seemed best never advising with the Parliament but upon the post-fact and in most cases not at all And first for Doctrinals there was but little done in K. Henries time but that which was acted by the Clergy onely in their Convocation and so commended to the people by the Kings sole Authority the matter being never brought within the cognizance of the two Houses of Parliament For in the year 1536. being the year in which the Popes Authority was for ever banished there were some Articles agreed on in the Convocation and represented to the King under the hands of the Bishops Abbots Priors and inferior Clergy usually called unto those Meetings the Original whereof being in Sr Robert Cotton's Library I have often seen Which being approved of by the King were forthwith published under the Title of Articles devised by the Kings Highness to stable Christian quietness and unity amongst the people In which it is to be observed First that those Articles make mention of Sacraments onely that is to say of Baptisme Penance and the Sacrament of the Altar And secondly That in the Declaration of the Doctrine of Iustification Images honouring of the Saiuts departed as also concerning many of the Ceremonies and the fire of Purgatory they differ'd very much from those Opinions which had been formerly received in the Church of Rome as you may partly see by that Extract of them which occurs in Fox his Acts and Monuments Vol. 2. fol. 1246. For the confirming of which book and recommending it to the use of the people His Majesty was pleased in the Injunctions of the year 1536. to give command to all Deans Parsons Vicars and Curates so to open and declare in their Sermons and other Collacions the said Articles unto them which be under their Cure that they might plainly know and discern which of them be necessary to be believed and observed for their salvation and which dâ— onely concern the decent and politique Order of the Church And this he did upon this ground that the said Articles had been concluded and condescended upon by the Prelates and Clergy of the Realm in their Convocation as appeareth in the very words of the Injunction For which see Fox his Acts and Monuments fol. 1247. I find not any thing in Parliament which relates to this either to countenance the work or to require obedience and conformity from the hand of the people And to say truth neither the King nor Clergy did account it necessary but thought their own Authority sufficient to go through with it though certainly it was more necessary at that time then in any since The power and reputation of the Clergy being under foot the King scarce setled in the Supremacy so lately recognized unto him and therefore the Authority of the Parliament of more use then afterward in Times well ballanced and established 'T is true that in some other year of that Princes Reign we finde some use and mention of an Act of Parliament in matters which concerned Religion but it was onely in such Times when the hopes of Reformation were in the Wane and the Work went retroâ—â—â— For in the year 1539. being the 31. H. 8. When the Lord 〈◊〉 power began to decline and the King was in a necessity of complyance with His Neighbouring Princes there passed an Act of Parliament commonly called the statute of the six Articles or the Whip with six strings In which it was enacted That whosoever by word or writing should preach teach or publish that in the blessed Sacraments of the Altar under form of Bread and Wine there is not really the naturall body and bloud of our Saviour Iesus Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary or affirm otherwise thereof then was maintained and taught in the Church of Rome should be adjudged an Heretick and suffer death by burning and forfeit all his Lands and Goods as in case of High Treason Secondly That whosoever should teach or preach that the Communion of the blessed Sacrament in both kindes is necessary for the health of mans soul and ought to be maintained Thirdly Or that any man after the Order of Priesthood received might marry or contract Matrimony Fourthly Or that any woman which had vowed and professed chastity might contract Marriage Fifthly Or that private Masses were not lawful and laudable or agreeable to the Word of God Or sixthly That curicular Confession was not necessary and expedient to be used in the Church of God should suffer death and forfeit Lands and goods as a Fellon 31 H. 8. c. 14. The rigour of which terrible statute was shortly after mittigated in the said Kings Reign 32 H. 8. c. 10. and 35 H. 8. c. 5. and the whole statute absolutely repealed by Act of Parliament 1 E. 6. c. 12. But then it is to be observed first that this Parliament of K. H. 8. did not determine any thing in those six points of Doctrine which are therein recited but onely took upon them to devise a course for the suppressing of the contrary Opinions by adding by the secular Power the punishment of Death and forfeiture of Lands Goods unto the censures of the Church which were grown weak if not unvalid and consequently by degrees became neglected ever since the said K. Henry took the Headship on Him and exercised the same by a Lay Vicar General And secondly you must observe that it appeareth evidently by the Act it self that at the same time the King had called a Synod and Convocation of all the Archbishops Bishops and other learned men of the Clergy that the Articles were first deliberately and advisedly debated argued and reasoned by the said Archbishops Bishops and other learned men of the Clergy and their opinions in the same declared and made known before the matter came in Parliament And finally That being brought into the Parliament there was not any thing declared and passed as doctrinall but by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and other learned men of the Clergy as by the Act it self doth at large appear Finally Whatsoever may be drawn from thence can be only this That K. Hâ—n did make use of his Court of Parliament for the establishing and confirming of some points of Popery which seemed to be in danger of a Reformation And this compared with the statute of the 34 and 35 prohibiting the reading of the Bible by most sorts of people doth cleerly shew that the Parliaments of those times did rather hinder and retard the work of Reformation in some especial parts thereof than give any furtherance to the same But to proceed There was another point of Reformation begun in the Lord Câ—â—mwels time but not produced nor brought to perfection till after his decease and then too not without the Midwifery of an Act of Parliament For in the year 1537. the Bishops and others of the Clergy of the Convocation had composed a Book entituled The Institution of a Christian Man which being subscribed by all their
had their place amongst them according to which Canâ—n there went out a Mâ—nitory from the Aâ—chbp of Caâ—terbury to all the Suffragâ—ns of hiâ— Pâ—ovince 〈…〉 which is still extant on Record But being the authority of the Church was then in the wane it was thought necessary to confirm their Acts and see execution done upon it by the Kings Injunction which did accordinâ—ly come forth with this Form or preamble That the abolishing of the said holy dayes was decreed ordained and established by the Kings Highness Authority as supâ—eam Head in earth of the Church of England with the common consent and assent of the Prelates and Clergy of this â—is Realm in Convâ—cation lawfully assembled and congregate Of which see Foxe his Acts and Mâ—numents fol. 1246 1247. Afterwards in the year 1541 the King perceiving with what difficulty the people were induced to leave off those Holy days to which they had been so long acâ—ustomed published his Proclamation of the twenty third of Iuly for the abolishing of such Holy days amongst other things as were prohibited before by his Injunctions both built upon the same foundation namely the resolution of the Clergy in their Convocation And so it stood until the Reign of King E. 6. at which time the Reformation of the publick Liturgie drew after it by consequence an alteration in the present businesse no days being to be kept or accounted holy but those for which the Church had set apart a peculiar office and not all those neither For whereas there are several and peculiar offices for the day of the Conversion of Saint Paul and the day of Saint Barnabas the Apostles neither of these are kept as holy days nor reckoned or esteemed as such in the Act of Parliament wherein the names and number of the holy days is precisely specified which makes some think the Act of Parliament to have had an over-ruling power on the Common prayer Book but it is not so there being a specification of the holy days in the book it self with this direction These to be â—bsâ—rved for Holâ— days and nonâ— other in which the Feasts of the Conversion of St Paul and the Apostle Barnabas are omittâ—d plainly and upon which specification the Stat. 5 6 Ed. 6. cap. 3. which concerns the holy days seems most expresly to be built And for the Offâ—ces on thoâ—e days in the Common-prayer Booke you may pleaâ—e to know that every holy day consisteth of two special parts that is to say râ—st or cessatiâ—n from bodily labour and celebration of Diâ—ine or Relâ—gious duâ—ies and that the dayâ—s before remembred aâ—e so far kept holy as to have sâ—ill their proper and peculiar Offâ—ces which is observed in all the Cathedrals of this Kingdome and the Chappels Royall where the Service is read every day and in most Parish Churches also as oft as either of them falls upon a Sunday though the people be not in those days injoined to rest from bodily labour no more then on the Coronation day or the fiâ—th of November which yet are reckoned by the people for a kind of holy days Put all which hath been said together and the â—umme is this That the proceedings of this Church in the Reformation were not meerly Regall as it is objected by some Puritans much lesâ—e that they were Parliamentarian in so great a woâ—k as the Papists falsly charge upon us the Parliaments for the most part doing liâ—tle in it but that they were directed in a justifiable way the work being done Synodically by the Clergy onely according to the usage of the Primiâ—iveâ—imes the King concurring with them and corroborating what they had â—esolved on either by his own single Act in his letters Paâ—ent Proclamations and Iâ—junctions or by some publick Act of State as in 〈◊〉 and by Acts of Parliament 6. Of the power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the directing of the people in the publick Duties of Religion WE are now come to the last part of this design unto the power of making Canons in which the Parliament of England have had lesse to do then in either of the