latter Part of this Book he demonstrates the Falsity of the Pagan Religion by showing that the Gods to whom they paid their Adoration were Mortal Men and not only so but for the most part wicked and profligate Wretches In the Second Book he goes on to confute the Pagan Religion and directs his Discourse chiefly against the Idols and Representations of their Deities and plainly proves that it is the highest Degree of Madness and Stupidity to pay Adorations to them as Divine Beings After this coming to assign Reasons for the Prodigies and Oracles which the Pagans attributed to their Idols he rises as high as the Creation of the World to furnish himself with a fit occasion of discoursing about the Nature of Daemons to whom he ascribes all those wonderful miraculous Effects Lastly he shews That the principal Cause of the Errours and Malice of Men is owing to the perpetual Temptations and Snares of the Devil as also to the abandoning of Cham and his Posterity The Third Book is Intituled De falsa Sapientia Of false Wisdom because it is chiefly levelled at the Pagan Philosophers the Vanity of whose Philosophy he endeavours to expose and discover From hence he draws this Conclusion That the only Wisdom of Man is to know and worship God The Fourth is concerning true Wisdom and 't is in this Book chiefly that he lays open the Doctrine of the Christians In the beginning of the Book he shows That the Philosophers were not able to find out the true Wisdom because they
'T is entituled in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Latin De ventriloquo which cannot be rendred in English but by a Circumlocution that is to say The Discourse which those Pronounce who have a Devil in their Belly To understand this we must observe that the Ancients believ'd That the Daemon which the Pagans honour'd under the Name of the God Python entred into the Bowels of the Priests and Priestesses and by strange agitations excited in them a kind of Fury which made them say many things which were taken for Predictions For which reason the Women that profess'd to Divine things to come were call'd Pythonisses Such was she to whom Saul address'd himself for consulting Samuel whose History is the Subject of this Dissertation and therefore I have entituled it Concerning the Pythoniss cited by St. Jerom was publish'd in Greek in the Year 1629 and translated into Latin by Allatius together with a Discourse of this Author upon the same Subject The Question there treated of is Whether the Witch mention'd B. I. of Kings Ch. 28. did really bring back the Soul of Samuel into this World to speak unto Saul Eustathius maintains the Negative against Origen who had taught the Affirmative in one of his Homilies And after he has related in a pleasant manner all the Circumstances of the History he refutes the Explication of Origen He lays it down for a Principle that the Devil cannot bring back Souls from the other World He says It is ridiculous to give him this Authority over the Souls of the Just and that there is none but God only who is Lord over them He demands of Origen Whether the Witch made Samuel appear in Body and Soul together or if she only brought back his Soul and then he shews that neither the one nor the other is probable He rallies Origen for attributing to the Holy Spirit the Words which the Witch pronounc'd when she was acted by an Evil Spirit He maintains that Saul did not at all see the Ghost of Samuel but only was astonish'd with the extraordinary Speeches and violent Motions of the Witch and therefore cast himself down upon the Ground to worship He proves That 't is contrary to common sence to say as Origen does That the Gods which the Witch says she saw ascending out of the Earth were the Souls of the Just and the Angels He observes that the Prediction of the Pythoniss was found to be false and tho' it had been true it would not therefore follow that it was from the Holy Spirit since the Devil has often made such like Predictions which Chance and the Circumstances of things that are known to him have sometimes verified He does also make it appear from the Circumstances of this Prediction That it was an Imposture of the Devil and that it cannot be attributed to the Holy Spirit without some kind of Impiety After this he answers the chief Objection of Origen taken from the Scripture which gives the Name of Samuel to that Apparition To which he says That he was astonish'd at an Author who durst explain the whole Scripture Allegorically treat as a Fable the History of Moses concerning the Terrestrial Paradise and give Mystical Sences to all the Histories of the Old Testament that he should endeavour to put off for Truth the Fictions of a Woman acted by an Evil Spirit He shews That when the Scripture gives the Name of Samuel to this Apparition 't is not to be understood as if Samuel himself in Body and Soul were there but only that this Woman made him believe by the Representation which she gave Saul of this Spectre that this was the Prophet Samuel whom he desir'd to consult In short he demonstrates from all the Circumstances of this Story That there was nothing real in this Apparition but that it was only an Apparition represented in the imagination of Saul and this Prophetess by the Devil which possess'd them This is the Sentiment which Eustathius confirms in this Dissertation which is short beautiful and very close for as he says nothing superfluous so he omits no Proof which might be of Advantage to his Opinion There appear in it much Learning and a well-poiz'd Judgment and one may venture to say That there are few Works of this nature in all Antiquity so perfect as this Discourse Yet I think he has treated Origen a little too harshly in a Question that does not at all belong to Religion but is purely Critical To conclude The Opinion of Eustathius is since his time grown the more common Opinion n The Opinion of Eustathius is since his time grown the more common Opinion St Justin in his Dialogue against Tryphon is of the same Opinion with Origen and concludes That all Souls even those of the Just fall under the Power of Daemons But Tertullian is of Eustathius's Opinion in his Book of the Soul Ch. 57. where he says expresly That we must not believe that it was the Soul of Samuel which the Pythoniss brought back from the other World but that 't was only a Cheat of the Devil Since Eustathius's time there are but few Authors of Origen's Opinion excepting Sulpitius Severus St. Austin makes a Problem of this Question in his Letter to Simplicianus but he inclines to Eustathius's side Eucherus Bede St. Anselm Rabanus and St. Thomas follow St. Austin Theodoret and some others have said That God form'd this Apparition of Samuel or that he made an Angel appear under the form of Samuel St. Basil is of Eustathius's Opinion in his Commentary upon Ch. 8. of Isaiah but he seems to approve the contrary Opinion in his Letter to Eustathius the Physician St. Gregory Nazianzen touches both these Opinions in his first Oration against Julian But Gregory Nyssen in a Letter written on this Subject expresly refutes the Opinion of Origen and proves that of Eustathius 'T is no wonder that Methodius and St. Jerom condemn Origen's Opinion but 't is surprizing that Philastrius has tax'd it of Heresy Haeres 28. The Author of the Question ascrib'd to St. Austin Quest. 52. The Author of the Questions concerning the wonderful things in Scripture B. II. Ch. 2. and of the Questions of the Old and New Testament attributed to St. Austin Quest. 26. Isidore B. VIII Ch. 8. of his Origines Zonaras Hist. Tom. 1. Syncellus in his Chronicle and many others approve the Opinion of Eustathius The Modern Commentators are much divided about it And indeed the Opinion of Origen may better be maintain'd when 't is suppos'd That 't was by the Permission of God and not by the Power of the Devil that the Pythoniss brought back the Soul of Samuel and so it seems to be more agreeable to the Letter of Scripture but the other is more rational and explains the Matter in Dispute more naturally and I must confess that 't is more probable than the other tho' I cannot affirm any thing for certain in this Matter We cannot give
but was hindred by the People In the mean time this Saint fearing lest he should be seiz'd as they really intended to do afterwards and seeing the Commotions of the People appeas'd retir'd to the Country into the Sepulchre of his Fathers and lay there conceal'd for the space of Four Months but Valens was oblig'd to recall him We are inform'd by the 47th Letter of St. Basil That at this time St. Athanasius had some Difference with the Governour of Libya whom he Excommunicated but we know nothing of the occasion of this Quarrel At last St. Athanasius after so many Revolutions and Persecutions did happily end the course of this troublesome Life in the Year 373 of Jesus Christ r In the Year 373 of Jesus Christ. Proterius Bishop of Alexandria places the Death of St. Athanasius in this Year in a Letter to St. Leo and St. Jerom says that Peter of Alexandria was chosen the same Year These Authors are more credible than Socrates Ruffinus and St. Cyril who place it in the Year 371. after he had been Bishop of Alexandria more than 48 Years And thus I have given you in a few words the History of this Saint taken out of his own Works and the Authors that wrote either his Life or the History of his time Let us now give an Account of his Writings St. Athanasius was one of those Authors who were forc'd to write and were engag'd to take Pen in hand rather by an Obligation to defend themselves than upon any design to make Books and therefore the greatest Part of his Books are either Apologies to justify himself or Invectives against his Enemies or Treatises of Controversy against the Errors of the Arians They are all written in the form of Letters a way of Writing which is most simple in the Composure and at the same time most natural and most proper for one that is in a place of Retirement There is great probability that his Two Treatises against the Gentiles were the first which he compos'd because he does not there attack the Arians as he does in all the other Books which he made after he had any personal Differences with them The last of these Two Books is entituled at present Concerning the Incarnation and Theodoret cites it under that Name but St. Jerom gives them both the Title of Treatises against the Gentiles and indeed they are both written rather to Convert Pagans than to Instruct Christians The next Work of St. Athanasius after these Two Treatises is his Apologetick s The next Work of St. Athanasius after these two Treatises is his Apologetick This was compos'd immediately after his Retiring Which he did with a Design to speak it in the Presence of Constantius But understanding the Mischiefs he had done to those that favour'd him he thought it not safe to come near him His two Apologies and his Epistle to those that lead a Monastick Life were written after this where he speaks with much Sharpness and Freedom against Constantius particularly in his Letter to those that lead a Monastick Life to the Emperour Constantius which he wrote sometime after he was forc'd away from Alexandria in the Year 356. He wrote also the same Year Two Letters t He wrote also the same Year Two Letters I say that these Two Letters were written a little while after the Enthroning of George though I know Baronius is of Opinion that the 1st was written a long time before when Gregory seized upon the Church of Alexandria and that the 2d was written in 361. but this Opinion is not defensible As to the 1st Baronius was deceiv'd by the Version where he found sometimes the Name of Gregory and sometimes that of George but this Confusion is avoided in the Greek where one may always find the Name of George when mention is made of him that came to intrude into the Church of Alexandria But that which can never be answer'd is That Gregory is mention'd there as one that had been condemn'd long ago and was no more See the Place p. 948. For after all the Churches in the World had anathematiz'd Gregory whom the Arians had formerly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made Bishop yet the same Arians presently sent George thither Here you see how Gregory and George are well distinguisht We may add to this Authority That the Circumstances related in this Letter agree with the Enthronizing of George and not at all with that of Gregory It may be alledg'd for the Opinion of Baronius 1. That 't is said in the Letter Philagrius the Governour of Egypt introduc'd him who is there spoken of and 't is very well known that Philagrius carried Gregory to Alexandria But I cannot see why he might not as well be employ'd to conduct George thither likewise 2. 'T is alledg'd that 't is said in the Letter that he who was sent to Alexandria by the Arians was ordain'd by Eusebius and Eusebius was certainly dead in George's time But 't is easy to answer this Difficulty for 't is not in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Eusebians which is the Name that St. Athanasius commonly gives to his Persecutors St. Athanasius seems to say that he was at Alexandria when this Trouble happen'd but 't is well known that he was out of the City when George came thither since he with-drew before Easter and George did not thrust himself into those Churches till that time To which I answer That Athanasius does not say that he was at Alexandria when George arriv'd there but only when Philagrius publish'd the Edict against him Lastly 't is objected that 't is said towards the end of this Letter that they would have a Council assembled at Rome in the preceeding Year but the Roman Church say they was not then in a Condition to have assembled in the Year 356 because Liberius was then in Exile Aâ—… This Objection is easily destroy'd for Liberius and the other Bishops of Italy had many times desired the assembling of a Council 1. By their Legates sent to Milan in 354. 2. In 355. before Liberius went from Rome And 3. When he was come to Court St. Athanasius therefore might say truly in 356 that those of Rome had desired a Council the Year before The Letter to the Egyptians was written before George arriv'd at Alexandria for there he is mention'd as one ready to be sent thither p. 290. and he is describ'd as one that was not yet known to the Egyptians There Cecrops is mention'd as a Bishop alive but he was swallowed up by an Earthquake which destroy'd Nicodemia in 358. There Liberius and Hosius are mention'd with Commendation who fell away in 357. Baronius objects Two Things to prove that it was not written till 360. 1st Because it is said there that it was now 36 Years since the Arians were declar'd Hereticks 2dly because mention is made in it of a Creed which they would have sign'd but
Eastern Bishops that they might Join with the right Side in those Councils which were shortly to be held at Ariminum and Ancyra But before he comes to speak of those Creeds which are suspected he relates and explains that of the Council of Ancyra which was made in opposition to the Second Creed of Sirmium afterwards he relates the Creeds made by the Eastern Bishops after the Council of Nice at Antioch Sardica and the First Creed at Sirmium He shows That those Creeds are Catholick and endeavours to excuse the Oriental Bishops for making so many by alledging the Multitude and Obstinacy of the Arians that were in the East He says That in those Provinces to which he was Banish'd there was only Eleusius and a small number of Bishops with him that acknowledg'd the Divinity of the Word He Congratulates the Western Bishops for maintaining the Apostolical Faith engrav'd by the Holy Spirit in their Hearts who were ignorant of the Creeds written by the hands of Men. After this he explains in a lively and clear manner his own Doctrine and that of the Western Bishops concerning the Mystery of the Trinity and secures it against the false Explications of the Hereticks He gives the true sence of the word Consubstantial which he justifies against those that directly oppose it or that think fit it should be suppress'd He Exhorts the Eastern Bishops with much Eloquence to use this term and to receive the Confession of Faith made by the Council of Nice He concludes with conjuring his Brethren in much Humility to Pardon the Freedom he had taken to inform them of these things and advise them what they ought to do He Exhorts them to preserve with inviolable Fidelity the Doctrines of Piety and Religion which were written upon their Hearts and Requests them to remember his Banishment in their Prayers The Third Discourse address'd to the Emperor Constantius which should be the First as we have observ'd already is a Petition presented to this Emperor wherein he remonstrates that he was a Catholick Bishop of France banish'd by the Intrigues of his Enemies who had falsly accus'd him to his Majesty He prays the Emperor that he would grant him Audience in the Presence of Saturninus who was the chief Cause of his Sufferings that he might have Opportunity to justify himself from those Accusations that were form'd against him and he makes no scruple to declare that if his Adversary could show that he had done any one thing unworthy either of the Holiness of a Bishop or the Piety of a Christian he would not only quit all Claim to his Favour for continuing to him his Bishoprick but on the contrary he would be willing to spend his Old Age in a State of Penance among the Laity But so far as this Petition concern'd only his own Person he went further and protested that he would never speak more of it unless the Emperour commanded him yet still he desir'd with great Boldness and Earnestness an Audience about the Cause of the Faith which was common to him with all other Catholicks And to this purpose he represents to the Emperor the Confusion of