Church-Governours to their rooms of Prelacy Fifthly judicial authority higher then others are capable of And sixthly exemption from being punishable with such kind of Censures as the platform of Reformation doth teach that they ought to be subject unto What the Power of Dominion is VVIthout order there is no living in publick Society because the want thereof is the mother of confusion whereupon division of necessity followeth and out of division destruction The Apostle therefore giving instruction to publike Societies requireth that all things be orderly done Order can have no place in things except it be settled amongst the persons that shall by office be conversant about them And if things and persons be ordered this doth imply that they are distinguished by degrees For order is a gradual disposition The whole world consisting of parts so many so different is by this only thing upheld he which framed them hath set them in order The very Deity it self both keepeth and requireth for ever this to be kept as a Law that wheresoever there is a coagmentation of many the lowest be knit unto the highest by that which being interjacent may cause each to cleave to the other and so all to continue one This order of things and persons in publike Societies is the work of Policie and the proper instrument thereof in every degree is power power being that hability which we have of our selves or receive from others for performance of any action If the action which we have to perform be conversant about matters of meer Religion the power of performing it is then spiritual And if that power be such as hath not any other to over-rule it we term it Dominion or Power Supream so far as the bounds thereof extend When therefore Christian Kings are said to have Spiritual Dominion or Supream Power in Ecclesiastical affairs and causes the meaning is that within their own Precincts and Territories they have an authority and power to command even in matters of Christian Religion and that there is no higher nor greater that can in those cases overcommand them where they are placed to raign as Kings But withal we must likewise note that their power is termed supremacy as being the highest not simply without exception of any thing For what man is so brain-sick as not to except in such speeches God himself the King of all Dominion Who doubteth but that the King who receiveth it must hold it of and order the Law according to that old axiom Altribuat Rex legi quod lex attribuit es potestatem And again Rex non debet esse sub homine sed sub Deo lege Thirdly whereas it is altogether without reason That Kings are judged to have by vertue of their Dominion although greater power then any yet not than all the state of those Societies conjoyned wherein such Soveraign rule is given them there is not any thing hereunto to the contrary by us affirmed no not when we grant supream Authority unto Kings because Supremacy is not otherwise intended or meant to exclude partly sorraign powers and partly the power which belongeth in several unto others contained as parts in that politick body over which those Kings have Supremacy Where the King hath power of Dominion or Supream power there no forrain State or Potentate no State or Potentate Domestical whether it consisteth of one or many can possibly have in the same affairs and causes Authority higher than the King Power of Spiritual Dominion therefore is in causes Ecclesiastical that ruling Authority which neither any forraign State not yet any part of that politick body at home wherein the same is established can lawfully over-rule It hath been declared already in general how the best established dominion is where the Law doth most rule the King the true effect whereof particularly is found as well in Ecclesiastical as Civil affairs In these the King through his Supream Power may do sundry great things himself both appertaining to Peace and War both at home and by command and by commerce with States abroad because the Law doth so much permit Sometimes on the other side The King alone hath no right to do without consent of his Lords and Commons in Parliament The King himself cannot change the nature of Pleas nor Courts no not so much as restore blood because the Law is a hath unto him the positive Laws of the Realm have a priviledg therein and restrain the Kings power which positive Laws whether by custom or otherwise established without repugnancy to the Laws of God and nature ought not less to be in force even in supernatural affairs of the Church whether in regard of Ecclesiastical Laws we willingly embrace that of Ambrose Imperator bonus intrae Ecclesiam non supra Ecclesiam est Kings have Dominion to exercise in Ecclesiastical causes but according to the Laws of the Church whether it be therefore the nature of Courts or the form of Pleas or the kind of Governours or the order of proceeding in whatsoever business for the received Laws an Lib 〈…〉 o the Church the King hath Supream Authority and power but against them never What such positive Laws hath appointed to be done by others than the King or by others with the King and in what form they have appointed the doing of it the same of necessity must be kept neither is the Kings sole Authority to alter it yet as it were a thing unreasonable if in civil affairs the King albeit the whole universal body did joyn with him should do any thing by their absolute power for the ordering of their state at home in prejudice of those ancient Laws of Nations which are of force throughout all the World because the necessary commerce of Kingdoms dependeth on them So in principal matters belonging to Christian Religion a thing very scandalous and offensive it must needs be thought if either Kings or Laws should dispose of the Law of God without any respect had unto that which of old hath been reverently thought of throughout the World and wherein there is no Law of God which forceth us to swerve from the ways wherein so many and holy Ages have gone Wherefore not without good consideration the very Law it self hath provided That Iudges Ecclesiastical appointed under the Kings Commission shall not adjudg for heresie anything but that which heretofore hathbeen adjudged by the Authority of the Cononical Scriptures or by the first four general Counbels or lysome other general Council wherein the same hath been declared heresie by the express words of the said Canonical Scriptures or such at hereafter shall be determined to be heresie by the high Court of Parliament of this Realm with the assent of the Clergy in the Convocation An. 1. Reg. Eliz. By which words of the Law Who doth not plainly see how that in one branch of proceeding by vertue of the Kings supream authority the credit which those four first general Councels have throughout
in dealing is tyed unto the soundest perfectest and most indifferent Rule which Rule is the Law I mean not only the Law of Nature and of God but the National Law consonant thereunto Happier that people whose Law is their King in the greatest things then that whose King is himself their Law where the King doth guide the State and the Law the King that Common-wealth is like an Harp or Melodious Instrument the strings whereof are turned and handled all by one hand following as Laws the Rules and Canons of Musical Science Most divinely therefore Archytas maketh unto publike felicity these four steps and degrees every of which doth spring from the former as from another cause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The King ruling by Law the Magistrate following the Subject free and the whole Society happy Adding on the contrary side that where this order is not it cometh by transgression thereof to pass that a King groweth a Tyrant he that ruleth under him abhorreth to be guided by him or commanded the people subject unto both have freedome under neither and the whole Community is wretched In which respect I cannot chuse but commend highly their wisdom by whom the Foundations of the Common-wealth hath been laid wherein though no manner of Person or cause be unsubject unto the Kings Power yet so is the Power of the King over all and in all limited that unto all his proceedings the Law it self is a rule The Axioms of our Regal Government are these Lex facit regem The Kings Grant of any favour made contrary to the Law is void Rex nibil potest nisi quod jure potest Our Kings therefore when they are to take possession of the Crown they are called unto have it pointed our before their eyes even by the very Solemnities and Rites of their Inauguration to what affairs by the same Law their Supream Power and Authority reacheth crowned we see they are enthronized and annointed the Crown a Sign of a Military Dominion the Throne of Sedentary or Judicial the Oyl of Religious and Sacred Power It is not on any side denied that Kings may have Authority in Secular affairs The Question then is What power they may lawfully have and exercise in causes of God A Prince or Magistrate or a Community saith Doctor Stapleton may have power to lay corporal punishment on them which are teachers of perverse things power to make Laws for the Peace of the Church Power to proclaim to defend and even by revenge to preserve dogmata the very Articles of Religion themselves from violation Others in affection no less devoted unto the Papacy do likewise yield that the Civil Magistrate may by his Edicts and Laws keep all Ecclesiastical Persons within the bounds of their duties and constrain them to observe the Canons of the Church to follow the rule of ancient Discipline That if Ioash was commended for his care and provision concerning so small a part of Religion as the Church-treasure it must needs be both unto Christian Kings themselves greater honour and to Christianity a larger benefit when the custody of Religion and the worship of God in general is their charge It therefore all these things mentioned be most properly the affairs of Gods Ecclesiastical causes if the actions specified be works of power and if that power be such as Kings may use of themselves without the fear of any other power superior in the same thing it followeth necessarily that Kings may have supream power not only in Civil but also in Ecclesiastical affairs and consequently that they may withstand what Bishop or Pope soever shall under the pretended claim of higher Spiritual Authority oppose themselves against their proceedings But they which have made us the former grant will never hereunto condescend what they yield that Princes may do it is with secret exception always understood If the Bishop of Rome give leave if he enterpose no prohibition wherefore somewhat it is in shew in truth nothing which they grant Our own Reformes do the very like when they make their discourse in general concerning the Authority which Magistrates may have a man would think them to be far from withdrawing any jot of that which with reason may be thought due The Prince and Civil Magistrate saith one of them hath to see the Laws of God touching his Worship and touching all Matters and all Orders of the Church to be executed and duly observed and to see every Ecclesiastical Person do that office whereunto he is appointed and to punish those which fail in their office accordingly Another acknowledgeth That the Magistrate may lawfully uphold all truth by his Sword punish all persons enforce all to their duties towards God and men maintain by his Laws every point of Gods Word punish all vice in all men see into all causes visit the Ecclesiastical Estate and correct the abuses thereof Finally to look to his Subjects that under him they may lead their lives in all godliness and honesty◠A third more frankly prosesseth That in case their Church Discipline were established so little it shortneth the Arms of Soveraign Dominion in causes Ecclesiastical that Her Gracious Majesty for any thing they teach or hold to the contrary may no less then now remain still over all persons in all things Supream Governess even with that full and Royal Authority Superiority and Preheminence Supremacy and Prerogative which the Laws already established do give her and her Majesties Injunctions and the Articles of the Convocation house and other writings Apologetical of her Royal Authority and Supream Dignity do declare and explain Possidonius was wont to say of the Epicure That he thought there were no Gods but that those things which he spake concerning the Gods were only given out for fear of growing adious amongst men and therefore that in words he left gods remaining but in very deed overthrew them in so much as he gave them no kind of Action After the very self same manner when we come unto those particular effects Prerogatives of Dominion which the Laws of this Land do grant unto the Kings thereof it will appear how these men notwithstanding their large and liberal Speeches abate such parcels out of the afore alleadged grant and flourishing shew that a man comparing the one with the other may half stand in doubt lest their Opinion in very truth be against that Authority which by their Speeches they seem mightily to uphold partly for the avoiding of publike obloquie envie and hatred partly to the intent they may both in the cad by the establishment of their Discipline extinguish the force of Supream Power which Princes have and yet in the mean while by giving forth these smooth Discourses obtain that their savourers may have somewhat to alleadge for them by way of Apologie and that such words only sound towards all kind of fulness of Power But for my self I had rather construe such their contradictions in the better
That the Parliament being a mere Temporal Court can neither by the law of Nature nor of God have competent power to define of such matters That Supremacy in this kinde cannot belong unto Kings as Kings because Pagan Emperours whose Princely power was true Soveraignty never challenged so much over the Church That Power in this kinde cannot be the right of any Earthly Crown Prince or State in that they be Christians forasmuch as if they be Christians they all owe subjection to the Pastors of their Souls That the Prince therefore not having it himself cannot communicate it to the Parliament and consequently cannot make Laws here or determine of the Churches Regiment by himself Parliament or any other Court subjected unto him The Parliament of England together with the Convocation annexed thereunto is that whereupon the very essence of all Government within this Kingdom doth depend it is even the body of the whole Realm it consisteth of the King and of all that within the Land are subject unto him The Parliament is a Court not so merely Temporal as if it might meddle with nothing but onely Leather and Wool Those dayes of Queen Mary are not yet forgotten wherein the Realm did submit it self unto the Legate of Pope Iulius at which time had they been perswaded as this man seemeth now to be had they thought that there is no more force in Laws made by Parliament concerning Church-Affairs then if men should take upon them to make Orders for the Hierarchies of Angels in Heaven they might have taken all former Statutes of that kinde as cancelled and by reason of nullity abrogated What need was there that they should bargain with the Cardinal and purchase their Pardon by promise made before-hand that what Laws they had made assented unto or executed against the Bishop of Rome's Supremacy the same they would in that present Parliament effectually abrogate and repeal Had they power to repeal Laws made and none to make Laws concerning the Regiment of the Church Again when they had by suit obtained his confirmation for such Foundations of Bishopricks Cathedral Churches Hospitals Colledges and Schools for such Marriages before made for such Institutions into Livings Ecclesiastical and for all such Judicial Processes as having been ordered according to the Laws before in force but contrary unto the Canons and Orders of the Church of Rome were in that respect thought defective although the Cardinal in his Letters of Dispensation did give validity unto those Acts even Apostolicae firmitatis robur the very strength of Apostolical solidity what had all these been without those grave authentical words Be it enacted by the Authority of this present Parliament that all and singular Articles and Clauses contained in the said Dispensation shall remain and be reputed and taken to all intents and constructions in the Laws of this Realm lawful good and effectual to be alledged and pleaded in all Courts Ecclesiastical and Temporal for good and sufficient matter either for the Plaintiff or Defendant without any Allegation or Objection to be made against the validity of them by pretence of any General Councel Canon or Decree to the contrary Somewhat belike they thought there was in this mere Temporal Court without which the Popes own mere Ecclesiastical Legate's Dispensation had taken small effect in the Church of England neither did they or the Cardinal imagine any thing committed against the Law of Nature or of God because they took order for the Churches Affairs and that even in the Court of Parliament The most natural and Religious course in making Laws is that the matter of them be taken from the judgement of the wisest in those things which they are to concern In matters of God to set down a form of Prayer a solemn confession of the Articles of the Christian Faith and Ceremonies meet for the exercise of Religion It were unnatural not to think the Pastors and Bishops of our Souls a great deal more fit than men of Secular Trades and Callings Howbeit when all which the wisdome of all sorts can do is done for the devising of Laws in the Church it is the general consent of all that giveth them the form and vigour of Laws without which they could be no more unto us than the Councel of Physitians to the sick Well might they seem as wholesom admonitions and instructions but Laws could they never be without consent of the whole Church to be guided by them whereunto both Nature and the practise of the Church of God set down in Scripture is found every way so fully consonant that God himself would not impose no not his own Laws upon his People by the hand of Moses without their free and open consent Wherefore to define and determine even of the Churches Affairs by way of assent and approbation as Laws are defined in that Right of Power which doth give them the force of Laws thus to define of our own Churches Regiment the Parliament of England hath competent Authority Touching that Supremacy of Power which our Kings have in this case of making Laws it resteth principally in the strength of a negative voice which not to give them were to deny them that without which they were Kings but by mere title and not in exercise of Dominion Be it in Regiment Popular Aristocratical or Regal Principality resteth in that Person or those Persons unto whom is given right of excluding any kinde of Law whatsoever it be before establishment This doth belong unto Kings as Kings Pagan Emperors even Nero himself had no less but much more than this in the Laws of his own Empire That he challenged not any interest of giving voice in the laws of the Church I hope no man will so construe as if the cause were conscience and fear to encroach upon the Apostles right If then it be demanded By what right from Constantine downward the Christian Emperors did so far intermeddle with the Churches affairs either we must herein condemn them as being over presumptuously bold or else judge that by a Law which is termed Regia that is to say Regal the People having derived unto their Emperors their whole power for making of Laws and by that means his Edicts being made Laws what matter soever they did concern as Imperial dignity endowed them with competent Authority and power to make Laws for Religion so they were thought by Christianity to use their Power being Christians unto the benefit of the Church of Christ was there any Christian Bishop in the world which did then judge this repugnant unto the dutiful subjection which Christians do ow to the Pastors of their Souls to whom in respect of their Sacred Order it is not by us neither may be denied that Kings and Princes are as much as the very meanest that liveth under them bound in conscience to shew themselves gladly and willingly obedient receiving the Seals of Salvation the blessed Sacraments at their hands as at the