other which are gone before Concerning which I must dâ—sire you to remember that the Clergie who had power before to make such Canons and Constitutâ—ons in their Convocation as to them seemed meet promised the King in verbo Sacerdâ—tij not to Enact or Exâ—cute any new Caâ—ons but by his Majesties Royal Assent and by his authority first obtained in thaâ— behalf which is thus briâ—fly touched upon in the Ant. Brit. in the lâ—fe of William Marham Arch Bp of Canterbury Clerâ—â— in verbo Sacerdotij fidem Regidâ—dit ne ullaâ— deinceps in Synodo ferrent Ecclesâ—asticas leges nisi eâ— Synodas authâ—ritate Râ—gia conâ— gregata et constitutiones in Synodis publicataâ— eadem auâ—â—oritate ratae essent Upon which ground I doubt not but I might securely raise this proposition That whatsoâ—ver the Clergy did or might do lawfully before the act of Submission in their Convocation of their own power without the Kings authority and consent concurring the same they can and may do still since the act of their Submission the Kings authoâ—â—ty and consent co-operating with them in their counsels and giving confirmation to their Constitutions as was said before Further iâ— doth appear by the aforesaid Act. 25. H. 8. c. 19. â—hat all such Canons Constitutions Ordinances and Synodals Prouincial as were made beâ—ore the said Submission which be not contrary or repugnant to the Laws Statutes and Customes of this Realm nor to the damage or hurt of the Kiâ—gs Prerogative Royal were to be used and executed as in former times And by the Statute 26. H. 8. c. 1. of the Kings Suprâ—macy that according to the Recognition made in Convocation ouâ— said Soveraign Lord his heirs and succesâ—ors Kings of this Realm shall have full power and authority from time to time to visit repress reform order correct c. all such Errours heresies abuses offences contempâ—s and enormities whatsoever they be c. as may be most to the pleasure of Almighty God the increase of virâ—â—e in Christs Religion and for the peace unity and tranquillity of this Realm and the confirmation of the same So that you see these several ways of ordering matters for the Publick weal and governance of the Church First by such ancient Canons and Constitutions as being made in former times are still in force Secondly by such nâ—w Canons as are or shall be made in Convocation with and by the Kings Consenâ— And Thirdly by the authority of the Soveraign Prince according to the Precedentâ— laid down in the book 〈…〉 and the best agâ—s of the Church Concerning which you must remember what was said before viz. That the Statutes which concern the Kings Supremacy are Declaratory of an old power onely not Introdâ—ctory of a new which said we shall the better see whether the Parliament have had any thing
Ecclesiastical matters especially in constituting the new Assembly oâ— Divines and others And finally that you were heartily ashamed that being so often choaked with these Objections you neither knew how to traverse the Indictment nor plead Not guilty to the Bill Some other doubts you said you had relating to the King the Pope and the Protestant Churches either too little or too much look'd after in our Reformation but you were loth to trouble me with too much at once And thereupon you did intreat me to bethink my self of some â—it Plaster for the Sore which did oft afflict you religiously affirming that your desires proceeded not from curiosity or an itch of knowledge or out of any disaffection to the Power of Parliaments but meâ—rly from an honest zeal to the Church of England whose credit and prosperity you did far prefer before your life or whaâ—soever in this world could be dear unto you Adding withall that if I would take this pains for your satisfaction and help you out of these perplexities which you were involved in I should not only do good service to the Church it self but to many a wavering member of it whom these objections had much staggered in their Resolutions In fine that you desired also to be inâ—ormed how far the Parliaments had been interessed in these alterations of Religion which hapned in the Reignâ— of K. Hen. the 8. K. Edw. the 6. and Qâ—een Elizabeth what ground there was for all all this clamour of the Papists and whether the Houses or either of them have exercised of old any such Authority in matters of Ecclesiastical or Spiritual nature as some of late have ascribed unto them Which though it be a dangerous and invidious subject as the times now are yet for your sake and for the Truths and for the honour of Parliaments which seem to suffer much in that Popish calumny I shall undertake it premising first that I intend not to say any thing to the point of Right whether or not the Parliament may lawfully meddle in such matters as concern Religion but shall apply my self wholly unto matters of Fact aâ— they relate unto the Reformation here by Law established And for my method in this businesse I shall first lay down by way of preamble the form of calling of the Câ—nvocation of the Clergy here in England that we may see by what Authority they proceed in their Constitutions and then declare what was acted by the Clergy in that Reformation In which I shall begin with the ejection of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Crown Imperial of this Realm descending next to the Translation of the Scriptures into the English Tongue the Reformation of the Church in Doctrinals and Formes of Worship and to proceed unto the Power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the direction of the people in the Exercise of their Religion concluding with an Anâ—wer to all such Objections by what party soever they be made as are most mateâ—ial And in the canvassing of these points I doubt not but it will appear unto you that till these late busie and unfortunate Times in which every man intrudeth on the Priestly Function the Parliaments did nothing at all either in making Canons or in matters Doctrinall or in Translation of the Scriptures next that that litâ—le which they did in reference to the Formes and Times of Worship was no more then the inflicting of some Temporal or legal penalties on such as did neglect the one or not conform unto the other having been first digested and agreed upon in the Clergy way and finally that those Kings and Princes before remembred by whose Authority the Parliaments did that little in those Formes and Times did not act any thing in that kinde themselves but what was warranted unto them by the word of God and the example of such godly and religious Emperors and other Christian Kings and Princes as flourished in the happiest times of Christianity This is the sum of my design which I shall follow in the order before laid down assuring you that when you shall acquaint me with your other scruples I will endevour what I can for your satisfaction 1. Of calling or assembling the Convocation of the Clergy and the Authority thereof when conveen'd together ANd in this we are first to know that anciently the Archbishop of the several Provinces of Canterbury and York were vested with a power of Convocating the Clergy of their several and respective Provinces when and as often as they thought it necessary for the Churches peace And of this power they did make use upon all extraordinary and emergent cases either as Metropoliâ—ans and Primates in their several Provinces or as Legati nati to the Popes of Rome but ordinarily and of common course especially after the first passing of the Acts or Statutes of Praemuniri they did râ—strain that power to the good pleasure of the Kings under whom they lived and used it not but as the necessities and occasions of these Kings or the distresses of the Church did require it of them and when it was required of them the Writ or Prâ—cept of the King was in this form following Râ—x c. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri N. Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae Primati Aâ—ostolicae sedis Lâ—gato salutem Quibusdam arduis urgentibus negotiis dâ—fâ—nsionem securitatem Eccleâ—ae Anglicanae ac pacem tranquillitatem â—onum publiâ—um defensionem Regni nostri subditorum nostrorum ejusdâ— m concernentibus Vobis in Fide dilectione quibus nobis tenemini rogando mandamus quatenus praemissis debito intuitu attentis ponderatis universos singulâ—s Episcopos vestrae Provinciae ac Decanos Priores 〈…〉 non exemptos nec non Archidiaconos Conventus Capitula Collegia totumque Clerum â—ujuslibet Dioceseos ejusdem Provinciae ad câ—nveniendum coram vobis in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis cumomni celeritate accommoda modo debito Convocari faciatis Ad tractandum consentiendum concludâ—ndum super praemissis aliis quae sibi clarius proponentur tunc ibidem ex parte nostra Et hoc siâ—ut nos statum Regni nostri ac honorem utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis Teste meipso c. These are the very words oâ— the antient Writs and are still retained in these of later Times but that the Tiâ—le of Legatus sedis Apostâ—licae then used in the Archbishops stile was laid aside together with the Pope himself and that there is no mention in them of Abbots Priors and Convenâ—s as being now not extant in the Church of England And in this Writ you may observe first that the calling of the Bishops and Clergy of the Province of Canterbury to a Synodical Assembly belonged to the Arch bishop of that Province only the