so many Creeds When once they begun says he to make new Confessions of Faith the Faith became the Creed of the Times rather than of the Gospel Facta est Fides temporum potius quam Evangeliorum Every Year new Creeds were made and Men did not keep to that Simplicity of Faith which they profess'd at their Baptism And O what Miseries ensued For presently there were as many Creeds as might please each particular Party and nothing else has been minded since the Council of Nice but this making of Creeds New Creeds have been made every Year and every Month they have been chang'd they have been anathematiz'd and then re-establish'd and so by enquiring too much into the Faith there is none left it has always continued uncertain and there was never any Certainty of the Truth After he has described this Confusion very smartly he remonstrates to the Emperour that the only way to save himself from this Shipwrack was to acquiesce in the Faith of the Gospel whereof he made Profession at his Baptism Then he prays the Emperour that he would give him Audience in the Presence of the Council which was to meet at Constantinople and promises that for explaining and proving the Faith of the Church he would only make use of the Words of Jesus Christ. He confesses that all the Hereticks boast of preaching the Gospel but says he they do not understand it For they alledge Scripture without knowing the meaning of it and make use of Orthodox Terms without having the True Faith He presses the Emperour to grant him this Audience for the good of the whole Church and promises him that being to speak publickly to him of a Question so famous in the Presence of a Council divided upon this Subject he would say nothing but what should tend to the Honour of the Emperour the Preservation of the Faith and the peaceable Union of the East and the West And to assure him of this Promise he gives him this Sign of it by confining himself wholly to the Terms of the Gospel in declaring his Doctrine at present With this Declaration he concludes this Paper which some have thought Imperfect but without any Ground The Second Book of St. Hilary to Constantius is also a kind of Petition wherein he prays him To put an End to the Persecutions and Vexations wherewith the Arians exercis'd the Church To forbid the Secular Judges to meddle in Affairs of Religion To leave his Subjects to their Liberty whether they will be Arians or no To permit them to continue united to the Catholick Bishops and separated from the Arian Bishops and in short To suffer all the banish'd Bishops to return to their Sees After this He compares the Persecution of the Arians against the Catholicks with that of the Pagans against the Christians He shows how Cruel it was and how far distant from the Spirit of the Church and of Jesus Christ. The Bishops say he are put in Prison The People are oblig'd to serve as their Guard The holy Bodies of the Virgins of Jesus Christ are expos'd to the View of all the World to abuse them Men are compell'd I do not say to be Christians but to become Arians The Name and Authority of the Emperour is abus'd He is impos'd upon by Surprize Judges are desir'd of him for approving these Injustices and in short The People are forc'd to consent unto them After this He describes particularly the Violence that was us'd to Paulinus of Triers to Dionysius of Milan to Eusebius of Vercellae and many others This Book is imperfect These Discourses of St. Hilary are written with great Moderation as to what concerns the Emperour whose Conduct he excuses but he has not us'd the same Moderation in the last which is commonly plac'd before the other Two There he speaks with so fervent
Variety of Conceptions and Figures He extendeth his Matters by an infinite Variety of Expressions He is very ingenious in finding out Similitudes between things abundant in Examples and Comparisons His Eloquence is popular and very proper for Preaching His Style is natural easie and grave He equally avoideth Negligence and Affectation He is neither too plain nor too florid He is smooth yet not effeminate He useth all the Figures that are usual to good Orators very properly without employing false strokes of Wit and he never introduces into his Discourses any Notions of Poets or prophane Authors neither does he divert his Auditory with Jests His Composition is Noble his Expressions Elegant his Method Just and his Thoughts Sublime He speaks like a good Father and a good Pastor He often directs his words to the People and expresses them with a Tenderness and Charity becoming an holy Bishop He teacheth the principal Truths of Christianity with wonderful Clearness and diverts with a marvellous Art and an agreeable way of ranging his Notions and persuades by the strength and solidity of his Reasons His Instructions are easie His Descriptions and Relations pleasant His Inducements so meek and insinuating that one is pleased to be so persuaded His Discourses how long soever are not tedious there are still some new things which keep the Reader awake and yet he hath no false Beauties nor useless Figures His only Aim is to convert his Auditors or to instruct them in necessary Truths He neglects all Reflections that have more subtilty than profit He never busies himself to resolve hard Questions nor to give mystical Sences to make a shew of his Wit or Eloquence He searcheth not into Mysteries neither endeavours to comprehend them He is contented to propose after an easie way palpable and sensible Truths which none can be ignorant of without danger of failing of Salvation He particularly applies himself to moral Heads and very seldom handleth speculative Truths He affects not to appear Learned and never boasts of his Erudition and yet whatever the Subject be he speaks with Terms so strong so proper and so well chosen that one may easily perceive he had a profound Knowledge of all sorts of Matters and particularly of true Divinity He proveth the truth of the Christian Religion by the strongest the most probable and sensible In lib. Quod Christus sit Deus In Orat de S. Babylâ contra Gentes In exposit Ps. xliv Hom. contra Judaeos Hom. 4. in illud Vid. Dominum lib. Quod unus Christus sit Deus Reasons He urgeth Miracles Prophecies and other Proofs of the truth of Religion but particularly insists upon the miraculous Establishment of the Church and in this Argument he triumphs He shews that it is impossible that the Doctrine of Jesus Christ could have been received and believed all the world over notwithstanding the opposition of Secular Powers the Contradictions of the Wise men in the World and the endeavours of Devils had it not been supported by the power of God himself For says he there is need of more than humane Ability to produce such wonderful Effects both in the Earth and upon the Sea and to oblige Men already prejudiced by extravagant Opinions and prepossessed with prodigious Malice to such Actions yet Jesus Christ delivered all mankind not only Romans but Persians also and all other barbarous Nations from their Calamities And to bring about these Wonders he made use of no Arms and was at no expence raised no Armies and fought no Battles but by eleven Men who at first were unknown despicable ignorant Ideots poor naked and without Arms He persuaded different Nations and made them embrace an high Philosophy not only relating to the Government of this present Life but also to things to come and Eternity self His power over all minkind was such as that it made them abolish the Laws of their Fathers renounce their ancient Customs and follow new ones He spoiled them even of the love of those things they were most fond of to fasten their Affections upon such things as are most difficult and painful But the Promulgation of the Gospel and the setling of the Church are not the only Proofs of the truth of our Religion the Stedfastness and perpetuity of the Church is also in S. * In Ps. xliv Chrysostom's Opinion an invincible Argument of it For he addeth that it is not only a thing worthy of Admiration that Jesus Christ should settle his Church over all the Earth but also that he should render it invincible against so great numbers of Enemies as assaulted it on every side The Gates of Hell that cannot prevail against it are the Dangers which seem to hurry it to the very Gates of Hell Doe you not perceive the truth of that prediction of Jesus Christ .... Tho' Tyrants took up Arms against it tho' Soldiers conspired her Destruction tho' the People raged furiously tho' a contrary Custom opposed it self tho' Preachers Philosophers Magistrates and rich Men stood up to destroy it The Divine word breaking with greater force than fire it self consumed these Thorns cleansed these Fields and disseminated the Seed of preaching over the whole Earth And though such as believed the Gospel were shut up in Prisons sent into Banishment spoiled of their Goods thrown into the Fire cast into the Sea and exposed to all manner of Torments Reproaches and Persecutions and tho' they were treated every where as publick Enemies yet they multiplyed daily their being persecuted increased their Zeal ..... Those Rivers of Blood caused by the Massacres of the Faithful before their Eyes excited their Piety and the Pains they endured inflamed their Zeal This same Saint observes in another place that Christians are never so disorderly in their Behaviour Orat. contra Gentiles de S. Babyla and so cold in their Devotion as when he that sits on the Throne is of their Religion Which saith he justifies that this Religion is not established by the Powers of the World and is not upheld and preserved by Earthly force S. Chrysostom's way of dealing with Hereticks is not less rational than that which he useth towards Heathens and Jews He expoundeth the Mysteries very plainly and proveth them by Testimonies of Holy Scripture and the Authority of the Church not pretending to penetrate or give the Reasons of them and to answer those Difficulties which have no other Foundation but humane Reasonings He confesses that he does not understand the Reasons of what he believes Orat. 1. de incompreh Homil. 24. in Joannem I know saith he that God is every where and entire in every part of the World but I know not how this can be I doubt not but that God is without beginning but I conceive not how that is for humane Reason cannot comprehend a thing that hath no beginning I know that the Son is begotten of God the Father but I cannot imagine how that was done He believes that
Parish which he had taken from him The Ninth declareth That a Man who married another Woman while his Wife was in captivity ought to return to the former because a Second Marriage cannot be lawfull except the former Wife be dead or separated by Divorce The Tenth is a Letter of Complement to Aurelius and S. Augustin The Eleventh to Aurelius is touching the determining of Easter-Day the following Year The Twelfth directed to the same is upon the choice which they should make of Bishops he will have them to be chosen from the Clergy and not from the Laity The Thirteenth is to Juliana a Lady whose Devotion he commendeth The Fourteenth to Bonifacius and those that follow were written Anno 413 after Alexander Bishop of Antioch had inserted again the Name of S. Chrysostom into the Diptychs Innocent writeth to Bonifacius that he had admitted that Bishop to his Communion upon condition that he should not disturb those that were Ordained by Evagrius and that he should put S. Chrysostom's Name among those Bishops whose Memory was celebrated The Fifteenth is directed to Alexander Bishop of Antioch wherein he congratulates their Reconciliation In the Sixteenth to Maximianus he saith that he had not yet communicated with Atticus of Constantinople because he had not performed the Conditions without which there could be no peace The Seventeenth subscribed by Twenty Italian Bishops is directed to the same Evagrius whom he commendeth for re-uniting the remainders of Paulinus and Evagrius's Party The Eighteenth to the same consists of Three Canons in the first he extolleth the Dignity of the Church of Antioch that he may magnifie that of Rome the more saying That according to the Authority of the Council of Nice which gives the Sense of all the Bishops in the World the Church of Antioch had Jurisdiction over a whole Diocess That this Authority was not granted to it because of the greatness of the City of Antioch but because it had been the first Seat of S. Peter And that it deserved that the most solemn Assembly of the Apostles should be made there So that it had not given place to the Church of Rome but only for this reason That the latter had the End and Consummation of that which the former had but an occasional enjoyment of And by reason of this Dignity he tells the Bishop of Antioch That as he Ordaineth the Metropolitans by an Authority peculiar to him he ought not to suffer that other Bishops should be Ordained without his leave and consent by writing to the Bishops that are afar off and causing them that are near to come to him for Ordination In the second Canon he saith That two Bishops are not to be made Metropolitans when Towns are newly erected into Metropoles at the same time upon the dividing of a Province into Two by the Emperour He speaketh afterwards against the Custom of the Bishops of the Isle of Cyprus who ordained Bishops without consulting with the Bishop of Antioch In the Last he affirms That the Arians returning to the Church are to be admitted with imposition of hands but their Clergy are not permitted to continue in the Ministry of the Church The Nineteenth directed to Acacius of Beraea is upon the Reconciliation with Alexander of Antioch In the Twentieth he writes to Lucianus Bishop of Signi to stop some Meetings of the Photinians in his Diocess The Twenty-first directed to Martinianus a Bishop in Macedonia is written from Ravenna He writeth to that Bishop that he should not refuse his Communion to some Clerks who were Ordained by Bonosus but had abjured his Error He saith that he had already written a Letter to Rufus and other Bishops of Macedonia wherein he gave his judgment That they were to be received to the Communion and left in possession of their Churches This Letter is probably the Two and Twentieth which consequently ought to be set before the foregoing it beareth date from the Year 414 and is directed to Rufus and other Bishops of Macedonia He tells them in the beginning that he was much surprized by a Letter directed to the See of Rome as the chiefest of all Churches because they consulted him about things that had no difficulty and concerning which he had plainly declared his Opinion One of those things is the Ordination of such as had married Widows P. Innocent saith That there is no dispute that they should not be Ordained and affirms that it was the practice of all both Eastern and Western Churches Nay he would have those to be degraded who are found to be in Orders The Second is concerning those who having lost a former Wife being yet unbaptized had married a Second after Baptism Some were of opinion that this kind of Bigamy did not hinder them from being admitted into Sacred Orders P. Innocent alledgeth several Reasons to prove that such a practice is not to be followed The Third Rule is touching the Ordinations by Hereticks P. Innocent scruples not to alledge the same passages and the same expressions used by S. Cyprian to prove the invalidity of their Baptism to show the nullity of their Ordination For he saith That as many as are thus Ordained having their Heads wounded with the Imposition of Heretical Hands had need of Penance for their remedy and that such as need Penance ought not to be Ordained That Hereticks having not true Orders cannot conferr Orders That they cannot make those on whom they lay their Hands partakers of any thing but of the Condemnation that themselves are subject to After this Observation he refutes the false Principle of such as believed that a lawfull Bishop's Ordination remitted all Sins He saith that the custom of his Church was to grant Lay-communion after a single Imposition of Hands to those who having been baptized by Hereticks desired to enter into the Church but that those were obliged to doe Penance who returned to the bosom of the Church after they had quitted it to enter into a Sect of Hereticks He blameth those who not only doe not put them under Penance but also suffer them to continue in their Ministery Afterwards he frames some Objections against this Rule The First is the Law made by Anysius concerning those whom Bonosus Ordained whereby he permitted that they should be received into the Church with their Orders P. Innocent answers That this example is of no consequence because they made use of this Condescension in favour of those that were Ordained by Bonosus to prevent several Bishops from persisting to follow his Party That this particular Exigency of the Church obliged them to transgress the Rules but when the Necessity ceaseth they ought to return to the Law The Second Objection is grounded upon the Canon of the Council of Nice which permits the receiving of the Novatians P. Innocent saith That this Canon relates to Novatians only and is not to be extended to other Hereticks He adds That in this Canon the business is about Baptism and
