proue the old to him that is perswaded of the new and doubteth of the old but to him that doubteth of both we must not alledge the authority of either of these but some other thing so likewise we may proue the authority of the Scripture by the Church to him that is already perswaded of the Church of the Church by the Scripture to him that is perswaded of the Scripture but to him that doubteth of both we must bring other reasons For no man proveth a thing doubtfull by that which is as much doubted of as it selfe So that to proue the authority infallibility of the Church by the testimony and authoritie of the Church which is the thing doubted of is as if one taking vpon him to be a Lawgiuer whose authority is doubted of should first make a law and publish his proclamation and by vertue there of giue himselfe power to make lawes his authority of making the first lawe being as much doubted of as the second Thus then it being cleare and euident that it is one of the things that are to bee beleeued that the Church is guided by the spirit if Stapleton be asked why he beleeueeth it to bee soe guided hee sayth hee soe beleeueth because the spirit mooueth him so to beleeue But he should knowe that three things concurre to make us beleeue that whereof we are doubtfull The light of Diuine vnderstanding as that whereby wee apprehend the things of God The spirit as the author of this illumination and the reasons and motiues by force whereof the spirit induceth mooueth and perswadeth vs. Euen as in the apprehension of things within the compasse of the light of nature when wee are to be perswaded of a thing seeming doubtfull unto vs not only the actiō of him that perswadeth vs and the light of naturall vnderstanding are required to the effecting of it but also the force of reasons winning vs to assent to that we are to be perswaded of Wee therefore demand not of Stapleton who it is that perswadeth vs to belieue or what that light of vnderstanding is that maketh him capable of such perswasion but what those reasons or motiues are by force whereof the spirit settleth his minde in the perswasion of the truth of those things he formerly doubted of Surely he sayth the highest and last reason that moueth a man to beleeu the things that partaine to faith is the authority of the Church Let vs suppose it to be so touching all other things yet can it not be so in respect of those things we are to beleeue touching the authority of the Church it selfe What is the motiue then whereby the spirit moueth vs to beleeue that the Church hath diuine authority Hee sayth because it is so contained in the Scripture and in the Articles of the Creed See then if he be not forced to runne round in a circle He beleeueth other matters of faith because contained in the Scripture and the Scripture because it is the word of God and that it is the word of God because the Church deliuereth it to be so and the Church because it is ledde by the spirit and that it is ledde by the spirit because it is so contained in the Scripture and the Creede This kind of circulation Campian reckoneth amongst the Sophismes he wrongfully imputeth vnto vs but it will euer be found true that the Prophet pronounceth of the wicked Impij ambulant in circuitu The wicked runne round till they be giddie and are in the end where they were when they began Out of this maze Stapleton cannot get himselfe vnlesse hee flye to humane motiues and inducements and make them the highest and last reason of his faith and soe indeede hee doth For fearing that hee hath not sayd well in saying he beleeueth the Church is guided by the spirit because it is contained in the Scripture hee addeth another reason why hee so beleeueth because it is the generall opinion and conceipt of all Christian men that it is so guided and so indeed his perswasion stayeth it selfe vpon humane grounds though hee bee vnwilling that men should so thinke and conceiue Th◅se mazes and labyrinths other Papists seeking to avoyd runne without any such shewe of feare as Stapleton bewrayeth into most grosse absurdities some thinking that the authority of the Church is the reason moouing vs to beleeue all other things and that we beleeue that the Church is ledde and guided by the spirit and that the truth of God which the Church teacheth vs moued thereunto by humane motiues namely for that that must needes be the truth which so many miracles haue confirmed which a few weake and silly men contemptible in the eyes of the world haue wonne all the world to belieue haue holden out the defence of it against all the furies of enemies whatsoeuer which they could not haue done had not the spirit and power of the most high beene with them making them more then conquerours This is the opinion of Durandus who maketh humane motiues and inducements the highest and last reason of his faith to which also Stapleton flyeth though vnwillingly Others thinke that wee beleeue by the sole and absolute commaund of the will either finding nothing or nothing of sufficient force to perswade vs. Both these conceipts are to be examined by vs. Concerning the first wee are to obserue that the Schoolemen make two kindes of faith calling the one fidem infusam an infused faith wrought in vs by the inlightning spirit of God and staying it selfe vpon the truth of God the other fidem acquisitam a humane and naturall faith grounding it selfe vpon humane authoritie and wrought by humane motiues and perswasions So that according to the opinion of these men we beleeue the Articles of our Christian faith and whatsoeuer is contayned in the bookes of the Prophets and Apostles because wee are perswaded that they were revealed by Almighty God and this pertaineth to infused faith as they thinke but that they were reuealed there is nothing that perswadeth vs but the authority of the Church and because wee haue so learned receiued of our forefathers and this pertaineth to humane faith and is meerely a naturall and humane perswasion like that the Saracens haue touching the superstition of Mahomet who therefore beleeue them because their Auncestors haue deliuered them vnto them If this opinion were true as Melchior Canus rightly noteth the finall stay of our infused faith and the first reason moouing vs so to beleeue should not be the truth of God but humane authority For wee should beleeue the Articles of our faith because they were revealed and beleeue they were revealed because our Auncestours so deliuered vnto vs and the Church so beleeueth And from hence it would farther follow that seeing the assent yeelded to the conclusion can be no greater nor more certaine then that which is yeelded to the premisses whence it is deduced inferred
themselues to another not of falsehood but of superfluitie the first instance whereof that they giue is the sixt of Mathew where the Lords prayer in the vulgar Latine endeth with that petition deliuer vs from euill leauing out for thine is the Kingdome the power and the glory which they suppose to bee superfluously added in the Greeke But these men should know that though it were granted that these words were superfluous yet nothing is thereby derogated from the Greeke seeing some Greeke Copies and they very auncient omit them as Beza sheweth Their next instance is Rom. 11. where the vulgar Latine hath If of grace not of workes otherwise grace should be no more grace to which is added by way of Antithesis and opposition in the Greeke If of workes not of grace otherwise workes should be no more workes It will be very hard for our adversaries to proue that these latter words are superfluously added being found not onely in the most Greeke Copies but in the Syriacke translation But if it were granted yet there is one Greeke Copie of great antiquity that omitteth these words as well as the vulgar Latine The next instance is the sixt of Marke and the 11. Verily I say vnto you it shall be easier for Sodome and Gomorrha c. If it were granted that these wordes were superfluously added which yet there is no reason to doe seeing besides very many Greeke Copies the Syriacke translation hath them also yet would this make nothing for the improuing of the credite of the Greeke seeing as Beza professeth there are three Greeke Copies that omit them The like may bee said touching the next allegation of Mathew the 20 22 23. where these wordes and bee baptised with the baptisme that I am baptised with are supposed to bee superfluous for there are some Greeke Copies that omit them as well as the vulgar Thus hauing examined the seuerall allegations of our adversaries against the authoritie and credite of the Greeke Text of the New Testament wee see that they faile in them neither being able to convince it of falsehood nor superfluitie Wherefore to conclude this matter wee say with Hierome that the Latine editions are to be corrected by the Greeke that by the providence of GOD the verity of the Scriptures of the New Testament hath euer beene preserued in the originall That those faults and errours which are crept into some Copies may easily by the helpe of others be corrected and that there is no difference in matter of substance in so great variety of Copies as are found in the world If any man say the Greeke hath beene corrupted since the dayes of Hierome and that therefore though hee in his time thought the translations might bee corrected by the originals yet now wee may not take the same course we answere it may easily be proued that all those supposed corruptions which they now finde in the Greeke were found in it in Hieromes time For there are but two places to wit 1. Corinth 15. and 1. Iohn 4. 3. where all Greeke Copies haue otherwise then they say the truth is and these places were corrupted if there bee any errour in the present reading before Hieromes time Thus much touching the sufficiencie of the Scriptures and the editions wherein the authenticall veritie of the same is to bee sought CHAP. 30. Of the Power of the Church in making Lawes NOw it remaineth that wee come to the next part of our diuision touching the power of the Church in making lawes As the will of God willing and purposing the being of each thing is the first and highest cause of things so the same will of God determining what is fitte to bee what of what kinde in what sort each thing must bee that it may attaine and possesse the vttermost degree of perfection the orderly disposition of things requireth to bee communicated to it is the first and highest lawe to the whole world And as the will of God determining what is fitte defining what ought to bee and what must bee if the Creatures attaine their highest perfection is a generall lawe to all Creatures soe when he maketh knowne to creatures rationall and of an vnderstanding nature which haue power to doe or omitte thinges thus fitte to bee done that though hee leaue it in their power and freedome of choise to doe or omitte them yet they shall be tyed either to doe them or to loose the good they desire to enjoy incurre the euils they would avoyd It is more specially named a lawe of commandement precept or direction binding them vpon whom it is imposed to the performance of that it requireth The Precepts and Commandements of Almighty God are of two sorts for either they are such as in respect of the nature and condition of the things themselues are good and soe binde all men at all times or else they are positiue prescribing things variable according to the diuersities of times and the different condition of men liuing in them The former kinde of lawes God imposed vpon men in the day of their creation or redemption and restauration together with the very nature and being which hee gaue them the later prescribing things not naturally and perpetually good but good onely at some time to some men and to some purposes and vses to which they serue were not imposed at first together with the institution of nature or the restauration of the same by grace but are then imposed when the things they prescribe are iudged good and beneficiall Soe God prescribed before the comming of Christ his sonne those sacrifices and offerings which now hee regardeth not and hath now instituted those Sacraments Ceremonies and rites of Religion which before were not knowne in the world Thus wee see that the originall of all lawes is the will of God who as hee reserueth for himselfe the honor of being the supreame first and highest cause of all thinges and yet communicateth part of his Diuine power to subordinate and inferiour causes so though he alone be the great lawegiuer to euery creature yet hee communicateth part of his authority to such among the sonnes of men as he is pleased to make greater than others giuing them power to command and prescribe lawes vnto them Touching this matter thus generally deliuered there is noe difference betweene vs and our aduersaries For it is confessed on both sides that God who is the great lawgiuer to the whole world hath chosen out some from amongst the rest of the sonnes of men whom hee hath beene pleased to honour with his owne name to set vpon his owne seat and to make rulers and lawgiuers vnto his people but the question is within what bounds this power is contained and how farre the band of lawes made by such authority extendeth CHAP. 31. Of the boundes within which the power of the Church in making lawes is contayned and whether shee may make lawes concerning the worshippe of God TOuching
to proue that humane lawes doe binde the conscience are so vaine and friuolous that they deserue no answere yet least our aduersaries should thinke wee therefore passe them ouer without examination because wee feare the force and weight of them I will breefely take a view of them and let the Reader see their weakenesse To binde sayth Bellarmine is either the essence or essentiall property of a lawe therefore all lawes whether they bee of God or of men doe binde in the same sort Hee should haue sayd therefore all lawes doc binde whether they bee of God or of men For to say It is the essentiall property of a lawe to binde therefore all lawes doe binde in the same sorte is as if a man should thus reason It is essentiall to all naturall bodies to haue motion therefore the same kinde of motion whereas yet the fire goeth vpward and the earth downewards thinges without life mooue but one way either towards or from the center of the worlde thinges liuing euery way His next reason is more childish then this for hee reasoneth thus If lawes doe binde onely in that they are diuine then all diuine lawes should equally binde This reason concludeth nothing against vs. For first no man sayth that lawes binde onely because diuine for it is essentiall to euery lawe to binde but that they binde the conscience because they are diuine And secondly wee adde that all diuine lawes doe equally binde the conscience For the conscience doth as much feare Gods displeasure and eternall punishment for one sinne as for another though not so great displeasure nor so greiuous punishment And so they equally binde the conscience though there bee no equality either of the sinnes or of the punishment the conscience feareth and seeketh to decline His third reason that Gods commandement maketh those actions that were before indifferent to be actions of vertue therefore men by their precepts doe so likewise is very strange and therefore hee endeauoureth to confirme it The reason sayth hee why Gods precepts and commandements make actions that were indifferent as to eate swines flesh or not to eate it to be actions of vertue is because they are rules of mens manners and conuersation but mens lawes likewise are rules of mens liues manners and conuersation therefore they in like sort make those actions that were before indifferent to be actions of vertue To this wee answere that there are many great differences betweene these two rules First for that the one containeth a certaine and infallible direction the other oftentimes leadeth out of the way Secondly that the lawes of God are rules in such sort that the very thoughts of the heart diuerting from that which they prescribe are sinfull but mens lawes are kept and fullfilled with how bad affections soeuer the things bee done that are prescribed Thirdly because the vse of nothing being lawfull vnto vs in respect of conscience longer nor farther then God the supreme Lord of all alloweth the same it is an action of vertue to abstaine from things denyed vnto vs by GOD either in the first institution of nature or by his positiue lawe but men hauing no such power no such thing is consequent vpon their commaundements or prohibitions Lastly Gods lawe both that which is naturall that is giuen when nature was first instituted and that which is positiue is the rule of mens liues absolutely which if they bee conformed vnto they are morally good if they varie from they are euill and wicked but the lawes of men are rules onely in respect of outward conuersation framing it to the good of the commonwealth Soe that a man euen according to the rules of Philosophy may bee a good Cittizen that is not a good man His next reason is taken from the comparison of a King and his Viceroy the Pope and his Legate and the lawes and edicts of these binding in the same sort To this wee answere that the comparison holdeth not first because the King and his Viceroy command the same things and to the same ends but if wee compare God and men the lawes of God and the lawes of men wee shall finde a great difference betweene them both in the things they commaund and the ends for which they command the one requiring inward actions and the performance of outward with inward affections the other outward onely Secondly because both the King and his viceroy haue power to take notice of all kind of offences committed against both the one and the other and to punish them with the same kind of punishment but there are many offences committed against God by every man whereof men can take no notice and if they could yet haue no power to inflict such punishments as God doth His last reason is taken from that place of the Apostle where he requireth vs to bee subject to power and authority for conscience sake To this wee answere first that it is a matter of conscience to be subject in all things for subjection is required generally and absolutely where obedience is not Secondly we say that it is a matter of conscience to seeke and procure the good of the common-wealth and that therefore it is a matter of conscience to obey good and profitable lawes so farre as we are perswaded our obedience is profitable Thus haue we breefely examined their reasons who thinke that humane lawes binde the conscience the weakenesse whereof I hope all men of any judgment will easily discerne Wherefore to conclude this matter touching the Churches power in making lawes there are three things which we dislike in the doctrine practise of the Romane Church First that they take vpon them to prescribe Ceremonies and observations hauing power to conferre grace for the remission of veniall sinnes and the working of other spirituall supernaturall effects Secondly that they assume vnto themselues that which is proper vnto God seeke to rule in the conscience Thirdly that by the multiplicitie of lawes they dangerously insnare the consciences of men and oppresse them with heauy burdens To this purpose is the complaint that Gerson long since made that the Lawes of the Church were too many and in a great part childish and vnprofitable bringing vs into a worse estate then that of the Iewes as Augustine to Ianuarius complained when things were much better than in latter times they haue beene Neither sayth Gerson are they content to burden vs with the multiplicitie of their lawes but as if they preferred their owne inventions before the Lawes of God they most rigorously exact the performance of the things their owne lawes prescribe neglect the Lawes of God as Christ told the Pharisees and hypocrites of his time pronouncing against them that by their vaine traditions they made the lawes of God of none effect To shew how vnjust and vnreasonable the Romane Lawgiuers are in burdening men with so many traditions the same Gerson fitly obserueth that Adam in