they acted absolutely in their Convocations of their own Authority the Kingâ— Assent neither concurring nor required and by this sole Authority which they had in themselves they did not only make Canons declare Heresie convict and censure persons suspected of Heresie in which the subjects of all sorts whose Votes were tacitely included in the suffrages of their Pastors spiâ—itual Fathers were concerned alike But also to conclude the Clergy whom they represented in the point of Property imposing on them what they pleased and levying it by Canons of their own enacting And they enjoyed this power to the very day in which they tendred the submission which before we spake of For by this self-authority if I may so call it they imposed and levied that great Subsidie of 120000 l. an infinite sum as the Standard of the Times then was granted unto King Henry the 8. anno 1530. to free them from the fear and danger of the Praemuniâ—i By this Benefit of the Chapter called Similiter in the old Provincial extended formerly to the University of Oxon only was made communicable the same year unto Cambridge also By this Crome Latimer Bilney and divers others were in the year next following impeached of Heresie By this the Will and Testament of William Tracie of Toddington was condemned as scandalous and heretical and his body taken up and burnt not many daies before the passing of the Act of Submission anno 1532. But this power being thought too great or inconsistent at least with the Kings Design touching his divorce the Clergy were reduced unto such a straight by the degrees and steps which you find in the following Section as to submit their power unto that of the King and to promise in verbo sacerdotii that they would do and enact nothing in their Convocations without his consent And to the gaining of this point he was pressed the rather in regard of a Remonstrance then presented to Him by the House of Commons in which they shewed themselves aggrieved that the Clergy of this Realm should act Authoritatively and supremely in the Convocations and they in Parliament do nothing but as it was confirmed and ratified by the Royal Assent Which notwithstanding though this Submission brought down the Convocation to the same Level with the Houses of Parliament yet being made unto the King in his single person and not as in conjunction with his Houses of Parliament it neither brought the Convocation under the command of Parliaments nor rendred them obnoxious to the power thereof That which they did in former times of their self-their self-authority in matters which concerned the Church without the Kings consent co-operating and concurring with them the same they did and might do in the Times succeeding the Kings Authority and Consent being superadded without the help and midwifery of an Act of Parliament though sometimes that Authority was made use of also for binding of the subject under Temporal and Legal penalties to yeeld obedience and conformity to the Churches Orders Which being the true state of the present businesse it makes the clamour of the Papists the more unreasonable but then withall it makes it the more easily answered Temporal punishments inflicted on the refractory and disobedient in â—Temporal Court may adde some strength unto the Decrees and Constitutions of the Church but they take none from it Or if they did the Religion of the Church of Rome the whole Mass of Popery as it was received and setled hâ—â—e in Qu. Marios Reign would have a sorâ—y câ—utch â—o stand upon and might as justly bear the name of a Parliament Faith as the reformed Religion of the Church of England It is true indeed that had those Convocations which were active in that Reformation being either call'd or summoned by the King in Parliament or by the Houses separately or 〈◊〉 without the King or had the Members of the same been nominated and impoâ—â—ered by the Hous alone and intermixt with a considerable number of the Lordâ— and Commons which being by the way the Case of this New Assembly I do not see how any thing which they agree on 〈…〉 the Clergy otherwise then imposed by a strong hand and against their priviledgeâ— Or finally had the conclusions or results thereof been oâ— no effect but as reported to 〈◊〉 confirmed in Parliament the Papists might have had some ground for so gross a câ—uâ—nny in calling the Religion which is now est bâ—ithâ—d by the name of a Parliament Religion and a Parliament Gâ—spel But so it is not in the Câ—se which is now before us the said â—ubmissiâ—n notwithstâ—nding For being the Convocation is still called by the same Authority as before it was the Members of that Body 〈◊〉 stilâ— the sâ—me priviledge with the same freedom of debate and determination and which is more the Pâ—ocurdtors of the Clergy invested with the same power and trust which before they had there was no alteration made by the said 〈◊〉 in the whole constitution and composure of it but onely the addition of a greater and more excellent power Nor was there any thing done here in that Reformation but either by the Clergy in their Convocations and in their Convocations rightly câ—lled and canonically constituted or with the councel and advice oâ— the Heads thereof in more private conferences the Parliaments of these Times contributing very little towards iâ— but acquieâ—cing in the Wiâ—dome of the Sovereign Prince and in the piety and zeal of the Ghostly Fathers This is the Ground work or Foundâ—â—ion of the following building It is now time I should proceed to the Superstructures beginning first with the Election of the Pope and vesting the Supremacie in the Regal Crown 2 Of the Ejection of the Pope and vesting the Supremacy in the Regall Crown ANd first beginning with the Ejection of the Pope and his Authority that led the way unto the Reformation of Religion which did after follow It was first voted and decreed in the Convocation before ever it became the subject of an Act of Parliament For in the Year 1530. 22 Hen. 8. the Clergy being caught in a premunire were willing to redeeâ— their danger by a sum of money and to that end the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury bestowed upon the King the sum of 100000 lâ— to be paid by equal portions in the same Year following but the King would not so be satisfied unless they would acknowledge him for the supream Head on earth for the Church of England which though it was hard meat and would not easily down amongst them yet it passed at last For being throughly debated in a Synodical way both in the upper and lower Houses of Convocation they did in fine agree upon this expression Cujus Ecclesiâ—e 〈…〉 To this they al consented and subscribed their hands and afterwards incorporated it into the publike Act or Instrument which was presented to the King in the Name of his Clergy for the redeeming of their errour and the grant
whatsoever Unlesse he meanes upon the post-fact after the Church hath done her part in determining what was true what false what new what ancient and finally what Doctrines might be counted counterfeit and what sincere And as for Law 't is true indeed that by the Statute 1 Eliz. cap. 1. The Court of Parliament hath power to determine and judge of Heresie which at first sight seems somewhat strange but on the second view you will easily finde that this relates onely to new and emergent Heresies not formerly declared for such in any of the first four General Councels nor in any other General Councel adjudging by express words of holy Scripture as also that in such new Heresies the following words restrain this power to the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation as being best able to instruct the Parliament what they are to do and where they are to make use of the secular sword for cutting off a desperate Hâ—retick from the Church of CHRIST or rather from the body of all Christian people 5 Of the Reformation of the church of England in the Formes of Worship and the Times appointed thereunto THis rub removed we now proceed unto a view of such Formes of Worship as have been setled in this Church since the first dawning of the day of Reformation in which our Parliaments have indeed done somewhat though it be not much The first point which was altered in the publike Liturgies was that the Creed the Pater-â—â—ster and the Ten Commandements were ordered to be said in the English Tongue to the intent the people might be perfect in them and learn them without book as our phrase is The next the setting forth and using of the English Letany on such dayes and times in which it was accustomably to be read as a part of the service But neither of these two was done by Parliament nay to say truth the Parliament did nothing in them All which was done in either of them was onely by the Kings Authority by vertue of the Headship or Supremacy which by way of recognition was vested in him by the Clergy either co-operating and concurring with them in their Convocations or else directed and assisted by such learned Prelates with whom he did advise in matters which concerned the Church and did relate to Reformation By vertue of which Headship or Supremacy he ordained the first and to that end caused certain Articles or Injunctions to be published by the Lord Cromwel then his Vicar General Anno 1536. And by the same did he give order for the second I mean for the saying of the Letany in the English Tongue by his own Royal Proclamation Anno 1545. For which consult the Acts and Monuments fol. 1248 1312. But these were only preparations to a greater work which was reserved unto the times of K. Edw. 6. In the beginning of whose Reign there passed a statute for the administring the Sacrament in both kindes to any person that should devoutly and humbly desire the same 1. E. 6. c. 1. In which it is to be observed that though the statute do declare that the ministring of the same in both kinds to the people was more agreeable to the first Iâ—stitution of the said Sacrament and to the common usage of the primitive Times Yet Mr. Fâ—x assures us and we may take his word that they did build that Declaration and consequently the Act which was raised upon it upon the judgment and opinion of the best learned men whose resolution and advice they followed in it fol. 1489. And for the Form by which the said most blessed Sacrament was to be delivered to the common people it was commended to the care of the most grave and learned Bishops and others assembled by the King at His Câ—stle of Windsor who upon long wise learned and deliberate advice did finally agree saith Fox upon one godly and uniform Order for receiving of the same according to the right rule of Scriptures and the first use of the primitive Church fol. 1491. Which Order as it was set forth in print Anno 1548. with a Proclamation in the name of the King to give authority thereunto amongst the people so was it recommended by especial Letters 〈◊〉 unto every Bishop severally from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution A copy of which Letters you may finde in Fox fol. 1491. as afore is said Hitherto nothing done by Parliament in the Formes of Worship but in the following year there was For the Protector and the rest of the Kings Councel being fully bent for a Reformation thought it expedient that one uniform quiet and godly Order should be had thoroughout the Realm for Officiating Gods divine Service And to that end I use the words of the Act it self appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops and other learned men of the Realm to meet together requiring them that having aswel eye and respect to the most pure and sincere Christian Religion taught in Scriptures as to the usages in the Primitive Church they should draw and make one convenient and meet Oâ—der â—ite and fashion of Common Prayer and Administration of Sacraments to be had and used in this his Majesties Realm of England Well what did they being thus assembled that the Statute tels us Where it is said that by the aid of the Holy Ghost I pray you mark this well and with one uniform agreement they did conclude upon and set forth an Order which they delivered to the Kings Higness in a Book entituled The Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other â—ites and Ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England All this was done before the Parliament did any thing But what was done by them at last Why first considering the most godly travail of the Kings Highness and the Lord Protector and others of his Highness Councel in gathering together the said B. and learned men Secondly the Godly prayers Orders Rites and Ceremonies in the said Book mentioned Thirdly the motives and inducements which inclined the aforesaid learned men to alter those things which were altered and to retain those things which were retained And finally taking into consideration the honour of God and the great quietness which by the grace of God would ensue upon it they gave his Majesty most hearty and lowely thanks for the same and most humbly prayed him that it might be ordained by his Majesty with the assent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament and by authority of the same that the said Form of Common-prayer and another after the Feast of Pentecost next following should be used in all his Majesties Dominions with several penalties to such as either should deprave or neglect the same 2. and 3. E. 6. cap. 1. So farre the very words of the Act it self By which it evidently appeareth that the two Houses of Parliament did nothing