for the Blow without Trouble and without offering to defend themselves For every Monk being out of his own Country is also out of the World What need is there of the Prince's Authority or of written Orders Let them give us the least Summons and we will depart immediately knowing what we are and being perswaded that the Earth is the Lord's and that Jesus Christ is not shut up in any place He tells us of going to Rome to communicate with that Church from which we seem to be separated but this we need not do we are as much in Communion with the Church of Rome in Palaestine as if we were at Rome we communicate with its Priests which are in the Town of Bethlehem At last S. Jerom professes that he is ready to be reconciled to John of Jerusalem provided he would put on a charitable Spirit and prove the same towards him as he had been before We know saith he what we owe to the Bishops of Jesus Christ but let them be contented with Honour and Respect and know that they are Fathers and not Masters and particularly with relation to those who despising Ambition preferr rest and quietness before all other things After S. Jerom's 63d Letter follows Ruffinus's Preface to his Translation of Origen's Principles He saith in that Preface That several persons desirous of learning the Holy Scriptures wished that Origen might be made to speak Latin That his Collegue and Brother S. Jerom having translated two Homilies of this Author upon the Book of Canticles had so much exalted him in his Preface that Men were very desirous to see his Works That he had given this advantageous Testimony of him That he exceeded all others in his Commentaries but had surmounted himself in his Homilies upon the Book of Canticles That this same S. Jerom had promised to translate the other Works of this Author but he thought it afterwards more glorious to write himself and to be on Author rather than an interpreter We therefore prosecute and compleat a thing which he has both approved and began but we cannot render Origen ' s Words with the same Eloquence And he adds That this very thing had kept him from undertaking that Translation but at last he yielded to Macarius's earnest Intreaties however that in this Version he had followed the Rule of those who had translated that Author before him and that he had imitated S. Jerom by cutting off those things which seemed disagreeable to the Doctrine of the Church and so much the rather because in Origen's Works there were Notions quite contrary That the Reason of that seeming Contradiction might be found in the Apology that Pamphilus had written for Origen and which himself had translated and that he pretended to shew by undeniable Proofs that Origen's Works had been corrupted in several places by Hereticks or Men of ill designs and that for this very Reason he had either omitted or altered in the Translation of that Treatise those Articles wherein he seemed to speak otherwise than he did in his other Books This Preface was written in 397. when Rufinus published his Version of the Books of Origen's Principles at Rome It was no sooner published but Oceanus and Pammachius sent it to S. Jerom observing that they had found still some Errors there notwithstanding that great part was expunged intreating him that to secure them in the Truth he would make a Faithful Translation of that Work The Note which they writ to him about that Business is the sixty fourth Letter S. Jerom thinking himself indirectly affronted by Rufinus's Preface intimating that he had formerly commended Origen which might insinuate that he then approved his Errors and approved them still fell instantly to writing to let the World know in what Sence he had commended Origen He owns that he did it in two places of his Works namely in the Prologue of his Translation of the Homilies upon the Canticles dedicated to Damasus and in the Preface to his Treatise of Hebrew Names But he affirms that in both these places he had not spoken either of his Doctrine or of his Opinions I have commended him saith he as an able Interpreter and not as a man whose Dogm's ought to be followed I have admired his Parts without approving his Doctrine I have valued his Philosophy and not his Preaching He adds That if any man would know what his Opinion has always been concerning Origen's Books let him but read his Commentaries upon Ecclesiastes and his three Volumes upon the Epistle to the Ephesians whereby it will appear that he hath constantly contradicted Origen ' s Opinions Huetius is not perfectly satisfied with this Excuse of S. Jerom He says that it doth not appear by the Commentaries which he citeth that he hath contradicted Origen's Notions tho' he hath filled them with that Author's Dogm's without quoting him If he believed them false says he ought he not to have censured them Why did he not think it an Honour to Copy them as he affirms in the Preface to the second Book of his Commentary upon the Prophet Micah Why hath he asserted in his Preface to the Book of Hebrew Names That none but an ignorant man could deny that Origen was one of the Masters of the Church after the Apostles These Reasons made Huetius say That Rufinus was in the right in accusing S. Jerom of being an Origenist and upbraiding him in his first Invective that the Name of a Master of the Church cannot be given to an Heretick that S. Jerom's Excuse is pitiful that Rufinus thoroughly proves that he commended Origen's Doctrine and that at last this Father is obliged to confess that his Opinions were altered as to Origen That Sulpitius Severus had a great deal of Reason to find fault that S. Jerom having at first followed Origen did of a sudden condemn all his Works That S. Augustin did justly accuse him of Inconstancy and Lightness and that Pope Pelagius the II. is not to be blamed for putting him amongst Origen's Disciples That in a word tho' this Holy Doctor acted the part of good Catholick in abjuring Origen ' s Errors after he had owned them yet it were to be wished he had been more constant and moderate and that he had not so much indulged the Motions of his inflamed Choler so as to be carried away unto contrary Notions according to the different Circumstances of Time and outrageous railing against the greatest Men of his Age. For this must be acknowledged that Rufinus reproved him often with Reason and that he often blamed Rufinus without Ground This is the Judgment which the Learned Huetius now nominated to the Bishoprick of Soissons doth with much Reason and Justice make of the Parts and Conduct of S. Jerom. I willingly subscribe to it and do not doubt but that as many as have ever read this Father will be of the same Mind * By this it will appear that things are not always to be approved or
the former He held that Man could be perfect and freed from Sin without God's help S. Jerom proves the contrary by several places of Scripture which shew that Man cannot be delivered but by the Grace of Jesus Christ. This Letter is of the Year 411. He handleth the same Questions in the Dialogue against the Pelagians where he introduces a Pelagian under the Name of Critobulus discovering and establishing his Errors and a Catholick under the Name of Atticus confuting them particularly by Testimonies of Holy Scripture This Dialogue is divided into two Books and was written some time after the Letter to Ctesiphon about the Year 415. The Sixty seventh Letter is a Translation of a Letter from Theophilus to S. Epiphanius whereby he desires that Bishop of Cyprus to assemble a Synod in that Island to Condemn Origen as he had done in Egypt This Letter is of the Year 399. The Sixty eighth is a Letter of S. Jerom's to Theophilus who had sent him Word that he should be exact in the observation of the Canons S. Jerom thanks him for his admonition and exhorts him to use his Authority against the Origenists since Patience and Meekness could not reclaim them from their Error This Letter is of the Year 398. The Sixty ninth is from Theophilus to S. Jerom giving him notice how he had driven away the Monks of Nitria who were accused of Origenism S. Jerom returns him Thanks for that Noble Action by the Seventieth Letter And he commends him again in the Seventy first Letter for what he had done against Origen And in the last Place Theophilus acquaints him by the Seventy second that he had cleansed the Monasteries of Nitria of Origenism The Seventy third is from S. Epiphanius to S. Jerom giving him notice of the Judgment given by Theophilus against Origen and he sends him the Letter written by that Bishop and prays him to Publish what he had written in Latin upon that Matter The Seventy fourth is a Note to Marcella The Seventy fifth is against Vigilantius who had accused him of Origenism he uses the same Arguments for his defence that he had done in his other Letters and treats Vigilantius very ill This Letter was written about the Year 397. The Seventy sixth is of the same time He repeats there what he had written in several places that Origen deserves to be commended for his Learning but that his Principles are not to be followed The Seventy seventh to Mark the Presbyter was written by S. Jerom from the Desart of Syria about the time when the Eastern Bishops tormented him to oblige him to own Three Hypostases about the Year 373. The Seventy eighth to Pammachius and Marcella is about Origen's Condemnation He gives them an Account of what Theophilus had decreed He sends them a Copy of his Letter and the Acts of his Judgment and desireth them to have it confirmed at Rome by Pope Anastasius This Letter is of 399. The Seventy ninth is the last Letter of S. Jerom's to S. Augustin S. Jerom sent it by Innocent the Priest who in the Year 419 was sent from Africa into Egypt to look after the Copies of the Council of Nice It is not directed to S. Augustin alone but to him and Alypius He congratulates their overthrowing of Heresie and tells them That he had not had time yet to Answer what Anianus Pelagius's Disciple had written against him but he would doe it very soon if God gave him Life He speaketh of Eustochium's Death who was alive when Palladius wrote his Historia Lausiaca in 419 which shews that this Letter was written in the Year 420. The Eightieth Letter wherein he commends S. Augustin for the Resolution and Courage wherewith he had opposed Pelagius's Heresie was written some years before He exhorts him to go on praising him in this manner You are commended in Rome The Catholicks look upon you as the restorer of the ancient Faith and what is yet a more honourable thing for you is That the Hereticks hate you The Eighty first is a Note written about the time of his falling out with John of Jerusalem after the Condemnation of the Origenists about the Year 404. In the Eighty second Letter S. Jerom Answers the Question about the Origination of Souls proposed to him by Marcellinus Governour of Africa He does not decide the Question but saith That he had delivered his Opinion in his Books against Rufinus and advises him to consult S. Augustin who would clear that Point to him He adds That he could not yet compleat the Commentary upon Ezekiel because of the Barbarian's Incursions This Letter is of the Year 410. The Eighty third to Oceanus concerneth a Point of Discipline whether a Person twice married but once before Baptism is to be looked upon as a Bigamist and so to be kept from sacred Orders S. Jerom maintains the Negative with abundance of Wit In the Eighty fourth to Magnus S. Jerom proveth by the Examples of S. Paul and of the most famous Christian Authors that a Christian Author may as he did make use of prophane Examples and prophane Authors This Letter was composed about the Year 400. In this Letter there is a Catalogue of almost all the Christian Authors to S. Jerom. The Eighty fifth is an Invective against one who would have Deacons preferred before Priests S. Jerom exalts the Priestly Dignity which seems too high when he compares them with Bishops I am informed saith he that one was so impudent as to preferr Deacons before Priests before Priests I say who may be compared with Bishops For when S. Paul plainly teaches that Priests are Bishops who can endure that those who serve Tables and Widows should by Pride exalt themselves above those who by their Prayers consecrate the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ Then he produces passages out of the Apostolical Epistles where they give to meer Priests the Name of Bishops and adds That it was to prevent Schism that in Process of time one was chosen to be preferred before others least every one presuming to ascribe to himself the Pre-eminence the Church of Jesus Christ should be perpetually divided For saith he in the See of Alexandria from S. Mark the Evangelist to the time of Heraclas and Dionysius the Priests chose one of them whom they placed in a Seat higher than the rest and called him Bishop much after the same manner as an Army chuses an Emperior or as Deacons chuse one of themselves to make him Archdeacon And indeed what doth a Bishop doe that is not done by a Priest if you except Ordination We are not to believe that the Church is otherwise at Rome than in other Cities of the world Gauls Britains Africans Persians Indians and all other Nations worship the same God and have the same rule of Faith If Authority be required the World is bigger than a City Let a Bishop be the Bishop of what Town you please he is neither more or less a Bishop whether
which St. Augustin held in the City of Tubursica with some Donatists in the Year 397 or 398. as it is proved in the Preface to the Letters In the first he produces the Judgments that were given against the Donatists He justifies Caecilian's Innocency and shews that those who condemned him were suspected Judges and that the Authors of the Donatist Schism were guilty of the Crime which they charged upon others He adds That it was to no purpose to impute to the Church the pretended Crimes of the dead since the Church may tolerate wicked men without ceasing to be a Church That the Donatists themselves suffer among them very disorderly Persons that Maximianus had caused Primianus to be condemned as Majorinus had formerly procured a Sentence against Caecilian by caballing and Intrigue That the Sect of the Donatists being limited within Africa and having no Communion with the Churches that were dispersed throughout the VVorld cannot be the Catholick Church In this Letter there is that famous Sentence concerning the Authority of Councils Let us suppose that Pope Miltiades and the other Bishops who gave Judgment with him have not judged right then we may have recourse to a Plenary Council of the whole Church in which the cause of the Donatists ought to be debated again with those that judged it and their Sentence reversed if it shall be found that they have given a wrong Judgment The Second Letter contains a particular Conference of St. Augustin with Fortuniusa Donatist Bishop which was spent in Reproaches on both sides for the Villainies that were committed on both sides without medling with the main Question of the Schism St. Augustin requested that the Dispute might be ended in a greater Assembly and in what place they pleased where Christians of all Parties might meet In this Letter there is an Account of a Letter of the false Council of Sardica of Eastern Bishops which Fortunius quoted because it was directed to Donatus St. Augustin not knowing the Story was perplexed but finding that St. Athanasius was condemned in that Letter he did not mind it The Forty fifth Letter is a Note to Paulinus written a Year after the foregoing in 398. The Forty sixth from Publicola to St. Augustin contains several Cases of Conscience which this Lord proposed concerning the Oath whereby they obliged the Barbarians to swear by their Gods That they would preserve the Fruits of the ground faithfully which they would not otherwise have preserv'd had they not been bound by that Oath About the use of Meats and other Things offered to Idols and concerning the killing of one that assaults or robs us In the next St. Augustin endeavours to decide the Qustions proposed by Publicola concerning those Matters Upon the first he saith That that Oath ought not to be required of the Barbarians but that use may be made of them after they have taken it and he that uses their Service hath no share in the Oath that those that swear by false Gods are doubly guilty if they keep not their Oath both of an abominable Oath and of Perjury As to things offered to Idols he answereth Publicola upon several Particulars as that there is no danger in making use of the Meats offered to them when it is not known and it is too nice a scruple to forbear the use of those things which have been applyed to prophane uses if it be not done with respect to that To the Last Query he saith That no man ought to kill any Man upon any Account whatsoever except perhaps says he Soldiers or such as are obliged to it by the Duties of some publick Office But that we are not forbidden to secure our selves against the Violences of others by making use of VValls and That if a Thief be killed or wounded with the VVall falling upon him or he falling from the VVall the thing is not to be imputed to him that built the VVall. This Letter was written before the Temples of Idols were quite demolished in 399. In the Forty eighth Letter to Eudoxius Abbot of a Monastery in the Island of Capraria St. Augustin exhorteth both him and his Monks to make good use of the Quiet they enjoy'd that so they might be ready to leave it whensoever the Church should have need of them This Letter is supposed to have been writ in the Year 398. In the 49th He asketh of Honoratus a Donatist Bishop a Reason Why the Catholick Church which ought to be Universal over the whole Earth came to be limited to Africa and was no where to be found but among the Donatists The time of this Letter is not very certain The â—0th Letter to the Principal Persons of the Colony of Suffectum is a Complaint upon the account of a Murder of 60 Christians whom they Massacred because their Hercules was taken away He jests upon them promising to have another made for them But he concludes with these upbraiding words But do you also restore to us that great number of our Brethren whose Lives you have taken away for if we restore to you your Hercules it is reasonable you should restore theâ— to us Baronius thinketh that this Massacre happened upon occasion of an Edict made against Idolatry in 399. But the Translator of St. Augustin's Letters affirms That this is none of his for two Reasons First Because he thinks it is Impertinent Secondly Because it is not written in St. Augustin's Stile I am much of his mind as to the Second Point but I cannot allow the First for though this Letter does not seem to be grave enough for such a Subject yet the Rallery is sharp which sometimes is more effectual than a Pathetical Discourse However it is ancient and of St. Augustin's time In the 51st Letter St. Augustin objects to Crispinus a Donatist Bishop at Calama the Dissention between the Primianists and the Maximianists as an Answer to what the Donatists urged against the Church It was written after the Death of Optatus Gildonianus in 399 and before that of Praetextatus who died in 400 when St. Augustin wrote his Books against Parmenianus In the 52d He exhorts Severinus his Kinsman to forsake the Donatists and to come into the Catholick Church It may be of the same time with the foregoing The 53d is written in St. Augustin's Name and of two of his Collegues Fortunatus and Alypius to Generosus a Catholick of Constantina and contains an Answer to a Letter written by a Donatist Priest to this Man to seduce him wherein he pretends to have received an Order by an Angel from Heaven to oblige him to embrace the Donatist's Party St. Augustin proves in that Letter That the Donatist's Party cannot be the true Church 1. Because they have no Succession of Bishops from the Apostles To prove this he produces the Succession of the Bishops of Rome from St. Peter to Anastasius 2. He quoteth the Acts of Minutius Felix which shew That Silvianus the Predecessor of a Donatist Bishop