man surmise that the difference between them was only by distinction in the former kind of power and not in this latter of jurisdiction are not the words of the Law manifest which make Eleazer the Son of Aaron the Priest chief Captain of the Levites and overseer of them unto whom the charge of the Sanctuary was committed Again at the commandment of Aaron and his Sons are not the Gersonites themselves required to do all their service in the whole charge belonging unto the Gersonites being inferiour Priests as Aaron and his Sons were High Priests Did not Iehoshaphat appoint Amarias the Priest to be chief over them who were Judges for the cause of the Lord in Ierusalem Priests saith Josephus worship God continually and the eldest of the stock are governours over the rest He doth sacrifice unto God before others he hath care of the Laws judgeth controversies correcteth offenders and whosoever obeyeth him not is convict of impiety against God But unto this they answer That the reason thereof was because the High-Priest did prefigure Christ and represent to the people that chiefty of our Saviour which was to come so that Christ being now come there is no cause why such preheminence should be given unto any one Which fancy pleaseth so well the humour of all sorts of rebellions spirits that they all seek to shroud themselves under it Tell the Anabaptist which holdeth the use of the sword unlawful for a Christian man that God himself did allow his people to make wars they have their answer round and ready Those ancient Wars were figures of the spiritual Wars of Christ. Tell the Barrowist what sway David and others the Kings of Israel did bear in the ordering of spiritual affairs the same answer again serveth namely That David and the rest of the Kings of Israel prefigured Christ. Tell the Martinist of the High-Priests great authority and jurisdiction amongst the Jews what other thing doth serve this Turn but the self-same shift By the power of the High-Priest the universal supreme Authority of our Lord Iesus Christ was shadowed The thing is true that indeed High-Priests were figures of Christ yet this was in things belonging unto their power of Order they figured Christ by entring into the holy place by offering for the sins of all the people once a year and by other the like duties But that to govern and to maintain order amongst those that were subject to them is an office figurative and abrogated by Christs coming in the Ministry that their exercise of jurisdiction was figurative yea figurative in such sort that it had no other cause of being instituted but only to serve as a representation of somewhat to come and that herein the Church of Christ ought not to follow them this Article is such as must be confirmed if any way by miracle otherwise it will hardly enter into the heads of reasonable men why the High-Priest should more figure Christ in being a Judge then in being whatsoever he might be besides St. Cyprian deemed it no wresting of Scripture to challenge as much for Christian Bishops as was given to the High-Priest among the Jews and to urge the law of Moses as being most effectual to prove it St. Ierom likewise thought it an argument sufficient to ground the Authority of Bishops upon To the end saith he we may understand Apostolical traditions to have been taken from the Old Testament that which Aaron and his Sons and the Levites were in the Temple Bishops and Presbyters and Deacons in the Church may lawfully challenge to themselves In the Office of a Bishop Ignatius observeth these two functions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning the one such is the prehemince of a Bishop that he only hath the heavenly mysteries of God committed originally unto him so that otherwise than by his Ordination and by authority received from him others besides him are not licensed therein to deal as ordinary Ministers of Gods Church And touching the other part of their sacred Function wherein the power of their jurisdiction doth appear first how the Apostles themselves and secondly how Titus and Timothy had rule and jurisdiction over Presbyters no man is ignorant And had not Christian Bishops afterward the like power Ignatius Bishop of Antioch being ready by blessed martyrdom to end his life writeth unto his Presbyters the Pastors under him in this sort O◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 After the death of Fabian Bishop of Rome there growing some trouble about the receiving of such persons into the Church as had fallen away in persecution and did now repent their fall the Presbyters and Deacons of the same Church advertised St. Cyprian thereof signifying That they must of necessity defer to deal in that cause till God did send them a new Bishop which might moderate all things Much we read of extraodinary fasting usually in the Church And in this appeareth also somewhat concerning the chiefty of Bishops The custome is saith Tertullian that Bishops do appoint when the people shall all fast Yea it is not a matter left to our own free choice whether Bishops shall rule or no but the will of our Lord and Saviour is saith Cyprian that every act of the Church be governed by her Bishops An Argument it is of the Bishops high preheminence rule and government over all the rest of the Clergy even that the Sword of persecution did strike especially always at the Bishop as at the Head the rest by reason of their lower estate being more secure as the self-same Cyprian noteth the very manner of whose speech unto his own both Deacons and Presbyters who remained safe when himself then Bishop was driven into exile argueth likewise his eminent authority and rule over them By these letters saith he I both exhort and COMMAND that ye whose presence there is not envied at nor so much beset with dangers supply my room in doing those things which the exercise of Religion doth require Unto the same purpose serve most directly those comparisons than which nothing is more familiar in the books of the ancient Fathers who as oft as they speak of the several degrees in Gods Clergy if they chance to compare Presbyters with Levitical Priests of the Law the Bishop they compare unto Aaron the High Priest if they compare the one with the Apostles the other they compare although in a lower proportion sometime to Christ and sometime to God himself evermore shewing that they placed the Bishop in an eminent degree of ruling authority and power above other Presbyters Ignatius comparing Bishops with Deacons and with such Ministers of the word and Sacraments as were but Presbyters and had no Authority over Presbyters What is saith he the Bishop but one which hath all principality and power over all so far forth as man may have it being to his power a follower even of Gods own Christ Mr. Calvin himself
very words are That where such power is sealed into a family or kindred the Stock it self is thereby chosen but not the twig that springeth of it The next of the Stock unto him that raigneth are not through nearness of blood made Kings but rather set forth to stand for the Kingdom where Regal Dominion is hereditary it is notwithstanding if we look to the persons which have it altogether elective To this purpose are selected heaps of Scriptures concerning the Solemn Coronation or Inauguration of Saul of David of Solomon and others by the Nobles Ancients and people of the Common-weal of Israel as if these solemnities were a kind of deed whereby the right of Dominion is given Which strange untrue and unnatural conceits set abroad by seeds-men of Rebellion onely to animate unquiet spirits and to feed them with possibility of aspiring to Thrones if they can win the hearts of the people what hereditary title soever any other before them may have I say unjust and insolent positions I would not mention were it not thereby to make the countenance of truth more orient for unless we will openly proclaim defiance unto all law equity and reason we must there is no remedy acknowledge that in kingdoms hereditary birth giveth right unto Soveraign Dominion and the death of the predecessor putteth the successor by blood in seisin Those publick solemnities before specified do but serve for an open testification of the Inheritors right or belong unto the form of inducting him into possession of that thing he hath right unto therefore in case it doth happen that without right of blood a man in such wise be possessed all these new elections and investings are utterly void they make him no indefeasable estate the inheritor by blood may disposses him as an usurper The case thus standing albeit we judge it a thing most true that Kings even inheritors do hold their right in the Power of Dominion with dependency upon the whole Body politick over which they have Rule as Kings yet so it may not be understood as if such dependency did grow for that every supream Governor doth personally take from thence his power by way of gift bestowed of their own free accord upon him at the time of his entrance into the said place of his soveraign Government But the cause of dependency is that first Original conveyance when power was derived from the whole into One to pass from him unto them whom out of him nature by lawful births should produce and no natural or legal inability make uncapable Neither cab any man with reason think but that the first institution of Kings a sufficient consideration wherefore their power should always depend on that from which it did always flow by Original influence of power from the body into the King is the cause of Kings dependency in Power upon the body By dependency we mean subordination and subjection A manifest token of which dependency may be this as there is no more certain Argument that Lands are held under any as Lords then if we see that such lands is defect of heirs fall unto them by escheat In like manner it doth follow rightly that seeing Dominion when there is none to inherit it returneth unto the body therefore they which before were inheritors thereof did hold it with dependency upon the body so that by comparing the body with the head as touching power it seemeth always to reside in both fundamentally and radicially in the one in the other derivatively in the one the Habit in the other the Act of Power May a body politick then at all times withdraw in whole or in part the influence of Dominion which passeth from it if inconveniencies do grow thereby It must be presumed that supream Governors will not in such case oppose themselves and be stiff in detaining that the use whereof is with publick detriment but surely without their consent I see not how the body by any just means should be able to help it self saving when Dominion doth escheat such things therefore must be thought upon before hand that Power may be limited ere it be granted which is the next thing we are to consider In what Measure IN power of Dominion all Kings have not an equal latitude Kings by conquest make their own Charter so that how large their power either Civil or Spiritual is we cannot with any certainty define further then onely to set them in the line of the Law of God and Nature for bounds Kings by Gods own special appointment have also that largeness of power which he doth assign or permit with approbation touching Kings which were first instituted by agreement and composition made with them over whom they raign how far their power may extend the Articles of Compact between them is to shew not only the Articles of Compact at the first beginning which for the most part are either clean worm out of knowledg or else known to very few but whatsoever hath been after in free and voluhtary manner condiscended unto whether by express consent whereof positive laws are witnesses or else by silent allowance famously notified through custome reaching beyond the memory of man By which means of after Agreement it cometh many times to pass in Kingdoms that they whose ancient predecessors were by violence and force made subject do by little and little grow into that sweet form of Kingly Government which Philosophers define Regency willingly sustained and indued with Chiefly of power in the greatest things Many of the ancients in their writings do speak of Kings with such high and ample terms as if universality of Power even in regard of things and not of persons did appertain to the very being of a King The reason is because their speech concerning Kings they frame according to the state of those Monarchs to whom unlimited authority was given which some not observing imagine that all Kings even in that they are Kings ought to have whatsoever power they judge any Soveraign Ruler lawfully to have enjoyed But the most judicious Philosopher whose eye scarce any things did escape which was to be found in the bosome of nature he considering how far the power of one Soveraign Ruleâ— may be different from another Regal Authority noteth in Spartan Kings That of all others they were most tied to Law and so the most restrained power A King which hath not supream power in the greatest things is rather intituled a King then invested with reall Soveraignty We cannot properly term him a King of whom it may not be said at the least wise as touching certain the chiefest affairs of the State 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his right in them is to have rule not subject to any other predominancy I am not of opinion that simply in Kings the most but the best limited power is best both for them and the people the most limited is that which may deal in fewest things the â—eâ—t that which
part and impute their general acknowledgment of the lawfullness of Kingly Power unto the force of truth presenting it self before them sometimes above their particular contrarieties oppositions denyals unto that errour which having so fully possest their minds casteth things inconvenient upon them of which things in their due place Touching that which is now in hand weare on all sides fully agreed First that there is not any restraint or limitation of matter for regal Authority and Power to be conversant in but of Religion onely and of whatsoever cause thereunto appertaineth Kings may lawfully have change they lawfully may therein exercise Dominion and use the temporal Sword Secondly that some kind of actions conversant about such affairs are denyed unto Kings As namely Actions of Power and Order and of Spiritual Jurisdiction which hath with it inseparably joyned Power to Administer the Word and Sacraments power to Ordain to Judge as an Ordinary to bind and loose to Excommunicate and such like Thirdly that even in those very actions which are proper unto Dominion there must be some certain rule whereunto Kings in all their proceedings ought to be strictly tyed which rule for proceeding in Ecclesiasticall affairs and causes by Regal Power hath not hitherto been agreed upon with such uniform consent and certainty as might be wished The different sentences of men herein I will now go about to examine but it shall be enough to propose what Rule doth seem in this case most reasonable The case of deriving Supream Power from a whole intire multitude into some special part thereof as partly the necessity of expedition in publick affairs partly the inconvenience of confusion and trouble where a multitude of Equals dealeth and partly the dissipation which must needs ensue in companies where every man wholly seeketh his own particular as we all would do even with other mens hurts and haply the very overthrow of themselves in the end also if for the procurement of the common good of all men by keeping every several man is order some were not invested with Authority over all and encouraged with Prerogative-Honour to sustain the weighty burthen of that charge The good which is proper unto each man belongeth to the common good of all as part to the whole perfection but these two are things different for men by that which is proper are severed united they are by that which is common Wherefore besides that which moveth each man in particular to seek his own private good there must be of necessity in all publick Societies also a general mover directing unto common good and framing every mans particular unto it The end whereunto all Government was instituted was Bonum publicum the Universal or Common good Our question is of Dominion for that end and purpose derived into one such as all in one publick State have agreed that the Supream charge of all things should be committed unto one They I say considering what inconveniency may grow where States are subject unto sundry Supream Authorities have for fear of these inconveniencies withdrawn from liking to establish many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the multitude of Supream Commanders is troublesome No Nan saith our Saviour can serve two Masters surely two supream Masters would make any ones service somewhat uneasie in such cases as might fall out Suppose that to morrow the Power which hath Dominion in Justice require thee at the Court that which in War at the Field that which in Religion at the Temple all have equal Authority over thee and impossible it is that then in such case thou shouldst be obedient unto all By chusing any one whom thou wilt obey certain thou art for thy disobedience to incur the displeasure of the other two But there is nothing for which some comparable reason or other may not be found are we able to shew any commendable State of Government which by experience and practice hath felt the benefit of being in all causes subject unto the Supream Authority of one Against the policy of the Israelites I hope there will no man except where Moses deriving so great a part of his burthen in Government unto others did notwithstanding retain to himself Universal Supremacy Iehosaphat appointing one to be chosen in the affairs of God and another in the Kings affair's did this as having Dominion over them in both If therefore from approbation of Heaven the Kings of Gods own chosen people had in the affairs of Jewish Religion Supream Power why not Christian Kings the like also in Christian Religion First unless men will answer as some have done That the Jews Religion was of far less perfection and dignity then ours our being that truth whereof theirs was but a shadowish prefigurative resemblance Secondly That all parts of their Religion their Laws their Sacrifices and their Rights and Ceremonies being fully set down to their hands and needing no more but only to be put in execution the Kings might well have highest Authority to see that done whereas with us there are a number of Mysteries even in Belief which were not so generally for them as for us necessary to be with sound express acknowledgement understood A number of things belonging to external Government and our manner of serving God not set down by particular Ordinances and delivered to us in writing for which cause the State of the Church doth now require that the Spiritual Authority of Ecclesiastical persons be large absolute and not subordinate to Regal power Thirdly That whereas God armeth Religion Iewish as Christian with the Temporal sword But of Spiritual punishment the one with power to imprison to scourge to put to death The other with bare authority to Censure and excommunicate There is no reason that the Church which hath no visible sword should in Regiment be subject unto any other power then only unto theirs which have authority to bind and loose Fourthly That albeit whilst the Church was restrained unto one people it seemed not incommodious to grant their King the general Chiefty of Power yet now the Church having spread it self over all Nations great inconveniences must therby grow if every Christian King in his several Territory shall have the like power Of all these differences there is not one which doth prove it a thing repugnant to the Law either of God or of Nature that all Supremacy of external Power be in Christian Kingdoms granted unto Kings thereof for preservation of quietness unity order and peace in such manner as hath been shewed Of the Title of Headship FOr the Title or State it self although the Laws of this Land have annexed it to the Crown yet so far◠we should not strive if so be men were nice and scrupulous in this behalf only because they do wish that for reverence to Christ Jesus the Civil Magistrate did rather use some other form of speech wherewith to express that Soveraign Authority which he lawfully hath overall both