of Christ And so S Augustine hath resolved it in his thiâ—d Book against Cresâ—onius In hoc Reges sicut iis divinitus praecipitur pray you note that well Deo serviunt in quantum Reges sunt si in suo Regno bona jubeant mala prohibeant non solum quae pâ—rtinent ad humanam societatem verum etiam ad Divinam Religionem Which words of his â—â—emed so significant and convincing unto Hart the Iesuite that being shewed the Tractate writ by Dr. Nowell against Dorman the Priest in the beginning of Q Elizabeths time and finding how the case was stated by that reverend person he did ingenuâ—usly confesse that there was no authority ascribed to the Kings of England in Ecclesiastical affaire but what was warranted unto them by that place of Augustine The like affirmed by him that calleth himself Francisâ—us de S. Clâ—ra though a Iesuite too that you may see how much more candid and ingenuous the Iesuites are in this point then the Presbyterians in his Examen of the Articles of the Church of England But hereof you may give me opportunity to speak more hereafter when you propose the Doubts which you say you have relating to the King the Pope and the Churches Protestant and therefore I shall say no more of it at the present time SECT. II. The manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified HItherto I had gone in order to your satisfaction and communicated my conceptions in writing to you when I received your letter of the 4. of Ianuary in which you signified the high contentment I had given you in condâ—scending to your weaknesse as you pleased to call it and freeing you from those doubts which lay heaviest on you And therewithall you did request me to give you leave to propound those other Scruples which were yet behinde relating to the King the Pope and the Protestant Churches either too little or too much looked after in the Reformation And first you say it is complained of by some Zelots of the Church of Rome that the Pope was very hardly and unjustly dealt with in being deprived of the Supremacy so long enjoyed and exercised by his predecessors and that it was an innovation no lesse strange then dangerous to settle it upon the King 2. That the Church of England ought not to have proceeded to a Reformation without the Pope considered either as the Patriarch of the Western world or the Apostle in particular of the English Nation 3. That if a Reformation had been found so necessary it ought to have been done by a General Councel at least with the consent and co-operation of the Sister-Churches especially of those who were engaged at the same time in the same designs 4. That in the carrying on of the Reformation the Church proceeded very unadvisedly in letting the people have the Scriptures and the publique Liturgie in the â—ulgar tongue the dangerous consequents whereof are now grown too visible 5. That the proceedings in the point of the Common-prayer Book were meerly Regall the body of the Clergy not consulted with or consenting to it and consequently not so Regular as we fain would have it And 6. That in the power of making Canons and determining matters of the Faith the Clergy have so â—ettered and inâ—angled themselves by the Act of Submission that they can neither meet deliberate conclâ—de nor â—xâ—cute but as they are enabled by the Kings authority which is a Vassallage inconsistent with their native Libertieâ— and not agreeable to the usage of the Primitive times These are the points in which you now desire to have satisfaction and you shall have it in the best way I am able to do it that so you may be freed hereafter from such â—roubles and Disputants as I perceive have laboured to perplex your thoughts and make you lesse affectionate then formerly to the Church your Mother 1. That the Church of England did not innovaâ—e in the Ejâ—ction of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Regal Crown And in this point you are to know that it hath been and still is the general and constant judgement of the greatest Lawyers of this Kingdome that the vesting of the Supremacy in the Crown Imperial of this Realm was not Introductory of any new Right or Power which was not in the Crown before but Declaratory of an old which had been anciently and originalâ—y inherent in it though of late Times usurped by the Popes of Rome and in Abeyance at that time as our Lawyers phrase it And they have so resolved it upon very good 〈◊〉 â—â—he principal managâ—ry of 〈◊〉 which conceâ—n Religion being a flower inseparably annexed to the â—egal Diadem not proper and peculiar only to the Kings of England but to all Kings and Princes in the Church of God and by them exercised and enjoyed accordingly in their times and places For who I pray you weâ—e the men in the Iewish Church who destroyâ—d the Idols of that people cut down the Groves demolished the high places and brake in piâ—ces the Brazen Serpent when abused to Idolatry Were they not the godly Kingâ— and Princeâ— only which swâ—yâ—◠〈◊〉 Scepter of that Kingdomâ— And though ' â—is possible 〈◊〉 that they might do it by the counsel and advice of the High Priests of that Nation or of some of the more godly Priests and Levites who had a zeal unto the Lâ—w of the most high God yet we finde nothing of it in the holy Scripture the merit of these Reformations which were made occasionally in that faulty Church being ascribed unto their Kings and none but them Had they done any thing in this which belonged not to their place and calling or by so doing had intrenched on the Office of the Priâ—sts and Levites that God who punished Vzzah for attempting to support the Arke when he saw it totâ—ering and smote Osias with a Leprosie for burning incense in the Temple things which the Priests and Levites only were to meddle in would not have suffered those good Kings to have gone unpunished or at least uncensured how good soâ—ver their intentions and 〈◊〉 weâ—e Nay on the contrary when any thing was amisâ—e in the Church of Iewry the Kingâ— and not the 〈◊〉 were admonished of it and reproved for it by the Prophets which sheweth that they were trusted with the Reformation and none else but they Is it not also said of David that he distributed the Priests and Levites into several Classes alotâ—eâ— to them the particular times of their Ministration and designed them unto several Offices in the Publick Service Iosephus adding to these passages of the Holy Writ That he câ—mposed Hymns and Songs to the Lord his God and made them to be sung in the Congregation as an especial part of the publick Liturgy Of which although it may be said that he composed those Songs and Hymns by vertue of his Prophetical Spirit yet he imposed them on the Church appointed
as an Excâ—escence at the best in the body mystical subject and fit to be pared off as occasion served though on self-ends Reasons of State and to serve their several turnâ— by him as their needs required they did and do permit him to continue in his former greatnesse For Lewis the 11. King of France in a Councel of his own Bishops held at Lions cited Pope Iulius the 2. to appear before him and Laâ—strech Governour of Millaine under Francis the 1. conceived the Popes authority to be so unnecessary yea even in Italy it self that taking a displeasure against Leo the 10. he outed him of all his jurisdiction within that Dukedome anno 1528. and so disposed of all Ecclesiasticall affairs ut praefecto sacris Bigorrano Episcâ—po omnia sine Romani Pontificis autoritate adminâ—strarentur as Thuanuâ— hath it that the Church there was supremely governed by the Bishop of Bigorre a Bishop of the Church of France without the intermedling of the Pope at all The like we finde to have been done about six years after by Charleâ— the fift Emperor and King of Spain who being no lesse displeased with Pope Clement the 7. abolished the Papall power and jurisdiction out of all the Churches of his Kingdomes in Spain Which though it held but for a while till the breach was closed yet left he an example by it as my Aâ—thor noteth Ecclesiasticam disciplinam citra Romani nominis autoritatem posse conservari that there was no necessity of a Pope at all And when K Henry the 8. following these examples had banished the Popes authority out of his Dominions Religion still remaâ—ning here as before it did he popeâ—Popeâ—Supremacy not being at that time an Article of the Christian Faith as it haâ—h since been made by Pope Pius the 4. that Act of his was much commended by most knowing men in that without more alteration in the face of the Church Romanae sedis exuisset obsequium saith the Author of the Tridentine History he had â—reed himself and all his subjects from so great a Vassaâ—lage Now as K. Henry the 8. was not the first Christian Pâ—ince who did de facto abrogate the Popes authority so was he not the last that thought it might be abrogated if occasion were For to say nothing of King Edward the 6. and Queen Elizabeth two of hiâ— Successoâ—s who followed his example in it we finde it to have been resolved on by K. Henry the 4. of France who questionlesse had made the Archbishop of Bouâ—ges the Patriarch of the Gallicane Church and totally withâ—rawn it from acknowledging of the authority of the See of Rome had not Pope Clement the 8. much against his will by the continual solicitations of Cardinal D' Ossat admittâ—d him to a formal Reconciliation on his last falling off to popery How neeâ— the