and it were look'd upon as Honoratus's Estate that Example would serve for a Pretence to those that should come into Monasteries to deferr the parting with their Estates wherefore his Opinion was That at least they should divide it and that the Church of Thiana should have but half St. Augustin tells him That he was not of that mind but desireth him to Sign the Letter which he had written to the Church of Thiana whereby he utterly renounced all Pretensions upon Honoratus's Estate and he proffers to return Half of it to the Monastery of Tagasta when any considerable Donation should be conferred upon the Monastery of Hippo. This Letter is placed in the Year 405. In the Eighty fourth Letter he excuses himself towards Novatus who is supposed to be the Bishop of Sitifi that was present at the Conference in Carthage for detaining Lucillius the Deacon his Brother because he understood and spake the Punick Language well the Use whereof being common at Sitifi and not at Hippo it was easie for Novatus to find a Church-man in those Parts to Preach in that Tongue whereas St. Augustin could not so readily meet with such a One in his Country Thus is this Letter to be understood as the Translator oberveth after a very Learned Man It seems to belong to the same Year as the foregoing In the Eighty fifth St. Augustin reproves Paul of Catagnae for parting with his own Estate when he was made a Bishop that he might abuse the Revenue of his Church to live more at ease telling him That so long as he liveth thus he will not communicate with him In this Letter there is this excellent Advice Non est Episcopatus artificium transigendae vitae fallaâ—â—â— Episcopacy ought not to be look'd upon as an Establishment or a Means to procure the deceitful Pleasures of this Life This Paul being dead before the Year 408. as is plain by the Ninety sixth Letter this Letter must have been written about the Year 405. In the Eighty sixth he solliciteth Caecilian Governor of Numidia to restrain the Donatists about Hippo as he had done in other Places under his Government It was written after the Edict o Honorius of the Year 403. before Caecilianus was created Praefectus Praetorio in the Year 409. In the Eighty seventh Letter that was written about the same time St. Augustin presses Emeritus a Donatist Bishop at Caesarea to tell the Reasons which made him separate from the Church and refuteth those which he used to alledge The Eighty eighth was written by St. Augustin in the Name of the Clergy of Hippo to Januarius a Donatist Bishop after the Donatists Deputies that were sent in 406. to the Emperors were rejected It contains several Complaints against the Violences of some Donatist Clerks and the authentick Acts of what happen'd in Constantine's time concerning the business of the Donatists About the end of the Letter they propose a Conference The Eighty ninth Letter to Festus is much upon the same Subject St. Augustin begins by justifying the Emperor's Edicts against the Donatists Then he relates the Original of that Schism and the Judgments whereby it was condemned He proves That the Donatists had no Grounds for their Separation nor for Re-baptizing Catholicks Lastly He giveth Festus notice That the People about Hippo still persisted in the Schism notwithstanding his Letters and continued their Violences The Ninetieth Letter is from an Heathen one Nectarius who interceded with St. Augustin for his Fellow-Citizens that dwelt at Calama who had sacrificed to Idols contrary to the Emperor's Inhibitions and offered Violence to some Christians The Reason that this Pagan uses to prevail with St. Augustin is That it is the Duty of a Bishop to do nothing but Good to Mankind Not to meddle with their Affairs unless it be to make them better and to intercede with God to pardon their Faults Baronius is of Opinion That this Letter was written immediately after the Laws of 399. In the last Edition it is placed in the Year 408. and what is said there of the Laws newly published is apply'd to the Law of the 24th of November 407. directed to Curtius which is the 19th of the 10th Title of the 16th Book of the Theodosian Code The next Letter is St. Augustin's Answer to Nectarius whereby he exhorts him to turn Christian promising That though the Violences of those at Calama had proceeded very far yet he would contribute as much as the Interest of publick Security would permit to have them treated gently He owns and approves the Maxim which he alledged concerning Episcopal Meekness yet he asserts That there must be Examples The most guilty cannot be spared That Christians do not desire to see them punished out of Revenge but Charity obligeth them to provide for the future yet however they do not desire the Death of those that abused them they desire only their Conversion And they are but little concerned for the Losses which they sustained but they seek after their Souls This is saith he in the Conclusion of his Letter what we are seeking with the Price of our Blood This is that Harvest which we would make plentiful at Calama or at least that what happened in that place might not hinder us to make it any where else In the Ninety second to Italica a Lady he comforts her upon the Death of her Husband telling her That God cannot be seen either in this World or in the next with bodily Eyes This Letter is before the Ninety ninth directed to the same Lady which is written in 408. The Ninety third to Vincentius a Donatist Bishop containeth several Reasons to show that Secular Authority and the Severity of the Laws may be used against Schismaticks to oblige them to return into the Church One of the chiefest is The Usefulness and the good Effects which the Terror of the Imperial Laws had produced since they caused the Conversion of several whole Cities St. Augustin confesses That this Reason affected him most That by such Examples his Collegues brought him to their Opinions That it was his Opinion formerly That no Man ought to be forced That Words only were to be used for otherwise they could make none but counterfeit Catholicks But that having withstood all Reasons he finally yielded to Experience That the Laws had brought back those that continued in the Schism only by Interest Fear Negligence or other Considerations of the same Nature Afterwards he exhorts Vincentius to return to the Church shewing That the true Church is that which is spred throughout the Earth He Answers what the Donatists objected to prove that it might be comprehended within a small number of Righteous Men He shews That it must necessarily be mix'd with both bad and good And at last declares against Re-baptizing This Letter was written about the Year 408. The 94th Letter is by St. Paulinus Bishop of Nola and the 95th is St. Augustin's Answer to that of Paulinus He discourseth of
the Spirit of God as Sampson was He concludes with a Description of the Depravation of the Romans and the Disorders of their Manners at that time In the Second Book he affirms That the corruption of Manners which is the greatest of Mischiefs was always reigning in Rome and that the Gods they Worshipped were so far from prescribing them Laws for the Reformation of their Manners that on the contrary they encouraged them to Vice by their Examples and by the Ceremonies that were used in their Worship In the Third Book he goes back as far as the Siege of Troy and then takes a view of the principal Events which happened to the People of Rome to convince the most Stubborn That their Gods preserved them not from the same Disasters and Calamities which the Heathen now imputed to the Christian Religion In the Fourth Book he shews That the encrease of the Roman Empire can be attributed neither to all the Divinities which they adored nor to any one in particular That however no Empire is to be called Happy which is encreased only by War as the Roman Empire was That great Empires without Justice were but great Robberies and that the true God alone is the sole Dispenser of the Kingdoms of the Earth He prosecuteth the same Subject in the Fifth Book and proves in the beginning That the greatness of Empires depends not upon Chance nor upon a particular Conjunction of the Stars Which gives him occasion to speak of Destiny and to refute judicial Astrology at large He acknowledges a Destiny if by this Term is meant a series and concatenation of all Causes which God foresaw from all Eternity but he advises Men rather not to use that word which may have an ill Sence He endeavours to make God's Fore-knowledge and the infallibility of those Events which he foresees to agree with Man's Free-Will Then from this Disposition of Things he comes to enquire into the Causes of the Roman Victories and he meets with none more probable than their Honesty He confesses That God rewarded their moral Vertues with those sorts of Recompences adding That thereby God made the Inhabitants of the eternal City to know what Recompence they were to expect for their Christian Vertues Since the counterfeit Vertues of the Heathen were so well rewarded that he set this Example before their Eyes to teach them how much they ought to be in love with their Heavenly Country for an immortal Life since the Inhabitants of an Earthly Country were so much in love with it for an humane and a mortal Glory and how hard they were to Labour for that Heavenly Country since the Romans had taken such great Pains for their Earthly One. He examineth afterwards wherein consists the true Happiness of Christian Kings and Princes And he shews That they are not Happy for having reigned long for dying in Peace and leaving their Children successors of their Crowns nor for the Victories which they obtained because such Advantages are common to them with ungodly Kings But that Christian Princes are said to be Happy when they set up Justice when in the midst of the Praises that are given them and the Honours that are pay'd unto them they are not swell'd with Pride when they submit their Power to the Sovereign Power of God and use it to make his Worship to flourish When they fear love and worship God when they preferr before this which they now enjoy that wherein they are not afraid to meet with any Competitours when they are slow to Punish and ready to Forgive when they punish only for the good of the Publick and not to satisfie their Revenge and when they forgive purely that Men may be Corrected and not that Crimes may be Countenanced when being obliged to use Severity they temper it with some Actions of Meekness or Clemency when they are so much the more temperate in their Pleasures by how much they have a greater Liberty to exceed when they affect to Command their Passions rather than all the Nations of the World and they do all these Things not out of Vain-Glory but to obtain eternal Happiness and in short when they are careful to offer unto God for their Sins the Sacrifice of Humility Mercy and Prayer These saith St. Augustin are the Christian Princes whom we call Happy Happy even in this World by Experience and really Happy when what we look for shall come Finally he proposes the Examples of some Christian Emperours and particularly of Constantine and Theodosius whose Greatness and Prosperities he extols and sets forth In the Sixth Book St. Augustin proves by the Authority of Varro that the fabulous Divinity of the Heathen is ridiculous he makes the same Conclusion concerning their civil Theology and grounds what he saith of it upon Seneca's Authority He goes on in the Seventh to discover the Falshood of the Heathen civil Theology shewing That their chiefest Divinities or select Gods do not deserve to be called Gods and that the Christian's God alone governs the World The Eighth Book refutes the natural Theology of their Philosophers He preferrs the Platonists before all other Philosophers and owns that they knew the True God shewing withall that they were deceiv'd by honouring Daemons as subaltern Deities and Mediators betwixt God and Men He shews That the Christians never committed this Mistake and that they are so far from adoring the Daemons which are evil Spirits that they do not worship the Angels nor the Holy Martyrs that they do indeed Honour and Reverence them as the Servants of God but that they did not build Temples for them nor consecrate Priests nor offer Sacrifices unto them For saith he who among Christians ever saw a Priest before an Altar consecrated to God upon the Body of a Martyr say in his Prayer Peter Paul or Cyprian I offer you this Sacrifice It is offered to God though it be upon the Monuments of Martyrs and these Ceremonies were appointed to be performed upon their Monuments for no other end but to give the True God Thanks for the Victories which they had obtained and at the same time to stir up Christians to imitate their Courage and to make themselves worthy to have a share in their Crowns and Rewards So that all the Acts of Piety and Religion which are done at the Tombs of the Holy Martyrs are Honours pay'd to their Memory and not Sacrifices offered to them as Divinities But forasmuch as they owned Two sorts of Daemons some good and some bad St. Augustin examines that Distinction in the next Book where he shews by the Principles both of Apuleius and of the Chief of Heathenish Authors that all Daemons are Evil. Whence he concludes That they cannot be Mediatours between God and Men. He doth not believe That Angels deserve that Title affirming That it belongeth to none but Jesus Christ alone In the Tenth Book he treateth at large of Angel Worship He saith That they are Creatures whose Felicity is all