excommunication they may restraine from vse of Sacraments societie of Beleeuers and benefite of the Churches praiers so by Absolution they may free from all these bonds againe Neither is this kinde of binding and loosing lightly to bee esteemed of or little regarded for he that for his contempt and disobedience is debarred from the vfe of the Sacraments from enjoying the societie of the beleeuers and partaking in the benefite of the Churches prayers is vndoubtedly excluded from all accesse to the Throne of grace in Heauen all acceptation there so consequently no lesse bound in Heauen then in Earth and he that is vnloosed from these bonds on Earth is vnloosed and set free in Heauen that without all restraint he may goe boldly to the Throne of Grace to seeke helpe in the time of neede Thus wee see the diuerse kindes of binding and loosing that the Guides of Gods Church haue power and authority by Lawes and precepts censures and punishments to binde those that are committed to their care and trust and when they see cause by reuersing such Lawes and precepts wholly or in part and by diminishing releasing taking away such censures and punishments to vnty them and set them free againe The bond of Diuine Lawes they may no otherwise meddle with then by letting them know who are so bound how straightly they are tyed The bonds of sinne and punishments by Diuine Iustice to be inflicted they haue no power and authoritie to vnloose but they concurre as helpers to the vnloosing of them by the Ministery of the Word vvinning and persvvading men to convert vnto God to cast their sinnes from them and by the Sacraments instrumentally communicating vnto them the grace of repentant conversion and the assurance of remission and pardon In all these kindes of binding and loosing the Apostles were equall seeing our Aduersaries themselues confessing they had the same power of Order and jurisdiction in like extent within the compasse whereof all these kinds of binding and loosing are confined Wherefore let vs proceede to speake of the power of remitting and retaining sinnes giuen to the Apostles by Christ our Sauiour To remit sinne properly is nothing else but to resolue not to punish sinne and therefore hee onely may properly be sayd to remit sinne that hath power to punish it Now as sinne is committed against the prescript of God our Conscience and Men in authority soe GOD the conscience of the Sinner and the Magistrate and Minister haue power to punish sinne GOD with punishments temporall and eternall of this life and that which is to come the Conscience with remorse the Magistrate with death banishment Confiscation of goods imprisonment and the like and the guides of the Church with suspension excommunication degradation and such other censures Hence it followeth that GOD onely is sayd properly to remitte the punishments that his justice doth inflict that the conscience onely vpon repentance canne take away that bitter and aflictiue punishment of remorse wherewith shee is wont to torment and disquiet the minde of the offendour and that the Magistrate and Minister onely haue power to take away those punishments that in their seuerall courses they may and doe inflict Notwithstanding the Minister by the Word perswading men to repentance procuring remission and out of his prudent obseruation of the parties conuersion vnto GOD assuring him that it will goe well vvith him as also by the Sacrament instrumentally communicating to him as well the grace of repentant conuersion as of free remission that soe hee may heare the very sound and voyce of GOD in mercy saying to the heart and spirit of the repentant Sinner I am thy Saluation may bee sayd in a sort to remitte sinne euen in that it is an offence against GOD not by way of authority and power but by winning and perswading the sinner to that conuersion which obtaineth remission from GOD and by the Sacrament instrumentally making him partaker as well of the grace of remission of sinne from GOD as of conuersion from sinne to GOD. There are but foure things in the hand of the Minister the Word Prayer Sacraments and Discipline By the word of Doctrine hee frameth winneth and perswadeth the sinner to repentant conuersion seeking and procuring remission from God By Prayer he seeketh and obtaineth it for the sinner By Sacraments he instrumentally maketh him partaker as well of the grace of remission as conuersion And by the power of Discipline he doth by way of authority punish euill doings and remit or diminish the punishments he inflicteth according as the condition of the party may seeme to require By that which hath beene sayd it appeareth that to bind and loose to remit to retaine sins are equiualent the same saue that to bind and loose is of more ample large extent in that it implyeth in it the binding by precepts lawes the loosing which is by reversing or dispensing with the same And therefore hauing shewed that the Apostles were equall in the power ofbinding and loosing we need ad no farther proofe that they were equall in power of remitting retaining sins Wherefore let vs proceede to the promise of Christ made to Peter that vpon the Rocke mentioned by him he would build his Church and let vs see whether any peculiar thing were promised vnto Peter in that behalfe The Church of God we know is compared in Scripture to a City an House and a Temple and therefore the beginning proceeding and increasing of the same is rightly compared to building Now in building there must be a foundation vpon which all may rest and stay that is put into the same building and the foundation must be sure firme immoueable for otherwise it wall faile and so alll other parts of the building wanting their stay will fall to the ground Now nothing is so firme sure and immoueable as a Rocke and consequently no building so strōg as that which is raised vpon a rockie foundation wherevpon our Sauiour sheweth that a House builded on the sand is easily ruinated soone shaken to pieces but that an House builded vpon a rocke standeth firme notwithstanding the furie and violence of the flouds winds and tempests and compareth a Man rightly grounded and established in his perswasion and resolution to an house so built By a Rocke therefore in this place is meant a sure foundation that will not faile nor be moued or shaken how great a weight soeuer be laid vpon it In a foundation there are three things required The first is that it bee the first thing in the building the second that it beare vp all the other parts of the building the third that it be firme and immoueable For as Christ saith If the eye that is the light of the bodie be darknesse how great is that Darknesse So if that which is to support and beare vp all doe faile shrinke all must needs be shaken and fall a
authority so to do Which kind of reasoning I thinke the Reader will not much like of Touching Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria Paule Bishop of Constantinople and Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra deposed by the Orientall Synode their complaints to the Bishop of Rome and other Bishops of the West of the wrongs done vnto them how the Bishop of Rome with the Westerne Bishops fought to relieue them with how ill successe and how litle this instance serueth to proue the thinge in question I haue shewed before as likewise Theodorets desiring Leo with his Westerne Synodes to take knowledge of his cause Soe that it is a vaine bragge of Bellarmine that to these and the like testimonies of Antiquity nothing is nor can be answered CHAP. 38. Of the weakenesse of such proofes of the supreme power of Popes as are taken from their Lawes Censures Dispensations and the Vicegerents they had in places farre remote from them HAVING examined the pretended proofes of the illimited vniversality of the Popes authority and jurisdiction taken from the power they are supposed to haue exercised in former times ouer other Bishops by confirming deposing or restoring them let vs come to their Lawes Dispensations Censures see if frō thence any thing may be cōcluded If they could as strongly proue as they cōfidētly endertake that Popes in ancient times made Lawes to bind the whole Christian Church dispensed with such as were made by general Coūcels cēsured al men as subject to them of necessity we must be forced to acknowledge the fulnesse of all power to rest in the Romane Bishops But their proofes are too weake to make vs beleeue any such thing For first touching the decrees of Popes they did not binde the whole Christian Church but the Westerne Provinces onely that were subject to them as Patriarches of the West And secondly they were not made by them without the consent and joint concurrence of the other Bishops of the West assembled in Synodes and sitting with them as their fellow Iudges with equall power of defining and determining things concerning the state of the Church as appeareth by the Decrees of Gregory the first who sitting in Councell with all the Bishops of the Roman Church the Deacons and inferiour Clergy-men standing before them made Decrees and confirmed them by their subscriptions the rest of the Bishops and the Presbyters also who sate in Councell with them subscribing in the very same sort that Gregory did And of Decrees in such sort made Leo speaketh when he requireth the Bishops of Campania Picene Thuscia to keepe and obserue the Decretall constitutions of Innocentius and all other his predecessours which they had ordained as well touching Ecclesiasticall orders as the Discipline of the Canons or otherwise to looke for no fauour or pardon And in the very same sort are the words of Hilarius to be vnderstood when he saith That no man may violate either the divine constitutions or the Decrees of the Apostolique See without danger of losing his place For this he spake sitting as President in a Councell of Bishops assembled at Rome of things decreed by Synodes of Bishops wherein his predecessours were Presidents and Moderatours as he was now but not absolute commaunders But Bellarmine saith that Pope Anastasius the yonger in his Epistle to Anastasius the Emperour willeth him not to resist the Apostolicall precepts but obediently to performe what by the Church of Rome and Apostolicall authority shall be prescribed vnto him if hee desire to holde communion with the same holy Church of GOD which is his Head Therefore the Pope had power to command and giue lawes to the Emperour and consequently had an absolute supreme authority in the Church Surely this allegation of the Cardinall is like the rest For Anastasius doth not speake in any such peremptory and threatning manner to the Emperour but acknowledging his breast to bee a Sanctuary of happinesse and that he is Gods Vicar on earth telleth him in modest and humble sort that hee hopeth hee will not suffer the insolencie of those of Constantinople proudly to resist against the Evangelicall and Apostolicall precepts in the cause of Acatius but that he will force them to performe and doe what is fit and in like humble sort beseecheth him when he shall vnderstand the cause of them of Alexandria to force them to returne to the vnity of the Church The last instance of the Popes Law-giuing power brought by Bellarmine is the priviledge granted to the Monastery of Saint Medardus by Gregory the first in the end whereof we finde these words Whatsoeuer Kings Bishops Iudges or secular persons shall violate the Decrees of this Apostolicall authority and our commaundement shall be depriued of their honour driuen from the society of Christians put from the communion of the Lords body and bloud and subjected to Anathema and all the wofull curses that Infidels Heretikes haue beene subject to from the beginning of the world to this present time A strong confirmation of the priviledges graunted is found in these wordes but a weake confirmation of the thing in question for the priuiledges were graunted and confirmed in this sort not by Gregory alone out of the fulnesse of his power but by the consenting voyce of all the Bishops of Italy and France by the authority of the Senate of Rome by Theodoricus the King and Brunichildis the Queene So that from hence no proofe possibly can be drawne of the Popes absolute power of making lawes by himselfe alone to binde any part of the Christian Church much lesse the whole Christian world Wherfore let vs passe from the Popes power of making lawes to see by what right they claime authority to dispense with the Lawes of the Church and the Canons of Generall Councels The first that is alleadged to haue dispensed with the Canons of Councels is Gelasius But this allegation is idle and to no purpose For first it cannot bee proued that by dispensing he sought to free any from the necessity of doing that the strictnesse of the Canon required but those onely that were subiect to him as Patriarch of the West And secondly he did not dispense but vpon very vrgent cause and driuen by necessity so to doe and yet not of himselfe alone but with the concurrence of other Bishops of the West assembled in Synode The other instances that are brought of the dispensations of Gregory the first are nothing else but the instances of the ill consciences of them that bring them For Gregory did not dispense with the English to marry within the degrees prohibited as the Cardinall vntruely reporteth but only aduised Austine not to put them that were newly conuerted from such wiues as they had married within some of the degrees prohibited in the time of their infidelity lest hee might seeme to punish them for faults committed in the daies of their ignorance and to discourage other from becomming Christians Neither
communicating with the Priest in the Sacrament into a priuate masse which indeede if wee will speake properly is no masse or that hee helde it to bee a new reall sacrificing of CHRIST as the Iesuited Papistes doe at this day A sacrifice wee confesse it to bee of praise and thankes-giuing and a commemoration of the bloudy sacrifice of CHRIST vpon the Altar of the Crosse say that therefore it may bee named a sacrifice because signes haue the names of the things whereof they are signes as also for that there is in this Sacrament an offering or presenting of CHRIST and his passion to GOD by the faith of the Church that by it wee may obtaine grace and remission of sinnes but a new reall sacrificing of CHRIST wee denye and thinke with Luther that it is a hellish abomination so to doe That Gerson thought that there is a Purgatory doth no more prejudice his being a worthy guide of Gods Church then the errour of Cyprian and other before-mentioned Touching invocation of Saints though hee did not absolutely condemne it yet hee reprehended the abuses and superstitious observations then prevailing in the worshipping of Saints very bitterly as I shewed before sought to bring men to a truer sense of piety in that point then was ordinarily found amongst men in those times The like he did for indulgences restraining them more then was pleasing to the Popes faction and for the communion vnder one kinde howsoeuer hee thought the Church might lawfully prescribe the communicating in one kinde alone which wee cannot excuse yet hee acknowledgeth that the communion in both kindes was aunciently vsed and that when it may bee had with the peace of the Church it is to bee allowed But to what purpose doth Master Higgons alledge these things shall it bee lawfull for him and his to repute Iohn Gerson a worthy and godly man notwithstanding that he held that the Pope may erre that he is subiect to Generall Councels that he medleth with things no way pertayning to him when hee taketh vpon him to dispose the Kingdomes of the world that all our inherent righteousnesse is imperfit and as the polluted ragges of a menstruous woman that all sins are by nature mortall and the like and may not wee take him to haue beene a member of the true Church a good man and one that desired the reformation of things amisse notwithstanding his errour in some things and his not discerning all that was amisse The insufficiencie of this allegation it seemeth Master Higgons himselfe perceived and therefore saith hee will come to the supreame difference to which all other points as hee conceiueth are subordinate and inferiour that is to say the soueraigne primacy of the Romane Bishop and bringeth two very effectuall testimonies as hee thinketh of Gerson to proue the Popes soueraigne primacie The First is out of his booke De auferibilitate papae his words are these The formes of ciuill government are subiect to mutability and alteration but it is otherwise in the Church for her gouerment is Monarchicall and is so appointed by the institution of our Lord if any man will violate this sacred ordinance and persist obstinately in his contempt hee is to bee iudged an Hereticke as Marsilius of Padua and some other consorting with his fancie The second is out of his tract De vnitate Graecorum where prescribing many directions for the composing of the differences betweene the Greeke and Latine Churches hee layeth it downe as a foundation that there must bee one head on earth vnto which all