Signeury of Venice was to have done the like anno 1608. the History of the Interdict or of the Quarrelâ— betwixt that State and Pope Paul the 5. doth most plainly shew This makes it evident that in the judgement and esteem of most Christian Pâ—inces in other things of the Religion of the Church of Rome the Popes Supremacy was looked upon as an incroachment and therefore might be abrogated upon betâ—â—◠〈…〉 been admitted in their several Kingdomeâ— By consâ—quence the doing of it here in England neither so injurious or unjust as your Zelots make it 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformation without the Approbation of the Popâ— or Church of Rome But here you say it will be replied that though the Pope 〈◊〉 not conâ—idâ—reâ— aâ— the 〈…〉 of the Church with reference wherâ—unto his super eminent jurisdiction was disputed in the former times yet it cannot be denied with reason but that he is the Patriarch of these Wâ—stern Churches and the Apostle in particular of the English Nation In these respects no Reformation of the Church to be made without him especially considering that the Church of England at that time was a Member of the Church of Rome and therefore to act nothing in that kinde but by consent of the whole according to that known Maxim of the Schools Turpis est pars ea quâ—e toti suâ— non cohaereâ—t This though it be a Triple Cord will be easily broken For first the Pâ—pe is not the Patriarch of the West One of the Patriâ—â—â—â— of the Wâ—st we shall easily grant him but that he is the Patriarch we will by no means yeeld To tell you why we dare not yeeld it I must put you in minde of these particulars 1. That all Bishops in respect of their Office or Episcopality are of equall power whether they be of Rome or Rhegium of Constantinople or Engubium of Alexaâ—dria or of Tanais as S. Hierom hath it Potnâ—ia divitiarum paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inâ—eriorem â—piscopum non faciâ— A plentiful Revenue and a sorry Competency makes not saith he one Bishop higher then another in regard of his office though possibly of more esteem and reputation in the eyes of men 2. That in respect to Polity and external order the Bishops antienâ—ly were disposed of into Sub et supra according to the Platform of the Roman Empire agreeable to the good old Rule which we finde mentioned though not made in the general Councel of Chalcâ—don that is to say {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} c. The 〈…〉 Civil State 3. That the Româ—n Empire was divided anâ—iently into 14 Juridical Circuitâ— which they called Diocesses reckoning the Praefecture oâ—Rome for one of the number six of the which that is to say the Diocessâ—s of Italie Africk Spain Britain Gaul and Illyricum occidentale besides the Pâ—aefecture of the City were under the command of the Western Emperoâ—s after the Empire was divided into East and West 4. That in the Pâ—aefecture of the City of Rome were contained no more than the Provinces of Latium Tuscia Picenum 〈…〉 and Lucania in the main land of Italy tâ—gether with the Islands of Sicilie Corsica and Sardinia 5. That every Province having sâ—veral Cities there was agreeable to this model a Bishop placâ—d in every City a Metropolitan in the chief City of each Province who had a superintendence over all the Bishops and in each Diocesse a Primate ruling in chief over the Metropolitans of the several Provinces And 6. though at fiâ—st only the three Primates or Arch-bishops of Rome Antioch and Alâ—xandria commonly and in vulgar speech had the name of Patriarchs by reason of the wealth and greatnâ—sse of those Cities the greatest of the Roman Eâ—pire and the chief of Europe Asia and Africa to which the Bishops of Hierusalem and 〈◊〉 were after added yet were they all of â—qual power amâ—ng themselveâ— and shined with as full a splendor in their proper Orbes as any of the Popes then did in the Sphere of Rome receiving all their light from the Sun of righteousnesse not borrowing it
THE WAY and MANNER OF THE REFORMATION OF THE Church of England DECLARED and JUSTIFIED Against the Clamors and Objections of the Opposite Parties By PETER HEYLYN D. D. MALACH. 2. 7. Labâ—a Sacerdotis custodient Sapientiam legem requirent ex ore ejus quia Angelus Domini Exercituum est Heb. 13. 17. Obey them that rule over you and submit your selves for they watch for your souls as they that must give account that they may do it with joy and not grief LONDON Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet M.DC.LVII TO THE READER THe occasion which induc'd me to the writing of this Discourse hath been already touched at in our general Preface and shall be shewn thee more at large in the following Preamble or Introduction Let it suffice thee now to know that it was done on an occasion really given and not in supposition only the better to bring in the Design which I have in hand and that it gave such satisfaction to the Party for whose sake it was undertaken that it was thought fit by some to have it publisht for the Use of others But being published by a faulty and imperfect Copy I caus'd it presently to be call'd â—in not willing it should goe abroad though without my Name till it were able in some measure to defend it self if not to justifie the Authour Being now set upon a resolution which God bless me me in of vindicating this poor Church as far at least as in me is in her Forms of Worship her Government and establisht Patrimony together with the Times and Places destinate to her Sacred Offices I have thought good to place this Tractate in the Front as a Praecognitum or necessary Manuduction unto all the rest The way and manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified cannot but give a good Relish unto all that follows being no other then the Essentiall parts and branches of that Reformation If thou art satisfied in this it will be a faire Omen to me that the rest may not prove unwelcome And that thou mayst peruse it with the greater chearfulness I will not keep thee longer in the Entrance of it it being no good Husbandry to waste that Friend in petit Matters whom we endeavour to preserve for nobler favours And so fare thee well The Contents of the Chapters SECT. I. THe Introduction shâ—wing the Occasion Method and Design of the whole Discourse pag 1. 1. Of Calling or Assembling the Convocation of the Clergie and the Authority thereof when convened together 3. 2. Of the Ejection of the Pope and vesting the Supremacy in the Regal Crown 10. 3. Of the translation of the Scriptures and permitting them to be read in the English tongue 13. 4. Of the Reformation of Religion in the points of Doctrine 19. 5. Of the Reformation of the Church of England in the forms of Worship and the times appointed thereunto 28. 6. Of the power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the directing of the people in the publick duties of Religion 34. 7. An Answâ—â— to the main Objections of either Party 38. SECT. II. 1. That the Church of England did not innovate in the Ejection of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Regal Crown pag. 46. 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformationâ—ithout the approbation of the Pope or the Church of Rome 52. 3. That the Church of England might lawfully proceed to a Reformation without the help of a General Councell or calling in the aid of the Protestant Church 62. 4. That the Church did not innovate in translating the Scriptures and the publick Liturgie in to vulgar Tongues and of the Consequents thereof to the Church it self 70. 5. That the proceedings of this Church in setting out the English Liturgie were not meerly Regal and of the power of Soveraign Princes in Ecclesiastical affaires 79. 6. That the Clergie lost not any of their just Rights by the Act of submission and that the power of calling and confirming Councels did antiently belâ—ng to the Christian Princes 86. The Errata of the First Part to be thus Corrected Pape 1. for New read Your p. 8. r. convâ—niâ—ntly p. 9. r. pâ—iviledged p. 9. r. ejection p. 11. l. 10. r. enact p. 12. l. 22. r. final p. 13. l. 16. to Phil. and Mary add yet were they all revived in the 1. of Elazabeth p. 19. l. 19. r. Sacraments p. 25. l. 17. r. not on it p 30. r. Holbeck p. 34. r. Warham p. 56. l. 11. r. four p. 58. l. 7. r. Canon Law p 63. l. 27 r. come p. 76. l. 6. dele to the Popes authority on the one side or the other side p. 72. l. 7. r. of it into the p. 84. l. 22. r. formerly p. 93. l. 23. r. continued p. 95. l. 7. r. humble p. 181. l. 1. r. we shall see hereafter p. 194. l. 6. r. one new body p. 251. l. 20. r. Nicomedia p. 254. l. 2. r. derived p. 258. l. 1. r. Sabbath p. 292. l. 10. r. hint p. 296. l. 21. r. praefantes p. 300. l. 23. r. cure p. 342. l. 3. dele Greek and The Way of the Reformation of the Church of England Declared and Justified c. The Introduction Shewing the Occasion Method and Design of the whole Discourse My dear Hierophilus 〈◊〉 company is alwaies very pleasing to me but you are never better welcome then when you bring your doubts and scruples along with you for by that means you put me to the studying of some point or other whereby I benefit my self if not profit you And I remember at the time of your last being with me you seemed much scandalized for the Church of England telling me you were well assured that her Doctrine was most true and orthodox her Government conform to the Word of God and the best ages of the Church and that her publick Liturgie was an extract of the primitive Formes nothing in all the whole Composure but what did tend to edification and increase of piety But for all this you were unsatisfied as you said in the waies and means by which this Church proceeded in her Reformation alledging that you had heard it many times objected by some Partisans of the Church of Rome that our Religion was meer Parliamentarian not regulated by Synodical Meetings or the Authority of Councels as in elder Times or as Dr. Harding said long since in his Answer unto B. Iewel That we had a Parliament Religion a Parliament Faith and a Parliament Gospel To which Scultingius and some others after added that we had none but Parliament Bishops and a Parliament Clergy that you were apt enough to think that the Papists made not all this noise without some ground for it in regard you have observed some Parliaments in these latter daies so mainly bent to catch at all occasions whereby to manifest their power in