respect of their bad qualities their wickedness in it self a deprivation of right to deal in the affairs of the Church and a warrant for others to deal in them which are held to be of a clean other Society the Members whereof have been before so peremptorily for ever excluded from power of dealing for ever with affairs of the Church They which once have learned throughly this Lesson will quickly be capable perhaps of another equivalent unto it For the wickedness of the Ministery transfers their right unto the King In case the King be as wicked as they to whom then shall the right descend There is no remedy all must come by devolution at length even as the Family of Brown will have it unto the godly among the people for confusion unto the wise and the great by the poor and the simple Some Kniper doling with his retinue must take this work of the Lord in hand and the making of Church-Laws and Orders must prove to be their right in the end If not for love of the truth yet for shame of grosse absurdities let these contentions and stifling fancies be abandoned The cause which moved them for a time to hold a wicked Ministery no lawful Ministry and in this defect of a lawful Ministery authorized Kings to make Laws and Orders for the Affairs of the Church till it were well established is surely this First They see that whereas the continual dealing of the Kings of Israel in the Affairs of the Church doth make now very strong against them the burthen whereof they shall in time well enough shake off if it may be obtained that it is indeed lawful for Kings to follow these holy examples howbeit no longer than during the case of necessity while the wickednesse and in respect thereof the unlawfulness of the Ministery doth continue Secondly They perceive right well that unlesse they should yield Authority unto Kings in case of such supposed necessity the Discipline they urge were clean excluded as long as the Clergy of England doth thereunto remain opposite To open therefore a door for her entrance there is no remedy but the Tenet must be this That now when the Ministery of England is universally wicked and in that respect hath lost all Authority and is become no lawful Ministery no such Ministery as hath the right which otherwise should belong unto them if they were vertuous and godly as their Adversaries are in this necessity the King may do somewhat for the Church that which we do imply in the name of Headship he may both have and exercise till they be entered which will disburthen and ease him of it till they come the King is licensed to hold that Power which we call Headship But what afterwards In a Church ordered that which the Supream Magistrate hath to do is to see that the Laws of God touching his Worship and touching all matters and orders of the Church be executed and duly observed to see that every Ecclesiastical Person do that Office whereunto he is appointed to punish those that fail in their Office In a word that which Allain himself acknowledgeth unto the Earthly power which God hath given him it doth belong to defend the Laws of the Church to cause them to be executed and to punish Rebels and Transgressors of the same on all sides therfore it is confest that to the King belongeth power of maintaining the Laws made for Church-Regiment and of causing them to be observed but Principality of Power in making them which is the thing we attribute unto Kings this both the one sort and the other do withstand Touching the Kings supereminent authority in commanding and in judging of Causes Ecclesiastical First to explain therein our meaning It hath been taken as if we did hold that Kings may prescribe what themselves think good to be done in the service of God how the Word shall be taught how the Sacraments administred that Kings may personally sit in the Consistory where the Bishops do hearing and determining what Causes soever do appertain unto the Church That Kings and Queens in their own proper Persons are by Judicial Sentence to decide the Questions which do rise about matters of Faith and Christian Religion That Kings may excommunicate Finally That Kings may do whatsoever is incident unto the Office and Duty of an Ecclesiastical Judge Which opinion because we account as absurd as they who have fathered the same upon us we do them to wit that this is our meaning and no otherwise There is not within this Realm an Ecclesiastical Officer that may by the Authority of his own place command universally throughout the Kings Dominions but they of this People whom one may command are to anothers commandement unsubject Only the Kings Royal Power is of so large compass that no man commanded by him according to the order of Law can plead himself to be without the bounds and limits of that Authority Isay according to order of Law because that with us the highest have thereunto so tyed themselves that otherwise than so they take not upon them to command any And that Kings should be in such sort Supream Commanders over all men we hold it requisite as well for the ordering of Spiritual as Civil Affairs in as much as without universal Authority in this kinde they should not be able when need is to do as vertuous Kings have done Josiah parposing to renew the House of the Lord assembled the Priests and Levites and when they were together gave them their charge saying Go out unto the Cities of Judah and gather of Israel money to repair the House of the Lord from year to year and haste the things But the Levites hastned not Therefore the King commanded Jehoida the Chief-priest and said unto him Why hast thou not required of the Levites to bring in out of Judah and Jerusalem the Tax of Moses the Servant of the Lord and of the Congregation of Israel for the Tabernacle of the Testimony For wicked Athalia and her Children brake up the House of the Lord God and all the things that were dedicated for the House of the Lord did they bestow upon Balaam Therefore the King commanded and they made a Chest and set it at the Gate of the House of the Lord without and they made a Proclamation through Judah and Jerusalem to bring unto the Lord the Tax of Moses the Servant of the Lord laid upon Israel in the Wilderness Could either he have done this or after him Ezekias the like concerning the celebration of the Passeover but that all sorts of men in all things did owe unto these their Soveraign Rulers the same obedience which sometimes Iosuah had them by vow and promise bound unto Whosoever shall rebel against thy Commandments and will not obey thy words in all thou commandest him let him be put to death only be strong and of a good courage Furthermore Judgement Ecclesiastical we say is
necessary for decision of Controversies rising between man and man and for correction of faults committed in the Affairs of God unto the due execution whereof there are three things necessary Laws Judges and Supream Governours of Judgements What Courts there shall be and what causes shall belong unto each Court and what Judges shall determine of every cause and what Order in all Judgements shall be kept of these things the Laws have sufficiently disposed so that his duty who sitteth in any such Court is to judge not of but after the same Law Imprimis illud observare debet Iudex ne aliter judicet quam legibus constitutionibus aut moribus proditum est ut Imperator Iustinianaus which Laws for we mean the positive Laws of our Realm concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs if they otherwise dispose of any such thing than according to the Law of Reason and of God we must both acknowledge them to be amiss and endeavour to have them reformed But touching that point what may be objected shall after appear Our Judges in Causes Ecclesiastical are either Ordinary or Commissionary Ordinary those whom we term Ordinaries and such by the Laws of this Land are none but Prelates onely whose Power to do that which they do is in themselves and belonging to the nature of their Ecclesiastical calling In Spiritual Causes a Lay-Person may be no Ordinary a Commissionary Judge there is no lett but that he may be and that our Laws do evermore referr the ordinary Judgement of Spiritual Causes unto Spiritual Persons such as are termed Ordinaries no man which knoweth any thing of the Practice of this Realm can easily be ignorant Now besides them which are Authorized to judge in several Territories there is required an universal Power which reacheth over all imparting Supream Authority of Government over all Courts all Judges all Causes the operation of which Power is as well to strengthen maintain and uphold particular Jurisdictions which haply might else be of small effect as also to remedy that which they are not able to help and to redress that wherein they at any time do otherwise than they ought to do This Power being sometime in the Bishop of Rome who by sinister Practises had drawn it into his hands was for just considerations by Publick consent annexed unto the Kings Royal Seat and Crown from thence the Authors of Reformation would translate it into their National Assemblies or Synods which Synods are the onely helps which they think lawful to use against such Evils in the Church as particular Jurisdictions are not sufficient to redress In which Cause our Laws have provided that the Kings supereminent Authority and Power shall serve As namely when the whole Ecclesiastical State or the Principal Persons therein do need Visitation and Reformation when in any part of the Church Errours Schismes Herusies Abuses Offences Contempts Enormities are grown which men in their several Jurisdictions either do not or cannot help Whatsoever any Spiritual Authority and Power such as Legates from the See of Rome did sometimes exercise hath done or might heretofore have done for the remedies of those Evils in lawful sort that is to say without the violation of the Laws of God or Nature in the deed done as much in every degree our Laws have fully granted that the King for ever may do not onely be setting Ecclesiastical Synods on work that the thing may be their Act and the King their Motioner unto it for so much perhaps the Masters of the Reformation will grant but by Commissions few or many who having the Kings Letters Patents may in the vertue thereof execute the premises as Agents in the right not of their own peculiar and ordinary but of his supereminent Power When men are wronged by inferiour Judges or have any just cause to take exception against them their way for Redress is to make their Appeal and Appeal is a present delivery of him which maketh it out of the hands of their Power and Jurisdictions from whence it is made Pope Alexander having sometimes the King of England at advantage caused him amongst other things to agree that as many of his Subjects as would might have appeal to the Court of Rome And thus saith one that whereunto a mean Person at this day would scorn to submit himself so great a King was content to he subject to Notwithstanding even when the Pope saith he had so great Authority amongst Princes which were farr off the Romans he could not frame to obedience nor was able to obtain that himself might abide at Rome though promising not to meddle with other than Ecclesiastical Affairs So much are things that terrifie more feared by such as behold them aloof off than at hand Reformers I doubt not in some Causes will admit Appeals but Appeals made to their Synods even as the Church of Rome doth allow of them so they be made to the Bishop of Rome As for that kinde of Appeal which the English Laws do approve from the Judge of any certain particular Court unto the King as the onely Supream Governour on Earth who by his Delegates may give a final definitive Sentence from which no farther Appeal can be made Will their Plat-form allow of this Surely forasmuch as in that estate which they all dream of the whole Church must be divided into Parishes in which none can have greater or less Authority and Power than another again the King himself must be but a common Member in the Body of his own Parish and the causes of that onely Parish must be by the Officers thereof determinable In case the King had so much favour or preferment as to be made one of those Officers for otherwise by their positions he were not to meddle any more than the meanest amongst his Subjects with the Judgement of any Ecclesiastical Cause how is it possible they should allow of Appeals to be made from any other abroad to the King To receive Appeals from all other Judges belongeth to the highest in power of all and to be in power over All as touching Judgment in Ecclesiastical Causes this as they think belongeth onely to Synods Whereas therefore with us Kings do exercise over all Things Persons and Causes Supream Power both of voluntary and litigious Jurisdictionsâ— so that according to the one they incite reform and command according to the other they judge universally doing both in farr other sort than such as have ordinary Spiritual power oppugned we are herein by some colourable shew of Argument as if to grant thus much to any Secular Person it were unreasonable For sith it is say they apparent out of the Chronicles that judgement in Church-matters pertaineth to God Seeing likewise it is evident out of the Apostles that the High-Priest is set over those matters in Gods behalf It must needs follow that the Principality or direction of the Iudgment of them is by Gods ordinance appertaining to the High-Priest and
consequently to the Ministry of the Church and if it be by Gods Ordinance appertaining unto them how can it be translated from them to the Civil Magistrate Which Argument briefly drawn into form lyeth thus That which belongeth unto God may not be translated unto any other but whom he hath appointed to have it in his behalf But principality of Judgement in Church-matters appertaineth unto God which hath appointed the High-Priest and consequently the Ministry of the Church alone to have it in his behalf Ergo it may not from them be translated to the Civil Magistrate The first of which Propositions we grant as also in the second that branch which ascribeth unto God Principality in Church-matters But that either he did appoint none but onely the High-Priest to exercise the said Principality for him or that the Ministry of the Church may in reason from thence be concluded to have alone the same Principality by his appointment these two Points we deny utterly For concerning the High-Priest there is first no such Ordinance of God to be found Every High-Priest saith the Apostle is taken from amongst men and is ordained for men in things pertaining to God Whereupon it may well be gathered that the Priest was indeed Ordained of God to have Power in things appertaining unto God For the Apostle doth there mention the Power of offering Gifts and Sacrifices for Sin which kinde of Power was not onely given of God unto Priests but restrained unto Priests onely The power of Jurisdiction and ruling Authority this also God gave them but not them alone For it is held as all men know that others of the Laity were herein joyned by the Law with them But concerning Principality in Church-affairs for of this our Question is and of no other the Priest neither had it alone nor at all but in Spiritual or Church-affairs as hath been already shewed it was the Royal Prerogative of Kings only Again though it were so that God had appointed the High-Priest to have the said Principality of Government in those maters yet how can they who alledge this enforce thereby that consequently the Ministry of the Church and no other ought to have the same when they are so farr off from allowing so much to the Ministry of the Gospel as the Priest-hood of the Law had by God's appointment That we but collecting thereout a difference in Authority and Jurisdiction amongst the Clergy to be for the Polity of the Church not inconvenient they forthwith think to close up our mouths by answering That the Iewish High-Priest had authority above the rest onely in that they prefigured the Soveraignty of Iesus Christ As for the Ministers of the Gospel it is altogether unlawful to give them as much as the least Title any syllable whereof may sound to Principality And of the Regency which may be granted they hold others even of the Laity no less capable than the Pastors themselves How shall these things cleave together The truth is that they have some reason to think it not at all of the fittest for Kings to sit as ordinary Judges in matters of Faith and Religion An ordinary Judge must be of the quality which in a Supream Judge is not necessary Because the Person of the one is charged with that which the other Authority dischargeth without imploying personally himself therein It is an Errour to think that the King's Authority can have no force nor power in the doing of that which himself may not personally do For first impossible it is that at one and the same time the King in Person should order so many and so different affairs as by his own power every where present are wont to be ordered both in peace and warr at home and abroad Again the King in regard of his nonage or minority may be unable to perform that thing wherein years of discretion are requisite for personal action and yet his authority even then be of force For which cause we say that the King's authority dyeth not but is and worketh always alike Sundry considerations there may be effectual to with-hold the King's Person from being a doer of that which notwithstanding his Power must give force unto even in Civil affairs where nothing doth more either concern the duty or better beseem the Majesty of Kings than personally to administer Justice to their People as most famous Princes have done yet if it be in case of Felony of Treason the Learned in the Laws of this Realm do affirm that well may the King commit his Authority to another to judge between him and the Offender but the King being himself there a Party he cannot personally sit to give Judgement As therefore the Person of the King may for just considerations even where the cause is Civil be notwithstanding withdrawn from occupying the Seat of Judgment and others under his Authority be fit he unfit himself to judge so the considerations for which it were haply no convenient for Kings to sit and give Sentence in Spiritual Courts where Causes Ecclesiastical are usually debated can be no barr to that force and efficacy which their Soveraign Power hath over those very Consistories and for which we hold without any exception that all Courts are the Kings All men are not for all things sufficient and therefore Publick affairs being divided such Persons must be authorized Judges in each kinde as Common reason may presume to be most fit Which cannot of Kings and Princes ordinarily be presumed in Causes merely Ecclesiastical so that even Common sense doth rather adjudge this burthen unto other men We see it hereby a thing necessary to put a difference as well between that Ordinary Jurisdiction which belongeth unto the Clergy alone and that Commissionary wherein others are for just considerations appointed to joyn with them as also between both these Jurisdictions And a third whereby the King hath transcendent Authority and that in all Causes over both Why this may not lawfully be granted unto him there is no reason A time there was when Kings were not capable of any such Power as namely when they professed themselves open Enemies unto Christ and Christianity A time there followed when they being capable took sometimes more sometimes less to themselves as seemed best in their own eyes because no certainty touching their right was as yet determined The Bishops who alone were before accustomed to have the ordering of such Affairs saw very just cause of grief when the highest favouring Heresie withstood by the strength of Soveraign Authority Religious proceedings Whereupon they oftentimes against this unresistable power pleaded the use and custom which had been to the contrary namely that the affairs of the Church should be dealt in by the Clergy and by no other unto which purpose the sentences that then were uttered in defence of unabolished Orders and Laws against such as did of their own heads contrary thereunto are now altogether impertinently brought in opposition against