men must bee vnited In these sayings Master Higgons saith Gerson shewed himselfe a worthy guide of Gods Church and a singular enemy of the Protestanticall reformation which violently impugneth the supremacie of the Pope in so much that Luther affirmeth that a man cannot be saued vnlesse from his heart hee hate the Pope and Papacie These things truely carrie a very faire shew and may deceiue such as cannot or will not throughly looke into them But whosoeuer knoweth what Gersons opinion of the Pope is and what Luther hath written against the Papacie will soone perceiue there is no contradiction betweene them or at least not in any essentiall and materiall point For Gerson was of opinion that the Pope is subiect to a Generall Councell and that hee is not free from daunger of erring and this hee thought to bee a matter of faith defined in the Councell of Constance and therefore would haue detested all claimes of infallible iudgement and vncontrouleable power of Popes as much as Luther did and would haue accursed his words of blasphemie if once hee should haue heard him say as wee doe and as before the holding of the Councell of Constance he did All the world cannot iudge mee though I ouerturne the whole course of nature no man may say vnto mee why doe you so I onely haue power to make lawes and to voide them againe I haue authority to dispence with the Canons of all Councels as seemeth good vnto mee and which is more to dispose of all the kingdomes of the world the assurance of finding out the trueth and not erring is not partly in mee and partly in the Councell but wholy in mee whatsoeuer all the world shall consent on is of no force if I allow it not Hee would haue said doubtlesse as I haue done if hee had heard him thus speake that wee are not bound to take the foame of his impure mouth and froath of his words of blasphemie as infallible Oracles This is that Pope and this is that Papacie which Luther saith euery one that will be saued must hate from his heart for otherwise if hee would onely claime to bee a Bishoppe in his precinct a Metropolitane in a prouince a Patriarch of the West and of Patriarches the first and most honourable to whom the rest are to resort in cases of greatest moment as to the head and chiefe of their company to whom it specially pertaineth to haue an eye to the preseruation of the Church in the vnity of faith and religion and the actes and exercises of the same and with the assistance and concurrence of the other by all due courses to effect that which pertaineth thereunto without clayming absolute and vncontrouleable power infallibilitie of iudgement and right to dispose the Kingdomes of the world and to intermeddle in the administration of the temporalties of particular Churches and the immediate swaying of the iurisdiction thereof Luther himselfe professeth hee would neuer open his mouth against him This kind of Primacie the Grecians likewise professed they would bee content to yeeld vnto him if other differences betweene them might be composed Cassander saith Hee is perswaded there had neuer beene any controuersies about the Popes power if the Popes had not abused their authority in a Lordly and ouer-ruling manner and through couetousnesse and ambition stretched it beyond the bounds and
the Patriarch of Constantinople the second which conclusion was not of such force but that the succeeding Bishops of Constantinople cōtinued the same challeng their predecessors made as any oportunity was offered sought to aduance their pretended title till at length there growing some difference between thē in the matter of the proceeding of the holy G whome the Latines affirmed to proceede from the Father and the Sonne the GREEKES from the Father only either pronounced the other to be heretickes schismatickes Wherefore let vs see what the religion of the Greeke Church is and whether these Christians be so farre forth orthodoxe that wee may account them members of the true Catholicke Church of God or so in errour that we may reject them as schismaticks hereticks though in number never so many Bernard speaking of them sayth nobiscum sunt non sunt iuncti fide pace diuisi quanquam fide ipsa claudicaverint à rectis semitis That is they are with vs and they are not with vs they are of the same profession with vs touching matters of faith but they hold not the vnity of the spirit in the band of peace although they haue halted also and in some sort declined from the straight pathes in matters pertayning to the Christian faith Touching the state of these Christians the Romanists lay downe these propositions First that there is a double separation from the Church of God the one by heresie ouerthrowing the fayth the other by schisme breaking the vnity The second that schismaticks though they fall not into heresie are out of the Church cut off from being members of the same and consequently in state of damnation Beleeue certainely and no way doubt sayth St Augustine that not onely all Pagans but all Iewes hereticks schismaticks also dying out of the communion of the Catholicke Church shall goe into everlasting fire The third that the Graecians are Schismatically divided from the Roman Church that they haue long continued so that they are excommunicate with the greater excommunication thundred out against all Schismaticks in bulla coenae Domini and consequently are in state of damnation But whether they bee not only Schismaticks but haereticks also as some feare not to pronounce they are not yet agreed Azorius thinketh they are not to bee censured as hereticks and yeeldeth a reason of his so thinking because in those articles of the faith where they are thought to erre they differ verbally onely and not really from those that are vndoubtedly right beleevers and giueth instance first in the question touching the proceeding of the holy Ghost wherein hee thinketh they differ but in forme of words from them that seeme to bee their opposites and secondly in the questions touching the Pope his power priviledges and authority concerning all which hee affirmeth they haue no other opinion then Gerson the Parisians who were neuer yet pronounced heretickes for they yeeld a primacie to the Bishop of Rome but no supremacy They acknowledge him to bee Patriarch of the West amongst all the Patriarches in order honour the first as long as hee continueth orthodoxe and seeketh not to encroach vpon the jurisdiction of others But they deny as also the Parisians doe that his judgement is infallible or his power authority supreame absolute they teach that hee must doe nothing of himselfe in things pertayning to the state of the vniversall Church but with the concurrence of others his colleagues and that hee is subject to a generall Councell All which things were defined in the Councells of Constance and Basil and the contrary positions condemned as haereticall Neither want there at this day many worthy Diuines liuing in the Communion of the Roman Church who most strongly adhere to the decrees of those Councells and peremptorily reject those of Florence and Trent wherein the contrary faction prevayled For the whole kingdome and state of France admit those and reject the other and would no lesse withdraw themselues from all communion with the Roman Bishoppe then the Grecians doe if they should once bee pressed to acknowledge that his power and authority is supreame and absolute that hee cannot erre and that hee may dispose the kingdomes and depose the kings soveraigne princes of the world as the Iesuites and other the Popes flatterers affirme and defend Whence it will follow that they are not onely free from heresie as Azorius resolueth but frō schisme also So that after so great clamours and so long contendings they must of necessity bee forced in the end to confesse they haue done them infinite wrong and sinned grievously against God in condemning to hell for no cause so many millions of Christian soules redeemed with the most precious blood of his dearest Sonne There are sayth Andreas Fricius who thinke that the Russians Armenians and other Christians of the East part pertaine not to the Christian Church but seeing they vse the same sacraments which wee doe seeing they professe to fight vnder the banner of Christ crucified and rejoyce in their sufferings for his sake farre bee it from vs ever to thinke that they should bee cast off and rejected from being fellow citizens with the Saints and of the houshold of God having borne the burden endured the heate of the day so many ages in the vineyard of the Lord. Nay rather I thinke there can be no perfect cōsociation vnion of the whole Church without them For the Latine Church alone cānot be takē for the vniversall Church that which is but a part cānot be the whole But some man happily will say whatsoeuer we think of these differēces touching the power authority of the B. of Rome yet in the article of the proceeding of the holy ghost they erre damnably so are hereticks that Azorius was deceived when hee thought otherwise Wherefore for the cleering of this poynt first I will make it evident that not onely Azorius but sundry other great and worthy Divines thinke the difference about the proceeding of the holy Ghost to bee meerely verball Secondly I will shew how the seeming differences touching this poynt may bee reconciled Thirdly I will note the beginnings and proceedings in this controversie The Grecians sayth Peter Lombard affirme that the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father onely not from the Sonne yet wee must know that the Greekes doe acknowledge the holy Ghost to bee the spirit of the Son aswell as of the Father because the Apostle sayth the spirit of the Son And trueth it selfe in the Gospell the spirit of trueth Now seeing it is no other thing to bee the spirit of the Father and the Son then to bee from the Father the Son they seeme to agree with vs in judgement touching this article of faith though they differ in words Grosthed the famous and renowned Bishop of Lincolne writing vpon a part of Damascen deliuereth his opinion touching this controuersie
if they die without Baptisme dare not pronounce of them as the Romanists do 7 They deny confirmation extream vnction to be sacraments 8 Touching the Eucharist they consecrate ordinarily in leauened bread but on Maundy Thursday in vnleavened bread and in wine or the juice of raisons moistened in water and so pressed out They minister the Communion in both kinds to all both Clergie men and Lay-men The priest ministereth the bread and the Deacon the wine in a spoone They giue this Sacrment to infants when they are baptized in this sort The priest dippeth his finger into the consecrated wine and putteth it into the mouth of the child They haue neither eleuation nor reservation nor circumgestation as the Roman Church hath They all Communicate twice every weeke but the Sacrament is neuer ministred in private houses no not to the Patriarch or Emperour him selfe 9 Touching purgatorie they beleeue that soules after death are detained in a certaine place named in their tongue Mecan aaraft id est locus alleviationis that is a place of refreshing in which the soules of such as die not hauing repented of their former sinnes in such full and perfect sort as was sitting are detained and so whether the soules of good men doe enioy the vision of God before the resurrection they resolue not 10 They say no masses for the dead they bury them with crosses and prayers but specially they vse the beginning of St Iohns Gospell The day following they giue almes and so a certaine number of dayes and make feasts also 11 They grant no indulgences 12 They haue no cases reserued 13 They beleeue that the Saints do intercede for vs they pray vnto them they haue painted images but none molten or carued they much esteeme them in respect of those holy ones they represent and make sweete perfumes before them 14 Their Priests receiue no tithes but they haue lands on which they liue 15 Their Bishops and Priests are married but may not marry a second wife and continue in those degrees and orders vnlesse the Patriarch dispence with them 16 They thinke it vnlawfull to fast on Saturdaie or Sundaie and vrge to that purpose the Canon of the Apostles 17 They keepe Saturday holy as well as Sunday following the Auncient Custome of the East Church they eate flesh on that day throughout the whole yeare except only in Lent and in some Provinces they eate flesh on that day euen in the Lent also 18 They fast Wednesdaies and Saturdaies till the Sunne setting and celebrate not on those dayes till the euening 19 Betweene Easter and Whitsontide they eate flesh freely on those daies 20 They abstaine from things strangled and blood observing the Canon of the Apostles in so doing as they suppose and besides forbeare to eate of such kinds of meate as were forbidden by Moses Law 21 The Emperour hath a supreame authority in all causes aswell Ecclesiasticall as Civill though the Patriarch also exercise a spirituall iurisdiction 22 They deny the supremacy of the Roman Bish. But they yeeld a primacie vnto him acknowledging him to be the first amongst Bishops Hauing spoken of the Grecians Assyrians and supposed Monophysites it remaineth that wee come in the last place to treate of the Maronites Touching the name ◠Baronius sheweth that it was not from any heretick named Maron but that there was a holy man so named and that in honour of him a certaine monastery was founded which was named the monastery of St Maron that all the monkes of that monastery were named Maronites These in time as it may be thought ioyned them selues to the Monophysites formerly described though happily not without some litle difference And hence all the Christians that professed to beleeue so as these did were named Maronites They haue a Patriarch of their own who claimeth to be Patriarch of Antioch He resideth in a monasterie some 25 miles from Tripolis in Syria He hath vnder him some 8 or 9 suffragan Bishops These Maronites inhabit mount Libanus and some of them in Damascus Aleppo and some parts of Cyprus Mount Libanus is of such extent that it is in compasse 7 hundred miles It hath no cities but villages which are neither few nor small Within this compasse none inhabite but Christians though vnder the Turke For they redeeme it at a high rate and pay an intollerable tribute to liue without mixture of Mahumetans The particulars of their Religion are these First they beleeue that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father onely 2 They blesse consecrate the water so often as any are to be baptized And not as in the Roman Church on the Saturday before Easter only for the whole yeare The reason of which observation is for that at Easter and at Whitsontide onely in the Primitiue Church they ministred Baptisme which they did because in baptisme men are mortified to sin quickned in the life of grace by vertue of Christs death resurrection and giuing of the spirit All which things were cōmemorated in these solemnities 3 They neuer baptize males and females together lest they should contract a kind of affinity 4 None baptizeth with them in what necessity soeuer but a Priest or Deacon 5 They require not the intention of the Minister but thinke the faith of the Church sufficeth 6 They baptize not a male till the 40th day nor a female till the 80th in respect of the impurity of the mother which they thinke continueth so long 7 They seeke no confirmation from the Bishop nor haue any other anointing then that which is vsed in baptisme 8 They consecrat the Eucharist in vnleauened bread in a massie loafe out of which they giue a peece to euery cōmunicant 9 They giue the Sacraments to Lay men in both kinds 10 They celebrat but once in one day vpon one the same altar 11 They think the Person of the Holy Ghost to be in the holy oile in such sort as the Person of Christ is in the Eucharist 12 They thinke that the Eucharist receiued into the mouth goeth not into the stomack but presently diffuseth it selfe through all the members of the body 13 On fasting-dayes they celebrate not till the euening which custome Tho à Iesu saith is not to be altered affirming that it was most auncient in the Church of God the Councell of Cabilon related in the decrees prescribing that they should celebrate the Sacrament in the Ember fasts in the euening on the saturday before Easter in the beginning of the night And although saith he the Church yeelding to our infirmity permit the Latines to doe otherwise yet where the old custome may be kept it is not only not to be takē away but much to be cōmended that men when they fast may put it off as long as may be before they eat any thing In former times they did not eat in Lent till the euening as appeareth by the Councell formerly mentioned Which custom continued till