like to him of York also within the Sphere or Verge of his Jurisdiction Secondly that the nominating of the time and place for this Assembly was left to the Arch Bishops pleasure as seemed best unto him though for the most part and with reference unto themselves the other Pâ—elates who were bound to attend the service of the King in Parliament they caused these Meetings to be held at the time and place at and to which the Parliament was or had been called by the Kings Authority Thirdly That from the word Convocari used in the Writ the Synodical meetings of the Clergy were named Convocations And fourthly That the Clergy thus assembled in Convocation had not only a power of treating on and consenting unto such things as should be there propounded on the Kings behalf but a power also of concluding or not concluding on the same as they saw occasion Not that they were restrained only to such points as the King propounded or were proposed in his behalf to their câ—nsideration bâ—t that they were to handle to his businesse with their own wherein they had full power when once met together In the next place we must behold what the Archbishop did in pursuance of the Kings command for calling of the Clergy of his Province to a Convâ—cation who on the receipt of the Kings Writ presently issued out his Mandate to the Bâ—shâ—p of London Dâ—an by his placâ— of the whole Colledge of Bishops of that Province â—equiring him immediately on the sight hereof and of the 〈…〉 and included in it to cite and summon all the Bishops and other Prelates Deans Arch-Deacons and capitular Bodies with the whole Clergy of that Province that they the said Bishops Deans Arch-Deacons in their own persons the Capitular Bodies by one Procurator and the Clergy of each Diocess by two do appear before him at the time and place by him appointed and that those Procurators should be furnished with sufficient powers by those which sent them not only to treat upon such points as 〈…〉 England and to give their counsel in the same sed ad consentiendum â—is quae ibidem ex comâ—unâ— delibeâ—aâ—ione ad honorem Dei Ecclesiae in praemissis contigerint concorditer ordinari but also to consent both in their own names and in the names of those who sent them unto all such things as by mature deliberation and consent should be there ordained Which Mandate being received by the Bishop of London the several Bishops cited accordingly and intimaâ—ion given by those Bishops uâ—to their Arch-Deacons for summoning the Clergy to make choice of their Procurators as also the Chapters or capitular Bodies to do the like The next work is to proceed to the choice of those Procurators Which choice being made the said Chapters under their common seals and the said Clergy in a publick Writing subscribed by them do bind themselves sub Hypotheca omnium bonorum suorum under the pawn and forfeiture of all their goods moveable and immoveable I speak the very words of these publick Instruments se ratum graâ—um accepâ—um habere quicquid dicti Procuratores sui nomine vice suis fecerint c. To stand to and perform whatsoever their said Procurators in their name and stead shall do determine and consent to The like is also done in the Province of York but that the Arch-B. thereof sends out the summons in his own name to the suffragan Bishâ—ps the Province being small and the Suffragans not above three in number Finally as the Convocations of the Clergy in their several Provinces were called by the Arch-Bishops only the Kings Writ thereunto requiring and authorizing so by the same powers were they also dissolved again when they had done the business they were called about or did desire to be dismissed to their own affairs At which time by special Writ or Mandates to the said Arch-Bishops expressing the calling and assembling of the Convocation by veâ—tue of the former Precâ—pt it is declared That on certain urgent causes and considerations moving his Majesty thereunto he thought fit with the advice of his privie Councel that the same should be again dissolved Et ideo vobis mandamus quod eandem praesentem Convocationem hac instanti die debito modâ— sine ulla dilatione dissolvatis sive dissolvi faciatis prout convenit and therefore did command them to dissolve it or cause the same to be dissolved in the accustomed manner without delay Which Writ received and not before the Convocation was dissolved accordingly and so it holds in Law and practise to this very day I have the longer staid on these publick Formes partly because not obvious unto every eye but specially to let you see by what Authority the Clergy are to be assembled in their Convocations and what it is which makes their Canons and Conclusions binding unto all those which send them thither or intrust them there Their calling by the Kings Authority makes their meeting lawful which else were liable to exceptions and disputes in Law and possibly might render them obnoxious to some grievous penalties and so would their continuance too after the writ was issued for their Dissolution As on the contrary their breaking or dissolving of their own accord would make them guilty of contempt and consequently subject to the Kings displeasure for being called by the Kings Writ they are to continue till dissolved by the Kings Writ also notwithstanding the dissolving of the Parliament with which sometimes it might be summoned And so it was resolved in terminis by the chief â—udges of the Realm and others of his Mâ—jesties Counsel learned May 10. anno 1640. at such time as the Convocations did continue sitting the Parliament being most unhappily dissolved on the Tuesday before subscribed by Finch Lord Keeper of the Great Seal Manchester then Lord privy Seal Littleton chief â—ustice of the Common-pleaâ— Banâ—es Atturney General Whitfield and Heath his Majesties Sergeants Authority enough for the poor Clergy to proceed on though much condemned and maligned for obedience to it Now as they have the Kings Authority not only for their Meeting but continuance also so also have they all the power of the whole National Clergy of England to make good whatsoever they conclude upon the Arch-Bishops Deans Arch-Deacons acting in their own capacities the Procurators in the naâ—e and by the power committed to them both by the Chapters or capitular Bodies and the Diocesâ—n Clergy of both Provinces And this they did by vertue of that power and trust alone without any ratification or confirmation from King of Parliament untill the 25 year of King Henry the 8. At which time they bound themselves by a Synodical Act whereof more hereafter not to enact promulge or â—xecute any Canons Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial in their Câ—nvocations for time coming unlesse the Kingâ— Highness by his Royal Assent command them to make promulge and execute the same accordingly Before this time
of their money which as it doth at large appear in the Records and Acts of the Convocation so it is touched upon in a Historical way in the Antiq. Britan. Mason de Minist. Anglic. and other Authors by whom it also doth appear that what was thus concluded on by the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury was also ratified and confirmed by the Convocation of the Province of York according to the usual custom save that they did not buy their pardon at so dear a râ—te This was the Leading Card to the Game that followed For on this ground were built the Statutes prohibiting all Appeales to Rome and for determining all Ecclesiastical suits and controversies within the Kingdoms 24 H. 8. c 12. That for the manner of electing and conseâ—rating of Arch-Bishops and Bishops 25 H. 8. c. 2â— and the prohibiting the payment of all Impositions to the Court of Rome and for obtaining all such dispensations from the See of Canterbury which formerly were procured from the Popes of Rome 25. H. 8. c. 21. Which last is built expresly upon this foundations That the King is the onely supream Head of the Church of England and was so recognized by the Prelates and Clergy representing the said Church in their Convocation And on the veâ—y same foundation was the Statute raised 26 H. 8. c. 1. wherein the King is declared to be the supream Head of the Church of England and to have 〈…〉 which were annexed unto that Title as by the Act it self doth at full appear Which Act being made I speak it from the Act it self onely for corroboration and confirmation of that which had been done in the Convocation did afterwards draw on the Statute for the Tenths and first fruiâ—s as the point incident to the Headship or supream Authority â—6 H. 8. c. 3. The second step to the Ejection of the Pope was the submission of the Clergy to the said King Henry whom they had recognizanced for their supream Head And this was first concluded on in the Convocation before it was proposed or agitated in the Houses of Parliament and was commended onely to the care of the Parliament that it might have the force of a Law by a civil Sanction The whole debaâ—e with all the traverses and emergent difficulties which appeared therein are specified at large in the Records of 〈◊〉 Anno 1532. But being you have not opportunity to consult those Records I shall prove it by the Act of Parliament called commonly The Act of submission of the Clergy but bearing this Title in the Abridgment of the Statutes set out by Poulton That the Clerâ—y in their Convocations shall enact no constitutions without the Kings assent In which it is premised for granted that the Clergy of the Realm of England had not onely acknowledged according to the Truth that the Convocation of the same Clergy is alwayes hath been and ought to be assembled alwayes by the Kings Writ but also submitting themselves to the Kings Majesty had prâ—mised in verbo Saceâ—dotis That they would never from henceforth presum to attempt allcadge claim or put in ure enact promulge or execute any new Canons Constitutions Ordinances provincial or other or by whatsoever other name they shall be called in the Convocation unless the Kings most Royal Assent may to them be had to make promulge and execute the same and that his Majesty do give his most Royall Assent and Authority in that behalf Upon which ground-work of the Clergies the Parliament shortly after built this superstructure to the same effect viz. That none of the said Clergy from thenceforth should presume to attempt alleadge claâ—m or put inâ—ure any Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial or Synodals or any other Canons nor shall enact promulge or execute any such Canonâ— Constitutions or Ordinances Provincâ—sâ— by whatsoever name or names they may be called in their Convocations in time coming which alwayes shall be assembled by the Kings Writ unless the same Clergy may have the Kings in st Royal Assent and Licence to make promulge and execute such Canons Constitutions and Ordinances Provincial or Synodical upon pain of every one of the said Clergy doing the contrary to this Act and thereof convicted to suffer imprisonment and make fine at the Kings Will 25 H. 8. c. 19. So that the statute in effect is no more then this