them who use but that Power which Laws have given them unless men can shew that there is in those Laws some manifest iniquity or injustice Whereas therefore against the force Judicial and Imperial which Supream Authority hath it is alledged how Constantine termeth Church-Officers Over-seers of things within the Church himself of those without the Church how Augustine witnesseth that the Emperor not daring to judge of the Bishop's Cause committed it to the Bishops and was to crave paâ—â—â—on of the Bishops for that by the Donatists importunity which made no end to appealing unto him he was being weary of them drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs how Hilary beseecheth the Emperor Constance to provide that the Governors of his Provinces should not presume to take upon them the Judgement of Ecclesiastical Causes to whom onely Common-wealth matters belonged how Ambrose affirmeth that Palaces belong unto the Emperor Churches to the Minister That the Emperor hath the authority over the Common-walls of the City and not in holy things for which cause he never would yield to have the Causes of the Church debated in the Princes Consistories but excused himself to the Emperor Valentinian for that being convented to answer concerning Church-matters in a Civil Court he came not We may by these testimonies drawn from Antiquity if wellst to consider them discern how requisite it is that Authority should always follow received Laws in the manner of proceeding For inasmuch as there was at the first no certain Law determining what force the principal Civil Magistrates authority should be of how farr it should reach and what order it should observe but Christian Emperors from time to time did what themselves thought most reasonable in those affairs by this means it cometh to passe that they in their practise vary and are not uniform Vertuous Emperors such as Constantine the Great was made conscience to swerve unnecessarily from the custom which had been used in the Church even when it lived under Infidels Constantine of reverence to Bishops and their Spiritual Authority rather abstained from that which himself might lawfully do than was willing to claim a Power not fit or decent for him to exercise The Order which hath been before he ratifieth exhorting the Bishops to look to the Church and promising that he would do the Office of a Bishop over the Common-wealth which very Constantine notwithstanding did not thereby so renounce all Authority in judging of Special Causes but that sometime he took as St. Augustine witnesseth even personal cognition of them howbeit whether as purposing to give therein judicially any Sentence I stand in doubt for if the other of whom St. Augustine elsewhere speaketh did in such sort judge surely there was cause why he should excuse it as a thing not usually done Otherwise there is no lett but that any such great Person may hear those Causes to and fro debated and deliver in the end his own opinion of them declaring on which side himself doth judge that the truth is But this kinde of Sentence bindeth no side to stand thereunto it is a Sentence of private perswasion and not of solemn jurisdiction albeit a King or an Emperour pronounce it Again on the contrary part when Governours infected with Heresie were possessed of the Highest Power they thought they might use it as pleased themselves to further by all means that opinion which they desired should prevail they not respecting at all what was meet presumed to command and judge all men in all Causes without either care of orderly proceeding or regard to such Laws and Customs as the Church had been wont to observe So that the one sort feared to do even that which they might and that which the other ought not they boldly presumed upon the one sort of modesty excused themselves where they scarce needed the other though doing that which was inexcusable bare it out with main power not enduring to be told by any man how farr they roved beyond their bounds So great odds was between them whom before we mentioned and such as the younger Valentinian by whom St. Ambrose being commanded to yield up one of the Churches under him unto the Arrians whereas they which were sent on his Message alledged That the Emperour did but use his own right forasmuch as all things were in his power The Answer which the holy Bishop gave them was That the Church is the House of God and that those things that are Gods are not to be yielded up and disposed of it at the Emperors will and pleasure His Palaces he might grant to whomsoever he pleaseth but Gods own Habitation not so A cause why many times Emperours do more by their absolute Authority than could very well stand with reason was the over-great importunity of wicked Hereticks who being Enemies to Peace and Quietness cannot otherwise than by violent means be supported In this respect therefore we must needs think the state of our own Church much better settled than theirs was because our Lawes have with farr more certainty prescribed bounds unto each kinde of Power All decision of things doubtful and correction of things amiss are proceeded in by order of Law what Person soever he be unto whom the administration of Judgment belongeth It is neither permitted unto Prelates nor Prince to judge and determine at their own discretion but Law hath prescribed what both shall do What Power the King hath he hath it by Law the bounds and limits of it are known the intire Community giveth general order by Law how all things publickly are to be done and the King as the Head thereof the Highest in Authority over all causeth according to the same law every particular to be framed and ordered thereby The whole Body Politick maketh Laws which Laws gave Power unto the King and the King having bound himself to use according unto Law that power it so falleth out that the execution of the one is accomplished by the other in most religious and peaceable sort There is no cause given unto any to make supplication as Hilary did that Civil Governors to whom Common-wealth-matters only belong may not presume to take upon them the Judgement of Ecclesiastical causes If the cause be Spiritual Secular Courts do not meddle with it we need not excuse our selves with Ambrose but boldly and lawfully we may refuse to answer before any Civil Judge in a matter which is not Civil so that we do not mistake either the nature of the Cause or of the Court as we easily may do both without some better direction than can be by the rules of this new-found Discipline But of this most certain we are that our Laws do neither suffer a Spiritual Court to entertain those Causes which by the Law are Civil nor yet if the matter be indeed Spiritual a mere Civil Court to give Judgement of it Touching Supream Power therefore to command all men and in all manner
overcome by the sword which they were very ready to take into their hands So that those very men that began with tender meek Petitions proceeded to print publick Admonitions and then to Satyrical Remonstrances and at last having like David numbred who was not and who was for their Cause they got a supposed Certainty of so great a Party that they durst threaten first the Bishops and not long after both the Queen and Parliament to all which they were secretly encouraged by the Earl of Leicester then in great favour with her Majestie and the reputed Cherisher and Patron-general of these Pretenders to Tenderness of Conscience whom he used as a sacreligious snare to further his Design which was by their means to bring such an odium upon the Bishops as to procure an Alienation of their Lands and a large proportion of them for himself which Avaritious desire had at last so blinded his Reason that his ambitious and greedy Hopes had almost flattered him into present possession of Lambeth-house And to thse strange and dangerous Undertakings the Non-conformists of this Nation were much encouraged and heightened by a Correspondence and Confederacy with that Brotherhood in Scotland so that here they became so bold that one told the Queen openly in a Sermon She was like an untamed Heyfer that would not be ruled by Gods people but obstructed his Discipline And in Scotland they were more confident for there they declared Her an Atheist and grew to such an height as not to be accountable for any thing spoken against Her No nor for Treason against their own King if spoken in the Pulpit Shewing at last such a disobedience even to Him that His Mother being in England and then in distress and in prison and in danger of Death the Church denied the King their Prayers for Her and at another time when he had appointed a day of Feasting their Church declared for a general Fast in opposition to his Authority To this height they were grown in both Nations and by these means there was distill'd into the mindes of the common people such other venemous and turbulent Principles as were inconsistent with the safety of the Church and State And these vented so daringly that beside the loss of Life and Limbs the Church and State were both forced to use such other severities as will not admit of an excuse if it had not been to prevent Confusion and the perilous consequences of it which without such prevention would in short time have brought unavoidable ruine and misery to this numerous Nation These Errors and Animosities were so remarkable that they begot wonder in an ingenious Italian who being about this time come newly into this Nation writ scoffingly to a Friend in his own Countrey That the common people of England were wiser then the wisest of his Nation for here the very Women and Shop-keepers were able to judge of Predestination and determine what Laws were fit to be made concerning Church Government then what were fit to be obeyed or abolished That they were more able or at least thought so to raise and determine perplex'd Cases of Conscience then the most Learned Colledges in Italy That Men of the slightest Learning and the most ignorant of the common people were mad for a new or Super or Re-Reformation of Religion and that in this they appeared like that man who would never cease to whet and whet his Knife till there was no Steel left to make it useful And he concluded his Letter with this observation That those very Men that were most busie in Oppositions and Disputations and Controversies and finding out the faults of their Governors had usually the least of Humility and Mortification or of the Power of Godliness And to heighten all these discontents and dangers there was also sprung up a Generation of Godless-men Men that had so long given way to their own Lusts and Delusions and had so often and so highly opposed the Blessed Motions of his Blessed Spirit and the inward Light of their own Consciences that they had thereby sinned themselves to a belief of what they would but were not able to believe Into a belief which is repugnant even to Humane nature for the Heathens believe there are many gods but these had sinned themselves into a belief that there is no God And so finding nothing in themselves but what is worse then nothing began to wish what they were not able to hope for That they should be like the Beasts that perish and in wicked company which is the Atheists Sanctuary were so bold as to say so Though the worst of mankinde when he is left alone at midnight may wish but cannot then think it Into this wretched this reprobate condition many had then sinned themselves And now When the Church was pestered with them and with all these other Irregularities when her Lands were in danger of Alienation her Power at least neglected and her Peace torn to pieces by several Schisms and such Heresies as do usually attend that sin When the common people seemed ambitious of doing those very things which were attended with most dangers that thereby they might be punished and then applauded and pittied When they called the Spirit of Opposition a Tender Conscience and complained of Persecution because they wanted power to persecute others When the giddy multitude raged and became restless to finde out misery for themselves and others and the râ—â—ble would herd themselves together and endeavor to govern and act in spight of Authority In this extremity fear and danger of the Church and State when to suppress the growing evils of both they needed a Man of Prudence and Piâ—ty and of an high and fearless Fortitude they were blest in all by Iohn Whitgift his being made Archbishop of Canterbury of whom ingenious Sir Henry Wotâ—on that knew him well hath left this true Character That he was a Man of a Reverend and Sacred Memory and of the Premitive temper A Man of such a temper as when the Church by lowliness of Spirit did flourish in highest examples of Vertue And though I dare not undertake to add to his Character yet I shall neither do right to this Discourse nor to my Reader if I forbear to give him a further and short account of the life and manners of this excellent Man and it shall be short for I long to end this digression that I may lead my Reader back to Mr. Hooker where we left him at the Temple Iohn Whitgift was born in the County of Lincoln of a Family that was ancient and noted to be prudent and affable and gentile by nature He was educated in Cambridge much of his Learning was acquired in Pembroke-Hall where Mr. Bradford the Martyr was his Tutor From thence he was remov'd to Peter-house from thence to be Master of Pembroke-Hall and from thence to the Mastership of Trinity Colledge About which time the Queen made him her Chaplain and not
were his Guides till being occasioned to leave France he sell at the length upon Geneva Which City the Bishop and Clergy thereof had a little before as some affirm forsaken being of likelihood frighted with the peoples sudden attempt for abolishment of Popish Religion the event of which enterprize they thought it not safe for themselves to wait for in that place At the coming of Calvin thither the form of their Civil Regiment was popular as it continueth at this day Neither King nor Duke nor Nobleman of any authority or power over them but Officers chosen by the people out of themselves to order all things with publick consent For Spiritual Government they had no Laws at all agreed upon but did what the Pastors of their Souls by perswasion could win them unto Calvin being admitted one of their Preachers and a Divinity-Reader amongst them considered how dangerous it was that the whole estate of that Church should hang still on so slender a thred as the liking of an ignorant multitude is if it have power to change whatsoever it self listeth Wherefore taking unto him two of the other Ministers for more countenance of the action albeit the rest were all against it they moved and in the end perswaded with much ado the people to binde themselves by solemn Oath first Never to admit the Papecy amongst them again and secondly To live in obedience unto such Orders concerning the Exercise of their Religion and the Form of their Ecclesiastical Government as those their true and faithful Ministers of Gods Word had agreeably to Scripture set down for that end and purpose When these things began to be put in ure the people also what causes moving them thereunto themselves best know began to repent them of that they had done and irefully to champ upon the Bit they had taken into their Mouths the rather for that they grew by means of this Innovation into dislike with some Churches near about them the benefit of whose good friendship their State could not well lack It was the manner of those times whether through mens desire to enjoy alone the glory of their own enterprises or else because the quickness of their occasions required present dispatch so it was that every particular Church did that within it self which some few of their own thought good by whom the rest were all directed Such number of Churches then being though free within themselves yet small common Conference before-hand might have eased them of much after trouble But a great inconvenience it bred That every later endeavored to be certain degrees more removed from Conformity with the Church of Rome then the rest before had been whereupon grew marvellous great dissimilitudes and by reason thereof jealousies heart-burnings jars and discords amongst them Which notwithstanding might have easily been prevented if the Orders which each Church did think fit and convenient for it self had not so peremptorily been established under that high commanding Form which rendred them unto the people as things everlastingly required by the Law of the Lord of Lords against whose Statutes there is no exception to be taken For by this mean it came to pass that one Church could not but accuse and condemn another of disobedience to the Will of Christ in those things where manifest difference was between them whereas the self-same Orders allowed but yet established in more wary and suspence manner as bring to stand in force till God should give the opportunity of some General Conference what might be best for every of them afterwards to do This I say had both prevented all occasion of just dislike which others might take and reserved a greater liberty unto the Authors themselves of entring into farther Consultation afterwards Which though never so necessary they could not easily now admit without some fear of derogation from their credit And therefore that which once they had done they became for ever after resolute to maintain Calvin therefore and the other two his Associates stifly refusing to administer the Holy Communion to such as would not quietly without contradiction and murmur submit themselves unto the Orders which their Solemn Oath had bound them to obey were in that quarrel banished the Town A few years after such was the levity of that people the places of one or two of their Ministers being faln void they were not before so willing to be rid of their Learned Pastor as now importunate to obtain him again from them who had given him entertainment and which were loth to part with him had not unresistable earnestness been used One of the Town-Ministers that saw in what manner the people were bent for the Revocation of Calvin gave him notice of their affection in this sort The Senate of Two hundred being assembled they all crave Calvin The next day a General Convocation they cry in like sort again all We will have Calvin that good and Learned Man Christs Minister This saith he when I understood I could not chuse but praise God nor was I able to judge otherwise then that this was the Lords doing and that it was marvellous in our eyes and that the Stone which the Builders refused was now made the Head of the Corner The other two whom they had thrown out together with Calvin they were content should enjoy their exile Many causes might lead them to be more desirous of him First It is yielding unto them in one thing might happily put them in hope that time would breed the like easiness of condescending further unto them For in his absence be had perswaded them with whom he was able to prevail that albeit himself did better like of Common Bread to be used in the Eucharist yet the other they rather should accept then cause any trouble in the Church about it Again they saw that the name of Calvin waxed every day greater abroad and that together with his fame their infamy was spred who had so rashly and childishly ejected him Besides it was not unlikely but that his credit in the World might many ways stand the poor Town in great stead As the truth is their Ministers Foreign estimation hitherto hath been the best stake in their Hedge But whatsoever secret respects were likely to move them for contenting of their mindes Calvin returned as it had been another Tully to his old Home He ripely considered how gross a thing it were for men of his quality wise and grave men to live with such a multitude and to be Tenants at will under them as their Ministers both himself and others had been For the remedy of which inconvenience he gave them plainly to understand That if he did become their Teacher again they must be content to admit a compleat Form of Discipline which both they and also their Pastors should now be solemnly sworn to observe for ever after Of which Discipline the Main and Principal parts were these A standing Ecclesiastical Court to be established Perpetual