and many others against the Bishops who conferr Ordinations for Money l. 1. 26 29. and others which we have cited in speaking of Symony Against proud and covetous Bishops and who make not a good use of the Revenues of the Church l. 1. 38 44 57 215. Against their lording and tyrannical Humour l. 2. 208 209. He describes the excellency of the Priesthood l. 2. 200. and preferrs it before the temporal Government because Bishops govern the Soul whereas Princes have Power only over the Body He speaks in several places of the necessary Qualifications of a Bishop and of the difficulty that there is in discharging that Ministry well l. 1. 104 151. l. 3. 216 259. l. 4. 213. 145. He admonishes those that desire to be Bishops that they ought to purifie themselves before they undertake to purifie others l. 2. 65. He thinks That there are two Things absolutely necessary for a Bishop Eloquence and Holiness of Life that if these two go not together 't is impossible that a Bishop should do any good in his Place l. 1. 44. l. 2. 235. l. 3. 259. That Gravity and a Constancy in his Actions ought also to be joyned with these two Vertues l. 1. 319. l. 2. 290. But S. Isidore did not only use such Admonitions and Reproofs towards his own Bishop and Clergy to amend them but also he dealt in the same manner with S. Cyril Patriarch of Alexandria in writing to him about the Troubles that happened at the Council of Ephesus He accuses him for acting too rashly and fiercely and tells him that many of those who were assembled at Ephesus boldly asserted That he sought more to be avenged of his Enemy than settle the Orthodox Truth He is say they a true Nephew of Theophilus he hath the same Spirit and Behaviour and as this last thundered out his Fury against the Blessed John his Nephew hath done the same altho' there be a great deal of difference between the Persons accused l. 1. 310. He wrote to him after the same fashion in another Letter The Examples of Holy Scripture saith he create in me such an horror as obliges me to write to you For whether I look upon my self as your Father as you call me I am afraid least if I do not admonish you I should be punished as the High-Priest Eli was for having not reproved his Sons But if I consider my self rather as your Son upon the Account of S. Mark whom you represent the punishment of Jonathan who was slain because he did not hinder his Father from consulting the Witch of Endor is a Warning to me Wherefore to avoid my own and your Condemnation I am obliged to admonish you to lay aside the Disputes now on foot and not engage the Church of Christ in a particular and domestick Quarrel and so raise a perpetual Schism in the Church under the pretence of Religion l. 1. 370. It was the Grief that S. Isidore had to see the Orthodox Bishops divided among themselves that made him speak thus He imagined that S. Cyril's Rashness was the Cause of it He thought that he sought to revenge an old Quarrel And it appears likewise that he suspected him not to have a thorough-sound Opinion about the Incarnation l. 1. 323. But afterwards being better informed he approved his Doctrine and exhorted him to continue stedfast in it and not contradict himself as it appears by Letter 324. l. 1. S. Isidore wrote not only to S. Cyril to endeavour a Pacification between the Bishops of the Council of Ephesus but thought himself obliged to write to the Emperor Theodosius He advised him to go himself to Ephesus to appease the Troubles and admonishes him Not to espouse the Animosities of either Side nor suffer his own Officers to intermeddle with Matters of Doctrine l. 1. 311. Thus did S. Isidore without leaving his Retirement engage himself in the greatest Affairs of the Church and joyned with the Prayers which he made to God for the Peace of his Church the most effectual Counsels and Advice So that he was none of those Monks who were contented to bewail their own Sins and pray to God for others in secret and who remain in perpetual Silence without concerning themselves with what happens or having any Commerce with other Men. He found out a way to joyn the Love of Solitude with the Knowledge of what happens in the World Piety and Silence with Charitable Advice and Admonitions Mental Recollection with a continual Observation of other's Actions And to speak in one Word all the Exercises of a Monastick Life with the Care and Vigilance of a Pastor There were no Persons of whatsoever State and Condition they were but he gave them Advice and Instructions about their Employments and Duties We have already seen after what manner he gave them to Bishops and Ecclesiastical Persons let us now take a view of some of them which he gives to the Laity Advice to Kings If you will obtain the Eternal and Incorruptible Kingdom which God will give to those who govern well here below as a Reward you must make use of your Power with Moderation and Goodness and liberally dispense your Riches to the Poor for 't is not a Prince's Power that saves him but his Justice Goodness and Piety He cannot avoid being counted an Idolater if he unjustly hoards up his Temporal Riches without distributing them to the Poor l. 1. 35. to Theodosius Advice to Magistrates and Governours They ought to think with themselves That the Time of exercising their Offices is short That Life it self is not of long continuance That the Rewards or Torments of another World are Eternal That they ought to Administer Justice freely to all the World use their Authority with gentleness and give no Man a just Ground of Complaint l. 1. 31 47 48 133 165 191 208 290. Advice to Courtiers Not to misuse the Favour of their Prince but to employ it for the Good and Safety of the People and to imitate Daniel l. 1. 36 47 48. Advice to Soldiers Not to take too much upon them to do no Violence nor Injustice c. l. 1. 40 78 297 327. Advice to Subjects Jesus Christ submitted himself to the Laws of the Emperours and paid Tribute to teach us Obedience to Kings and not to exempt our selves from paying their Dues upon the Pretence of Poverty l. 1. 206 408. Advice to Women If they would be commended as Judith Susanna or S. Thecla they must imitate the Vertues of those Illustrious Women l. 1. 187. That Christian Women should modestly apparel themselves and that they should not use the Adornings and Finery of the Women of the World Upon this occasion he relates a remarkable Story of a Young Woman who coming into the Sight of a Young Man who was extreamly in Love with her cured him of that fond Passion by presenting her self before him with her Heir cropp'd and her Head covered with Ashes l. 2. 53 145. He
not willing to forsake their Errors to make those Charitable Severities which are made use of to recover them to pass for insupportable Violences and unheard of Cruelties by aggravating them and representing them in such an odious manner as is proper to stir up Indignation The Principles which he lays down in the following Part are very agreeable with those of the Protestants In the First Article he opposes those who will have it determined where the Truth is by the Judgment of the greater Number Jesus Christ saith he is the Truth as Tertullian hath a long Time since affirmed and 't is he that we ought to consult This being so are they not to be pitied who judge of the Force and Authority of a Doctrine only by the Number of those who approve it without considering that our Lord Jesus Christ chose ignorant and poor Men whom he made use of to convert all the World He required that Millions of Men should yield themselves up to the Doctrines of these Twelve Thus hath the Truth always triumphed although it were among the smallest Number and whosoever he be that despairing to prove what he affirms to be true flies to the Authority of the Multitude he confesses himself vanquished The great Number may affright but cannot perswade There are but few that shall be saved S. Stephen Phineas Lot and Noah had the Multitude against them yet who had not rather be on their Side than on that which did oppose them 'T is not saith the same Author that I bear not a due respect to the Multitude but it is to that which proves what it teacheth and not to that which will not suffer us to examine and search out the Truth 'T is to that which doth not condemn with Severity but correct with Gentleness not to that which loves Novelties but to that which preserves the Truth which they have received from their Ancestors But what is this Multitude which you object against me It is the Throng of Men corrupted by Flatteries and Prisons 'T is the Number of ignorant Men who have no Understanding to guide them It is a crowd of weak and fearful Men who suffer themselves to be conquered They are the Souls which preferr the Pleasures that Sin affords us in this Life which are momentary before Eternal Life and Glory So that when you object to me this Multitude to gain Credit to a Lye you do but discover the extent of Wickedness and the great Number of the Miserable The Second Chapter is of like Nature with this First In it he opposes those who maintain That it is needless to search the Holy Scripture that we may know what we ought to believe either because it is sufficient for every one to believe what his own Reason teacheth him or because in searching for the Truth in Scripture we meet with more Obscurity and Uncertainty Our Author cannot approve of this Advice He saith That being perswaded of the Truth of the Mysteries and trusting in the Help of Jesus Christ who hath promised to those who seek after the Truth that they shall certainly find it he seeks after the Truth in the manner that he ought he shall find it without mistaking that he puts himself into a Condition of proving what he teacheth of instructing the Faithful confuting Hereticks and convincing himself of the Truth and confirming the Doctrines so as none can doubt of them Would you have me saith he neglect the Study of Holy Scripture whence then will you have Knowledge necessary to support your Faith It is dangerous for this Life to be ignorant of the Roman Laws and 't is no less dangerous for another Life to be ignorant of the Oracles of our Heavenly King The Scripture is the Nourishment of the Soul Suffer not then the inward Man to die with Hunger by depriving him of the Word of God There are too too many who inflict mortal Wounds upon the Soul suffer them to seek Medicines for their Maladies and Griefs But there are say you things which pass our Understand I own it but the Scripture teaches us That we must search and that there are things that we cannot comprehend And as it would be a kind of Impiety to desire to throughly comprehend it so it is to have a kind of Contempt for the Divine Truths to lay aside wholly the search into them Every one ought to know what it is he adores as it is written We know what we worship But it is a Madness to enquire how much After what manner By what Means and where we must adore him In sum they who discourage others from reading and studying the Holy Scripture under a Pretence That they ought not to dive into Things too profound do it because they are afraid that they should be convinced of their Errors by it So when they find themselves pressed by convincing Testimonies of Holy Scripture they give a Sence clear contrary to the Words and if they find but one Word which can be brought to their Opinion although it be nothing to the Sence of the Place they must use it as an invincible Demonstration We must own that these Principles are not ill although Men may offend in the Application they make of them In the other Chapters he answers the Objections which the Aegyptians made against the Eastern Bishops and opposes some of their Expressions such as these The Word hath suffered in an impassible manner The Word hath suffered in the Flesh. He hath delivered several Expressions agreeable to those of Nestorius In sum He hath written with much Elegancy and Reason This Work is a Doctrinal Treatise and not a Collection of Sermons It is in Tom. 2. of Athanasius's Works under the Name of that Father and since it hath been printed at the end of Tom. 5. of Theodoret's Works put out by F. Garner at Paris in 1684. There are also some of this Bishop's Letters in F. Lupus's Collection THEODOTUS Bishop of Ancyra THEODOTUS Bishop of Ancyra a City of Galatia whom Gennadius calleth Theodorus was one of the greatest Adversaries of Nestorius He was present at the Council of Ephesus Theodotus of Ancyra where he courageously delivered his Opinion against him Gennadius says That he made a Treatise on purpose to confute him and that that Work was very Logical but that it was not sufficiently grounded upon the Authority of Holy Scriptures but lays down several Arguments before he comes to Scripture-proofs This description agrees well to the two Sermons of Theodotus upon the Feast of the Nativity preached in the Council of Ephesus and which are recited in the Acts of that Council where he proves by several Arguments That Jesus Christ is God and Man and that it is truly said That God is born of a Virgin There is also a 3d. Sermon preached at Ephesus upon S. John's day where he likewise speaks against the Errour of Nestorius The beginning of it is remarkable wherein he compares a Bishop to
Name among those who are in Communion with the Church That though that Bishop never Espoused any Heretical Opinions yet he hath rendered himself blame-worthy by receiving Hereticks into his Communion That 〈◊〉 having been condemned by the Council of Chalcedon Timotheus and Petrus who were of the â—â—me Judgment with that Heretick ought to be looked upon as subject to the same Coâ—… as also all those that are united with them so that it is not sufficient for Eupheâ—… to conâ—… 〈◊〉 and to declare himself Orthodox unless be condemn them who are of the same Sentiments or coâ—â—â—unicate with them That without this he can never come to a 〈◊〉 Reconciliation with him Euphemius had told him in his Letter That he was very ready to 〈◊〉 him in this Matter but he could not do it without offending the People of Constantinople and therefore desired him to send such Persons as he thought best of Whereupon Gelasius answers him That it is the Peoples Duty to follow their Pastor and the Pastor's to Govern his People and if his Flock 〈◊〉 not his Voice It will give less heed to another Pastor whom it suspects Lastly He cites him before the Tribunal of Jesus Christ where he says it will be known whether he be in the fault or no in so acting This is the Sum of Gelasius's first Letter The second is a Circular Letter to the Bishop of Illyria which contains a Profession or Declaration of his Doctrine wherein he condemns the Errors of the Eutychians and establisheth the Distinction of the two Natures He also tells them How joyful he was to see them follow the Sentence passed against Acacius by his Predecessor and pronounce Anathema against that Bishop The third is another Circular Letter to the Bishop of Dardania in which he exhorts them to condemn the Eutychians and all that communicate with them They satisfie him in their answer which goes before this Letter In the fourth Letter directed to Faustus the Ambassador of Theodoricus at Constantinople he complains of the Obstinacy of the Greeks in the business of Acacius and because they desired him to pardon him he says That he could not pardon a Man who died out of the Communion of the Church nor absolve him from his Excommunication after his Death because he had no Precedent for such an Action And whereas Euphemius had said That Acacius could not be condemned by the Bishop of Rome only he answers That having been condemned by the Authority of the Council of Chalcedon and his Predecessor having done no more but put the Decree of that Council in Execution he could not disallow of his Condemnation because it was not only permitted to the Bishop of the Holy Apostolick See but also to all Bishops to withdraw themselves from their Communion who embrace an Heresie condemned by the Church That it is to no purpose to object the Canons since the very Canons themselves refer the Examinations of the Appeals of all Churches to the Holy See so that there can be no Appeal from his Judgment That Timotheus Peter of Antioch Paul and several other Bishops had been condemned by the Authority of the Holy See only with the Approbation of Acacius himself who executed the Sentences against them Lastly He accuses the Greeks who alledged the Canons in defence of their Carriage of breaking the Canons and maintains That Acacius hath transgressed them in many Particulars The fifth Letter to Honorius a Bishop in Dalmatia was written by Gelasius about the News which he had heard That the Heresie of Pelagius was sprung up again in Dalmatia He exhorts that Bishop to oppose it vigorously This Admonition much surprized him and he could not but discover it to the Pope who answers him in his sixth Letter That he ought not to find fault with his Pastoral Care and Vigilance The seventh Letter is directed to the Bishop of Picenum Gelasius wrote it against an * Seneca Senex delirus Old Man who revived the Errors of Pelagius by teaching That there was no Original Sin That Children that die Unbaptized are not damned And that Man may be happy avoid Sin and do good without Grace which is bestowed on him for his Merits sake Gelasius having confuted these Errors at large accuseth this Priest also for permitting the Monks to dwell with the Consecrated Virgins and much condemns him for it For saith he if the Mind of those who have no converse with Women is often troubled with unclean thoughts what a deep Impression will the presence of Women make upon the Minds of them who see them continually Wherefore he forbids this abuse and threatens to punish those who shall hereafter tolerate it This Letter is dated Nov. 1. 493. The eighth Letter of Gelasius is addressed to the Emperour * Who succeeded Zeno. Anastasius After he hath excused himself for not writing to him before and declared what Zeal and Affection he hath to serve him he exhorts him to follow the Judgment of the Holy See by causing the Memory of Acacius to be condemned In this Letter there are many other things remarkable but nothing more than what he says concerning the Distinction between the Priesthood and the Royal Authority There are two sorts of Power saith he which exercise a Sovereignty over all the World the Sacred Authority of the Bishops and the Authority of Kings The Charge of Bishops is so much the greater because they must give an Account at the Day of Judgment of the Actions of Kings You know Sir that although you are Supreme and your Dignity excels all others yet you are obliged to submit your selves to the Authority of those that Minister about Holy Things That you require of them the Principles of your Salvation and ought to follow the Rules which they prescribe for the receiving of the Sacraments and disposing Ecclesiastical Matters For if the Bishops being perswaded that God hath given you a Sovereign Power over Things Temporal yield Obedience to your Civil Laws without opposing your Power in Temporal Matters with how great Reverence ought you to be subject in Spiritual Things to those who are set apart for the Distribution of the Holy Sacraments And if all the Faithful ought to submit themselves in general to all the Bishops which discharge their Office well with how much greater Reason ought they to yield to the Bishop of the Holy See whom God hath made the * First in Order Dignity not in Power or Sovereignty First among the Bishops and the Church hath always acknowledged him for such The ninth Letter to the Bishop of Lucania Samnium and Sicily contains many necessary Rules for the Ministers of the Church The Wars and Troubles of Italy had brought the Churches of that Country to such a miserable Condition that many of them had no Ministers in so much that they were forced to pass by the ordinary Forms and dispense with the strict Observation of the Canons But lest they should abuse