manner of hauing the truth is inferiour vnto it neither are we bound to receiue her doctrines as the sacred Scriptures Besides though the Church taken in this sort be free from errour yet not from ignorance of many things wherein we may be instructed by the scripture So that it is possible for a man to vnderstand the naturall literall sense of some parts of Scripture and from thence some things that were not in such sort knowne and deliuered by any that went before as Andradius and Caietanus do proue at large If the comparison be made betweene the Church consisting of all the belieuers that are and haue beene since Christ appeared in the flesh so including the Apostles and their blessed assistants the Euangelists we deny not but that the Church is of greater authority antiquity and excellencie than the Scripture of the new Testament as the witnesse is better then his testimonie and the Lawgiuer greater then the Lawes made by him as Stapleton alleageth But he is to proue the present Church greater in authority than the Scripture which hee vndertaketh but performeth not His reason that the Scripture was giuen for the good of the Church and that therefore the Church is better than the Scripture proueth not the thing intended For as the people are more excellent in degree of being and nature of things than the lawes that be made for their good yet are the lawes of more authority and must ouer-rule and direct the people so though the Scriptures being but significations declarations and manifestations of diuine truth be not better in degree of things than the Church yet in power of prescribing directing and ouer-ruling our faith they are incomparably greater That which the Rhemists adde to shew the greatnesse of the Church aboue the Scripture because the Church hath judiciall power to determine doubts and controuersies whereof as they suppose the Scripture is not capable I will examine in the next part when I come to speake of the power of judging which the Church hath This errour of the Romanists imagining the authority of the Church to bee greater than the Scripture all the best learned in the Church of Rome euer resisted as Waldensis Occam Gerson and sundry others CHAP. 12. Of their errour who thinke the Church may make new articles of faith VNto this errour is joyned and out of this hath growne another not vnlike that the Church may make new articles of faith which though Stapleton and some other of our time seeme to disclaime yet do they indeede fall into it For the better vnderstanding whereof we must obserue as Occam fitly noteth that an Article of faith is sometimes strictly taken onely for one of those diuine verities which are contained in the creede of the Apostles sometimes generally for any Catholike verity This question is not meant of articles of faith in the first sense but in the second and so the meaning of the question is whether the Church that now is may by her approbation make those assertions and propositions to be Catholike verities that were not before or those hereticall that were not A Catholike vetity is a diuine truth which euery Christian is bound to beleeue The things which Christian men are bound to beleeue are of two sorts and consequently there are two sorts of Catholike verities to wit some so neerely touching the matter of eternall saluation that a man cannot be saued vnlesse hee expressely knowe and beleeue them others farther remooued which if a man beleeue implicitè and in praeparatione animi it sufficeth These must bee beleeued expressely and distinctly if their coherence with or dependance on the former do appeare vnto vs so that the manifest deduction of them from the former will make them such as must be expressely beleeued Our aduersaries confesse that the approbation and determination of the Church cannot make that a truth which was not nor that a Diuine or Catholike truth that was not so before but they thinke that the Church by her bare and sole determination may make that verity to be in such sort Catholike that euery one vnderstanding of such determination must expressely beleeue it that was not so and in such degree Catholike before But wee thinke that it is not the authority of the Church but the cleare deduction from the things which we are bound expressely to beleeue that maketh things of that sort that they must be particularly and distinctly known beleeued that were not necessarily so to bee beleeued before and therefore before and without such determination men seeing cleerely the deduction of things of this nature from the former and refusing to beleeue them are condemned of hereticall pertinacy and men not seeing that deduction after the decree of a Councell hath passed vpon them may still doubt and refuse to beleeue without hereticall pertinacy We cannot therefore condemne the Grecians as heretickes as the Romanists doe because wee cannot perswade our selues of them generally that they see that which they deny touching the proceeding of the holy Ghost deduced from the indubitate principles of our Christian faith or that they impiously neglect the search of the trueth What is it then will some men say that the decree of a Councell doth effect Surely nothing else but the rejecting of such as are otherwise minded from the societies of those men and Churches with whom the decree of the Councell doth prevaile and with all wise men the more wary and fearefull pronouncing any thing of those matters concerning which so graue authority hath passed her sentence The Papists proceed further and thinke it hereticall pertinacie to gainsay the decrees of a Councell though they finde the reasons by which they of the Councell were mooued so to thinke and determine to bee too weake and not to conclude the thing intended as in the matter of Transubstantiation they thinke it heresie to gainesay the decrees of those Councels that haue defined it and yet many of them judge all the reasons alleaged to proue it too weake to proue it In deed if it were certaine as they suppose that a generall Councell could not erre this were a sufficient deduction These things are decreede in a generall Councell Therefore ture because it is consequent that that is true which is affirmed by him that cannot erre Thus wee see what it is to bee thought touching this question whether the Church may make new Articles of faith onely one thing must be added for the further clearing hereof The Papistes thinke that the Church may adde to the Canon of the Scripture bookes not yet admitted as the bookes of Hermas the Scholler of Paul intituled Pastor and the constitutions of Clement which if it should doe we were to receiue them with no lesse respect then the Epistle of Iames and other bookes of the New Testament This we thinke to be a most grosse heresie and contrrry to their owne principles who making the number
the time of his innocencie had but one commaundement which yet vnhappily he brake and that therefore they seeme to haue no sense of mans miserable wretched condition nor any way to compassionate his infirmitie that charge him with so many precepts besides those of God and Nature Whereupon he grauely and wisely concludeth that he supposeth that the wisest and best amongst the guides of Gods Church had not so ill a meaning as to haue all their constitutions ordinances taken for lawes properly so named much lesse strictly binding the conscience but for threatnings admonitions counsailes and directions onely And that when there groweth a generall neglect they seeme to consent to the abolishing of them againe For seeing lex instituitur cùm promulgatur vigorem habet cum moribus vtentium approbatur Lawes are made when they are published by such as haue authoritie but haue life force and vigour when the manners of men receiuing and obeying them giue them allowance Generall long continued disuse is and justly may be thought an abolishing and abrogating of humane lawes Whereas contrarywise against the Lawes of God and Nature no prescription or contrary vse doth euer prevaile but euery such contrary custome or practise is rightly judged a corruption and fault THE FIFTH BOOKE OF THE CHVRCH TOGETHER WITH AN APPENDIX CONTAINING A DEFENCE OF SVCH PARTES AND PASSAGES OF THE FORMER BOOKES AS HAVE BEENE EITHER EXCEPTED AGAINST OR WRESTED TO THE MAINtenance of Romish errours By RICHARD FIELD Doctour of Diuinity OXFORD Printed by WILLIAM TVRNER Printer to the famous Vniuersitie Ann. Dom. 1628. The Epistle to the Reader AS in the dayes of Noe they all perished in the waters that entred not into the Arke prepared by Gods owne appointment for the preseruation of such as should escape that fearefull and almost vniversall destruction So is it a most certaine and vndoubted truth good Christian Reader that none can flie from the wrath to come and attaine desired happinesse but such as enter into that society of men which we call the Church which is the chosen multitude of them whom God hath seperated from the rest of the world and to whom he hath in more speciall sort manifested himselfe by the knowledge of reuealed truth then to any other So that nothing is more necessary to be sought out and knowne then which and where this happy society of holy ones is that so wee may joyne our selues to the same and inherit the promises made vnto it according to that of the holy Patriarch Noe Blessed be the God of Sem and let Chanaan be his seruant the Lord perswade Iaphet to dwell in the tents of Sem. The consideration whereof moued me when I was to enter into the controuersies of these times first and before all other things carefully to seeke out the nature and being of this Church the notes whereby it may be knowne which it is amongst all the societies of men in the world and what the priuiledges are that doe belong vnto it of all which things I haue treated in those foure Bookes of that argument which not long since I offered to thy viewe and censure Now it remaineth that in this insueing Booke then promised I shew in what sort almighty God who sitteth betweene the Cherubins in this his holy Temple reuealeth himselfe from off the mercy seate to such as by the calling of grace he hath caused to approach draw neare vnto himselfe and how he guideth and directeth them to the attaining of eternall felicity Many sundry waies did God reueale himselfe in ancient times as it is in the Epistle to the Hebrewes For sometimes he manifested himselfe to men waking by visions sometimes to men sleeping by dreames sometimes he appeared in a piller of a cloud sometimes in flaming fire sometimes he came walking a soft pace among the trees of the garden in the coole of the day sometimes he rent the rockes and claue the mountaines in sunder sometimes he spake with a still and soft voyce sometimes his thunders shooke the pillars of heauen and made the earth to tremble as in the giuing of the lawe when he came downe vpon Mount Sinai what time the people by Moses direction went forth to meete him but when they heard the thunders and the sound of the trumpet and saw the lightnings and the mountaine smoaking they fled stood a farre off sayd vnto Moses Talke thou with vs and we will heare thee but let not God talke with us lest we die This their petition Almighty God mercifully granted and knowing whereof they were made resolued no more to speake vnto them in soe terrible and fearefull manner but rather to put heauenly treasures into earthen vessels that is to enlighten the vnderstandings and to sanctifie the mouthes tongues of some amongst themselues and by them to make knowen his will pleasure to the rest In this sort after the giuing of the law he imployed the Priests Levites in a set and ordinary course appoynting that the people should seeke the knowledge of the same at their mouthes and in case of great confusion and generall defects of these ordinary guides raised vp Prophets as well to denounce his judgements against offenders and to reforme abuses as also to foreshew the future state of things and more more to raise in men a desire hope and expectation of the comming of the promised Messias whom in the fulnesse of time he sent into the world as the happiest Messenger of glad tidings that euer came vnto the sonnes of men and the Angell of the great couenant of peace causing this proclamation to be made before him This is my welbeloued Sonne in whom I am well pleased heare him In him were hid all the treasures of wisedome and knowledge so that as it was sayd of him Hee hath done all things well so likewise that Neuer man spake as he spake But because he came not into this lower world to make his abode here perpetually but to cary vp with him into heaven our desires first and then our selues after he had wrought all righteousnesse and performed the worke for which hee came he returned backe to God that sent him Choosing out some of them that had been conuersant with him in the dayes of his flesh that had heard the words of his diuine wisedom were eye-witnesses of all the things he did suffered sending them as his father sent him who were therefore named Apostles These had many excellent preeminences proper to those beginnings and fit for the founding of Christian Churches as immediate calling infallibility of judgement generall commission the vnderstanding and knowledge of all tongues power to confirme their doctrine by signes and wonders and to conferre the miraculous gifts of the spirit vpon other also by the imposition of their hands In which things when they had finished their course they left none to succeede them yet out of their more large ample and immediate
and tying them to the performance of certaine duties Secondly of sinnes Thirdly of punishments to be inflicted by Almighty God and Fourthly of punishments to be inflicted by men The bond of Lawes is of two sorts For there are diuine lawes and there are humane Lawes God bindeth men to the doing of what hee pleaseth and Men that are in authority either Ciuill or Ecclesiasticall to such things as they thinke fit Touching these bonds none haue power to loose but they that haue power to binde so that what God by precept bindeth vs to doe none but God can free vs from the necessity duty of doing it and what the Church or Magistrate binde vs to no inferiour power can loose vs or free vs from Loosing in this sense opposed to binding by law and precept is in two sorts By Reuocation and by Dispensation Reuocation is an absolute Abrogation of a Law in respect of all places times persons and conditions and that either by expresse and direct Repeale or by generall neglect and long continued disuse Dispensation is in respect of certaine persons times places and conditions of Men thinges so that a dispensation permitting the Law to retaine her wonted authority onely freeth some particular person or persons at some times in some places and in some condition of thinges from the necessity of doing or leauing vndone that which vnlesse it be in consideration of such particular circumstances the Law-giuer meant should be obserued but in such cases not so Heere the question is moued by occasion of that kinde of loosing which is by reuersing Lawes formerly in force whether God the giuer of the morall Law may revoke the same and dispense with men for the not doing of things there prescribed of the doing of things there forbidden The answere is that these Lawes are imposed vpon men by the very condition of their nature and creation as the very condition and nature of a man created by GOD requireth that he should honour loue feare and reuerence him that made him and therefore touching the precepts of the first Table that concerning the Sabaoth excepted it is cleare and euident that they cannot be altered nor Man by God himselfe discharged from the duty of honouring loving and fearing God so long as he hath any beeing Touching the precepts of the second Table it is resolued that GOD cannot dispense with man or giue him leaue to doe the thinges therein forbidden as to steale murther or lie For all these imply and involue in them that which is simply euill and to bee disliked but by some alteration in the doer or matter of action he may make that not to bee euill that otherwise would bee euill and consequently not forbidden as namely that to bee no theft or murther which otherwise would be as when hee commanded the Israelites to spoyle the Aegyptians they did not commit the act of robbery for robbery is the taking away of a thing from the owner against his will but these thinges which the Israelites tooke away were the Aegyptians no longer after God the supreme Lord had spoyled them of the title they had therevnto and assigned the same to the Israelites So likewise for one man to take away the life of another hauing no authority so to doe is murther and no man can be dispensed with lawfully to doe any such act but for a Magistrate to take away the life of an offender is a lawfull act and no act of murther and so if Abraham had slaine his sonne Isaac it had not beene murther being authorized so to doe by God who hath supreme authority in the world and may justly as a Iudge for sinne found in men take away the liues of whom he pleaseth and as supreme and absolute Lord bring all to nothing that for his wills sake he made of nothing though there were no sinne nor fault at all But touching Ceremoniall Iudiciall and Positiue Lawes of God concerning Sacraments and obseruations of what kinde soeuer seeing they are imposed after vpon the being of nature wee thinke that God may alter them at his pleasure so that at one time it may bee lawfull to doe that was forbidden at another The Gouernours that God hath set ouer his Church and people by commission from him may interprete what is doubtfull in these Lawes of God or in those of the other sort but yet according to the Law but they may not abrogate or dispense with any Law of God either naturall and morall or positiue established concerning the vse of Sacraments and things pertaining to Gods worship and seruice But concerning those Lawes that were made by the Apostles and Primitiue Fathers touching matters of outward obseruation the succeeding Guides of the Church may either dispense with them or reverse them vpon the due consideration of the difference of times Men and things And so wee see to whom it pertaineth to binde men with their lawes and to loose them from the bonds thereof The bond of sin which is the second kinde of those bonds I mentioned is two-fold for there is Vinculum captivitatis and Vinculum servitutis that is a man that is a sinner is so bound that hee can neither returne to doe good nor leaue off to doe euill for sinne holdeth him in a bond of captivitie that hee shall not returne to doe good and with a bond of seruitude that he shall not cease to doe euill And though God hath so ordered the nature of Man that hee who will doe euill shall thus bee entangled yet it is man that thus entangleth wrappeth and bindeth himselfe and not God But for the bond of eternall condemnation and the punishments following euill doers which is the third kinde of those bonds wherewith I shewed that men are tyed and bound it is of GOD. From these bonds of sin and punishment inflicted by GOD none but hee alone can free men by his fauour and the worke of his grace as the supreme and highest cause none but Christ by Merite Satisfaction The Ministers of the Church by the Ministery of the Word and Sacraments may convert Men to God instrumentally making them partakers of his graces bringing thē into such an estate wherein they shall be sure for Christs sake to finde mercie with GOD for the remission taking away of their sinnes They may pray for them and out of the knowledge of their estate assure them of remission But other power to vnloose and vntie these direfull horrible bonds of sinne and punishment they haue none only the punishments which they haue power to inflict they haue authoritie to diminish lessen or take away so that whom they bind with the bonds of Ecclesiasticall censures punishments those by the same authoritie they may vnloose For as the Guides of Gods Church may prescribe enjoyne and impose certaine actions of Mortification and penitentiall conversion vnto GOD so when they see cause they may release from the same as by