devices brought in which our Fathers never knew When their grave and reverend Superiors do reckon up unto them as Augustin did to the Donatists large Catalogues of Fathers wondred at for their wisdom piety and learning amongst whom for so many Ages before us no one did ever so think of the Churches affairs as now the World doth begin to be perswaded surely by us they are not taught to take exception hereat because such Arguments are Negative Much less when the like are taken from the sacred authority of Scripture if the matter it self do bear them For in truth the question is not Whether an Argument from Scripture negatively may be good but whether it be so generally good that in all actions men may urge it The Fathers I grant do use very general and large terms even as Hiero the King did in speaking of Archimedes From henceforward whatsoever Archimedes speaketh it must be believed His meaning was not that Archimedes could simply in nothing be deceived but that he had in such fort approved his skill that he seemed worthy of credit for ever after in matters appertaining unto the science he was skilful in In speaking thus largely it is presumed that mens speeches will be taken according to the matter whereof they speak Let any man therefore that carrieth indifferency of judgement peruse the Bishops speeches and consider well of those negatives concerning Scripture which he produceth out of Irenaeus Chrysostome and Leo which three are chosen from among the residue because the sentences of the others even as one of theirs also do make for defence of negative Argments taken from humane Authority and not from divine onely They mention no more restraint in the one then in the other yet I think themselves will not hereby judge that the Fathers took both to be strong without restraint unto any special kind of matter wherein they held such Argument forcible Nor doth the Bishop either say or prove any more then that an Argument in some kinds of matter may be good although taken negatively from Scripture 7. An earnest desire to draw all things unto the determination of bare and naked Scripture hath caused here much pains to be taken in abating the estimation and credit of man Which if we labour to maintain as far as Truth and Reason will bear let not any think that we travel about a matter not greatly needful For the scope of all their pleading against mans Authority is to overthrow such Orders Laws and Constitutions in the Church as depending thereupon if they should therefore be taken away would peradventure leave neither face nor memory of Church to continue long in the world the world especially being such as now it is That which they have in this case spoken I would for brevity sake let pass but that the drist of their speech being so dangerous then words are not to be neglected Wherefore to say that simply an Argument taken from mans Authority doth hold no way neither Affirmatively nor Negatively is hard By a mans Authority we here understand the force which his word hath for the assurance of anothers mind that buildeth upon it as the Apostle somewhat did upon their report of the house of Chloe and the Samaritans in a matter of far greater moment upon the report of a simple Woman For so it is said in S. Iohns Gospel Many of the Samaritans of that City believed in him for the saying of the woman which testified He hath told me all things that ever I did The strength of mans Authority is Affirmatively such that the weightiest affairs in the world depend thereon In judgement and justice are not hereupon proceedings grounded Saith not the Law that in the mouth of two or three Witnesses every word shall be confirmed This the Law of God would not say if there were in a mans testimony no force at all to prove any thing And if it be admitted that in matter of Fact there is some credit to be given to the testimony of man but not in matter of opinion and judgment we see the contrary both acknowledged and universally practised also throughout the world The sentences of wise and expert men were never but highly esteemed Let the title of a mans right be called in question are we not bold to relie and build upon the judgement of such as are famous for their skill in the Laws of this Land In matter of State the weight many times of some one mans authority is thought reason sufficient even to sway over whole Nations And this is not only with the simple sort but the learneder and wiser we are the more such Arguments in some cases prevail with us The Reason why the simpler sort are moved with Authority is the conscience of their own ignorance whereby it cometh to pass that having learned men in admiration they rather fear to dislike them then know wherefore they should allow and follow their judgements Contrariwise with them that are skilful authority is much more strong and forcible because they only are able to discern how just cause there is why to some mens Authority so much should be attributed For which cause the name of Hippocrates no doubt were more effectual to perswade even such men as Galen himself then to move a silly Emperick So that the very self-same Argument in this kind which doth but induce the vulgar sort to like may constrain the wiser to yield And therefore not Orators only with the people but even the very profoundest Disputers in all faculties have hereby often with the best learned prevailed most As for Arguments taken from humane Authority and that negatively for example sake if we should think the assembling of the people of God together by the sound of a Bell the presenting of Infants at the Holy Font by such as we commonly call their Godfathers or any other the like received custom to be impious because some men of whom we think very reverently have in their Books and Writings no where mentioned or taught that such things should be in the Church this reasoning were subject unto just reproof it were but feeble weak and unsound Notwithstanding even negatively an Argument from humane Authority may be strong as namely thus The Chronicles of England mention no more then only six Kings bearing the name of Edward since the time of the last Conquest therefore it cannot be there should be more So that if the question be of the authority of a mans testimony we cannot simply avouch either that affirmatively it doth not any way hold or that it hath only force to induce the simpler sort and not to constrain men of understanding and ripe judgement to yield assent or that negatively it hath in it no strength at all For unto every of these the contrary of most plain Neither doth that which is alledged concerning the infirmity of men overthrow or disprove this Men are blinded with ignorance and error many
we that no publick detriment would follow upon the want of honorable Personages Ecclesiastical to be used in those Cases It will be haply said That the highest might learn to stoop and not to disdain the advice of some circumspect wise and vertuâ—us Minister of God albeit the Ministery were nor by such degrees distinguished What Princes in that case might or should do it is not material Such difference being presupposed therefore as we have proved already to have been the Ordinance of God there is no judicious man will ever make any question or doubt but that fit and direct it is for the highest and chiefest Order in God's Clergy to be imployed before others about so near and necessary Offices as the sacred estate of the greatest on earth doth require For this cause Ioshua had Eliazer David Abiathar Constantine Hosius Bishop of Corâ—nba other Emperors and Kings their Prelates by whom in private for with Princes this is the most effectual way of doing good to be adminished counselled comforted and if need were reproved Whensoever Sovereign Rulers are willing to admit these so necessary private conferences for their Spiritual and ghostly good inasmuch as they do for the time while they take advice grant a kinde of Superiority unto them of whom they receive it albeit haply they can be contented even so farr to bend to the gravest and chiefest Persons in the Order of God's Clergy yet this of the very best being rarely and hardly obtained now that there are whos 's greater and higher Callings do somewhat more proportion them unto that ample conceit and spirit wherewith the minde of so powerable Persons we possessed what should we look for in case God himself not authorizing any by miraculous means as of old he did his Prophets the equal meaness of all did leave in respect of Calling no more place of decency for one then for another to be admitted Let unexperienced wits imagin what pleaseth them in having to deal with so great Personages these Personal differences are so necessary that there must be regard had of them 4. Kingdoms being principally next unto God's Almightiness and the Soveraignty of the highest under God upheld by wisdom and by valour as by the chiefest human means to cause continuance in safety with honor for the labors of them who attend the service of God we reckon as means Divine to procure our protection from Heavens from hence it riseth that men excelling in either of these or descending from such as for excellency either way have been enobled or possesing howsoever the rooms of such as should be in Politick wisdom or in Martial prowess eminent are had in singular recommendation Notwithstanding because they are by the state of Nobility great but not thereby made inclinable to good things such they oftentimes prove even under the best Princes as under David certain of the Jewish Nobility were In Polity and Council the World had not Achitophels equal nor Hell his equal in deadly malice Ioab the General of the Host of Israel valiant industrious fortunate in Warr but withal head-strong cruel treacherous void of Piety towards God in a word so conditioned that easie it is not to define whether it were for David harder to miss the benefit of his War-like hability or to bear the enormity of his other Crimes As well for the cherishing of those vertues therefore wherein if Nobility do chance to flourish they are both an ornament and a stay to the Common-wealth wherein they live as also for the bridling of those disorders which if they loosly run into they are by reason of their greatness dangerous what help could thereever have been invented more Divine than the sorting of the Clergy into such Degrees that the chiefest of the Prelacy being matched in a kinde of equal yoke as it were with the higher the next with the lower degree of Nobility the reverend Authority of the one might be to the other as a courteous bridle a mean to keep them lovingly in aw that are exorbitant and to correct such excesses in them as whereunto their Courage State and Dignity maketh them over-prone O that there were for encouragement of Prelates herein that lactimation of all Christian Kings and Princes towards them which sometime a famous King of this Land either had or pretended to have for the countenancing of a principal Prelate under him in the actions of Spiritual Authority Let my Lord Archbishop know saith he that if a Bishop or Earl or any other great Person yea if my own chosen Son shall presume to withstand or to hinder his will and disposition whereby he may be with-held from performing the work of the Embass age committed unto him such a one shall finde that of his contempt I will shew my self no less a Persecutor and Revenger than if Treason were committed against mine own very Crown and Dignity Sith therefore by the Fathers and first Founders of this Common-weal it hath upon great experience and fore-cast been judged most for the good of all sorts that as the whole Body Politick wherein we live should be for strengths sake a three-fold Cable consisting of the King as a Supreme Head over all of Peers and Nobles under him and of the People under them so likewise that in this conjunction of States the second wreath of that Cable should for important respects consist as well of Lords Spiritual as Temporal Nobility and Prelacy being by this mean twined together how can it possibly be avoided but that the tearing away of the one must needs exceedingly weaken the other and by consequent impair greatly the good of all 5. The force of which detriment there is no doubt but that the common sort of men would feel to their helpless wo how goodly a thing soever they now surmise it to be that themselves and their godly Teachers did all alone without controulment of their Prelate For if the manifold jeopardies whereto a people destitute of Pastors is subject be unavoidable without Government and if the benefit of Government whether it be Ecclesiastical or Civil do grow principally from them who are principal therein as hath been proved out of the Prophet who albeit the people of Israel had sundry inferior Governors ascribeth not unto them the publick benefit of Government but maketh mention of Moses and Aaron only the Chief Prince and Chief Prelate because they were the well-spring of all the good which others under then did may we not boldly conclude that to take from the people their Prelate is to leave them in effect without Guides at leastwise without those Guides which are the strongest hands that God doth direct them by Then didst lead thy People like Sheep saith the Prophet by the hands of Moses and Aaron If now there arise any matter of Grievances between the Pastor and the People that are under him they have their Ordinary a Judge indifferent to determine their Causes and to end their strife
Ministery of the Gospel of Jesus Christ Yet both then and now the higher Orders as well of the one sort as of the other have by one and the same congruity of reason their different titles of honor wherewith we since them in the phrase of ordinary speech exalted above others Thus the Heads of the twenty four Companies of Priests are in Scripture termed Arch-Priests Aaron and the Successors of Aaron being above those Arch-Priests themselves are in that respect further intituled High ang Great After what sort Antiquity hath used to stile Christian Bishops and to yield them in that kinde Honor more than were meet for inferior Pastors I may the better omit to declare both because others have sufficiently done it already and in so sleight a thing it were but a loss of time to bestow further travel The allegation of Christ's Prerogative to be named an Arch-Pastor simply in regard of his absolute Excellency over all â— is no impediment but that the like Title in an unlike signification may be granted unto others besides him to note a more limited Superiority whereof men are capable enough without derogation from his Glory than which nothing is more Soveraign To quarrel at syllables and to take so poor exceptions at the first four letters in the name of an Archbishop as if they were manifestly stollen goods whereof restitutions ought to be made to the Civil Magistrate toucheth no more the Prelates that now are than it doth the very blessed Apostle who giveth unto himself the Title of an Arch-builder As for our Saviours words alledged against the stile of Lordship and Grace we have before sufficiently opened how farr they are drawn from their natural meaning to houlster up a Cause which they nothing at all concern Bishop Theodoret entituleth most honoarable Emperors writing unto Bishops have not disdained to give them their appellations of Honor Your Holiness your Blessedness your Amplitude your Highness and the like Such as purposely have done otherwise are noted of insolent singularity and pride Honor done by giving preheminence of Place unto one sort before another is for decency order and quietness-sake so needful that both Imperial Laws and Canons Ecclesiastical have made their special provisions for it Our Saviour's invective against the vain affectation of Superiority whether in Title or in Place may not hinder these seemly differences usual in giving and taking honor either according to the one or the other Some thing there is even in the Ornaments of Honor also Otherwise idle it had been for the Wiseman speaking of Aaron to stand so much upon the circumstance of his Priestly attire and to urge it as an argument of such dignity and greatness in him An everlasting Covenant God made with Aaron and gave him the Priesthood among the people and made him blessed through his comely Ornament and cloathed him with the garment of Honor. The Robes of a Judge do not adde to his vertue the chiefest Ornaments of Kings is Justice holiness and purity of Conversation doth much more adorn a Bishop than his peculiar form of Cloathing Notwithstanding both Judges through the garments of Judicial Authority and through the Ornaments of Soveraignty Princes yea Bishops through the very attire of Bishops are made blessed that is to say marked and manifested they are to be such as God hath poured his blessing upon by advancing them above others and placing them where they may do him principal good service Thus to be called is to be blessed and therefore to be honored with the signs of such a Calling must needs be in part a blessing also for of good things even the signs are good Of Honor another part is Attendancy and therefore in the visions of the glory of God Angels are spoken of as his Attendants In setting out the honor of that mystical Queen the Prophet mentioneth the Virgin-Ladies which waited on her Amongst the tokens of Solomons honourable condition his Servants and Waiters the sacred History omitteth not This doth prove Attendants a part of Honor But this as yet doth not shew with what Attendancy Prelates are to be honored Of the High-Priests retinue amongst the Jews somewhat the Gospel it self doth intimate And albeit our Saviour came to minister and not as the Jews did imagine their Messias should to be ministred unto in this World yet attended on he was by his blessed Apostles who followed him not only as Scholars but even as Servants about him After that he had sent them as himself was sent of God in the midst of that hatred and extreme contempt which they sustained at the World's hands by Saints and Believers this part of honor was most plentifully done unto them Attendants they had provided in all places where they went which Custom of the Church was still continued in Bishops their Successors as by Ignatius it is plain to be seen And from hence no doubt those Acolyths took their beginning of whom so frequent mention is made the Bishops Attendants his Followers they were in regard of which service the name of Acolythes seemeth plainly to have been given The custom for Bishops to be attended upon by many is as Iustinian doth shew antient The affairs of Regiment wherein Prelates are imployed make it necessary that they always have many about them whom they may command although no such thing did by way of honor belong unto them Some mens judgement is that if Clerks Students and Religious Persons were moe common Serving-men and Lay-Retainers fewer than they are in Bishops Palaces the use and the honor thereof would be much more suitable than now But these things concerning the number and quality of Persons fit to attend on Prelates either for necessity or for honors sake are rather in particular discretion to be ordered than to be argued of by disputes As for the vain imagination of some who teach the original hereof to have been a preposterous imagination of Maximinus the Emperor who being addicted unto Idolatry chose of the choisest Magistrates to be Priests and to the end they might be in great estimation gave unto each of them a train of Followers And that Christian Emperors thinking the same would promote Christianity which promoted Superstition endeavoured to make their Bishops encounter and match with those Idolatrous Priests such frivolous conceits having no other ground than conceit we weigh not so much as to frame any answer unto them our declaration of the true original of antient attendancy on Bishops being sufficient Now if that which the light of sound reason doth teach to be sit have upon like inducements reasonable allowable and good approved it self in such wise as to be accepted not only of us but of Pagans and Infidels also doth conformity with them that are evil in that which is good make that thing which is good evil We have not herein followed the Heathens nor the Heathens us but both we end they one and the self-same Divine rule