not he that divided the Provinces but the Council and that since the Letter of S. Leo being lately come to Constantinople a Synod of Bishops assembled in that City had sent it to other Bishops that they might sign it there was the same reason for the Letter which had put him in possession of the rights of his Metropolis Photius complained That while he was celebrating Ordinations in his Province according to the Ancient Custom they had sent him a Mandate in which they Excommunicated him so that he remained Excommunicated for 126 Days Anatolius whom this Charge concerned said That Photius having done things contrary to the Usage and Order of the Church had been Excommunicated by a Synod at Constantinople Hereupon the Commissioners demanded if it were allowable for Anatolius to send a Writ of Excommunication to Photius and deprive him of his Suffragans and lastly Whether they ought to give the Assembly of Bishops met at Constantinople the Name of a Synod On this last head one of the Bishops said with the consent of all That the Name of a Synod might be attributed to an Assembly of that Nature and that those who were aggrieved might apply themselves to it to obtain Justice But whereas it was objected that Photius was not present all the Bishops were of that Opinion that they could not condemn a Person absent Anâ—tolius also made a very good Defence for himself upon the first head but could not justifie himself as to the second and a Bishop reproved him for acting contrary to the Laws of the Roman Empire by condemning the Absent Photius desired them to maintain the Ancient Laws of the Church All the Bishops answered That his Request was reasonable and that the Canon ought to remain in full force They read the fourth Canon of the Council of Nice concerning the power of a Metropolitan to ordain Bishops by their Brethren of the same Province The Commissioners demanded whether the Bishops of the Province had assisted at the Ordinations of Eustatbius He answered That since he had enjoyed the right of a Metropolitan he had always called the Bishops to all the Ordinations that he had made The Commissioners asked if according to the Canons there could be two Metropolitans who had right to ordain in one Province The Council answered That there ought to be but one according to the Canons of the Council of Nice Then the Commissioners adjudged the Right to Photius in all the Province of Phaenicia Prima and forbad Eustathius to extend the Pragmatick-Sanction of Emperors to it The Council approved this determination the main difficulty was concerning the Bishops Ordained by both of them Whereupon the Council judged that those whom Photius had Ordained should continue Bishop although Eustathius had ranked them among the Priests All the Bishops were of his Opinion Lastly * Bishop of Sebastopolis Cecropius put the Council in mind that to prevent such complaints and troubles for the future they should decree That the Letters obtained of the Emperor in what Province soever it be should not be prejudicial to the Canons or Ancient Discipline The Synod and the Commissioners judged that it ought to be so The next Meeting which is counted the Fifth was held Octob. 22. The Commissioners caused Act. V. the Confession of Faith which was composed the day before to be read the greatest part of the Bishops approved of it but the Pope's Legats and some of the Bishops of the East opposed it The former did it so Zealously that they desired that they might return home if they would not keep themselves wholly to S. Leo's Letter This raised several Acclamations among them who would have it received The Commissioners were in some doubts concerning it because Dioscorus had condemned Flavian because he said That there were two Natures in Jesus Christ and this definition did not distinctly say so but only that the Union was made of two Natures Anotalius said that Dioscorus was not condemned for any point of Faith but because he had Excommunicated S. Leo and would not come to the Synod The Legats of the Holy See persisted in their Opposition to this Novel definition of Faith saying That it was needless and was defective in several things but others maintained strongly that it was Necessary and Perfect and the Commissioners said That they ought to give the Emperor an Account and wait for his Orders about it He then ordered that they should choose six Bishops out of the Biâ—hoprick of Asia three out of Pontus three out of Asia three out of Thracia and as many out of Illyria that they being assembled in the Chapel of the Church of S. Euphemia may compose a Formula or Confession of Faith or that every one should declare his Doctrine by his Metropolitan and added That if the Bishops would satisfie him about it he would make them hold a Council in the West When this Order was come the Bishops who desired that the definition of Faith which had been read should be approved made many Acclamations The Commissioners said That it seemed necessary to add to it according to the Definition of S. Leo that there are two Natures in Jesus Christ united without Change Confusion or Separation Having received these Preparatives the Bishops chosen to compose a Confession of Faith went into the Chapel and having finished it brought it to the Council It contained an Approbation of the Creed of Nice and Constantinople of S. Cyril's Synodical Letters to Nestorius and the Eastern Bishops and S. Leo's Letter After which they add That following these Writings of the Holy Fathers they did believe in one Lord Jesus Christ the Son of God perfect God and perfect Man Consubstantial with God as to his Divinity and with Man according to his Humanity in whom there are two Natures united without Change Division or Separation so that the Properties of the two Natures do subsist in and agree to One and the same Person who is not divided into two but is One Jesus Christ as it is said in the Nicene Creed This Confession of Faith concludes with a Declaration That those Persons are Deposed and Accursed wâ—o 〈◊〉 daâ—e â—o 〈◊〉 or â—â—opose any other Creed than that of this Council This Confessioâ—â— of 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 appâ—oved by all the World 〈◊〉 â—5 The Empeâ—â—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 came 〈◊〉 Person to the Council He told the Bishops that his inâ—ent iâ— calling 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preserve the Faith in its purity and to condemn Error That he came to this Syâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shew his Authority but only to proviâ—e for their Peace according to the 〈◊〉 o◠〈◊〉 That he had no other design but to procure a firm Union among all 〈◊〉 Subjects in the 〈◊〉 â—aith and that those disturbances which have been raised some Act VI. years â—â—nce by the Coveâ—… and Passion of several Persons should be appeased wholly by this Council Afâ—er severâ—â— Appâ—auses given him Actius read thâ— Câ—â—fession of Faith
promoted to the Holy See who was contrary to them and therefore they permitted 〈◊〉 him who was chosen to be Ordain'd till they had approv'd the Election St. Gregory who sâ—un'd 〈◊〉 Dignity as much as others seek it wrote a Letter to the Emperor Mauritius 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 prays him not to consent to his Election and to order that they quickly proceed to make another The Governour of Rome detain'd this Letter and secur'd the Person of St. Gregory For seas 〈◊〉 â—e should fly away and send to the Emperor the Act wherein he had been chosen Bishop of Rome â—…ritius who knew St. Gregory particularly well was very glad at this Election and order'd that he should be quickly consecrated Rome was the afflicted 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 Disease whereof Pelagius died and which kill'd so great a number of People 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 was almost â—…'d into a Desert During the Vacancy of the See St. Gregory exhorted the People to make 〈◊〉 i. e. Publick Processions of all the Inhabitants divided into seven Châ—â—rs Sometime after St. Gregory got out of Rome by concealing himself in a Basket to deceive the Gâ—…ds that were set at the Gates for hindering his Escape and went and hid himself in a Cave in the middle of a Wood but being discover'd he was Consecrated and Promoted to the See of Rome on the third of September 590. Immediately after his Promotion he made a Publick Profession of his Faith and wrote Synodical Lâ—tters to the Eastern Patâ—… In them he 〈◊〉 the Title of the Servant of the Servants of God in opposition to the 〈◊〉 Titles which the other Patriarchs assumed He regulated the singing and the Service of the Church of Rome reform'd his Clergy and put the City in very good order Aâ—… he was of a very weak Constitution and subject to many Diseases yet he endur'd with Courage the Fatigues and Labors of the Bishopâ—… and discharg'd all the Duties of his Function He took care of the Temporal and Spiriâ—â—â—l Welfare of his Sheep He concern'd himself in the Defence of the City of Rome against the Lombards and reliev'd the People with his great Alms for which he employ'd all the Revenue of St. Peter's Patrimony But he took particular care of the Clergy and Bishops of Italy and Sicily who depended more immediately upon the Bishop of 〈◊〉 then others Assâ—on as he understood that any Church was vacant he sent a Deputy to it and caus'd a Bishop to be immediately chosen and himself Ordain'd or caus'd him who was chosen to be Ordain'd He quickly applied a Remedy to the Disorders which happen'd in the Churches and suffer'd not any Disorder in them Besides the particular Care which St. Gregory had of his own Church and of those that more nearly concern'd him he applied himself also to the Affairs of the Universal Church On the one side he us'd all his Endeavours for quenching that Flame which was kindled about the Affair of the three Chapters in the Church On the other side he labour'd to deliver Afric from the Schism of the Donatists and to re-establish there the Regulations of the Canons He did often vigorously oppose the * He calls this Title Proud Heretical Blasphemous Antichristian and Diabolical Cave p. 430. which shows how far the Pope of Rome was then from assuming an Universal Supremacy over the Church Title of Universal Patriarch which the Patriarchs of Constantinople assum'd to themselves His Care extended to the most distant places and even to the most barbarous Nations He sent the Monk Austin and his Companions to the English to Convert that People He suffer'd not even the Jews to live in quiet but sollicited the Superior Powers against them But he had a particular Consideration of the Bishops his Collegues he comforted them in their Afflictions congratulated them and exhorted them upon occasion and rebuk'd them also freely and briskly for their Faults He honour'd their Merit with the Ornament of the Pallium which he sent to them Gratis and freely and delighted to relieve and protect them in all kind of Rencounters He watch'd continually for the maintenance of Discipline every where he persecuted Vices and Disorders wheresoever they happen'd and would not suffer any Simony in the Church of Jesus Christ. In a word he us'd his utmost endeavours to have the Canons inviolably observ'd in all the Churches of the World being perswaded that in this consisted all the Power and Authority which the Primacy of his See gave him All these different Employments did not hinder him from writing many Books When he was at Constantinople he begun the Morals upon Job at the desire of Leander Bishop of Sevil who was then there and with whom he contracted an intimate Friendship The Pastoral was the first Book which he wrote after his Ordination in Answer to the Calumny which John Bishop of Ravenna had rais'd against him because he refus'd the Bishoprick with so much stiffness His Pastoral Office oblig'd him to make many Homilies we have those which he compos'd upon Ezekiel and forty upon the Gospels The Dialogues were the Product of the Retirements which he made from time to time But before we enter upon a particular Enumeration of these Works we must give an Abridgment of his Letters which contain an infinite number of important Points concerning the Discipline of the Church These are commonly rank'd according to the order of their Dates and distributed into the Method of fourteen Indictions which answers to the years of St. Gregory's Pontificat beginning at the Month of September in the Year 590 which is the ninth Indiction and ending at the Month of March of the seventh Indiction of the Cycle according to the Indictions of the Year 604 of the Vulgar Aera which is the time of St. Gregory's death These Letters have been since divided into twelve Books each of which contain an Indiction except the second and seventh which comprehends two of them The number of Letters amounts to 840 or thereabouts Since there are many of these Letters which concern the same Points of Discipline we shall not follow the order of Time but give an account of them under certain principal Heads Concerning Baptism ST Gregory proves That Baptism does truly and perfectly pardon sins that it does not only in appearance expiate them as some think but it really remits them altho it leave the Man subject to Passions Book 9. Epistle 39. He approves the Opinion of Leander Bishop of Sevil who remark'd that it was indifferent to use three Dippings in Baptism or one only He adds that we must follow the Custom of the Church where we are Lib. 1. Ep. 41. He would have no Body forc'd to receive Baptism Ibid. Ep. 45. He permits Baptism to be given to the Jews on Sunday or a Festival if they cannot conveniently wait till Easter after they have been made to observe a Fast of forty days But if they be willing to wait till Easter his Opinion is that
Care in sending Galleys for the Defence of the Territory of Rome against the Saracens for his restoring to the Church of Rome S. Sergius his Monastery in the Neighbourhood of Constantinople and lastly for having restored Bulgaria to the See of Rome He prays him to continue his Good Will to that See and adds at the end of the Letter That he allows of the Acts of the Council at Constantinople for the Restauration of Photius but if his Legates had any way trespassed upon his Orders he disowns all such Actings and declares them void This Letter bore date August the Thirteenth 880. He also Congratulated Photius upon his Restauration for which he told him he was obliged to Pope John disowns what his Legates had done the Holy See but blamed him for refusing to make a Publick Acknowledgment of his Fault and beg the Council's Pardon He enjoyns him to submit himself and be faithful to the Holy See and ends his Letter with the same Clause contained in that to the Emperour Which shews that he was not as yet fully informed of all those Things the Legates had consented to And indeed when he understood how they had been surprised he went up to the Choire of his Church from whence he fulminated his Excommunication against all Persons that should not receive the Condemnation of Photius and having Deposed his Legates he sent Marinus who had been twice already Legate in the East to Repair the Mischief done by the late Legates Marinus being arrived at Constantinople did strenuously maintain what had been done under Pope Nicholas and in the Eighth Council against Photius refusing to consent to the Abrogation of the Acts of that Council The Emperour incensed at his Presumption in Disannulling what the other had Ratified caused him to be cast into Prison and having kept him there the space of Thirty days thinking that Mortification would make him change his Mind he sent him back to Rome where his Constancy was soon required For Pope John dying in the beginning of the year 882 he was Chosen to be his next Successor on the First of February Being raised to that High Station the first Thing that he did was to Condemn Photius again The following Popes are against the Restauration of Photius to declare void all the Episcopal Functions he had took upon him and to Abrogate all the Acts of the False Council of Photius His Pontificate having lasted but one year and odd days he had for his Successor Adrian the Third of that Name to whom Basilius the Emperour made present Applications to get him to own Photius But this Pope on the contrary did openly declare against him and Confirmed what his Predecessor had done Basilius provoked by this Denial Writ Adrian a Letter full of Invectives against the Bishops of Rome but chiefly against Marinus affirming That he could not legally be Chosen Bishop of Rome because of his being Bishop of another Church This Letter was deliver'd to Pope Stephen the Vth who succeeded Adrian in 885. Stephen made a Sober but Smart Answer to the Emperour in which he tells him That he wonders how he could Write in so violent a Style to his Predecessor for he could not be ignorant that the Sacerdotal Dignity was not any way subject to the Regal Power That though the Emperour represented Christ upon Earth 't is onely in respect to Civil and Temporal Things And that as God has given him a Supream Power over the Things of this World so has he given by St. Peter to his Successors a Supream Authority over Spiritual Things That it was the Emperour's part to destroy with the Sword the Impiety and Barbarity of Tyrants to doe Justice to his Subjects to make Laws and to have Armies both by Sea and Land but that the Care of Christ's Flock is committed to the High-Priests a Dignity as much above that of Kings as Heavenly Things are above Spiritual He exhorts him to follow the Pope's Decrees and to respect their Dignity He charges with Blasphemy all that have offer'd to Calumniate his Predecessor Marinus and sharply rebukes him for his giving credit to such Calumnies He asks him By whom he was Constituted a Judge of the Holy High-Priests And how he knows that Marinus was not a Bishop He excuses his being Translated by several Instances Moreover he affirms That the Pope is not liable to any Man's Judgment and says That Pope Sylvester caused a Declaration of it to be made by his Legates in the Nicene Council A Fact that cannot be proved He justifies all the Proceedings of Marinus and his Predecessors against Photius exhorts the Emperour to put him out of his See and to fill his Place by another Patriarch He complains of the ill usage Marinus had at his Court. Lastly He commends the Emperour for designing one of his Sons for the Sacerdotal Office and requires his Assistance for the defence of Rome and all Italy both by Sea and Land against the Descents and Inrodes of the Barbarians This Letter came to Constantinople after Basilius's Decease and was delivered to his Son Leo Photius turned out again who succeeded him in 886. This Prince was an Enemy to Photius upon a Jealousie he had that Photius had made use of Santarabenus to put him out of his Father's favour who had forced him to a private Life Glad therefore of this Opportunity at his Accession to the Imperial Throne to be revenged of his Enemies he presently turn'd out Photius and banished him into a Monastery in Armenia caused Santarabenus's Eyes to be put out sent him into Exile to Athens and caused Stephen his own Brother to be chosen Patriarch of Constantinople Which Election was approved of by Stylianus Bishop of Neocaesarea and by the other Bishops that were Photius's Adversaries who in their own Names and the Names of the Clergy of Constantinople together with the Abbots and Monks of the Empire sent a Letter to Pope Stephen In which having related all that had passed from the beginning in Photius's Case and how Leo the Emperour had no sooner ascended the Throne of his Father but he presently turn'd him out and by that means delivered them from the Miseries they groaned under for not submitting to him they earnestly entreat him to pardon those who had held Communion with Photius a second time by which Indulgence he would save a world of people proving that it had been practised by the Church upon several Occasions However they acquaint him that they would not suffer the Bishops of Photius's Faction to perform any Sacerdotal Functions whatever Permission they pretended to have from the Holy See till they had a certain Account of the Pope's pleasure in it â—nd that the rest who had submitted to Photius and were compelled to do it were the more excusaâ—le The Emperour writ also to the Pope but only acquainted him by his Letters that Photius had withdrawn himself of his own accord and had embraced a private