an Act to binde the Clergy to perform their promise to keep them fast unto their word for the time to come that no new Canon should be made in the times succeeding in the favour of the Pope or by his Authority or to the diminution of the Kings Râ—yal Preâ—ogative or contrary to the Iuwes and statutes of this Realm of England at many Papal Constitutions were in the former Ages Which statute I desire you to take notice of because it is the Rule and Measure of the Churches power in making Canons Constitutions or whatsoever else you shall please to call them in their Convocations The third and small Act conducing to the Popes Ejection was an Act of Parliament 28. H. 8. c. 10. entitâ—led An Act exâ—inguishing the 〈◊〉 of the Bishop of Rome By which it was enacted That if any person should extoll the Authority of the Bishop of Rome he should incur the penalty of a praeminire that every Officer both Ecclesiastical and Lay should be sworn to renounce the said Bishop and his Authority and to resist it to his power and to repute any Oath formerly taken in maintenance of the said Bishop or his Authority to be void and finally that the refusal of the said Oath should bejudged High Treason But this was also usher'd in by the determination first and after by the practice of all the Clergy For in the year 1534 which was two yeares before the passing of this Act the King had sent this Proposition to be agitated in both Vniversities and in the greatest and most famous Monasteries of the kingdom that is to say 〈…〉 Romans dejure competat plusquam alii cujamque Episcoâ—o extero By whom it was determined Negatively that the Bishop of Rome had no more power of right in the Kingdom of England than any other forreign Bishop Which being testified and returned under the hands and seales respectively the Originals whereof are still remaining in the Library of Sr Robert Cotton was a good preamble to the Bishops and the rest of the Clergy assembled in their Convocation to conclude the like And so accordingly they did and made an Instrument thereof subscribed by the hands of all the Bishops and others of the Clergy and afterwards confirmed the same by their corporal Oaths The copies of which Oaths and Instrument you shal finde in Foxes Acts and Monuments Vol. 2. fol. 1203. and fol. 1210 1211. of the Edition of Iohn Day Anno 1570. And this was semblably the ground of a following statute 35 H. 8. c. 1. wherein another Oath was devised and ratified to be imposed upon the Subject for
the more cleer asserting of the Kings Supremacy and the utter exclusion of the Popes for ever which statutes though they were all repealed by an Act of Parliament 1 and 2d of Phil. and Mary c. 1. save that the name of supream Head was changed unto that of the supream Governour and certain clauses altered in the Oath of Supremacy Where by the way you must take notice that the statutes which concerns the Kings Supremacy are not introductory of any new Right that was not in the Crown before but onely declaratory of an old as our best Lawyers tell us and the statute of the 26 of H. 8. c 1. doth clearly intimate So that in the Ejection of the Pope of Rome which was the first and greatest step towards the Work of Reformation the Parliament did nothing for ought it appeares but what was done before in the Convocation and did no more than fortifie the Results of Hely Church by the addition and corroboration of the Secular Power 3 Of the Translation of the Scriptures and permitting them to be read in the English Tongue THE second step towards the Work of Reformation and indeed one of the most especial parts theâ—eof was the Translation of the Bible into the English Tongue and the permitting all sorts of people to peruse the same as that which visibly did tend to the discovery of the errours and corruptions in the Church of Rome and the intollerable pride and tyranny of the Romane Prelates upon which grounds it had been formerly translated into English by the hand of Wiâ—kliff and after on the spreading of Luthers Doctrine by the paines of Tindal a stouâ— and active man in King Henries dayes but not so well befâ—iended as the work deserved especially considering â—â—at it hapned in such a time when many printed Pamphlets did disturb the State and some of them of Tâ—â—dals making which seemed to â—end unto sedition and the change of Government Which being remonstrated to the King he caused divers of his Bishops togâ—ther with sundry of the learn d'st and most eminent Divines of all the Kingdom to come before him Whom he required freely and plainly to declare aâ—wel what their opinion was of the foresaid Pamphlâ—â— as what they did think fit to be done concerning the Translation of the Bible into the English Tongue And they upon mature advise and deliberation unanimously conden ned the aforesaid Bâ—oks of Hâ—râ—sie and Blasphemy no smaler crime then for translating of the Scriptures into the English Tongue they agreed all with one assent that it depended wholly on the will and pleasure of the Soveraign Pâ—ince who might do thâ—rein as he conceived to be most agreeable to his occasions but that with reference to the present estate of things it was more expedient to explain the Scripture to the people by the way of Sermons then to permit it to be read promiscuouâ—â— by all sorts of men yet so that hopes were to be given unto the Laity that if they did renounce their errours and presently deliver to the hands of his Majesties Officers all such Bookes and Bibles which they conceived to be translated with great fraud and falshood as any of them had in keeping his Majesty would cause a true and catholike Translation of it to be published in convenient time for the use of his Subjects This was the sum and substance of the present Conâ—erence which you shal finde laid down at large in the Registers of Arch-Bishop Warham And according to this advice the King sets out a Proclamation not onely prohibiting the buying reading or translating of any the aforesaid Bookâ—s but straitly charging all his Subjects which had any of the Bookes of Scripture either of the Old Testament or of the New in the English Tongue to bring them in without delay But for the other partâ— of giving hopes unto the people of a true Translation if they delivered in the false â— or that at leasâ— which was pretended to be false I finde no word at all in the Proclamation That was a work reserved unto better times or left to be solicited by the Bishops themselves and other Learned men who had given the counsel by whom indeed the people were kept up in hope that all should be accomplished unto their desires And so indeed it proved at last For in the Convocation of the year 1536. the authority of the Pope being abrogated and Cranmer fully setled in the See of Canterbury the Clergy did agree upon a form of Petition to be presented to the King That he would graciously indulge unto his subjects of the Laity the reading of the Bible in the English Tongue and that a new Translation of it might be forthwith made for that end and purpose According to which godly motion his Majesty did not onely give Order for a new Translation which afterwards He authorized to be read both in publique and private but in the interim he permitted CROMWEL his Vicar-General to set out an Injunction for providing the whole Bible both in Latine and English after the Translation then in use which was called commonly by the name of Matthewes Bible but was no other then that of Tindal somewhat altered to be kept in every Parish Church throughout the Kingdom for every one that would repair unto and caused this mark or character of Authority to be set upon them in red Letters Set forth with the Kings most gracious Licence which you may see in Fox his Acts and Monum. p. 1248. and 1363. Afterwards when the new Translation so often promised and so long expected was compleat and finished printed at London by the Kings Authority and countenanced by a grave and pious Preface of Arch Bishop Cranmer the King sets out a Proclamation dated May 6. Anno 1541. Commanding all the Curates and Parishioners throughout the Kingdom who were not already furnished with Bibles so authorized and translated as is before said to provide themselves before Al. hallowtide next following and to cause the Bibles so provided to be placed conveniently in their several and respective Churches straitly requiring all his Bishops and other Orâ—inaries to take special care to see his said commands put in execution And therewithal came out Instructions from the King to be published by the Clergy in their several Parishes the better to possesse the people with the Kings good affection towards them in suffering them to have the benâ—fiâ— of such Heavenly Treasure and to direct hem in a course by which they might enjoy the same to their greater comfort the reformation of their lives and the peace and quiet of the Church Which Proclamation and Instructions are stil preserved in that most admirable 〈◊〉 of Sr Robert Cotten and unto these Commands of so great a Prince both Bishops Priests and People did apply themselves with such cheerful reverence that Bonner even thaâ— bâ—oud◠〈◊〉 as he after proved caused six of them to be chained in several places of St Pauls Church in