all Churches and evermore had was judged by the making of the aforesaid Act a just cause wherefore they should be mentioned in that case as a requisite part of that rule wherewith Dominion was to be limited But of this we shall further consider when we come unto that which Soveraign Power may do in making Ecclesiastical Laws Unto which Supream Power in Kings two kinds of adversaries there are which have opposed themselvs one sort defending That Supream power in causes Ecclesiastical throughout the world appertaineth of Divine Right to the Bishop of Rome Another sort That the said power belongeth in every national Church unto the Clergy thereof assembled We which defend as well against the one as against the other That Kings within their own Precincts may have it must shew by what right it must come unto them First unto me it seemeth almost out of doubt controversie that every independent multitude before any certain form of Regiment established hath under God Supream Authority full Dominion over it self even as a man not tyed with the band of subjection as yet unto any other hath over himself the like power God creating mankind did endue it naturally with power to guide it self in what kind of Society soever he should chuse to live A man which is born Lord of himself may be made an others servant And that power which naturally whole societies have may be derived unto many few or one under whom the rest shall then live in subjection Some multitudes are brought into subjection by force as they who being subdued are fain to submit their necks unto what yoak it pleaseth their Conquerors to lay upon them which Conquerors by just and lawful Wars do hold their power over such multitudes as a thing descending unto them Divine Providence it self so disposing For it is God who giveth victory in the day of War and unto whom Dominion in this sort is derived the same they enjoy according to the Law of Nations which Law authorizeth Conquerours to reign as absolute Lords over them whom they vanquish Sometimes it pleaseth God himself by special appointment to chuse out and nominate such as to whom Dominion shall be given which thing he did often in the Common-wealth of Israel They which in this sort receive power immediately from God have it by meer Divine Right they by humane on whom the same is bestowed according to mens discretion when they are left freely by God to make choice of their own Governours By which of these means soever it happen that Kings or Governors be advanced unto their Estates we must acknowledg both their lawful choice to be approved of God and themselves to be Gods Lievtenants and cofess their Power which they have to be his As for Supream Power in Ecclesiastical affairs the Word of God doth no where appoint that all Kings should have it neither that any should not have it for which cause it seemeth to stand altogether by humane Right that unto Christian Kings there is such Dominion given Again on whom the same is bestowed at mens discretions they likewise do hold it by Divine Right If God in his revealed Word hath appointed such Power to be although himself extraordinarily bestow it not but leave the appointment of persons to men yea albeit God do neither appoint nor assign the person nevertheless when men have assigned and established both Who doth doubt but that sundry duties and affairs depending thereupon are prescribed by the Word of God and consequently by that very right to be exacted For example sake the power which Romane Emperors had over foreign Provinces was not a thing which the Law of God did ever Institute Neither was Tiberius Caesar by especial Commission from Heaven therewith invested and yet paiment of Tribute unto Caesar being now made Emperor is the plain Law of Jesus Christ unto Kings by humane Right Honor by very Divine Right is due mans Ordinances are many times proposed as grounds in the Statutes of God And therefore of what kind soever the means be whereby Governors are lawfully advanced to their States as we by the Laws of God stand bound meekly to acknowledg them for Gods Lieutenants and to confess their Power his So by the same Law they are both authorized and required to use that Power as far as it may be in any State available to his Honor. The Law appointeth no man to be a husband but if a man hath betaken himself unto that condition it giveth him power Authority over his own Wife That the Christian world should be ordered by the Kingly Regiment the Law of God doth not any where command and yet the Law of God doth give them which once are exalted unto that place of Estate right to exact at the hands of their Subjects general obedience in whatsoever affairs their power may serve to command and God doth ratifie works of that Soveraign Authority which Kings have received by men This is therefore the right whereby Kings do hold their power but yet in what sort the same doth rest and abide in them it somewhat behoveth further to search where that we be not enforced to make overlarge discourses about the different conditions of Soveraign or Supream Power that which we speak of Kings shall be in respect of the State and according to the nature of this Kingdom where the people are in no subjection but such as willingly themselves have condescended unto for their own most behoo◠and security In Kingdoms therefore of this quality the highest Governor hath indeed universall Dominion but with dependency upon that whole entire body over the several parts whereof he hath Dominion so that it standeth for an Axiom in this case The King is Major singulis universis minor The Kings dependency we do not construe as some have done who are of opinion that no mans birth can make him a King but every particular person advanced to such Authority hath at his entrance into his Raign the same bestowed on him as an estate in condition by the voluntary deed of the people in whom it doth lie to put by any one and to preferr some other before him better liked of or judged fitter for the place and that the party so rejected hath no injury done unto him no although the same be done in a place where the Crown doth go 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by succession and to a person which is capital and hath apparently if blood be respected the nearest right They plainly affirm in all well appointed Kingdoms the custom evermore hath been and is that children succeed not their Parents till the people after a sort have created them anew neither that that they grow to their Fathers as natural and proper Heirs but are then to be reckoned for Kings when at the hands of such as represent the Kings Majesty they have by a Scepter and a Diadem received as it were the investure of Kingly power Their
any longer under him but he together with them under God receiving the joyes of everlasting triumph that so God may be in all all misery in all the Wicked through his Justice in all the Righteous through his love all felicity and blisse In the mean while he reigneth over the World as King and doth those things wherein none is Superiour unto him whether we respect the works of his Providence and Kingdom or of his Regiment over the Church The cause of Errour in this point doth seem to have been a misconceit that Christ as Mediatour being inferiour to his Father doth as Mediatour all Works of Regiment over the Church when in truth Regiment doth belong to his Kingly Office Mediatourship to his Priestly For as the High-Priest both offered Sacrifices for expiation of the Peoples sins and entred into the holy Place there to make intercession for them So Christ having finished upon the Cross that part of his Priestly Office which wrought the propitiation for our Sinnes did afterwards enter into very Heaven and doth there as Mediatour of the New Testament appear in the sight of God for us A like sleight of Judgement it is when they hold that Civil Authority is from God but not immediately through Christ nor with any subordination to God nor doth any thing from God but by the hands of our Lord Jesus Christ. They deny it not to be said of Christ in the Old Testament By me Princes rule and the Nobles and all the Iudges of the Earth In the New as much is taught That Christ is the Prince of the Kings of the Earth Wherefore to the end it may more plainly appear how all Authority of Man is derived from God through Christ and must by Christian men be acknowledged to be no otherwise held then of and under him we are to note that because whatsoever hath necessary being the Son of God doth cause it to be and those things without which the World cannot well continue have necessary being in the World a thing of so great use as Government cannot choose but be originally from Him Touching that Authority which Civil Magistrates have in Ecclesiastical Affairs it being from God by Christ as all other good things are cannot chuse but be held as a thing received at his hands and because such power is of necessity for the ordering of Religion wherein the essence and very being of the Church consisteth can no otherwise slow from him than according to that special care which he hath to govern and guide his own People it followeth that the said Authority is of and under him after a more special manner in that he is Head of the Church and not in respect of his general Regency over the World All things saith the Apostle speaking unto the Church are yours and ye are Christs and Christ is God's Kings are Christ's as Saints because they are of the Church if not collectively yet divisively understood It is over each particular Person within that Church where they are Kings Surely Authority reacheth both unto all mens persons and to all kindes of causes also It is not denyed but that they may have and lawfully exercise it such Authority it is for which and for no other in the World we term them Heads such Authority they have under Christ because he in all things is Lord overall and even of Christ it is that they have received such Authority in as much as of him all lawful Powers are therefore the Civil Magistrate is in regard of this Power an under and subordinate Head of Christ's People It is but idle where they speak That although for several Companies of Men there may be several Heads or Governours differing in the measure of their Authority from the Chiefest who is Head over all yet it cannot be in the Church for that the reason why Head-Magistrates appoint others for such several places it Because they cannot be present every where to perform the Office of an Head But Christ is never from his Body nor from any Part of it and therefore needeth not to substitute any which may be Heads some over one Church and some over another Indeed the consideration of Man's imbecillity which maketh many Heads necessary where the burthen is too great for one moved Iethro to be a Perswader of Moses that a number of Heads of Rulers might be instituted for discharge of that duty by parts which in whole he saw was troublesome Now although there be not in Christ any such defect or weakness yet other causes there be divers more than we are able to search into wherefore it might seem unto him expedient to divide his Kingdom into many Provinces and place many Heads over it that the Power which each of them hath in particular with restraint might illustrate the greatness of his unlimited Authority Besides howsoever Christ be Spiritually alwayes united unto every part of his Body which is the Church Nevertheless we do all know and they themselves who alledge this will I doubt not confess also that from every Church here visible Christ touching visible and corporal presence is removed as farr as Heaven from the Earth is distant Visible Government is a thing necessary for the Church and it doth not appear how the exercise of visible Government over such Multitudes every where dispersed throughout the World should consist without sundry visible Governours whose Power being the greatest in that kinde so farr as it reacheth they are in consideration thereof termed so farr Heads Wherefore notwithstanding the perpetual conjunction by vertue whereof our Saviour alwayes remaineth spiritually united unto the parts of his Mystical Body Heads indeed with Supream Power extending to a certain compasse are for the exercise of a visible Regiment not unnecessary Some other reasons there are belonging unto this branch which seem to have been objected rather for the exercise of mens wits in dissolving Sophismes than that the Authors of them could think in likelyhood thereby to strengthen their cause For example If the Magistrate be Head of the Church within his own Dominion then is he none of the Church For all that are of the Church make the Body of Christ and every one of the Church fulfilleth the place of one member of the Body By making the Magistrate therefore Head we do exclude him from being a Member subject to the Head and so leave him no place in the Church By which reason the name of a Body Politick is supposed to be alwayes taken of the inferiour sort alone excluding the Principal Guides and Governors contrary to all Mens customes of speech The Errour ariseth by misconceiving of some Scripture-sentences where Christ as the Head and the Church as the Body are compared or opposed the one to the other And because in such comparisons ooppositions the Body is taken for those only parts which are subject unto the Head they imagine that who so is the Head of any
lawful must grant that the Canons even of General Councils have but the face of Wise-mens opinions concerning that whereof they-treat till they be publickly assented unto where they are to take place as Laws and that in giving such publick assent as maketh a Christian Kingdome subject unto those Laws the King's authority is the chiefest That which an University of Men a Company or Corporation doth without consent of their Rector is as nothing Except therefore we make the King's Authority over the Clergy less in the greatest things than the power of the meanest Governour is in all things over the Colledge or Society which is under him how should we think it a matter decent that the Clergy should impose Laws the Supream Governours assent not asked Yea that which is more the Laws thus made God himself doth in such sort authorize that to despise them is to despise in them him It is a loose and licentious opinion which the Anabaptists have embraced holding that a Christian man's liberty is lost and the Soul which Christ hath redeemed unto himself injuriously drawn into servitude under the Yoke of Human power if any Law be now imposed besides the Gospel of Christ in obedience whereunto the Spirit of God and not the constraint of men is to lead us according to that of the blessed Apostle Such as are led by the Spirit of God they are the Sons of God and not such as live in thraldom unto men Their Judgement is therefore That the Church of Christ should admit of no Law-makers but the Evangelists no Courts but Presbyteries no Punishments but Ecclesiastical censures As against this sort we are to maintain the use of Human laws and the continual necessity of making them from time to time as long as this present World doth last so likewise the Authority of Laws so made doth need much more by us to be strengthened against another sort who although they do utterly condemn the making of Laws in the Church yet make they a great deal less account of them than they should do There are which think simply of Human laws that they can in no sort touch the Conscience That to break and transgress them cannot make men in the sight of God culpable as Sin doth onely when we violate such Laws we do thereby make our selves obnoxious unto external punishment in this World so that the Magistrate may in regard of such offence committed justly correct the Offender and cause him without injury to endure such pains as Law doth appoint but further it reacheth not For first the Conscience is the proper Court of God the guiltiness thereof is Sin and the punishment Eternal death men are not able to make any Law that shall command the Heart it is not in them to make Inward-conceit a Crime or to appoint for any crime other punishment than corporal their Laws therefore can have no power over the Soul neither can the heart of man be polluted by transgressing them St. Austine rightly desineth Sin to be that which is spoken done or desired not against any Laws but against the Law of the Living God The Law of God is proposed unto Man as a Glass wherein to behold the stains and the spots of their sinful Souls By it they are to judge themselves and when they feel themselves to have transgressed against it then to bewail their offences with David Against thee onely O Lord have I sinned and done wickedly in thy sight that so our present tears may extinguish the flames which otherwise we are to feel and which of God in that day shall condemn the Wicked unto when they shall render account of the Evil which they have done not by violating Statute-Laws and Canons but by disobedience unto his Law and his Word For our better instruction therefore concerning this point first we must note That the Law of God it self doth require at our hands Subjection Be ye subject saith S. Peter and S. Paul Let every Soul be subject subject all unto such Powers as are set over us For if such as are not set over us require our subjection we by denying it are not disobedient to the Law of God or undutiful unto Higher Powers Because though they be such in regard of them over whom they have lawful Dominion yet having not so over us unto us they are not such Subjection therefore we owe and that by the Law of God we are in Conscience bound to yield it even unto every of them that hold the seats of Authority and Power in relation unto us Howbeit not all kindes of subjection unto every such kinde of Power concerning Scribes and Pharisees our Saviour's Precept was Whatsoever they shall tell ye do it Was it his meaning that if they should at any time enjoyn the People to levy an Army or to sell their Lands and Goods for the furtherance of so great an enterprize and in a word that simply whatsoever it were which they did command they ought without any exception forth-with to be obeyed No but whatsoever they shall tell you must be understoud in pertinentibus ad Cathedram it must be construed with limitation and restrained unto things of that kinde which did belong to their place and power For they had not Power general absolutely given them to command all things The reason why we are bound in Conscience to be subject unto all such Power is because all Powers are of God They are of God either instituting or permitting them Power is then of Divine institution when either God himself doth deliver or men by light of nature finde out the kinde thereof So that the power of Parents over Children and of Husbands over their Wives the power of all sorts of Superiors made by consent of Common-wealths within themselves or grown from agreement amongst Nations such power is of God's own Institution in respect of the kinde thereof Again if respect be had unto those particular Persons to whom the same is derived if they either receive it immediately from God as Moses and Aaron did or from nature as Parents do or from men by a natural and orderly course as every Governor appointed in any Common wealth by the order thereof doth then is not the kinde of their Power only of God's instituting but the derivation thereof also into their Persons is from him He hath placed them in their rooms and doth term them his Ministers Subjection therefore is due unto all such Powers inasmuch as they are of God's own institution even then when they are of man's creation Omni Humanae Creaturae Which things the Heathens themselves do acknowledge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As for them that exercise Power altogether against Order although the kinde of Power which they have may be of God yet is their exercise thereof against God and therefore not of God otherwise than by Permission as all Injustice is Touching such Acts as are done by that power which is according to