Sabbath nor the Jews to labour or trade on the Lord's Day not to eat in Lent with them not to eat any Flesh they have killed nor drink any Wine that they sell. Lastly not to converse familiarly with them nor trade with them because they daily Blaspheme the Name of Christ. Then he describes the insolence of the Jews because they found themselves upheld by the Authority of the Commissioners He beseeches him to hear the humble entreaty of Himself and Brethren and rectifie this disorder To this Petition he joyns a Letter written in his Name and in the name of Bernard Arch-bishop of Vienna and another Bishop called Eaof or Taof in which they produce the Authorities of the Fathers and Scripture to justifie the Severity they treated the Jews withall They relate the example of S. Hilary who would not salute them of S. Ambrose who writes that he would rather suffer Death than rebuild a Synagogue of the Jews which the Christians had burnt They add to these two Fathers S. Cyprian and S. Athanasius who wrote against the Jews Then they alledge the Canons of the Councils of Spain and Agda which forbid Christians to eat with the Jews and the Constitutions of the first Council of Masco which declares that according to the Edict of Childebert it is not permitted to the Jews to be Judges or Receivers of the publick Revenues nor to appear in publick in the H. Week and renew the prohibition given the Christians not to eat with them This is Confirmed by the Canons of the First and Third Councils of Orleans and the Council of Laodicea which forbids Christians to converse with them They forget not the Action of St. John who fled from the Bath in which he saw Cerinthus the Heretick entered who was an Heretick of the Sect of the Jews They accuse the Jews of their time to be worse than Cerinthus because they believed God Corporeal and had gross and false Notions of the Divinity allowed an infinite number of Letters and believed the Law to be written several Years before the World were perswaded that there are several Worlds and Earths introduced many Fables about the old Testament and uttered Blasphemy against Jesus Christ published the false acts of Pilate used the Christians as Idolaters because they hated the Saints and did infamous Actions in their Synagogues from whence they conclude that if they ought to separate themselves from Hereticks they ought with more Reason to have no commerce with the Jews which they maintain by several passages of H. Scripture 'T is very probable that Agobard went to Court about this Business He applyed himself to Three Persons who were in great Favour at Court viz. Adelardus Abbot of Corbey Vala the Son of Bernard Brother of Pepin and a Relation to the Emperour and Helesacharius Abbot of S. Maximus at Treves having complained before them of those that defended the Jews they brought him into the King's presence to relate it but he received no Satisfaction and was ordered to with-draw Being returned he consulted those Three Persons by a Letter what he should do with those Jewish Slaves who desired to become Christians and be Baptized He shews by several Reasons that he could not refuse to do it and that the Jews might have no ground of Complaint he says that he offer'd to pay them for those Slaves what was ordered by the ancient Laws But since the Jews would not receive that Price because they were perswaded that the Court Officers were their Friends he prays them to whom he wrote to direct him what to do upon that occasion about which he was much perplexed fearing on the one Side Damnation if he denyed Baptism to the Jews or their Slaves who desired it and on the other Side being fearful of offending the great Men if he granted it to them In Agobard's Letter to Nebridius Arch-bishop of Narbonne he shews how dangerous it is to hold a familiar converse with the Jews and tells him that he hath admonished his People of it all along his Visitation of his Diocess and boldly opposed the attempts of the Emperour's Commissioners Agobard presented another Petition to Lewis the Godly in which he prays him to abolish the Law of Gundobadus which ordered that private Contentions and Differences should be decided by a single Combat or some other proofs rather than by the Deposition of Witnesses He shews that that Law which was made by an Arrian Prince is contrary to the Spirit of the Gospel to that Charity that Christians ought to have one for another and to the peace both of Church and State He observes that it came neither from the Law nor Gospel That the Christian Religion was not established by such sort of Combats but on the Contrary by the Death of him that preached it That the most Wicked and Guilty have often overcome the more Just and Innocent He adds that Avitus Bishop of Vienna who had some Conferences about Religion with Gundobadus and converted his Son Sigismond disallowed this Custom He complains of the little Regard had to the Canons of the Church of France Lastly he says he could wish that all the Kings Subjects had but one Law but because he believed that impossible he desired he would abolish at least that Custom which was so unjust and so prejudicial to the State In the Treatise of the Privileges and Rights of the Priest-hood dedicated to Bernard Bishop of Vienna Agobard Treats of the Excellency of the Priest-hood He says that all Christians being Members of Jesus Christ who is our Chief Priest are Kings and Priests of the Lord. That in the beginning of the World the First Born were Priests and Sacrificers There he produces several Examples taken out of the Holy Scripture and many Authorities to shew that God hath often heard wicked Priests and had no regard to the Sacrifices of good ones because he looks chiefly upon the Dispositions of the Heart of those for whom they offer Sacrifices and that otherwise 't is not the Merit of the Priest nor his Person that God respects but his Ministery and Priest-hood For this Reason it is that wicked Priests may administer Sacraments which the most H. Lay-men cannot do And upon this account Men ought to hear and believe what the Priest teacheth if he do not corrupt the Doctrine of Jesus Christ for if he teach any thing that Christ hath not Commanded he that hears him saith Agobard is a Leper that follows another Leper a Blind Man lead by another Blind Man and consequently both of them ought to be driven out of the Camp and shall both fall into the Ditch This gives him occasion to cite several Texts of Scripture to exhort the Priests of the New Testament to behave themselves worthy of their Ministery and to complain of the Irregularities of his time He observes that the Great Lords of his time kept Domestick Priests in their Houses not to obey them but to employ them
Victor II. and threw him under the protection of the Holy See He was at first under the Government and Tuition of the Empress Agnes his Mother who had the administration of the Empire in her Hands But the Princes and Grandees of Germany being weary of the Government of this Woman took Henry away from her and committed the Charge of his Royal Person to Anno Arch-bishop of Cologne who had likewise the greatest share in the Government These Lords to retain their Authority the longer left Henry to his liberty of doing what he pleas'd and to live in the Debaucheries common to Youth and in the mean time Govern'd Absolutely under his Name and dispos'd as they saw fit of the Offices Revenues and Affairs of the Empire Henry was in this kind of dependency upon them till he came to be Eighteen or Twenty years old At which time he began to take Cognizance of the Affairs of his Estate and to Govern them himself It was then that he began to be sensible that a great many things had been done contrary to Justice and that the Grandees abusing the Confidence which he had repos'd in them were advanc'd by indirect means and regarded more their own private Interests than those of the State It was then he revok'd part of what they had caus'd to have been done prohibited the Exactions and Outrages which they had been guilty of re-estabish'd the Course of Justice and the Force of the Laws and punish'd the Offenders The measures which he took made several of his Lords to become Malecontents for they being us'd to do what they pleas'd themselves without fearing to be check'd for it could not be easie under this new Yoke Thereupon they conceiv'd an Aversion to King Henry which they continued for ever after and they took up a Resolution either to Kill him or to Out him of the Empire The Saxons were the first who openly Rebell'd against him they set upon him with such an Advantage and with so great Numbers that he was forc'd to fly for it He return'd with an Army and the Saxons were twice defeated but still kept to their Resolution They enter'd into a Confederacy with several Lords of Lombary France Bavaria and Suabia and finding themselves not strong enough to make open War against him they charg'd him with several Crimes before Pope Gregory and intreated that Pope to turn him out of his Throne and to put up another King in his place whose Conduct and Wisdom should be answerable to his Dignity Gregory VII had formerly begun under the Popedom of Alexander II. to form a Process against King Henry and had caus'd him to be cited to Rome upon the account of Simony and other Crimes lay'd to his charge But after Alexander's Death he thought it would redound to his Interest to manage him that he might be the more inclinable to confirm his Election Some Authors say That he secretly threaten'd that Prince to Prosecute him in case he would not approve of his Election but this Matter of Fact is not prov'd by any Authentick Testimony What is more certain is That before his Ordination Gregory sent word to Beatrice and Matilda That he had a design of sending some pious Persons to King Henry to give him some wholsome Advice about his Conduct and to persuade him to return to that Obedience which he ow'd to the Church of Rome At the same time he advises these Princesses not to communicate with the Bishops of Lombardy who were either guilty of Simony or favour'd those who were so This Letter of Gregory which is the Eleventh of his first Book bears date May 25 1073. The Persons guilty of Simony of whom he speaks in this Letter are the Bishops of Lombardy and particularly Godfrey Arch-bishop of Milan who was as Gregory says advanc'd to that Dignity by Simony and even whilst Guy Arch-bishop of that City was Living He and his Adherents had been Excommunicated for this by the Pope in a Council of Rome but this Excommunication had no other Effect upon him than to Incense him and entring into a League with all the Bishops of Lombardy they conspir'd together against the Holy See Gregory VII being advanc'd to the Papal Chair had nothing more in his Thoughts than to bring them to submit and to cause the Excommunication issued out against them to be put in Execution as appears by the Letter which he sent on that Subject to all the Faithful of Lombardy bearing date July 1 1073. which is the Fifteenth of the first Book King Henry on the other hand protected the Arch-bishop of Milan and the Bishops of Lombardy and continued in Communion with them and this gave the first Rise to the Contest betwixt him and Pope Gregory The first of September in the same year the Pope advis'd Anselm Bishop of Lucca Elect not to receive the Investiture of his Bishoprick from King Henry till such time as he had given Satisfaction for his holding Communion with Excommunicated Persons and till he was reconcil'd to the Holy See which he hop'd would be effected by the Mediation of the Empress Agnes of Beatrice and Matilda Countesses of Tuscany and by Radulphus Duke of Suabia who had undertaken the Accommodation The same day Gregory wrote to that Duke telling him That he had no particular ill Will to King Henry but on the contrary wish'd him well as he was oblig'd to do because he had acknowledg'd him for King because he had receiv'd several signal Favours from his Father Henry and because that Prince upon his Death had recommended him to Pope Victor II. But for as much as this Concord between the Empire and the Church ought to be pure and sincere it was requisite in the first place that he should manage the Affair with him with the Empress Agnes with the Countess Beatrice and with Reginald Bishop of Cumae that for this purpose he desir'd a Conference with him and pray'd him to come to Rome He wrote likewise at the same time to this Bishop of Cumae telling him That he wish'd with all his Heart that the King were Master of all that Religion and Piety which he ought to be Master of and that he were in Union and Amity with the Holy See and to bring this about he pray'd him to be ready to come to Rome with the Empress Radulphus and the Countess Beatrice that so all things might be adjusted That he might hold Conferences with the Bishops of Lombardy but that he ought not to Communicate with them These three Letters are the Nineteenth Twentieth and the One and twentieth of the first Book In the Four and twentieth written to Bruno Bishop of Verona bearing date September the 24th he declares that he retains the same Love and Tenderness for King Henry as ever he did This Prince replies to the Pope's Civilities in a very submissive Letter wherein he declares That for as much as it was requisite that the Empire and the Papacy should