ended by Synodes and they holden twice euery yeare But in processe of time when the gouernours of the Church could not conueniently assemble in Synode twice a yeare the Fathers of the sixth generall Councell decreed that yet in any case there should be a Synode of Bishops once euery yeare for Ecclesiasticall questions Likewise the seventh generall Councell decreeth in this sort Whereas the Canon willeth iudiciall inquisition to be made twice euery yeare by the assembly of Bishops in euery prouince and yet for the misery and pouerty of such as should trauell to Synodes the Fathers of the sixth councell decreed it should be once in the yeare anà then thinges amisse to be redressed we renew this later Canon So that whereas at the first there was a Synode of Bishoppes in euery prouince twice in the yeare now it was sufficient if the Bishops met once But afterwards many thinges falling out to hinder their happy meetings we shall finde that they met not so often and therefore the Councell of Basil appointeth Episcopall Synodes to be holden once euery yeare and Prouinciall at the least once in three yeares And so in time causes growing many and the difficulties intollerable in comming together and in staying to heare these causes thus multiplyed and encreased it was thought fitter to referre the hearing of complaints and Appeales to Metropolitanes and such like Ecclesiasticall Iudges limited and directed by Canons and Imperiall lawes then to trouble the Pastours of whole provinces and to wrong the people by the absence of their Pastours and Guides Thus hauing spoken of the authority of the Metropolitane and his Councell in every province it remaineth that we come to Synodes of a larger extent These besides Oecumenicall whereof wee will not yet speake were of two sorts Patriarchicall wherein one of the Patriarches and chiefe Bishops of the world sate as president or Nationall consisting of the Bishops of many Provinces within one Country or Kingdome wherein the Primate sate as President of which sort the Councels of Africa were concerning which Councels it is ordered in the third Councell of Carthage that once euery yeare there shall be a general assembly of the Bishops of Africa to which all the provinces which haue primas sedes that is first Sees and so may holde provinciall Councels shall out of their Councels send two Bishops or as many as they shall thinke fit but that out of Tripolis because of the pouerty of the Bishops of it one Bishop shall come In these Councels the Legates of the Bishop of Rome were sometimes present not as presidents but assistants as other Metropolitanes were There were many provinces which had primas sedes that is first Sees and so consequently many Primates yet for distinction some call him that was Bishop of that first See which was in honour before all the rest of the same country and kingdome and to whom in all common deliberations the other Metropolitans did resort by an excellency the Primate the rest by the cōmon name of Metropolitans in which sense the Bishop of Carthage was Primate of all Africa and so is a Primate in order and honour before Metropolitanes but inferiour vnto a Patriarch Of this distinction of degrees of honour amongst Metropolitanes and chiefe Bishops Hugo de Sancto Victore writeth in this sort Post Sacerdotes altiores sunt Principes Sacerdotum id est Episcopi supra quos iterum sunt Archiepiscopi supra illos qui dicuntur Primates supra quos quidam Patriarchas constituere volunt alii eosdem Patriarchas Primates dicunt that is after priests we are to reckon the chiefe priests that is Bishops as in the first degree and honour aboue them aboue whom againe are Arch-Bishops and aboue them they that are named Primates aboue whom some will haue Patriarches to bee placed but others will haue Patriarches and Primates to bee all one Rabanus in his booke de institutione Clertcorum sorteth Bishoppes into three rankes Patriarches Arch-Bishoppes who also are named Metropolitanes and ordinary Bishops CHAP. 31. Of Patriarches who they were and the reason why they were preferred before other Bishops TOuching the Patriarches they were in the beginning but onely three to wit the Bishops of Rome Alexandria and Antioche The reason as some thinke why the Bishops of these places were preferred before other and made Patriarches was in respect had to blessed Peter who was in sort before expressed in order and honour the first and chiefest of the Apostles For Antioche was honoured for that he sate there for a certaine space and afterwards governed it by Euodius Alexandria for that he placed Marke his Scholler there and Rome because it was the place of his death and martyrdome where in his body hee stayeth and expecteth the Resurrection of the dead and the second comming of Christ. All the Churches founded by any Apostle are rightly called Apostolique but these more specially in which the Apostle Peter sate Secunda fedes saith Anacletus apud Alexandriam beati Petri nomine à Marco eius discipulo consecrata est Tertia autem sedes apud Antiochiam eiusdem beati Petri Apostoli habetur honorabilis that is The second See and in degree and honour next vnto that of Rome was consecrated at Alexandria by the authoritie of blessed Peter by Marke his Scholler and the third See honourable for Peters presence in the same is at Antioche Nihil saith Leo writing to Anatholius Alexandriae sedi eius quam per sanctum Marcum Evangelistam beati Petri discipulum meruit pereat dignitatis Antiochena quoque Ecclesia in quâ primum praedicante Apostolo Petro Christianum nomen exortumest in paternae constitutionis ordine perseveret in gradu tertio collocata nunquam fiat inferior that is Let the See of Alexandria lose no part of that dignity which it obtained by Saint Marke the Evangelist the disciple of blessed Peter Let the Church of Antioche also in which vpon Peters preaching the name of Christians first beganne continue in that degree and order wherein the constitution of the Fathers set it and being placed in the third degree let it neuer be put lower This did Leo write when the Bishop of Constantinople sought to haue the second place in the Church of God and to be preferred before the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioche Gregory writeth to the same effect to Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria His words are Cum multisint Apostoli pro ipso tamen principatusola Apostolorum Principis Sedes in authoritate conualuit quae tribus in locis vnius est Ipse enim sublimauit sedem in qua etiam quiescere praesentem vitam finire dignatus est Ipse decorauit sedemin qua Euangelistam discipulum misit Ipse firmauit sedem in qua septem annis quamuis discessurus sedit Cum ergo vnius atque vna sit sedes cui ex authoritate dinina tres nunc Episcopi praesident
his forehead as not to blush when he brought into the light and presented to the view of the world such rotten forgeries that was not ashamed to become a proctor of the filthy stewes Wherefore leauing him his counterfeit and apocryphall stuffe which he sought to vent vnto the world let vs proceede from the appeales of Lay-men inferiour Clergy-men Bishops to speake of the appeales of the chiefe Primates or Patriarches For the clearing of which point we must obserue that it is a rule in Church-government that the lesser and inferior may not iudge the greater superiour And therefore the Bishops of the Prouince may not iudge the Metropolitane but may only declare in what cases he is iudged excommunicated suspended or deposed ipso facto by the sentence of the Canon it selfe and by separating themselues from him withdrawing themselues from being subiect to him put him in a sort from his place and depose him But otherwise if any Bishop haue ought against his Metropolitane he must goe as I shewed before to the Patriarche and his Synode to complaine as to fit and competent Iudges For against the gâ—…eater person wee complaine to the greater Iudge we must flie If a Clerke haue ought against a Bishop the matter may bee iudged in the Synode of the Prouince but if Clerke or Bishoppe haue any complaint against the Metropolitane the Canon of the Councell of Chalcedon prouideth as I noted before that they shall goe to the Primate of the Diocese or to the See of the Princely City of Constantinople From whence in like proportion it is consequent that thòugh the Metropolitanes and Bishoppes subiect to a Patriarche may declare in what cases hee incurreth the sentence of suspension excommunication deposition or degradation pronounced by the very Law and canon it selfe and so withdraw themselues from his obedience yet may they not by way of authority proceede against him but must flie to another Patriarche who in a Synode consisting of his owne Bishops and the Bishoppes of that Patriarch that is complained of may iudge and censure him so that hee bee a Patriarch in order and honour greater then hee against whom they complaine seeing the lesser may not iudge the greater And therefore we finde that in the differences that fell out between Cyrill of Alexandria and Iohn of Antioche Iohn was blamed for that beeing but Bishoppe or Patriarche of the third See hee tooke vpon him to judge Cyril that was Patriarche of the second and hauing but a fewe Bishoppes joyned with him to judge Cyril with many Soe likewise Dioscorus was condemned not onely for fauouring the wicked heresie of Eutiches and his violent proceedings in the second Councell of Ephesus but specially for that being but Bishop of the second See hee tooke vpon him to judge Leo that was Bishop of the first See And this was that which Iulius in his Epistle reported by Athanasius in his second Apologie blamed in the Bishops of the East namely that they proceeded to the judging of Bishops of such Sees as were Athanasius of Alexandria and Paulus of Constantinople without making him first acquainted with the same that so their proceedings might haue taken beginning from him as beeing in order the first among the Patriarches And hence it was that Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria taking himselfe to be Bishop of the second See came to Constantinople and there with other Bishops judged Chrysostome and that Chrysostome as being by vertue of the Canon of the Councell of Constantinople made Bishop of the second See and set in order and honour before the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioche would haue taken vpon him to judge some matters concerning Theophilus and in this sort did sundry Bishops of Rome in Synodes consisting of their owne Bishops and the Bishops subject to the Patriarch of Constantinople judge and depose certaine Bishops of Constantinople Whereupon Nicholas the first in his Epistle to Michael the Emperour sayth that scarce any Bishop of Constantinople can be found that was orderly deposed and driuen from his Bishopricke and whose deposition held as good and lawfull without the consent of the Bishop of Rome and therefore protesteth against the deposition of Ignatius as vnlawfull and vnjust for that he was condemned by his owne Bishops comparing the Synode that deposed him to the second of Ephesus and affirming that it was much worse then that For that there Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria with his colleagues judged Flauianus though most violently and disorderly But here there was none of the Patriarches nor any one Biof any the meanest cittie that was not his owne Suffragan By that which hath beene sayd it is euident that the great Patriarches of the Christian Church are not to bee judged but by some other of their owne ranke in order before them assisted by inferiour Bishops that the Bishoppe of Rome as first in order among the Patriarches assisted with his owne Bishoppes and the Bishoppes of him that is thought faulty may iudge any of the other Patriarches that such as haue complaints against them may flye to him and the Synodes of Bishoppes subject to him and that the Patriarches themselues in their distresses may flye to him and such Synodes for reliefe and helpe though of himselfe alone he haue no power to do any thing Wherefore let vs proceed from the distinction and explication of the diuerse and different kinds of appeales lawful and vnlawfull permitted and forbidden to examine the allegations of our Aduersaries and to see whether from any allowed practise and approued course of appeales made to Rome in the Primitiue Church they can inferre the Vniversality of Papall power and jurisdiction The first example that Bellarmine bringeth is very impertineÌ„t For whereas he should proue that the Bishops subject to any of the foure Patriarches might lawfully appeale to Rome that there lay appeales from any part of the world thither hee bringeth forth the testimony of Leo telling the Bishoppes of France subject to him as Patriarche of the West that of ancient time appeales were wont to be made out of France to Rome which no way proueth the Bishoppe of Rome to bee vniuersall Bishoppe vnlesse wee will acknowledge euery one of the Patriarches to haue beene soe too it being lawfull to appeale vnto them out of any the remotest Prouinces subiect to theÌ„ From this ill-chosen example hee proceedeth to a worse of Marcion the heretique who being excommunicated by his owne Bishoppe in Pontus fledde to Rome that hee might be absolued of the Romane Church as he telleth vs out of Epiphanius But surely it is most strange that he can be content thus to abuse himselfe and others For he knoweth right wel that Marcion did not appeale to Rome and that if hee had so done the act of a vile and execrable heretique should not bee drawne into example The historie of Marcion as we finde in Epiphanius is this Marcion was the sonne
intermeddle with the disposition of earthly kingdomes or restraine or depose Princes how much soeuer they abuse their authoritie The first of these three opinions had anciently and hath presently great patrons and followers Yet Bellarmine very confidently and learnedly refuteth the same First shewing that the Pope is not soueraigne Lord of the whole world Secondly that he is not Lord of the Christian world And thirdly that hee is Lord of no part of the world That he is not Lord of the whole world he proueth because not of those Provinces that are possessed by Infidels which hee demonstrateth First because Christ committed none but onely his sheepe to Peter and therefore gaue him no authoritie ouer Infidels which are not his sheepe whereunto Saint Paul agreeth professing that hee hath nothing to doe to iudge them that are without Secondly because dominion and the right of Princes is not founded in grace or faith but in free will and reason and hath not sprung from the written Law of Moses or Christ but from the law of Nations and Nature VVhich is most cleare in that God both in the Olde and New Testament approueth the Kingdomes of the Gentiles and Infidels as appeareth by that of Daniel to Nebuchadnezzar O King thou art King of Kings For the God of Heauen hath giuen thee a kingdome power and strength and glory and in all places where the children of men dwell the beasts of the field and the fowles of the heauen hath hee giuen into thine hand and hath made thee a ruler ouer them all And that of Christ Giue vnto Caesar the things that are Caesars With whom the Apostle agreeth requiring the Christians of his time not only to pay tribute to Heathen kings but also to obey them for conscience sake which men were not bound to if they had no authority and right to commaund Neither can it be said that heathen princes are the Popes Lieuetenants and theresore to be obeyed for his sake though not for their owne seeing the Pope would haue no such Lieutenants if it lay in him to place them or displace them Lastly hee proueth that the Pope hath no such soueraigne right of commaunding ouer all as is pretended seeing it had beene vaine for Christ to giue him a right to that whereof hee should neuer get the possession And hauing thus proued that Infidels were truely and rightly Lords of the countries subiect to them before the comming of Christ that he found no nullitie in their titles nor euer seized their kingdomes and dominions into his owne hands as some fondly imagine that he did hee proceedeth to proue that Princes when they become Christians lose not the right that they formerly had to their kingdomes but get a new right to the kingdome of heauen For that otherwise Christs grace should destroy nature and his benefits be preiudiciall to such as are made partakers of them Whereas Christ came not to destroy and ouerthrow things well setled before but to perfect them nor to hurt any but to doe good to all For confirmation whereof hee alleageth part of the Hymne of Sedulius which the whole Church doth sing Hostis Herodes impie Christum venire quid times Non eripit mortalia Qui regna dat coelestia that is O impious enemie Herod why doest thou feare Christs comming He will not depriue thee of thy transitorie kingdome vpon earth that giues an eternall kingdome in heauen Whence it followeth that Christ imposed no such hard condition on those kings that were to become Christians as to leaue their crownes dignities And so he commeth to his second proposition that the Pope is not temporall Lord of the Christian world which he confirmeth First because if the Pope were soueraigne Lord of all the Christian world Bishops should be temporall Lords of their cities the places adioyning subiect to them Which neither they will graunt that contend for the soueraigntie of the Pope nor can stand with that of Saint Ambrose who saith If the Emperour aske tribute we deny it him not The Church lands doe pay tribute And againe Tribute is Caesars it is not denied him but the Church is Gods and may not be yeelded to Caesar. And that of Hosius Bishop of Corduba who as we reade in Athanasius telleth the Emperour that God hath giuē him the Empire but that he hath committed to Bishops those things that pertaine to the Church Secondly out of the confession of Popes Pope Leo confessing that Martianus the Emperour was appointed to the Empire by God and that God was the authour of his Empire And Gelasius writing to Anastasius the Emperour and acknowledging that there are two thinges by which principally the world is guided to wit the sacred authority of Bishoppes and the regall power of Princes with whom Gregorie agreeth when hee saith Power ouer all is giuen from heauen to the piety of my Lord. And from hence hee inferreth his third proposition that the Pope is temporall Lord of no part of the world in the right of Peters successour and Christs Vicar For if there were no nullitie in the titles of infidell kings and princes nor no necessity implied in their conuersion of relinquishing their right when they became Christians but that both infidels christians notwithstanding any act of Christ continued in the full possession of princely power right it could not be that Christ should inuest Peter or his successours with any kingly authority seeing hee could giue them none but such as he should take from others Nay hee proceedeth farther and sheweth that Christ himselfe while hee was on the earth was no temporall Lord or King and therefore much lesse gaue any temporall dominion or kingdome to his Apostles That he was no temporall king he proueth because the right to bee a King or Lord in such sort as men are Kings or Lords is either by inheritance election conquest or speciall donation and gift of Almighty God Now that Christ according to the flesh was a King by right of inheritance hee saith it cannot be proued because though hee came of the kingly familie yet it is vncertaine whether he were the next in bloud to Dauid or not And besides the kingdome was taken away from Dauids house before Christ was borne God had foretold that of the house of Ieconiah of which Christ came as we may reade in the first of Saint Matthew there should neuer be any temporall King such as David and the rest that succeeded him were saying Write this man barren a man that shall not prosper in his dayes for there shall bee no man of his seede to sitte vpon the throne of Dauid to haue power any more in Iudah And whereas it might be obiected that the Angell prophecied that the Lord God should giue vnto Christ the seat of Dauid his father the Cardinall answereth out of Hierome vpon the place of Hieremie and