if we may be privy to what we are every way if glad and joyful for our own wel-fare and in all this remain unblameable nevertheless some there are who granting thus much doubt whether it may stand with humility to accept those testimonies of Praise and Commendation those Titles Rooms and other Honours which the World yieldeth as acknowledgements of some mens excellencies above others For inasmuch as Christ hath said unto those that are his The Kings of the Gentiles raign over them and they that bear rule over them are called Gracious Lords Be ye not so the Anabaptist hereupon urgeth equality amongst Christians as if all exercise of Authority were nothing else but Heathenish Pride Our Lord and Saviour had no such meaning But his Disciples feeding themselves with a vain imagination for the time that the Messias of the World should in Ierusalem erect his Throne and exercise Dominion with great pomp and outward statelinesse advanced in honour and Terrene Power above all the Princes of the Earth began to think how with their Lord's condition their own would also rise that having left and forsaken all to follow him their Place about him should not be mean and because they were many it troubled them much which of them should be the greatest man When suit was made for two by name that of them one might sit at his right hand and the other at his left the rest began to stomack each taking it grievously that any should have what all did affect their Lord and Master to correct this humour turneth aside their cogitations from these vain and fansieful conceits giving them plainly to understand that they did but deceive themselves His coming was not to purchase an earthly but to bestow on heavenly Kingdom wherein they if any shall be greatest whom unfeigned Humility maketh in this World lowest and least amongst others Ye are they which have continued with me in my temptations therefore I leave unto you a Kingdom as my Father hath appointed me that ye may eat and drink at my Table in my Kingdom and sit on Seats and judge the twelve Tribes of Israel But my Kingdom is no such Kingdom as ye dream of And therefore these hungry ambitious contentions are seemlier in Heathens than in you Wherefore from Christ's intent and purpose nothing is further removed than dislike of distinction in Titles and Callings annexed for Order's sake unto Authority whether it be Ecclesiastical or Civil And when we have examined throughly what the nature of this Vice is no man knowing it can be so simple as not to see an ugly shape thereof apparent many times in rejecting Honours offered more than in the very exacting of them at the hands of men For as Iudas his care for the Poor was meer covetousness and that frank-hearted wastfulness spoken of in the Gospel thriftâ— so there is no doubt but that going in raggs may be Pride and Thrones be cloathed with unfeigned humility We must go further therefore and enter somewhat deeper before we can come to the Closet wherein this Poyson lyeth There is in the heart of every proud man first an errour of understanding a vain opinion whereby he thinketh his own excellency and by reason thereof his worthiness of estimation regard and honour to be greater than in truth it is This maketh him in all his affections accordingly to raise up himself and by his inward affections his outward acts are fashioned Which if you list to have exemplified you may either by calling to minde things spoken of them whom God himself hath in Scripture specially noted with this fault or by presenting to your secret cogitations that which you daily behold in the odious lives and manners of high-minded men It were too long to gather together so plentiful an harvest of examples in this kinde as the sacred Scripture affordeth That which we drink in at our ears doth not so piercingly enter as that which the minde doth conceive by sight Is there any thing written concerning the Assyrian Monarch in the tenth of Esay of his swelling minde his haughty looks his great and presumptuous taunts By the power of mine own hand I have done all things and by mine own wisdom I have subdued the World Any thing concerning the Dames of Sion in the third of the Prophet Esay of their stretched-out Necks their immodest Eyes their Pageant-like stately and pompous Gate Any thing concerning the practises of Corah Dathan and Abiram of their impatience to live in subjection their mutinies repining at lawful Authority their grudging against their Superiours Ecclesiastical and Civil Any thing concerning Pride in any sort of Sect which the present face of the World doth not as in a glass represent to the view of all mens beholding So that if Books both prophane and holy were all lost as long as the manners of men retain the estate they are in for him that observeth how that when men have once conceived an over-weening of themselves it maketh them in all their affections to swell how deadly their hatred how heavy their displeasure how un-appeaseable their indignation and wrath is above other mens in what manner they compose themselvs to be as Heteroclits without the compass of all such Rules as the common sort are measured by how the Oaths which religious hearts do tremble at they affect as principal graces of speech what felicity they take to see the enormity of their crimes above the reach of Laws and punishments how much it delighteth them when they are able to appale with the cloudiness of their looks how far they exceed the terms wherewith man 's nature should be limited how high they bear their heads over others how they brow-beat all men which do not receive their Sentences as Oracles with marvellous applause and approbation how they look upon no man but with an indirect countenance nor hear any thing saving their own praise with patience nor speak without scornfulness and disdain how they use their Servants as if they were Beasts their Inferiors as Servants their Equals as Inferiors and as for Superiors they acknowledg none how they admire themselves as venerable puissant wise circumspect provident every way great taking all men besides themselves for cyphers poor inglorious silly creatures needless burthens of the earth off-scowrings nothing in a word for him which marketh how irregular and exorbitant they are in all things it can be no hard thing hereby to gather that Pride is nothing but an inordinate elation of the minde proceeding from a false conceit of mens excellency in things honored which accordingly frameth also their deeds and behaviour unless they be cunning to conceal it For a foul scarr may be covered with a fair cloath And as proud as Lucifer may be in outward appearance lowly No man expecteth Grapes of Thistles nor from a thing of so bad a nature can other than suitable fruits be looked for What harm soever in private Families there groweth by
Children from the Cradle to be his Cardinals He hath fawned upon the Kings and Princes of the Earth and by Spiritual Cozenage hath made them sell their lawful Authority and Jurisdiction for Titles of Catholicus Christianissimus Defensor Fidei and such like he hath proclaimed sale of Pardons to inveigle the ignorant built Seminaries to allure young men desirous of Learning erected Stews to gather the dissolute unto him This is the Rock whereupon his Church is built Hereby the man is grown huge and strong like the Cedars which are not shaken with the winde because Princes have been as Children over-tender hearted and could not resist Hereby it is come to pass as you see this day that the Man of Sinne doth war against us not by men of a Language which we cannot understand but he cometh as Iereboam against Iudah and bringeth the fruit of our own Bodies to eat us up that the bowels of the Childe may be made the Mother's grave and hath caused no small number of our Brethren to forsake their Native Countrey and with all disloyalty to cast off the yoke of their Allegiance to our dread Soveraign whom God in mercy hath set over them for whose safeguard if they carried not the hearts of Tygers in the bosomes of men they would think the dearest blood in their Bodies well spent But now saith Abiah to Ieroboam Ye think ye be able to resist the Kingdom of the Lord which is in the hands of the Sonnes of David Ye be a great multitude the golden Calves are with you which Ieroboam made you for gods Have ye not driven away the Priests of the Lord the Sons of Aaron and the Levites and have made you Priests like the People of Nations Whosoever cometh with a young Bullock and seven Rams the same may be a Priest of them that are no gods If I should follow the Comparison and here uncover the Cup of those deadly and ugly Abominations wherewith this Ieroboam of whom we speak hath made the Earth so drunk that it hath retled under us I know your godly Hearts would loath to see them For my own part I delight not to take in such filth I had rather take a Garment upon my Shoulders and go with my face from them to cover them The Lord open their Eyes and cause them if it be possible at the length to see how they are wretched and miserable and poor and blinde and naked Put it O Lord in their hearts to seek white Rayment and to cover themselves that their filthy nakednesse may no longer appear For beloved in Christ we bow our Knees and lift up our hands to Heaven in our Chambers secretly and openly in our Churches we pray heartily and hourly even for them also though the Pope hath given out as a Judge in a solemn Declaratory Sentence of Excommunication against this Land That our gracious Lady hath quite abolished Prayers within her Realm and his Scholars whom he hath taken from the midst of us have in their published Writings charged us nor onely nor to have any holy Assemblies unto the Lord for Prayer but to hold a Common School of Sinne and Flattery to hold Sacriledge to be God's Service Unfaithfulnesse and breach of Promise to God to give it to a Strumpet to be a Vertue to abandon Fasting to abhor Confession to mislike with Penance to like well of Usury to charge none with restitution to finde no good before God in single life not in no well-working that all men as they fall to us are much worse and more than afore corrupted I do not add one word or syllable unto that which Mr. Bristow a man both born and sworn amongst us hath taught his hand to deliver to the view of all I appeal to the Conscience of every Soul that hath been truly converted by us Whether his heart were never raised up to God by our Preaching Whether the words of our Exhortation never wâ—â—â—g any tear of a penitent heart from his eys Whether his Soul never reaped any joy and comfort any consolation in Christ Jesus by our Sacraments and Prayers and Psalms and Thanksgiving Whether he were never bettered but always worsed by us O merciful God! If Heaven and Earth in this case do not witness with us and against them let us be razed out from the Land of the Living Let the Earth on which we stand swallow us quick as it hath done Corah Dathan and Abiram But if we belong unto the Lord our God and have not forsaken him if our Priests the Sons of Aaron minister unto the Lord and the Levites in their Office if we offer unto the Lord every morning and every evening the Burnt-offerings and sweet Incense of Prayers and Thanksgiving if the Bread be set in order upon the pure Table and the Candlestick of Gold with the Lamps thereof burn every morning that is to say if amongst us God's blessed Sacraments be duly administred his holy Word sincerely and daily preached if we keep the Watch of the Lord our God and if ye have forsaken him then doubt ye not this God is with us as a Captain his Priests with sounding Trumpets must cry alarm against you O ye Children of Israel fight not against the Lord God of your Fathers for ye shall not prosper THE SECOND SERMON Epist. JUDE Verse 17 18 19 20 21. But ye beloved remember the words which were spoken before of the Apostles of our Lord Iesus Christ How that they told you that there should be Mockers in the last time which should walk after their own ungodly lusts These are makers of Sects fleshly having not the Spirit But ye beloved edifie your selves in your most holy Faith praying in the Holy Ghost And keep your selves in the love of God looking for the mercy of our Lord Iesus Christ unto eternal life HAving otherwhere spoken of the words of Saint Iude going next before concerning Mockers which should come in the last time and Backsliders which even then should fall away from the Faith of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ I am now by the aide of Almighty God and through the assistance of his good Spirit to lay before you the words of Exhortation which I have read 2. Wherein first of all whosoever hath an eye to see let him open it and he shall well perceive how careful the Lord is for his Children how desirous to see them profit and grow up to a manly stature in Christ how loath to have them any way mis-led either by examples of the wicked or by inticements of the world and by provocation of the flesh or by any other means forcible to deceive them and likely to estrange their hearts from God For God is not at that point with us that he careth not whether we sink or swim No he hath written our names in the Palm of his Hand in the Signet upon his Finger are we graven in Sentences not onely of Mercy but
and proclaim Gâ—matisaâ—aâ— which sign fieth a Prohibition or forbidding of ordinary works and is the same Hebrew word wherewith those Feasts days are noted in the Law wherein they should rest The reason of which Commandment of the Lord was that they abstained that day as much as might be conveniently from Meats so they might abstain from their daily works to the end they might bestow the whole day in hearing the Word of God and humbling themselves in the Congregation confessing their faults and desiring the Lord to turn away from his fierce wrath In this case the Church having Commandment to make a Holiday mâ—y and ought to do it as the Church which was in Babylon did during the time of their Captivity but where it is destitute of a Commandment it may not presume by any Decree to restrain that liberty which the Lord hath given Joâ—l 12. 15. Exod. 13 3. Esib. 9. T. C. lib. 3. pag 193. The example out of Esther is no sufficient warrant for these Feasts n question For first as in other cases so in this case of days the estate of Christians under the Gospel ought not to be so ceremonious as was theirs under the Law Secondly That which was done there was done by a special direction of the Spirit of God either through the ministry of the Prophets whâ—ch they had or by some other extraordinary means which is not to be followed by us This may appear by another place Zaâ—h 8. where the Jews changed their Fasts into Feasts onely by the mouth of the Lord through the ministry of the Prophet For further prâ—ol whereof first I take the â—â— Verse where it appeareth that this was an order to enâ—ure always even as long as the other Feast days which were instituted by the Lord himself So that what abuses soever were of that Feast yet as a perpetual Decree of God it ought to have remained whereas our Churches can make no such Decree which may not upon change of times and at her circumstances be altered For the other proof hereof I take the last Verse For the Prophet contenteth not himself with that that he had rehearsed the Decree as he doth sometimes the Decree of propane Kings but oditeth precisely that as soon as ever the Decree was made it was Registred in this Book of Esther which is one of the Bâ—oks of Canonical Scripture declaring thereby in what esteem they had it If it had been of no further Authority then on Decree or then a Canon of one of the Councils it had been presumption to have brought it into the Library of the Holy Ghost The sum of my Answer is That this Decree was Divine and not Ecclesiastical onely 2 Mac. 15 34. â— Mac. 4. 55. a Commemoratio Apostolica passionis toâ—las Christianitatis magistra à cunctis jure celebratur Cod. l. 3 tiâ— 12 l.7 b T. C. lib. 1. pag. 153. For so much as the old people did never keep any Feast or Holiday for remembrance either of Moses c. c T. C. lib. 1. pag. 153. The people whâ—n it is called St. Pauls day or the Blessed Virgin Maries day can understand nothing thereby but that they are instituted to the honor of St. Paul or the Virgin Mary unless they be otherwise taught And if you say Let them to be taught I have answered That the teaching in this Land cannot by any other which is yet taken come to the most part of those which have drunk this poyson c. d Scilicet ignorant nos nec Christum unquam relinquere qui pro totius servandorum mundi saluâ—e passus est nec alium quempiam colere posse Nam hunc quidem tanquam Filium Dei a loramus Martyres verò tanquam Discipulos Imitatores Domini digne proptet insuperabilem in Regem ipsorum ac Praeceprorem benevolenuam diligismus quorum nos consories dicipulos fieri optamus Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 15. e T. C. lib. 1. pag. 153. As for all the Commodities c. f T. C. lib. 1. pag. 154. g T. C. lib. 1. pag. 154. We condemn not the Church of England neither in this nor in other things Which are meet to be Reformed For it is one thing to mislike another thing to condemn and it is one thing to condemn something in the Church and another thing to condemn the Church for it h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Clauâ—io dictum apud Dionys. lib. 50. Mark 2. 27. Numb 15.32 a Hi vacare consueti sunt seprima die neque aâ—ma portaâ—e in praedictis diebâ—s neque terrae culturam contingere neque alterius cujuspiam curam habere parluntur sed â—â— templis extendenâ—es manoâ— adorare usque ad vesperam solitisunt Ingrediente verb in civiâ—aâ—em Lagoâ—um â—um exerciâ— mulâ—is hominibus cum custodiâ—e dobueriâ—t civiâ—aâ—em ipsis â—â—â—titiam observantibus provinciâ— quidem dominum suscepit amarissimum Lex verò manifesâ—â—ta est malaâ—â— habere solennitatem Agathâ—râ—bid apuâ— Ioseph lib. 1. coâ—â—r Appiâ—â— Vide Dionys. lib. 37. b 1 Mac. 2.40 c Nehe. 13. 15. d Coâ— l. 3 â—â— 12 l.3 e Leo Constiâ— 54. f T. C. lib. 3. â—â— â—2 Dies sesâ—oâ— a Matth. 28.1 Mark 16.1 Luke 24.1 John 20.1 1 Cor. 16.2 Apoc. 1.10 b Apostolis prâ—â—csiâ—om suiâ— â—on uâ— beges de sestis diebus celebrâ—nd sancirent ied uâ—recte vivendi caâ—ioâ—â—â—â—â— pie 〈…〉 bis authores essent Socra Hill lib. cap. 23. c Quae toto tertarum or he servantur vel db ipsâ—s Apostolis vel Consilus gâ—neralibus quorum 〈…〉 rimain in Ecclesia authoritas â—â—â— stratuts est ntelligere liceâ—â— Sicuâ—â— quâ—d Domini Passio Resurrectio in Coelum Ascensus Adventus Spiritus Sancti anniversaria solemnitaâ—e celebrarenuâ— August Epist. 118. d Luk 2.14 Of Days appâ—inted as well for ordinary as for extraordinary Fasts in the Church of God T. C. lib. 1. pag. 30. I will not enter now to discuss whether it were well done to Fast iâ— aâ—l places according to the custom of the place You oppose Ambrose and Augustine I could oppose Ignatius and Tertullian whereof the one saith it is aefos a deâ—â—â—ble thing to Fast upon the Lords Day the other That it is to kill the Lord Tertulâ— the Coron il Ignatius Epist de Phillips And although Ambese and Augustine being private men at Rome would have so done yet it followeth not That if they had been Citizens and Ministers there that they would have done And if they had done so yet it followeth 〈…〉 but they would hase spoken against that appointment of days and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Fasting whereof Eusebius saith that Moâ—taâ—â—â— was the first Author I speak of that which they ought to have done For otherwise I know they both thought corruptly of Fastings when as the one saith It was a remedy or reward to Fast other days â— in 〈…〉 not in Fast was in and the others asketh What Salvation we