Venice to treat with him viva voce concerning this Peace and in remonstrating to that Emperor by his Answer that the Division which had been between the Roman and the Greek Church had done great prejudice to the Affairs of the Holy See and the Empire of the East This Letter is the Eighteenth of the first Book dated June the 9th 1073. Gregory VII was no less Solicitous about the Churches of Africa and having understood The Letters of Gregory sent into Africa that the Christians of Carthage tho' persecuted by the Sarazens quarrell'd among themselves and that some of them had betray'd Cyriacus their Arch-bishop into the Hands of those Infidels who had very much abused him He wrote a neat Letter to the Clergy and Faithful of that City whereby he exhorts them to suffer patiently the Persecution of the Sarazens and to live in Peace and Unity one with another and after he had in a very lively manner represented to them the Enormity of the Offence committed in betraying Cyriacus he exhorts them who were guilty of it to do Penance This Letter dated September the 15th 1073. is the Two and twentieth of the first Book In the next Letter of the same date he comforts that good Bishop extolls his Constancy and exhorts him to rejoyce in his Sufferings and to persevere in the Faith assuring him that he would continually offer up his Prayers to God that he would be pleas'd to look down with an Ey of Pity and Compassion upon the Church of Africa which has so long groan'd under the pressures of Persecution and Distress Some time after the Church of Africa being reduc'd to the Government only of two Bishops the Africans were oblig'd to send one Servandus to Rome whom they had elected Bishop of Hippo to be ordain'd by the Pope Gregory ordain'd him and sent him away with Recommendatory Letters directed to the Arch-bishop of Carthage to the People of Hippo and to Auzir King of Mauritania These are the three last Letters of the third Book and belong to the Year 1076. In the first Letter of the eighth Book directed to the Arch-bishop of Synnada Patriarch of The Letters of Gregory VII against the Errors charg'd upon the Armenians the Armenians dated June the 6th in the Year 1080. Gregory reproves several Errors or rather several Practices contrary to the Discipline of the Church wherewith the Armenians were charg'd Namely That in their Churches they did not mix Water with the Wine in the Celebration of the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass that they made the Holy Chrism with Butter and not with Balsom and that they had a regard to the memory of Dioscorus The Deputy of the Arch-bishop of Synnada who was come to cause an Armenian Heretick who was fled to Italy to be driven thence had assur'd the Pope that all these Things were only groundless Surmises But for his better Satisfaction Gregory desires that that Arch-bishop would inform him by Writing what were his Thoughts and send him a profession of Faith At the same time he advises him to leave out these Words in the TRISAGION who wast crucified for us because they were not us'd in any other Church of the East no more than they were in the Church of the West and because they might be perverted to an ill Sense He commends the practice of their Churches in making use of Unleaven'd Bread and Fortifies them against the Objections of the Greeks As to the Churches of the West we may safely say that Pope Gregory VII govern'd almost all of them as if they belong'd to his own Diocess either by sending to them his Legats a Latere or by nominating Vicars to them or by citing the Bishops to Rome to give an account of their Conduct or by confirming or approving their Elections or by receiving the Appeals of their Decisions or by admitting the Complaints of their Diocesans or by appointing Judges upon the place or by deciding several Points of Discipline In a Word by having an hand in the particulars of all that happen'd in the Churches of Europe In the first place as to Legats 't is certain that nothing conduc'd more to establishing the Legats sent by Gregory VII to several Parts absolute Authority of the Popes than the sending Legats a Latere to reside upon the spot At first the Popes were satisfied with nominating the Bishops of the Country for their Vicars or for their Legats and granted them a Commission to call Councils and to act in their Names But for as much as these Prelates might have particular Interests to carry on and were not entirely devoted to the Will and Pleasure of the Popes the Court of Rome thought it more advisable to send upon the places Legats who were Strangers with full Commission of calling Councils of making Rules of Discipline of judging Priests and even Bishops themselves of excommunicating those whom they thought fit upon condition that they would return a faithful Account of all their Proceedings to the Pope and provided that those who thought themselves injur'd by their Decisions might come Personally to Rome to complain to the Pope himself By this means the Holy See judg'd the same Cause twice over and kept all the World in Awe For those who had been Condemn'd by the Legats hoping to meet with kinder usage from the Pope went to Rome in the nature of Suppliants and Penitents and seldom fail'd of clearing themselves or of receiving their Absolution which on the one side advanc'd the Authority of the Holy See and on the other made them its Creatures This Custom of sending Legats a Latere into the Provinces began to prevail in the foregoing Century and became very common in this especially in Italy and France However it met at first with some opposition in Germany where they maintain'd that no other Legat of the Holy See ought to be acknowledg'd beside the Arch-bishop of Mayence but Gregory VII play'd his part so well as to introduce it there In the Church of France the Arch-bishop of Rheims pretended by virtue of his Privileges to be exempt from the Jurisdiction of the Legats at least of those who were not Romans and were immediately come from Rome and for this Reason would not appear before Hugh Bishop of Dia and the Abbot of Cluny whom Gregory had nominated to be his Legats in France But the Pope sent him word by the Second Letter of the sixth Book dated August the 22d 1078 that the Holy See had always a Liberty of sending Legats immediately from Rome or of nominating those who liv'd upon the place or of taking them whence it pleas'd England maintain'd its Right much longer and rejected Foreign Legats for we read in the History of Eadmerus that Pope Urban successor to Gregory VII having sent in the Year 1100. Guy Arch-bishop of Vienna as Legat of the Holy See to England all the Kingdom was startled at this Legation which was look'd upon as a
suddenly expire and that the Law of the Spirit a great deal more perfect would succeed it This Doctrine spread among a great many Spiritual Men and one of â—hem made a Book to establish it to which he gave the Title of The Eternal Gospel This Piece The Book call'd the Eternal Gospel appear'd about the beginning of this Century but what is the Author's Name is not known Matthew Paris ascribes it to the Order of the Jacobines Aimeric to John the Seventh General of the Franciscans Let the Case be how it will 't is certain that a great many Monks approv'd of this Work and that some of them would have Taught this Doctrine Publickly in the University of Paris in the Year 1254 but the Bishops oppos'd it And the Book of the Eternal Gospel was Condemn'd to be The Condemnation of that Book Burnt in the Year 1256 by Pope Alexander IV. who at the same time Proscrib'd those who maintain'd the Doctrine of that Book as William of Saint Amour and Ptolemey of Lucca assure us All the Errors of this Book turn upon this Principle That the Law of the Gospel of Jesus Christ was The Errors of that Book imperfect in comparison of the law of the Spirit which was to succeed it For according to this Book the Law of the Gospel was to last no longer than Twelve hundred and sixty Years and consequently was upon expiring The Author of that Book advanc'd besides this several particular Errors viz. That none but Spiritual Men had the true Knowledge of the Scriptures That only those who went Bare-foot were capable of Preaching the Spiritual Doctrine That the Jews tho' adhering to their Religion shall be loaded with good things and deliver'd from their Enemies That the Greeks were more Spiritual than the Latines and that God the Father should Save them That the Monks were not oblig'd to suffer Martyrdom in Defence of the Worship of Jesus Christ That the Holy Ghost receiv'd something of the Church as Jesus Christ as Man had receiv'd of the Holy Ghost That the Active Life had lasted till Abbot Joachim but that since his time it was become useless That the Contemplative Life had begun from his time and that it should be more perfect in his Successors That there should be an Order of Monks by far more perfect which should flourish when the Order of the Clergy was perished That in this Third State of the World the Government of the Church would be wholly Committed to those Monks who should have more Authority than the Apostles ever had That those Preachers persecuted by the Clergy should go over to the Infidels and might excite them against the Church of Rome These are some of the Extravagancies which the Authors relate as extracted out of the Book of the Eternal Gospel The Maintainers of this Work are call'd Joachites or rather Joachimites in the Council of Arles 1260 The Condemnation of the Joachimites in the Council of Arles 1260. wherein their Doctrine was Examin'd and Condemn'd in these Terms Among the False Prophets who appear at this time none are more Dangerous than those who taking for the Foundation of their Folly several Ternaries in part true and making false Applications of them establish'd a very pernicious Doctrine and wickedly affecting to do Honour to the Holy Ghost do impudently derogate from the Redemption of Jesus Christ by aiming to include the Time of the Reign of the Son and his Works within a certain Number of Years after which the Holy Ghost shall Act As if the Holy Ghost were to Act with more Power and Majesty for the future than he has done yet since the beginning of the Church These Joachites by a Chimerical Concatenation of certain Ternaries maintain That the time of the Holy Ghost shall for the future be inlighten'd with a more perfect Law laying down for the Foundation of their Error this Holy and Coelestial Ternary of the Ineffable Persons of the Ever-blessed Trinity Father Son and Holy Ghost and are for establishing their Error on the Basis of all these Truths They add to this Sovereign Truth other Ternaries by asserting That there shall be Three States or Orders of Men who have had or shall have each their proper Season The First is that of Marry'd Persons which was in Repute in the time of the Father that is under the Old Testament The Second is that of Clerks which has been in esteem in the time of Grace by the Son in this Age of the World The Third is the Order of the Monks which shall be glorify'd in time with a larger measure of Grace which shall be given by the Holy Ghost Three sorts of Doctrines answer to these Three States the Old Testament the New and the Eternal Gospel or the Gospel of the Holy Ghost Lastly They distinguish the whole Duration of the World into Three Ages The time of the Spirit of the Law of Moses which they attribute to the Father the time of the Spirit of Grace which they attribute to the Son and which has lasted 1260. Years and the time of a more Ample Grace and of unveil'd Truth which belongs to the Holy Ghost and of which Jesus Christ speaks in the Gospel when he saies When that Spirit of Truth shall come he will teach you all Truth In the First State Men liv'd according to the Flesh in the Second between Flesh and Spirit and in the Last which shall endure to the end of the World they shall live according to the Spirit The Consequence which they draw from this Fiction of Ternaries is That the Redemption of Jesus Christ has no more place and that the Sacraments are Abolish'd which the Joachites have almost the Impudence to Advance by asserting That all Types and Figures shall be Abolish'd at this time and that the Truth shall appear all naked without the Veil of Sacraments Maxims these are which ought to be Abominated by all Christians who have Read the Holy Fathers and who firmly believe that the Sacraments of the Church are visible Signs and Images of Invisible Grace under the Elements of one of which the Son of God abides as he has promised in his Church to the End of the World This Council adds That tho' this Doctrine had been Condemn'd a while ago by the Holy See in its Censure of the Book of The Eternal Gospel yet because several Persons maintain'd it under a pretence That the Books which serv'd as a Foundation to that Error had not been Examin'd nor Condemn'd viz. the Book of Concordances and the other Books of the Joachites which till then remain'd undiscuss'd because they lay conceal'd in the Hands of some Monks and began then to appear in the World and to Infatuate the Minds of many it Condemns and Disapproves of those Works and prohibits the making use of them under pain of Excommunication In the Year 1240 William Bishop of Paris having Conven'd all the Regent Doctors of the University
that none but such as are obstinate in their Error are to be treated as Hereticks and so adds what are the Conditions necessary to repute a Man an Heretick In the Fourth Book also he treats of the same Question and prescribes the means to convince a Man of Obstinacy In the Fifth he shews who may fall into Heresie and particularly whether the Pope or College of Cardinals may err In it also he treats of the Primacy of the Church of Rome and of the Infallibility of a General Council and of the whole Church In the Sixth he treats of the Punishment of Hereticks and particularly of a Pope who is either Suspected or Convicted of Heresie the Method of Proceeding against him the Judges which he may have upon Earth and the Penalties which may be inflicted on him He also considers what share Lay-Princes have in the Decisions and Executions of such Judgments as concern the Faith In the Seventh he treats of such as give Credit to Hereticks who defend and protect them and particularly of such as follow an Heretical Pope who obey him and maintain his Heretical Doctrines and Communicate with him After he has explained these Questions in the First Part of this Dialogue he opposes in the Second the pretended Heresie of John XXII concerning the Vision of God and confutes the Reasons brought to excuse him The Third Part is divided into two Treatises The First is about the Authority of the Pope and the Second about that of the Emperor In the First Book he inquires how far the Pope's Power extends it self and whether he hath any Temporal Authority In the Second he examines whether it be convenient for all Christians to be Subject to One Head and the State of the Church to be Monarchical Whether there may be several Supream Bishops or Independant Patriarchs In the Third Book he inquires what that Authority is to which Men must yield a Belief under pain of Damnation In it he handles many Curious Questions concerning the Authority of Scripture General Councils Popes and Fathers in Matters of Faith In the Fourth he discourses of the Supremacy of S. Peter viz. Whether Jesus Christ made him the Head and Prince of the Apostles and whether he had Power over them It is easie to discern that he is for the Affirmative In his Second Treatise which is concerning the Power of the Emperor he examines in the First Book Whether it is convenient that all the World should be Subject to one Prince how far the Authority of the Emperor extends whether it depends upon the Pope or God only whether the Empire may be Translated Divided or Separated In the Second he treats of the Emperor's Authority in things Temporal declares the difference between the Spiritual Power of the Pope and that of the Emperor and shews how far the Power of this latter extends In the last Books he discourses of the Emperor's Power over the Persons of Churchmen and Revenues of the Church He inquires whether the Right of choosing a Pope belongs to him or the Romans whether these last may incroach upon him if the Emperor be the Pope's Judge and have Authority over him He had promised in the Preface to the Third Part of that Work Seven other Treatises The First concerning the behaviour of John XXII whether he died an Heretick or Orthodox Person The Second of the Life of Lewis of Bavaria to shew whether he were a Lawful Emperor or no. The Third of the Carriage of Benedict XII whom several Acknowledged to be Pope The Fourth of the Life of Friar Michael Caesena The Fifth of the behaviour of Friar Gerhard Odonis whom some reputed the Lawful General of the Grey-Friars The Sixth of the demeanour of William Ockam And the last of the Conduct of the Princes Bishops and other Christians who had adhered to favoured and maintained those of whom he had spoken These Treatises 't is not certain whether they were ever finished by Ockam or whether they are lost But we have two Treatises more of this Author 's against John XXII The one Intituled An Abridgment of the Errors of Pope John XXII as well in respect to the Poverty of Jesus Christ and his Apostles as about the Vision of God the Trinity and Power of God in which he answers the Reasons brought to excuse that Pope and accuses Benedict XII to have been a Favourer of the Heresies of John XXII and to have broached a New One in forbidding that when any Question is brought to the Pope to choose either the Negative or the Affirmative Part before the Pope has decided it The other is a large Work Intituled Ninety Days because he spent so much time in Composing it in which he confutes word by word the Four Decretals of John XXII Quia Vir reprobus Ad conditorem Cum inter and Quia quorundam Lastly There is also another Treatise of Ockam's Composed upon the Occasion of the Divorce of Margaret Dutchess of Carinthia and the Son of the King of Bohemia in which he explains the Right of the Emperor and Princes in Matrimonial Causes All these Books of Controversie are found as we have observed in the First and Second Tome of the Monarchy of Goldastus and have been printed severally at Lyons in 1496. There is in the Library of M. Colbert a MS. Treatise of Ockam's against Benedict XII divided into Seven Books and a Letter to the General Chapter of the Grey-Friars met in 1334. at Assisi Marsilius Patavinus or Marsilius of Padua Sirnamed Menandrinus a famous Lawyer of his Marsilius Patavinus time stoutly defended the Party of the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria against the Pope and about the Year 1324. Composed a large Work upon that Subject Intituled A Defender of the Peace against the Jurisdiction usurped by the Pope of Rome dedicated to the Emperor It is divided into Three Parts In the First he settles the Civil and Temporal Authority and Jurisdiction its Extent and Bounds In the Second he shews the Nature of the Ecclesiastical Power what is its Extent and what are the Effects of it and how it differs from the Civil Authority In it he maintains That the Church properly speaking hath no Compulsive Authority or Jurisdiction That all the Apostles were equal in Power That all Bishops and Ecclesiastical Ministers have their Power immediately from God That all Bishops have Power to decide Matters of Faith That a General Council is the Supream Judge of the Church and that the Government of the Church belongs to that That the Bishop of Rome is not the Head of other Bishops nor has any Primacy above them That he is the first in a Council and has Power to execute its Rules and Decrees In it he also shews wherein the Popes have exceeded their Authority and Power as well in Spiritual as Temporal Things and answers the Objections that may be made against that Doctrine and the Passages of the Fathers usually against it In the last Part