earnest and promised confidently to pacifie Ambrose he bade him goe with speede and himselfe followed after in hope of reconciliation trusting vpon the promises of Ruffinus But when Ambrose saw Ruffinus he sayd vnto him O Ruffinus thou doest imitate the impudencie of shamelesse dogges for hauing beene the aduiser and counsellor to so vile murthers thou hast hardned thy forehead and hauing cast away all shame blushest not after the committing of so great and horrible outrages against men made after the image of God And when he was importunate with him and told him the Emperour was comming full of fierie zeale he brake forth into these words I tell thee Ruffinus I will not suffer him to passe the thresholds of Gods house and if of an Emperour he become a tyrant I will ioyfully suffer death Whereupon Ruffinus caused one to runne to the Emperour to desire him to stay within the Court But the Emperour being on the way when the messenger met him resolued to come forward and to endure the reproof of the Bishop So hee came to the sacred railes but entred not into the Temple and comming to the Bishoppe besought him to vnloose him from the bands wherewith hee was bound The Bishop somewhat offended with his comming told him the manner of his comming was tyrant-like and that being mad against God he trampled vnder his feete the lawes of God Not so said the Emperour I presse not hither in despite of order neither doe I vniustly striue to enter into the house of God But I beseech thee to vnloose me to remember the mercifull disposition of our common Lord and not to shut the doore against me that hee would haue opened to all that repent What repentance therefore saith the Bishoppe hast thou shewed after so grieuous an offence what medicines hast thou applied to cure thy wounds It pertaineth to thee sayth the Emperour to prepare the medicines that should heale mee and to cure my wounds and to me to vse that thou prescribest Then sayd Ambrose seeing thou makest thy displeasure iudge and it is not reason that giueth sentence when thou sittest vpon the throne to doe right but thy furious proceedings make a law that when sentence of death and confiscation of goods shall bee passed there may passe thirty dayes before the execution of the same that so if within that space it be found vniust it may be reuersed or otherwise it may proceede This law the Emperour most willingly consented to make and thereupon Ambrose vnloosed him from his bands and he entred into the Temple and prayed vnto God not standing nor kneeling but prostrate vpon the earth and passionately vttering these words of Dauid My soule cleaueth to the pauement Lord quicken me according to thy word Here we see an excellent patterne of a good Bishoppe and a good Emperour and it is hard to say whether Ambrose were more to be commended for his zeale magnanimous resolution and constancie or the Emperour for his willing and submissiue obedience But of deposing Princes here is nothing Ambrose being so farre from any thought of lifting vp his hand against the Emperour that he resolued to subiect himselfe vnto him euen to the suffering of martyrdome if neede should require But saith Bellarmine Ambrose exercised ciuill authority in that hee tooke notice of this murther of the Emperour beeing a criminall cause and forced him to make a ciuill law for the preuenting of furious and bloodie proceedings in iudgment This surely is a weake collection for the Church hath power by vertue of her Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction to take notice of such horrible crimes as murther to punish them with spirituall punishments Neither was the inducing of Theodosius to make a ciuill law for the preuenting of such like euils as he was now censured for before he would reconcile him to the Church an act of ciuill authoritie But such testimonies as this is they that haue no better must be forced to vse That which followeth of Gregories confirming the priviledges graunted to the Abbey of Saint Medardus in such sort that whatsoeuer Kings Iudges or secular persons should go about to violate them should be depriued of their honour proueth not the thing in question For it is evident that the confirmation of these priviledges was passed not by S. Gregory alone but by a whole Councell and more specially by Theodoricus the King and Brunichildis the Queene who might binde their successours and other inferiour secular Rulers vnder paine of deprivation though neither Gregory of himselfe nor yet a councell of Bishops could doe any such thing by their authoritie alone Wherefore let vs proceede to the next example Gregory the second saith Bellarmine excommunicated the Emperour Leo the third who was an enemy to Images he forbade any tribute to be payde him out of Italy and consequently depriued him of part of his Empire Surely if Greg. the second of himself alone had had such power as to forbid all Italy vpon his dislike to pay any more tribute to the Emperour there were some good shew of proofe in this allegation But if wee examine the stories we shall finde the case to haue beene farre otherwise then Bellarmine would beare vs in hand it was For first Gregory did not excommunicate Leo of himselfe but called a Synode to doe it Secondly he did not forbid the paying of tribute out of Italy to the Emperour but the circumstances of the History are these Leo seeking to win the Bishop of Rome and the people of Italy to the casting downe of Images in the West as he had done in the East Gregory the Bishop did not onely refuse to obey him but admonished all other to take heed they did no such thing for feare of any Edict of the Emperour By which exhortation the people of Italy already mis-conceited of the Emperours governement were so animated that they were likely to haue proceeded to the election of a new Emperour and Nauclerus sheweth that the decrees of the Bishop of Rome disswading the people of the West from obeying the Emperour in casting downe of Images were of so great authoritie that the people and souldiers of Ravenna first and then of Venice beganne to make shew of rebellion against the Emperour and his Exarche or Lieutenant and to inforce the Bishop of Rome and the other people of Italy to disclaime the Emperour of Constantinople and to chuse another in Italy And that this rebellion proceeded so farre that euery city putting downe the Magistrates of the Exarch set vp Magistrates of their owne whō they named Dukes but that the Bishop of Rome at that time pacified thē and by his perswasions stayed them from chusing any new Emperour in hope that he would amend So that we see the Bishop of Rome with his Bishops by their authority did nothing but stay the people from obeying the Emperours vnlawfull Decrees as they iudged them but no way went about to depose the
French King The Councell of Aruerne by the permission of the King Theodobertus The Fifth of Orleans by Childebert The first of Bracar by Ariamirus or as some will haue it Theodomirus The second of Turon with the conniuence of the King The second of Bracar by Ariamirus The first Cabilon Councell by the mandate of Gunthram as likewise that of Matiscon and Valentia The third of Toledo by Richaredus The Councels of Narbone and Caesar-Augusta by Richaredus King of Sueueland Many other examples might be produced but these suffice to shew what the ancient practise was and what Christian Princes in former times tooke vpon them in this behalfe And that they did lawfully so to intermeddle it appeareth in that S. Gregory writing to Theodoricus exhorteth him by the crowne of life to call Councels and reforme abuses Wherefore let vs proceede to see who called the Generall Councells that haue bin holden in the Christian Church Hauing perused sayth Cusanus the Actes of all the General Councels to the Eighth inclusiuely which Eighth was holden in the time of Basilius the Emperour I find that they were all called by the Emperours Whereupon sayth hee Elias the most holy Presbyter that supplyed the place of the Bishop of Hierusalem sayd openly in the Eighth Generall Councell in the hearing of all that Emperours did euer call Councels and that Basilius was not inferiour to those that went before him in the care of prouiding for the Church by Synodall meetings And Anastasius the Popes Library-keeper in his Glosse vpon the same place saith that the Emperors were wont to call Councells out of the whole world Which thing is so cleare that Hierome writing against Ruffinus and taking exception againsta certaine Councell biddeth him say what Emperour it was that commaunded that Councell to be called and therefore Bellarmine confesseth it and giueth foure reasons why it was so whereof the first is for that there was an Imperiall Law that there should not bee any great Assemblies without the Emperours priuity consent and authority for feare of sedition The second for that all those Cities in which such Councels might bee holden being the Emperours they might not bee holden without his consent The third for that the Councells were holden at the Emperours charges both in respect of carriages and the diet and intertainment of the Bishops during the time of their being in Councell as Eusebius in the life of Constantine doth testifie and Theodoret in his Historie The fourth for that it was fitte the Popes in those times acknowledging the Emperours to bee their Soueraigne Lords should as we reade they did as suppliants beseech them to commaund Councells to be called And surely if wee had neither his confession nor reasons we neede not doubt hereof hauing the testimony of all stories to confirme the same For Ruffinus saith Constantine called the Councell of Bishops at Nice and with him Theodoret agreeth saying expressely that Constantine called the noble Synode of Nice and Eusebius in his booke of the life of Constantine affirming that by his letters most honorably written he drew together the Bishoppes out of all parts marshalling them as a mighty army ofGod to encounter the enemies of the true faith The occasion of calling this Councell was the Heresie of Arrius denying the Sonne ofGod to bee consubstantiall with the Father The next Generall Councell after this was the first at Constantinople called for the suppressing of the Heresie of Macedonius and Eunomius who denied the holy Ghost to be God co-essentiall and co-eternall with the Father and this Councell was called by Theodosius the elder as Theodoret testifieth The third was holden at Ephesus and called by Theodosius the Younger at the suite of Nestorius Bishop of Constantinople fearing the proceedings of Cyrill Bishoppe of Alexandria and Caelestinus Bishop of Rome against him The Fourth Councell was holden at Cahlcedon and called by Martian the Emperour The occasion was this In the time of Flauianus Bishop of Constantinople the Heresie of Eutyches beganne about which a Prouinciall Councell was called at Constantinople whereunto vnfortunate Eutyches being called was found to haue vttered horrible blasphemies for hee affirmed that howsoeuer before the personall vnion there were two distinct natures in Christ yet after the vnion there was but one and besides affirmed that his body was not of the same substance with ours Whereupon hee was put from the Ministery of the Church and degree of Priest-hood But not enduring thus to bee depriued of his place and honour he complaineth to Theodosius the Emperour pretending that Flauianus had fained and deuised matters against him and rested not till hee procured a Synode at Constantinople of the neighbour Bishoppes to re-examine the matters who confirming that which was formerly done another by hīs procurement was called at Ephesus by Theodosius and Dioscorus Bishoppe of Alexandria made President of it In which Councell all thinges were carried in a very disordered violent sorte for Dioscorus permitted not the Bishoppes to speake freely neither would hee suffer the letters of the Bishoppe of Rome who was absent to bee read such Bishoppes as he disliked he violently cast out of the Councell retayned none but such as were fitte to serue his turne Hee deposed Flauianus Bishoppe of Constantinople Eusebius of Dorileum Domnus Bishop of Antioch and Theodoret with sundry other The Legates of the Bishop of Rome offended with these violent proceedings protested against them as vnlawfull and Flauianus who was not only depriued but so beaten that not long after hee died appealed to the Bishoppe of Rome other Bishops of the West for helpe and remedy vpon the hearing of which complaints Leo then Bishop of Rome with many other Bishops of the West went to the Emperour and in most humble and earnest manner vpon their knees besought him to call a Councell in Italy which he would not yeeld vnto but called one at Chalcedon commaunding him and all other Bishops to come vnto it The fift Councell was holden at Constantinople and called by Iustinian the Elder as Euagrius testifieth I haue shewed before what the occasion of calling this councell was and that though Vigilius Bishop of Rome and the Westerne Bishops refused to bee present in it together with the rest or to confirme it when it ended yet it was holden a lawfull councell The sixt Generall councell was holden at Constantinople and was called by Constantine the fourth as appeareth by his letters to the Bishopps of Rome Constantinople and the rest prefixed before it The occasion whereof was the Heresie of the Monothelites who denied the diuersity of wills actions and operations in Christ consequently of natures The seuenth was holden at Nice about the vse of Pictures in the church and called by Constantine the Emperour as appeareth by his Epistle to Adrian Bishop of Rome prefixed before it
alleaged by Cusanus and greatly approued yea the same Cusanus complaining of the abuses of the Court of Rome in that thinges are carried thither that should bee determined in the Prouinces where they beginne in that the Pope intermedleth in giuing Benefices before they be voide to the preiudice of the originall Patrons by reason whereof young men run to Rome and spend their best time there carrying gold with them and bringing backe nothing but paper and many like confusions which the Canons forbid and neede reformation addeth that the common saying that the secular power may not restraine or alter these courses brought in by Papall authority should not moue any man for that though the power of temporall Princes ought not to change any thing established canonically for the honour of GOD and good of such as attend his seruice yet it may and ought to prouide for the common good and see that the auncient canons be obserued Neither ought any one to say that the auncient christian Emperours did erre that made so many sacred constitutions or that they ought not so to haue done For saith he I read that Popes haue desired them for the common good to make lawes for the punishment of offences committed by those of the cleargie And if any one shall say that the force of all these constitutions depended vpon Papall or Synodall approbation I will not insist vpon it though I haue read and collected foure score and sixe chiefe heads of Ecclesiasticall rules and lawes made by old Emperours and many other made by Charles the Great and his successours in which order is taken not onely concerning others but euen concerning the Bishoppe of Rome himselfe and other Patriarches what they shall take of the Bishoppes they ordaine and many like things and yet did I neuer finde that the Pope was desired to approue them or that they haue no binding force but by vertue of his approbation But I know right well that some Popes haue professed their due regarde of those Imperiall and Princely constitutions But though it were graunted that those constitutions had no further force then they receiued from the canons wherein the same thinges were formerly ordered or from Synodall approbation yet might the Emperor now reforme things amisse by vertue of old canons and Princes constitutions grounded on them Yea if hee should with good aduice considering the decay of piety and diuine worshippe the ouerflowing of all wickednes and the causes and occasions thereof recall the old canons and the auncient and most holy obseruation of the Elders and reiect whatsoever priuiledges exemptions or new deuices contrary therevnto by vertue whereof suites complaintes and controuersies the gifts and donations of benefices the like thinges are vnjustly brought to Rome to the great prejudice of the whole Christian Church I thinke no man could justly blame him for so doing Yea he saith the Emperour Sigismund had an intention so to doe and exhorteth him by no fained allegations of men fauouring present disorders to bee discouraged for that there is no way to preserue the peace of the Church whatsoeuer some pretend to the contrary vnlesse such lewde and wicked courses proceeding from ambition pride and couetousnesse be stopped and the old canons reuiued From that which hath beene obserued touching the proceeding of Christian Kings and Emperours in former times in calling Councels in being present at them and in making lawes for persons and causes Ecclesiasticall it is easie to gather what the power of Princes is in this kinde and that they are indeede supreame Gouernours ouer all persons and in all causes