caur-hoc non glomeratim nee pre multitudinem simull iunctain pure â—â—â—saciendum ne ex hor ipsu invidiâ— conciten ur in evened â—alive denegenar ilum inferiabiles multum volumus â—â—m perdamus is Consulite ergo providere ut cum temperamento bee egi ruids poth Ira ur Presbyteri queque qui ille apud Consessores offer ant sinuâ—h cum singulls Diaconis pervices accâ—rum qua metatio personarum vecitiirudo converient um minuis invidiam Ep. 5. Cypr. lib. 1. Ep. 3. Acts. 25. An Answer unto those things which are objected concerning the difference between that power which Bishops now have and that which antient Bishops had more than other Presbyters Liv. lib. 1. Dâ—câ— quando Epis. sect Igitur Eccl dis p 14 Eccl. Discipl fol. 41. Eccles. Discip. p. 41. Neque enim sas crae aut licebat ut interior ordinater major in Coment q. Ambros. til hutioâ—ur in 1 Tim. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cencil Carthâ—e 4. c. 23. Cypr â— Ep 10. 14. l. â— Ep. 8. Concerning the Civil power and authority which our Bishops have Jer. 29. 2â— 1 Cor. 6. Vâ—l. Birnah Eâ—sson aneâ—â— Jer lib. 40. c. 16. Aug. de oper Monarch c. 29 â— Tim. 8. 4. Convenit hujuâ—modi eligi ordinari sacerdotes quibus nec liberi sunt nec nepotes Etenim fieri vix potest ut vacans hujus vitae quotiâ—â—ae curis quae liberi creant parentibus maximè omne studium omnemque cogitationem circa divinam litugiam res Ecclesiasticas consumat l. 42 sect 1 C de Episc. Cles a Cum multa divinitus Pontifices à majoribus nostris invenia atque instituta sunt tum nihil praeclarius quam quod vos eoâ—dem Religionibus Deorum immortalum summae Reipub. praesse voluerunt Cic. pro domo sua ad Pontif. b Honor Sacerdotii firmamentum porentiae assumebatur Tacit. hist. lib. 5. He sheweth the reason wherefore their Rulers were also Priests The joyning of these two Powers as now so then likewise profitable for the Publick State but in respect clean opposite and contrary For whereas then Divine things being more esteemed were used as helps for the countenance of Secular Power the Case to these latter ages is turned upside down Earth hath now brought Heaven under foot and in the course of the World hath of the two the greater credit Priesthood was then a strengthening to Kings which now is forced to take strength and credit from farr meaner degrees of Civil Authority Hic mos apud Judaeos fuit ut eosdem Reges Sacerdotes haberent quorum justitia religioni permixta incredibile quantum evaluere Just. hist l. 39. Lib. 41. sect 22. C. de Episc. T. C. l. 1. p. 126. The Arguments answered whereby they would prove that the law of God and the Judgment of the best in all ages condemneth the ruling Superiority of one Minister over another T. C. l. 1. p. 12. T.C. l. 1. p. 10. Pag. 95. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Can. 39. Concil Carthag de haer baptizandis Lib. 2. Ep. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 T. C. l. 1. p. 113. Theod. Hist. Eccles. l. 1. c. ◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heronymus contra Lucifer Saluccin Ecclesiae pemdere dâ—cira summi Sacerâ—uris digmiate id est Episcopâ— Idem est is Hieronymo summos Sacerdoâ— quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Carthaginensi Concilio Vide C. oâ—nes 38. dist Iâ—em C. De conseq dist 5. The second main thing wherein the state of Bishops suffereth 〈…〉 their Honor. Numb 16. 3. 1 Pet. 2. 17. Ecclus. 38. 1. Levit. 19. 32. Ecclus. 25.6 Prov. 23. 22. 1 Pet. 2. 14. Psal. 72. 15. What good doth publickly grow from the Prelacy a Quis est eaâ—â— vecors qui â—uâ—â—um suspect criâ— in coelum Deos eâ—e non senâ—aâ— en quâ—â—â—anca meaâ—â— siunt ut vix quis quam arte ulla ondinem rerum ac vicissicudinem perse qui possiâ— caâ—â— sieri poterâ— our cum Deos esse intell exerit non intelliâ—aâ— eorem nuralâ—ne hoc tantum Imperium esse narum aâ—ctum rerentum â— Cie Orat. de haruâ— responâ— b Tit. 1. l. 3. C. de summatri â— nit c L. 3. C. de Episc. â—â— Cler. d L. 34. C. de Episc. audiend Psal. 7â— â—0â— Qui Sacerdotes in veteri restamento vocabantur hi sont qui nunc l'resbyteri appell antur qui tune Princepâ— Sacerdocum nunc Episcoâ—m vocatur Roba Maur. de â—ss t Cler. 1 3.c â— 1 Tim. 5. 17. Rom. 13.7 Deut. 4. 6. Mat. 5. 13. Petr. D'efens Ep. 5. Psal. 77. 20. Isa. 3.5 What kindes of Honor be due unto Bishops Psal. l 5. â— 2 â—â—â—â—e in title Place Ornaments Acrenâ—ancy and Privilledge 〈…〉 Lib. 5. c. â— Hâ—stor Eccles. L. 7. C. â—ls summa Trinit L. 33. C de Epist. Cler. L. 16. C. de Sacrol Eccles. Mor. 23. 6.9 They love to have the chief Scars in the Assemblies and to be called of men Rabbi Ecclus. 45.7 Novel 6. T. C. l. 3. p. 126. out of Jos. l. 8 c. 15. l. 1â— C. de sacr Eccles. l. 9. C. de sacr Eccles. l. a. C. de Epise Cler. l. 10 C. de Epise Cler. Honor by endowncer with Lords and Livings Psal. 50. 1â— That of Ecclesiastical Goods and consiquently of the Lands and Livings which Bishops enioy â—â—â— propt 〈…〉 longeth a â— God done a Hos 2. 5. b Psal. 50.1 â— c Job â— 1. Mat. 3. 10. Prov. 3. 9. Seneca Mat. 1. 8. â— a Because saith David I have a delight in the House of my God therefore I have given the eunio of my own both Gold and Silver to adorn it with a Chron. 2. 5. b Ps. 50. 13 14. Phil. 4. 18. Psal. â—2 â—1 Math. 2. 11. Matth. 26. 13. Joh. 15. 16. Ans. cap. 15. de â—â—nca C. 12. c. 8 cap. 15 16. Prov. 10. 3. Mâ—l 3. 10. 2 Chro. 31. Tâ— Wald. tum 1. libâ— 4. c. 39. Gen. 28.20 That Ecclesiastical Persons are Receivers of God's â—â—enrâ—â— and that the honor of Prelates is to be thereof his chief Receivers not without liberty from him graâ—ted of converting the same unto their own use even in large manner a Num. 18.23 b Num. 19.23 c Numâ— 21. d Heb. 7. 3. e Acts â— 34. 2 Cor. 8. 5. Acts 11.30 Acts 21. 18. 12. 17. Cap. 41. Et Concil Antioch c. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 John 4. 14. Heb. 11. 3â— a Num. 18.15 b Num. 12. c Num. 13. d Verse 1â— e Verse 8. f Leâ— 9.11 Verse 14 Numâ— 1â— 5. Vers. 8. 5 â—1 18. 1 Chron. 2 3â— Gen. 47. â—2 Numb 35.9 Josh. 14.4 Deut. 12. 8. Lev. 25.33.34 â—â—â— 10. 9. Iâ—…th 13. 14. Numb 18.24 Verse 19. 1 Cor. 9. 13. 1 Tim. 5. 17. 2 Cor. 3. 8. Vide â—2â— 79. art 1. 1 Tim 5. 18. Acts 4. 31. Acts 2. 44. a Ditpâ—â—ns Prosp. de vita contemp l. 2. c. 12. Ocâ—â—n l. 14. C
every one of them for distinction from the rest so that every body Politique hath some Religion but the Church that Religion which is only true Truth of Religion is the proper difference whereby a Church is distinguished from other Politique societies of men we here mean true Religion in gross and not according to every particular for they which in some particular points of Religion do sever from the truth may nevertheless truly if we compare them to men of an heathenish Religion be said to hold and profess that Religion which is true For which cause there being of old so many Politique societies stablished through the world only the Common-wealth of Israel which had the truth of Religion was is that respect the Church of God and the Church of Jesus Christ is every such Politique society of men as doth in Religion hold that truth which is proper to Christianity As a Politique society it doth maintain Religion as a Church that Religion which God hath revealed by Jesus Christ with us therefore the name of a Church importeth onely a society of men first united into some publique form of Regiment and secondly distinguished from other societies by the exercise of Religion With them on the other side the name of the Church in this present question importeth not only a maltitude of men so united and so distinguihed but also further the same divided necessarily and perpetually from the body of the Common-wealth so that even in such a Politique society as consisteth of none but Christians yet the Church and Common-wealth are too Corporations independently subsisting by it self We hold that seeing there is not any man of the Church of England but the same man is also a member of the Common-wealth nor any member of the Common-wealth which is not also of the Church of England Therefore as in a figure Triangle the base doth differ from the sides thereof and yet one and the self same line is both a base and also a side aside simply a base if it chance to be the bottom and under-lye the rest So albeit properties and actions of one do cause the name of a Common-wealth qualities and functions of another sort the name of the Church to be given to a multitude yet one and the self-same multitude may in such sort be both Nay it is so with us that no person appertaining to the one can be denied also to be of the other contrariwise unless they against us should hold that the Church and the Common-wealth are two both distinct and separate societies of which two one comprehendeth alwayes persons not belonging to the other that which they do they could not conclude out of the difference between the Church and the Common-wealth namely that the Bishops may not meddle with the affairs of the Common wealth because they are Governours of an other Corporation which is the Church nor Kings with making Lawes for the Church because they have government not of this Corporation but of another divided from it the Common-wealth and the walls of separation between these two must for ever be upheld they hold the necessity of personal separation which clean excludeth the power of one mans dealing with both we of natural but that one and the same person may in both bear principal sway The causes of common received Errors in this Point seem to have been especially two One That they who embrace true Religion living in such Common-wealths as are opposite thereunto and in other publike affairs retaining civil Communion with such as are constrained for the exercise of their Religion to have a several Communion with those who are of the same Religion with them This was the state of the Jewish Church both in Egypt and Babylon the state of Christian Churches a long time after Christ. And in this case because the proper affairs and actions of the Church as it is the Church hath no dependance on the Laws or upon the Government of the civil State and opinion hath thereby grown that even so it should be always This was it which deceived Allen in the writing of his Apology The Apostles saith he did govern the Church in Rome when Nero bare rule even as at this day in all the Churches dominions The Church hath a spiritual Regiments without dependance and so ought she to have amongst Heathens or with Christians Another occasion of which mis-conceit is That things appertaining to Religion are both distinguished from other affairs and have always had in the Church spiritual persons chosen to be exercised about them By which distinction of Spiritual affairs and persons therein employed from Temporal the Error of personal separation always necessary between the Church and Common-wealth hath strengthened it self For of every Politick Society that being true which Aristotle saith namely That the scope thereof is not simply to live nor the duty so much to provide for the life as for means of living well And that even as the soul is the worthier part of man so humane Societies are much more to care for that which tendeth properly to the souls estate then for such temporal things which the life hath need of Other proof there needeth none to shew that as by all men the Kingdom of God is to be sought first for so in all Common-wealths things spiritual ought above temporal be sought for and of things spiritual the chiefest is Religion For this cause persons and things imployed peculiarly about the affairs of Religion are by an excellency termed Spiritual The Heathens themselves had their spiritual Laws and Causes and Affairs always severed from their temporal neither did this make two Independent estates among them God by revealing true Religion sioth make them that receive it his Church Unto the Iews he so revealed the truth of Religion that he gave them in special Considerations Laws not only for the administration of things spiritual but also temporal The Lord himself appointing both the one and the other in that Common-wealth did not thereby distract it into several independent Communities but institute several Functions of one and the self-same Communitie Some Reasons therefore must there be alledged why it should be otherwise in the Church of Christ. I shall not need to spend any great store of words in answering that which is brought out of the Holy Scripture to shew that Secular and Ecclesiastical affairs and offices are distinguished neither that which hath been borrowed from antiquity using by phrase of speech to oppose the Common-weal to the Church of Christ neither yet their Reasons which are wont to be brought forth as witnesses that the Church and Common-weal were always distinct for whether a Church or Common-weal do differ in not the question we strive for but our controversie is concerning the kind of distinction whereby they are severed the one from the other whether as under heathen Kings of the Church did deal with her own affairs within her self without depending
at all upon any in Civil authority and the Common-weal in hers altogether without the privity of the Church so it ought to continue still even in such Common-weals as have now publikely embraced the truth of Christian Religion whether they ought evermore to be two societies in such sort several and distinct I ask therefore what society was that in Rome whereunto the Apostle did give the name of the Church of Rome in his time If they answer as needs they must that the Church of Rome in those dayes was that whole society of men which in Rome professed the Name of Christ and not that Religion which the Laws of the Common-weal did then authorize we say as much and therefore grant that the Common-weal of Rome was one society and the Church of Rome another in such sort that there was between them no mutual dependance But when whole Rome became Christian when they all embraced the Gospel and made Laws in defence thereof if it be heid that the Church and Common-weal of Rome did then remain as before there is no way how this could be possible save only one and that is They must restrain the name of a Church in a Christian Common-weal to the Clergy excluding all the rest of believers both Prince and People For if all that believe be contained in the name of the Church how should the Church remain by personal subsistence divided from the Common-weal when the whole Common-weal doth believe The Church and the Common-weal are in this case therefore personally one Society which Society being termed a Common-weal as it liveth under whatsoever Form of Secular Law and Regiment a Church as it liveth under the spiritual Law of Christ forsomuch as these two Laws contain so many and different Offices there must of necessity be appointed in it some to one charge and some to another yet without dividing the whole and making it two several impaled Societies The difference therefore either of Affairs or Offices Ecclesiastical from Secular is no Argument that the Church and Common-weal are always separate and independent the one on the other which thing even Allain himself considering somewhat better doth in this Point a little correct his former judgement before mentioned and confesseth in his defence of English Catholicks that the power Political hath her Princes Laws Tribunals the Spiritual her Prelates Canons Councels Judgments and those when the Temporal Princes were Pagans wholly separate but in Christian Common-weals joyned though not confounded Howbeit afterwards his former sting appeareth again for in a Common-wealth he holdeth that the Church ought not to depend at all upon the authority of any civil person whatsoever as in England he saith it doth It will be objected that the Fathers do oftentimes mention the Common-weal and the Church of God by way of opposition Can the same thing be opposed to it self If one and the same society be both Church and Common-wealth what sense can there be in that Speech That they suffer and flourish together What sense is that which maketh one thing to be adjudged to the Church and another to the Common-weal Finally in that which putteth a difference between the causes of the Province and the Church doth it not hereby appear that the Church and the Common-weal are things evermore personally separate No it doth not hereby appear that there is not perpetually any such separation we speak of them as two we may sever the rights and the causes of the one well enough from the other in regard of that difference which we grant is between them albeit we make no personal difference For the truth is that the Church and the Common-wealth are names which import things really different but those things are accidents and such accidents as may and always should lovingly dwell together in one subject Wherefore the real difference between the accidents signified by these names doth not prove different subjects for them always to reside in For albeit the subjects wherein they be resident be sometimes different as when the people of God have their residence among Infidels yet the nature of them is not such but that their subject may be one and therefore it is but a changeable accident in those accidents they are to divers There can be no Errour in our conceit concerning this Point if we remember still what accident that is for which a society hath the name of a Common-wealth and what accident that which doth cause it to be termed a Church A Common-wealth we name it simply in regard of some regiment or policy under which men live a Church for the truth of that Religion which they pofess Now Names betokening accidents inabstracted betoken noâ— only the Accidents themselves but also together with them Subjects whereunto they cleave As when we name a School-master and a Physitian those names do not only betoken two accidents Teaching and Curing but also some person or persons in whom those accidents are For there is no impediment but both may be in one man as well as they are for the most part in divers The Common-weal and the Church therefore being such names they do not only betoken these Accidents of civil Government and Christian Religion which we have mentioned but also together with them such multitudes as are the subjects of those accidents Again their nature being such as they may well enough dwell together in one subject it followeth that their names though always implying that difference of accidents that hath been set down yet do not always imply different subjects also When we oppose therefore the Church and the Common-wealth in Christian Society we mean by the Common-wealth that Society with relation to all the publike affairs thereof only the matter of true Religion excepted by the Church the same Society with only reference unto the matter of true Religion without any affairsâ— Besides when that Society which is both a Church and a Common-wealth doth flourish in those things which belong unto it as a Common-wealth we then say The Common-wealth doth flourish when in both them we then say The Church and Common-wealth do flourish together The Prophet Esay to note corruptions in the Common-wealth complaineth That where justice and judgement had lodged now were murtherers Princes were become companions of Thieves every one loved gifts and rewards but the fatherless was not judged neither did the widows cause come before them To shew abuses in the Church Malachy doth make his complaint Ye offer unclean bread upon mine Altar If ye offer the blind for sacrifice it is not evill as ye think if the lame and the sick nothing is amiss The treasure which David bestowed upon the Temple did argue the love which he bore unto the Church The pains which Nehemiah took for building the walls of the Citie are tokens of his care for the Common-wealth Causes of the Common-wealth or Province are such as Gallio was content to be