as well Ecclesiasticall as Ciuill which is that wee attribute to our Kings Queenes and the Papistes so much stumble at as if some new and strange opinion were broached by vs. Wherefore for the satisfaction of all such as are not maliciously obstinate refusing to heare what may be said I will endeauour in this place vpon so fitte an occasion to cleare whatsoeuer may bee questionable in this point will first intreat of the power and right that Princes haue in causes Ecclesiasticall then of that they haue ouer persons Ecclesiastical jn treating of causes Ecclesiasticall I will first distinguish the diversities of them the power of medling with them Causes Ecclesiasticall therefore are of two sorts for some are originally and naturally such and some onely in that by fauor of Princes out of due consideration they are referred to the Cognisance of Ecclesiasticall persons as fittest Iudges as the probations of the Testaments of them that are dead the disposition of the goods of them that dye intestat and if there be any other like Causes Ecclesiasticall of the first sort are either meerely and onely Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall or mixt Meerely Ecclesiasticall are of three sorts First matters of Faith and Doctrine Secondly matters of Sacraments and the due administration of them Thirdly the orders degrees ordination of such as attend the Ministery of the word Sacraments Mixtly Ecclesiasticall are of two sorts either such as in one respect belong to one kinde of cognisance and in another to another as marriages which are subiect to ciuill disposition in that they are politicall contracts and to spirituall in that they are ordered by the diuine law or such as are equally censurable by Ciuill Ecclesiasticall authority as murthers adulteries blasphemies the like All which in the time when there is no Christian Magistrate or when there is ouer-great negligence in the ciuill Magistrate are to bee punished by the spirituall guides of the Church Whereupon wee shall finde that the auncient Councels prescribed penance to offenders in all these kindes But when there is a Christian Magistrate doing his duty they are to bee referred specially either to the one or the other of these and accordingly to bee censured by the one or the other as wee see the punishment of adultery vsury and things of that nature is referred to Ecclesiasticall persons the punishment of murther theft the like to the ciuill Magistrate This distinction of causes Ecclesiasticall premised it is easie to see what authority Princes haue in causes Ecclesiasticall For first touching those causes that are Ecclesiastical onely in that they are put ouer to the cognisance of spiritual persons there is no question but that the Prince hath a supreame power and that no man may meddle with them any otherwise then as he is pleased to allow And likewise touching those things which in one respect pertaine to ciuill jurisdictiō in another to spiritual or which are equally censurable by both there is no question but that the Prince hath supreame power in that they pertaine to ciuill jurisdiction So that the onely question is touching things naturally and meerely spiritual The power in these is of two sorts of Order of Iurisdiction The power of Order is the authority to preach the Word minister the Sacraments to ordaine Ministers
this immunity And Sixtus Senensis saith that Hierome speaketh not of that tribute which subiects pay to their Princes here in this world but of that which we all owe to CHRIST so that this is that he saith why doe not we wretched men professing our selues to be the servants of Christ yeeld vnto his Maiesty the due tribute of our seruice seeing Christ so great and excellent payde tribute for our sakes S. Austine in his first book of Questions vpon the Gospels saith that Kings sons in this world are free that therefore much more the sonnes of that Kingdome vnder which all kingdomes of the World are should bee free in each earthly Kingdome which words Thomas and Sixtus Senensis vnderstand of a freedome from the bondage of sin but Iansenius rejecteth that interpretation because Austine saith the children of Kings are free from tribute and thinketh that Austines meaning is that if God the King of Heauen Earth had many naturall sonnes as hee hath but one only begotten they should all be free in all the Kingdomes of the world and other apply these words to cleargy-men though there bee nothing in the place leading to any such interpretation But whatsoeuer we thinke of the meaning of Austine Bellarmine saith it cannot bee inferred from these his wordes that cleargy-men by Gods Law are free from the duty of paying tribute because as Chrysostome noteth Christ speaketh only of naturall children and besides prescribeth nothing but onely sheweth that vsually among men Kings sonnes are free from tribute and therefore whereas the authority of Bonifacius the Eighth who affirmeth that the goods persons of Cleargy-men are free from exactions both by the law of God and man is brought to proue the contrary Hee answereth first that haply the Pope meant not that they are absolutely freed by any speciall graunt frō God but only that there is an example of Pharaoh an Heathen Prince freeing the Priests of his Gods mentioned in Scripture which may induce Christian Kings to free the Pastours of Christs Church Secondly that it was but the priuate opinion of the Pope inclining to the iudgment of the Canonistes and that he did not define any such thing So that men may lawfully dissent from him in this point So that we see by the testimonies of Scripture and Fathers and the confession of the best learned among our aduersaries themselues that Almighty God did not by any special exemption free either the goods or persons of Cleargy-men from the command of Princes and that in the beginning they were subiect to all seruices iudgements payments burdens that any other are subiect to and required by Christ the Sonne of God and his blessed Apostles to be so But some man happily will say that though Christ did not specially free eyther the goods or persons of Cleargy-men from the subiection to Princes yet there are inducements in reason and in the very light of nature such and so great to moue Princes to set them free that they should not do well if they did not so Whereunto wee answere that there is no question to be made but that the Pastors of the Church that watch ouer the soules of men are to bee respected and tendered more then men of any other calling and so they are and euer were where any sence of religion is or was The Apostle Saint Paul testifieth of the Galathians that they receiued him as an Angell of God yea as Christ Iesus himselfe that they would haue euen plucked out their eyes to haue done him good The Emperour Constantine honoured the Christian Bishops with the name and title of Gods acknowledged himselfe subject to their iudgment though he swayed the scepter of the World and refused to see what the complaintes were that they preferred one against another or to read their bils but professed that to couer their faults he would euen cast frō him his purple Robe Whence it came that many priuiledges were anciently graunted vnto them both in respect of their persons goods For first Constantine the Great not onely gaue ample gifts to the Pastors of the Churches but exempted them also from those seruices ministeries and imployments that other men are subiect to His Epistle to Anelinus the Proconsul of Africa wherein this graunt was made to them of Affrica is found in Eusebius Neyther is it to be doubted but that he extended his fauours to the Bishops of other Churches also aswell as to them The words of the Grant are these Considering that the due obseruation of things pertaining to true religion and the worshippe of God bringeth great happinesse to the whole state of the Common-wealth and Empire of Rome For the incouragement of such as attend the holy Ministery and are named Cleargy-men my pleasure is that all such in the Church wherein Caecilianus is Bishop be at once and altogether absolutely freed and exempted from all publicke Ministeries and Seruices Neither did the Emperors only exempt them from these seruices but they freed them also frō secular iudgements vnles it were in certaine kindes of criminall causes Wherein yet a Bishop was not to be cōuēted against his wil before any secular Magistrate without the Emperors cōmand Neyther might the temporall Magistrates condemne any Cleargy-man till hee were degraded by his Bishoppe howsoeuer they might imprison and restraine such vpon complaints made And answerably hereunto the Councell of Matiscon prouideth that no Cleargy-man for any cause without the discussion of his Bishop shall bee wronged imprisoned by any Secular Magistrate that if any Iudge shal presume to doe soe to the Cleargy-men of any Bishoppe vnlesse it be in a criminall cause hee shall bee excommunicated as long as the Bishoppe shall thinke fitte This was all the immunity that Cleargy-men anciently had by any grant of Princes and as much as euer the Church desired to enjoy but that which in latter times was challenged by some and in defence of the claime whereof Thomas Becket resisted the King till his bloud was shedde was of another kinde For whereas it was not thought fitte by the King and State of the Realme at that time that Church-men found in enormous crimes by the kings Iustices should be deliuered ouer to their Bishoppes and so escape ciuill punishment but that confessing such crimes or being clearely conuinced of them before the Bishoppe the Bishoppe should in presence of the Kings Iustices degrade them and put them from all Ecclesiasticall honour and deliuer them to the Kings Court to be punished Becket was of a contrary minde and thought that such as Bishoppes degraded or putte out of their Ministery of the Church should not bee punished by the ciuill Magistrates because as hee sayd one offence was not to be punished twice The occasion of this controuersie betweene the King and the Arch-bishoppe was giuen by one Philip Brocke a Canon of Bedford Who beeing brought before
Dioscorus Bishoppe of Alexandria was deposed by the Councell of Chalcedon Proterius sette in his place a mighty intollerable sedition grew among the people for it some affecting Dioscorus some cleauing to Proterius The people opposed themselues against the Magistrates and when they thought with strong hande to suppresse the vprore the multitude with stones beat the souldiers into the church besieged theÌ„ in it destroyed a number of them with fire and vpon the death of Martian the Emperour they chose a new B. and brought him into the church on Easter day They slew Proterius and sixe other with him in the Temple and drew his body wounded and mangled along through the quarters of the citie The like dissention grewe in the Church of Millaine after the death of Auxentius the Arrian Bishoppe but the issue was very happy for Ambrose at that time a secular Magistrate seing the diuision to be very dangerous and threatning the ouerthrow of the state of the citty entred into the Church and made an excellent Oration perswading them to peace wherwith all sides were so well pleased that with one consent they desired to haue Ambrose for their Bishoppe who was not yet baptized and the Emperour was carefull to satisfie their desire and commaunded that it should be as they had desired In the Church of Rome after Liberius Damasus succeeded in the Episcopall office whom Vrsinus a certaine Deacon of that Church not enduring to bee preferred before him waxed so madde that hauing perswaded and drawne vnto him a certaine ignorant rude Bishop and gathered together a company of turbulent and seditious persons in the church of Sicinius hee procured himselfe to be made Bishop against all order law and auncient custome From which fact proceeded so great sedition nay so great warre some of the people defending Damasus as lawfull Bishop and some Vrsinus that the places of prayer were filled with the bloud of men The people in this sort abusing their authority power were restrained by the decrees of Coucels and by the lawes of Princes and their right and power to choose their Pastours many waies limited and straitned till in the end it was wholy taken from them For first the Councell of Laodicaea forbad that elections of such as were to serue in the holy Ministery of the Church and execute the Priests office should bee left to the multitudes But that Councell was but particular and could prescribe no lawes to the whole world and therefore after this the people swayed things very much still and Leo Bishoppe of Rome after this time charged the Bishoppes to thrust none vpon the people without their consent And euen in the Romane church the election of the people continued a long time after this decree of the Councell of 〈◊〉 For Pope Nicholas the second in the Councell of Laterane in the yeare of our Lord 1059. with the consent of the whole Synode decreeth on this sorte Instructed guided by the authority of our predecessours and other holy Fathers wee decree and determine that when the Bishoppe of this Vniuersall Church of Rome dyeth first of all the Cardinall Bishops shall most diligently consult together about the election of a new and soone after they shall take vnto them the Cardinall Cleargy-men and so the rest of the Cleargie and people shall come to giue consent to the new election And because the See Apostolick is preferred before all the Churches in the world and therefore canne haue no Metropolitane ouer or aboue it the Cardinall Bishops doubtlesse supply the place of the Metropolitane and are to promote and lift vp the new elected Bishop to the top of Apostolicke heigth Yea the presence and testimony of Lay-men was not excluded in such elections a longtime after For Gregory the seuenth was elected by the Cardinals of the church of Rome Clearkes Acoluthes Subdeacons and Presbyters many Bishops Abbots others both of the Cleargy Laity being present But Christian Princes Kings and Emperours being chiefe among those of the Laity and so hauing a soueraigne consent among and ouer the rest in such elections as pertained vnto them by the right of humane fellowship and gouernment interposed themselues in these businesses and sundry wayes abridged that liberty that the people in some places tooke vnto them Zozomen noteth that after the death of Nectarius Bishoppe of Constantinople the Cleargy and people resolued to haue Chrysostome a Presbyter of Antioch a man famously renowned throughout all the Empire to bee their Bishop Which their resolution the Emperour confirmed by his assent sent and fet him and called a Councell to make his election more authenticall Likewise after the death of Sicinius though some would haue had Philip others Pâ—…clus Presbyters of that church to succeed yet the Emperour by the perswasion of certaine vaine men called a stranger thither to wit Nestorius who afterward proued an Arch-hereticke After the death of Maximianus successor to Nestorius the Emperour tooke order without delay that Proclus might bee placed in the Bishoppes chaire by the Bishops present before the body of Maximianus was buried least any variance and quarrelling might ensue Neither did the Emperours medlelesse with the election of the Bishop of Rome then of Constantinople For as Onuphrius rightly obserueth after the Gothes were driuen out of Italy by Narses the Lieutenant of the Emperour and the country subjected againe to the Empire of the East in the dayes of Iustinian the Emperour there beganne a new custome in the election of the Romane Bishoppes which was that so soone as the Bishop of that See should be dead the Cleargie and people as formerly they had done should presently choose another to succeede into his place but that he might not bee confecrated ordained by the Bishoppes till his election were confirmed by the Emperour and till he gaue leaue to ordaine him by his Letters Pattents For which confirmation a certaine summe of money was paide which it is likely Iustinian did or by his authority caused Vigilius the Bishop of Rome to doe it that the Emperor might be assured of the conditions of the newly elected Bishoppe least a factious and busie man being chosen hee might conspire with the barbarous people that then sought to encroch vpon the Empire and so cause a reuolte of the citie of Rome and the country of Italy from the Easterne Empire the Bishoppe growing great and the Emperour being farre off Vpon which constitution it came to passe that the Romanes chose for the most part such a one as they thought would be acceptable to the Emperour and of whom hee might bee perswaded that hee would attempt nothing preiudiciall to the state of the Empire the Lombards about that time or presently after troubling Italy This custome was continued till the time of Benedict the Second in whose time Constantine the Emperour for the good opinion hee had of him and loue
Cardinall Caietan With him agreeth Cardinall Bellarmine and confirmeth that hee saith by three reasons whereof the first is this Priestes are not forbidden by Gods Law to company with their wiues which they married before they entered into holy Orders Therefore they are not forbidden to marry after they are entred The consequence he proueth because if any thing bee found in marriage that cannot stand well with the sacred function and imployment of Ministers it is the act of Matrimony and not the contract which is a thing most honest and is soone past Whereupon they that dislike the marriage of Church-men were wont to alleadge the cares of houshold and of children causing distraction of mind and other like things and not the contract or Sacrament of marriage therefore he rightly reproueth Clicthoueus for that hee thinketh the matrimoniall society of such as were married before they became Ministers of the Church is not forbidden by Gods lawe and yet feareth not to say that the contract of marriage ensuing after the entrance into the holy Ministery is forbidden Wherefore leauing the consequence as good and sufficiently proued he confirmeth the antecedent in this sort That presbyters are not forbidden by Gods lawe to liue with their wiues which they married before they entered into the holy Ministery it appeareth in that the Romane Church hath for many ages past permitted the Presbyters of the Greeke Church to liue with their wiues which they married before their Ordination which it could not doe if so to liue were forbidden by Gods law That so the Romane Church hath allowed those of the Greeke Church to liue with their wiues hee proueth by good authority For in the Decretals it is reported that a certaine Grecian while hee was yet in the minor Orders according to the custome of the Greeke Church married a wife and afterwards when he was a Priest begat a sonne of his lawfull wife This Priests son was thought fitte to bee a Bishop and chosen so to be the Arch-bishoppe made question whether he might confirme his Consecration or not as doubting of his Legitimation To whom Innocentius the Third writeth thus Wee considering that the East Church neuer admitted the vow of continency but that they of the East while they are yet in the Minor Orders contract marriage and when they are in the higher Orders vse that marriage which they then contracted doe commaund that vnlesse any custome be against it in that these Grecians liue among the Latines if there be no other Canonicall impediment you proceede without doubting to the Confirmation and Consecration of him Wherby it is euident that the Bishoppe of Rome allowed the marriage of the Grecians for Innocentius saith this Presbyter after he was a Presbyter begatte a sonne of his lawfull wife and approueth nay commaundeth his sonne as lawfully begotten to be ordayned if it were not offensiue because he conuersed among the Latines The next reason that Bellarmine bringeth is for that there is no prohibition of Almighty GOD found either in the old or new Testament and the third for that it is said in the Coūcell of Ancyra that Deacons with the licence of the Bishoppe may marry after they are ordayned Whence it followeth that they are not forbidden to marry by GODS Law seeing Bishoppes may not dispense with GODS Law And This Councell as Bellarmine truely noteth is most auncient and approued by Leo the Pope The vttermost therefore that our Aduersaries canne say is that the Church by her authority hath forbidden the marriage of Presbyters and Bishops wherefore let vs take a view of the lawes of the Church concerning this matter and for our more orderly proceeding in the examination of the same let vs first obserue what the Church decreed touching them that being married enter into the Ministery Secondly touching them that entered being single Concerning the first it is euident that till the time of Siricius married men were permitted throughout the whole Church to enter into the Ministery and to liue with their wiues In the Epistles of Cyprian among other things Nouatus ordained a Presbyter of Carthage by Cyprian is charged first that he suffered his owne father to die of hunger and tooke no care for his buriall when he was dead Secondly that by violence offered to his owne wife hee caused her to be deliuered of her child before her time so that the child dyed and he was guilty of the murther thereof for which crimes hee feared to bee put from his Priestly function and the Communion of the Church and therefore preuented his punishment by a voluntary Schismaticall departure Where wee see a Presbyter permitted by Cyprian to liue with his wife and no way blamed for that hee had companied with her but for that when shee was with child by him hee had stricken her in such violent sort that shee was vntimely deliuered not without the death of the childe Whereupon Pamelius hath this annotation vpon the Epistle of Cyprian Many married men at that time were taken into the Cleargy because there were few other to bee had and therefore it is not to be maruailed at that Cyprian maketh mention of the wife of Nouatus who was a Priest That Tertullian was married it appeareth by the booke which he hath written to his wife and that neither he nor shee voluntarily seperating themselues had vowed continency it appeareth by the perswasions he vseth to induce her to liue single and not to marry againe after his death in those euill dangerous times if haply he should die before her or at the least if shee could not nor would not containe to marry with none but a beleeuer Had shee bound her selfe by vow to containe hee would not thus haue left her to her owne liberty and if she could not nor would not containe he was bound by the Apostles rule not to defraude her but to yeeld vnto her due benevolence Neither haue wee these examples onely but many more for wee reade in Gratian of the sonnes of Presbyters and Bishoppes that were promoted to the Papall dignity So was Bonifacius the Pope the sonne of Iucundus the Presbyter Faelix the Pope the sonne of Faelix the Presbyter Agapetus the Pope sonne of Gordianus the Presbyter Theodorus the Pope sonne of Theodorus the Bishoppe and many more hee sayth there were who beeing the sonnes of Bishoppes or Presbyters were advanced to sit in the Apostolicall Throne And addeth that when the sonnes of Presbyters and Bishoppes are saide to haue beene advanced and promoted to be Popes wee are not to vnderstand them to haue beene such as were borne of fornication out of lawfull marriages which were lawfull vnto Priests before the prohibition and in the Orientall Church are proued to be lawfull vnto them euen vnto this day Socrates sayth that in Thessalia there was a particular custome growne in that if a Cleargy-man after hee became a Cleargy-man companied with his
flye all are friendes and all are enemies all are tyed vnto her in a bond of amity and yet all are her aduersaries all are of her houshold and yet none are at peace with her all are neighbours and yet all seeke their owne they are the Ministers of Christ and they serue Antichrist soe that nothing remaineth but that the diuell that feareth not to walke at noone day should be reuealed to seduce such as remaine in Christ still abiding in their simplicity for hee hath already swallowed vppe the riuers of the wise and the floudes of the mighty and hath hope to draw in Iordan into his mouth that is the simple and lowly in heart that are in the Church What is therefore the frandulency Maister Higgons so much complaineth of Surely hee sayth it was onely wickednesse of life Bernard complayneth of and I seeme to extend his complaint farther For answere whereunto first I say that I no way extend the wordes of Bernard to any particular kind of euill of life doctrine or violation of discipline but cite them in such generall sort as they are found in him Secondly I say it is vntrue that Higgons sayth that Bernard complained onely of the euill liues of men in his time for in his bookes of Consideration to Eugenius the Pope hee blameth him for medling with thinges more properly pertaining to men of another ranke and sort asking of him Quid fines alienos inuaditis quid falcem vestram ad alienam messem extenditis that is why doe you incroach vppon the bounds of other men and why doe you reach forth your sicle and thrust it into the haruest of other men adding that if the daies were not euill hee would speake many other things Likewise he complaineth of the confusion and abuse of appeales to Rome in this sort Praeter fas ius praeter morem ordinem fiunt non locus non modus non tempus non causa discernitur aut persona That is appeales are made and admitted besides law and right besides custome and order no difference is made of place manner time or cause so that the Bishoppes in all partes of the world are hindered that they cannot do their duties as also of the spoyling of the guides and gouernours of the Church of their authority by exemptions and priuiledges freeing such as are vnder them from their subiection Murmur loquor sayth hee querimoniam ecclesiarum truncari se clamitant demembrari vel nullae vel paucae admodum sunt quae plagam istam aut non doleant aut non timeant Quaeris quam Subtrahuntur Abbates Episcopis Episcopi Archiepiscopis Archiepiscopi Patriarchis siue Primatibus That is I vtter the murmuring complaint of the Churches they cry out that they are mangled and dismembred there are eyther none or very few which either feele not or feare not this plague if you aske what plague Abbots are exempted from the iurisdiction of their Bishoppes Bishoppes of their Arch-bishoppes they of their Primates But hee dissented not from the Papistes in matter of doctrine Surely this is no truer then the rest for it will be found that Bernard hath written that which will not please our Adversaries very well touching speciall faith imperfection impurity of inherent righteousnesse merites power of free-will the conception of the blessed Virgin and the keeping of the Feast of her Conception For I would willingly learne of them whether they will graunt that all our righteousnesse is as the polluted ragges of a menstruous woman that wee must beleeue particularly that our sins are remitted to vs that our workes are via regni not causa regnandi that is the way that leadeth to the Kingdome but not the cause why we raigne that the blessed Virgin was conceiued in sin and that the feast of her conception ought not to be kept In all these things doubtlesse Bernard dissented from the Papists at this day neither did he know or vnderstand any thing of their transubstantiation locall presence priuate masses halfe Communions indulgences the like which are matters of difference betweene vs our Adversaries at this day so that there might be good conformity in substance betweene Bernard and Wickliff his followers though many Articles falsely attributed to him are damned hereticall some things were vttered vnadvisedly by him therefore that which followeth of Falshood Inflexions Pretenses and subtilties is but the bewraying the distemper of Higgons hâ—…e braine who hauing confounded himself in his owne intricate conceipts woulâ—…â—…ke men beleeue other are like vnto him how orderly plainely and sincerely soeuer they handle things The Third Part. §. 1. IN the third part of this Chapter he reflecteth to vse his owne wordes vpon foure passages of mine and professeth that he will detect sundry vntrueths and vanities wilfully committed in the same Wherein the Reader shall finde him as false and as vaine a man as euer he met with The foure passages he speaketh of are these the first that Gerson reporteth that sundry lewd assertions preiudiciall to the states of Kings and Princes were brought into the Councell of Constance and that the Councell could not be induced to condemne them Secondly that they made no stay to condemne the positions of Wickliff and Hus. Thirdly that they condemned the positions of Wickliff Hus seeming to derogate from the state of the Cleargy Fourthly that they condemned the said positions though many of them might carry a good and Catholicke sense if they might haue found a fauourable construction In which of these passages is my falshood and vntruth Doth not Gerson report that sundry lewd positions prejudiciall to the state of Princes were brought to the Councell of Constance to bee condemned and that by no exhortations or entreaties by word or writing the Fathers assembled in it could be brought to condemne them Doth hee not say that they condemned the positions of Wickliff and Hus that they imprisoned some for those errours in the beginning of the Councell and burnt them afterwards Doth he not say the positions preiudiciall to the states of Princes which hee speaketh of were more pestiferous in the life and conversation of men and in the state of Common-weales then those they condemned Doth he not complaine of partialitie respect of persons and the Cleargies seeking their owne rather then that which is Christ Iesus Doth he not say many of the positions of Wickliff might haue had a good sense if they might haue beene fauourably construed Doth hee not protest that he hath no hope of reformation by a Generall Councell things standing as hee found them to doe if there be any vntruth in any of these passages let the Reader censure me as he pleaseth But if all these things be most vndoubtedly true let him accompt of Higgons as of an impudent young man that hath strangely hardened his fore-head as if he had beene a
all traditions as he vntruly affirmeth but onely the false imagined and vaine traditions of Papists and other heretickes Wee therefore to silence this trifler doe professe that the forme of Christian doctrine is not to bee sought in the Romane church alone or the other Christian churches that now presently are in the world but in the consenting voyce of Pastours and people succeeding one another they that went before euer reporting deliuering to them that came after them the things they had learned of their elders that so what doctrine the Apostles first deliuered might by their after-commers be deliuered to all posterities Of these posterities we professe our selues to be receiuing without any doubt or questioning whatsoeuer we find to haue beene deliuered in all places at all times by all Christian men not noted for heresie or singularitie and reiecting those things that haue no testimony of antiquity as the Popes not erring his vniuersalitie of iurisdiction his power and right to dispose the kingdomes of the world priuate Masses halfe communions Papall indulgences and all such things as any way carry the marke of noveltie and singularitie But saith he D. Field in the fourth and fifth kindes of traditions speaketh of them in the plurall number and yet giueth no example of the fourth but the baptisme of infants nor of the fifth and last but the obseruation of Lent and Sunday or the Lords day therefore hee must seeke for more then hee remembreth and consequently in all equall iudgement as many articles of Catholique religion as wee claime by tradition The answer hereunto is easie for touching the fourth kinde of tradition I define it to be the continued practise of such things as are neither contained in Scripture expressely nor the example of such practise there clearely and expressely deliuered though the grounds reasons and causes of the necessitie of such practise be there contained and the benefite or good that followeth of it The onely example I giue of this kinde of tradition is the baptisme of infants yet may I speake in the plurall number as I doe because not onely the baptisme of infants is of this sort but many very materiall things belonging thereunto as that in time of danger of death they are to bee baptized with all possible speede lest we seeme to contemne or neglect the Sacrament that this may be done in priuate houses either by dipping or sprinkling as well before as after the eighth day If this Author can tell vs of any more examples of things of this kinde the necessitie whereof may bee proued out of Scripture though the practise of them be not there expressed wee will admit them but they will make nothing for the confirmation of Popish vnwritten traditions seeing such things are written in respect of the causes and grounds of the necessity of obseruing them though not by way of expresse precept or report of practise and therefore it will not follow from any thing that I haue saide in the iudgment of any man though not indifferent nor equall that I must admit so many Articles of Religion as Papists shall bee pleased to claime by tradition Of the fifth and last kind of traditions which he diuideth into two though I make but one I giue but only one example which is the obseruation of the Lords day which yet appeareth by Scripture to haue beene in vse euen in the Apostles times For touching the Lent Fast I do not giue it for an example as hee vntruly reporteth but onely hauing described the fifth kind of traditions say that some thinke the Lent Fast the Fast of the fourth and sixth dayes of the weeke to be of this kinde The next thing which he vrgeth in his reflexion vpon my doctrine as he tearmeth it is that if the traditions of the last kinde bee confounded with Ecclesiasticall constitutions as I say they are that we might the more reverence the constitutions of the Church wee must at last recant our contempt and dislike against them For answere hereunto I will first shew that the traditions of the last sort are so confounded with Ecclesiasticall constitutions that it can hardly bee certainely knowne which they are Secondly that wee neuer disliked the auncient constitutions of the primitiue and first Church and therefore need not recant any such dislike That Apostolicall traditions of the last kinde are confounded with Ecclesiasticall constitutions it is most cleare euident in that some reckon one thing and some another and our Aduersaries dare not peremptorily say which amongst those traditions diuersely and differently mentioned by the Fathers are Apostolicall and which not Tertullian accounteth all these following to bee Apostolicall traditions thrice dipping of them that are baptized the interrogatories respondes and words of sacred stipulation vsed in Baptisme the renouncing of the Diuell his Angels and the pompe of the world when we come to the water of Baptisme and before in the presence of the Bishop the fore-tasting of milke and honey and the abstaining from bathing and washing a whole weeke after the taking or receiuing of the holy Sacrament in the time of ordinary repast oblations for the dead and for their birth-dayes euery yeare the same day they dyed standing at prayers on the Lords day and from Easter to Whitsontide and the signing of mens fore-heads with the signe of the crosse Harum saith he aliarum ciusmodi disciplinarum si legem expostules Scripturarum nullam inuenies traditio tibi praetendetur auctrix consuetudo confirmatrix fides obseruatrix that is Of these and the like obseruations if thou seeke for any written law or precept thou shalt finde none Tradition will be alleaged vnto thee as authour of them custome as the confirmer and faith as the obseruer Hereunto some adde praying towards the East baptising at Easter and Whitsontide onely Hierome accounteth the Lent-fast amongst traditions of this sort His words are Nos vnam quadragesimam secundum traditionem Apostolorum toto anno tempore nobis congruo ieiunamus Wee fast one Lent according to the tradition of the Apostles in the whole yeare at a fitte and seasonable time to whom Iansenius agreeth saying that the obseruation of the Lent-fast seemeth to haue proceeded from the tradition of the Apostles which though perhaps it did not binde all by any expresse precept from the beginning yet being kept in all ages and in all parts of the world had the strength and force of a law I thinke there is no Papist will say certainely that all these were Apostolicall traditions but whether they doe or not it is most certaine they thinke themselues no more bound to keepe them then meere Ecclesiasticall constitutions which are established by the authority of the church and may be the same be abrogated and reuersed againe in that the most part of all these are out of vse in the Romane Church For they thinke not thrice dipping necessary following therein the