London for all that 〈◊〉 so 〈…〉 inclined to resort unto for their edification and instruction 〈◊〉 Book being very chargable because very laâ—ge and therefore called commonly for distinctions sake The Bible of the greater 〈◊〉 Thus have we seen the Scriptures faithfull translated into the English Tongue the 〈…〉 Churches that every one which would â—igh peâ—use the same and leave permitted to all people to buy them for â—hen private use and reâ—de them to themselves or before thâ—i Families and all the brought about by no other meanes then by 〈◊〉 Kings Authority onely grounded on the advice and judgment of the 〈◊〉 But long it was not I confess before the Parliament put in for a share and claimed some interest in the Work but whether for the better or he worse I leave you to iudge For in the year 1542. the King being then in agitation of a League with Charles the Emperouâ— He caused a complaint to be made unâ—o him in this Court of Parliament That the 〈◊〉 â—ranted to the people in having in their hands the Bookes of the Old and New Testament had been much abused by many false glosseâ— and 〈◊〉 which were made upon them tending to the seducing of the people especially of the younger sort and the raising of sedition within the Realm And thereupon it was enacted by the Authority of the Parliament on whom He was content to cast the envy of an Act so contrary to â—is former gracious Proclamations That all manner of Bookes of the Old and New Testament of the crâ—â—â—ty false and untrue Translation of Tindâ—â— be forthwith abolished and forbidden to be used and keâ—t As also that all other Bâ—bles not being of Tindals Translation in which were sound any Preambles or Annotations other then the Quotations or Summaries of of the Chapters should be purged of the said Preambles and Annotatious either by cutting them out or blotting them in such wise that they might not be perceived or read And finally That the Bible be not read â—penly in any Church but by the leave of the King or of the Ordinary of the place nor privately by any Women Artificers Apprentices Iourney-men Husband-men 〈◊〉 or by any of the Servants of Yoomen or under with several pains to those who should do the conâ—trary This is the substance of the statute of the 34 and 35 Hâ—â— 8. c. 1. Which though iâ— shewes that there was somewhat done in Parliament in a matter which concern'd Religion which howsoever if you mark it was rather the adding of the penalties than giving any resolution or decision of the points in question yet I presume the Papists wil not use this for an Argument that we have either a Parliament Religion or a Parliament Gospel or that we stand indebted to the Parliament for the use of the Scriptures in the English Tongue which is so principal a part of the Reformation Nor did the Parliament speed so prosperously in the undertaking which the wise King permitted them to have a hand in for the foresaid ends or found so general an obedience in it from the common people as would have been expected in these Times on the like occasion but that the King was fain to quicken and give life to the Acts thereof by his Proclamation Anno 1546. which you shal finde in Fox his book foâ— 1437. To drive this Nail a little further The terrour of this statute dying with H. 8. or being repealed by that of K. Ed. 6. c. 22. the Bible was again made publique and not onely suffered to be read by particular persons either privatly or in the Church but ordered to be read over yearly in the Congregation as a part of the Liturgie or Divine Service Which how far it relates to the Court of Parliament we shal see anon But for the publishing thereof in Print for the use of the people for the comfort and edification of private persons that was done onely by the King at least in his Name and by His Authority And so it also stood in Q Elizabeths time the translation of the Bible being again reviewed by some of the most learned Bishops appointed thereunto by the Queens Commission from whence is had the name of the Bishops Bible and upon that review reâ—printed by her sole Commandement and by her sole Authority left free and open to the use of her wel-affected and religious subjects Nor did the Parliament do any thing in all Her Reign with reference to the Scriptures in the English Tongue otherwise then at the reading of them in that Tongue in the Congregation is to be reckoned for a part of the English Liturgy whereof more hereafter In the translation of them into Welch or British somwhat indeed was done which doth look this way It being ordered in the Parliament 5. Eliz. c. 28. That the B. B. of Hereford St Davids Bangor Landaff and St Asaph should take care amongst them for translating the whole Bible with the book of Common Prayer into the Welch or Brittish Tongue on pain of forseiting 40 l. a piece in default hereof And to incourage them thereunto it was enacted that one book of either sort being so translated and imprinted should be provided and bought for every Cathedral Church as also for all Parish Churches and Chappels of Ease where the said tongue is commonly used the Ministers to pay the one half of the price and the Parishioners the other But then you must observe withal that it had been before determined in the Convocation of the self-same year Anno 1562. That the Common-Prayer of the Church ought to be celebrated in a tongue which was under stood by the people as you may see in the book of Articles of Religion Art 24. which came out that year and consequently aswel in the Welch or Brittish as in any other Which care had it been taken for Ireland also as it was for Wales no question but that people had been more generally civiliz'd and made conformable in all points to the English Government long before this time And for the new Translation of K. Iames his time to shew that the Translation of Scripture is no work of Parliament as it was principally occasioned by some passages in the Conference at Hampton Court without recourse unto the Parliament so was it done onely by such men as the King appointed and by His Authority alone imprinted published and imposed care being taken by the Canon of the year 1603. That one of them should be provided for each several at Church at the charge of the Parish No flying in this case to an Act of Parliament either to authorize the doing of it or to impose it being done 4 Of the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine NExt let us look upon the method used in former Times in the reforming of the Church whether in points of Doctrine or in formes of Worship and we shal find it stil the same The Clergy did the work as to them
hands was by them presented to the King by His most excellent judgment to be allowed of or condemned This book containing the chief heads of Christian Religion was forthwith printed and exposed to publike view But some things not being cleerly explicated or otherwise subject to exception he caused it to be reviewed and to that end as Supream Head on Earth of the Church of England I speak the very words of the Act of Parl. 32. H. 8. c. 26. appointed the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces and also a great number of the best learned honestest and most vertuous sort of the Doctors of Divinity men of discretion judgment and good disposition to be called together to the intent that according to the very Gospel and Law of God without any partial respect or affection to the Papistical sort or any other sect or sects whatsoever they shâ—â—ld declare by writing publish as well the principal Articles and points of our Faith and Belief with the Declaration true understanding anâ— observation of such other expediâ—nt points as by them with his Grace advice councel and consent shall be thought needful and expedient as also for the lawful Rights Ceremonies and observation of Gods service within this Realm This was in the year 1540. at what time the Parliament was also sitting of which the King was pleased to make this especial use That whereas the work which was in hand I use again the words of the statute required ripe and mature deliberation and was not rashly to be defined and set forth and so not fit to be restrained to the present Session an Act was passed to this effect That all Determitions Declarations Decrees Definitions and Ordinances as according to Gods Word and Christs Gospel should at any time hereafter be set forth by the said Archbishops and Bishops and Doctors in Divinity now appointed or hereafter to be appointed by his Royal Majesty or else by the whole Clergy of England in and upon the matter of Christs Religion and the Christian Faith and the lawful Rights Ceremonies and Observations of the same by his Majesties advice and confirmation under the great Seal of England shall be by all his Graces subjects fully believed obeyed observed and performed to all purposes and intents upon the paines and penalties therein to be comprized as if the same had been in 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 and fully made set forth declared and contained in the said Act 32. H. 8. c. 26. where note That the two House of Parliament were so far from â—edling in the matter which was then in hand that they did not so much as require to see the Determinations and Decrees of those learned men whom His Majesty had then assembled before they passed the present Act to bind the Subject fully to believe observe and perform the same but left it wholly to the judgment and discretion of the King and Clergy and trusted them besides with the ordaining and inflicting of such paines and penalties on disobedient and unconformable persons as to them seemed meet This ground-work laid the work went forwards in good order and at last being brought unto as much perfection as the said Arch-Bishops Bishops and other learned men would give it without the co-operation and concurrence of the Royal assent it was presented once again to the Kings consideration who very carefully perused it and altered many things with his own hand as appeares by the book it self â—â—ll extant in the famous Library of Sr Robert Cotton and having so altered and corrected it in some passages returned it to the Archbishop of Canterbury who bestowed some further paines upon it to the end that being to come forth in the Kings Name and by his Authority there might be nothing in the same which might be justly reprehended The business being in this forwardnesse the King declares in Parliament Anno 1544. being the 34 year of his Reign his zeal and care not onely to suppress all such Bookes and Writings as were noysome and pestilent and tended to the seducing of his subjects but also to ordain and establish a certain form of pure and sincere Teaching agreeable to Gods Word and the true Doctrine of the Catholick and Apostolick Church whereunto men may have recourse for the decision of some such controversies as have in Times past and yet do happen to arise And for a preparatory thereunto that so it might come forth with the greater credit he caused an Act to pass in Parliament for the abolishing of all Bookes and Writings comprizing any matters of Christian Religion contrary to that Doctrine which since the year 1540. is or any time during the Kings life shall be set forth by his Highnesse and for the punishment of all such and that too with most grievous 〈◊〉 which should preach teach maintain or defend any matter or thing contrary to the book of Doctrine which was then in readiness 34 35 H. 8. c. 1. Which done He canâ—ed the said book to be imprinted in the year next following under the Title of Anecessdry Doctrine for all sorts of people prefixing a Preface thereto in his Royal Name to all his faithful and loving Subjects that they might know the better in those dangerous Times what to believe in point of Doctrine and how they were to carry and behave themselves in points of practice Which Statute as it is the greatest Evidence which those Times afford to shew that both or either of the Houses of Parliament had any thing to do in matters which concerned Religion so it entitles them to no more if at all to any thing then that thâ—y did make way to a book of Doctrine which was before digested by the Clergy onely revised after and corrected by the Kings own hand and finally perused and perfected by the Metrâ—politan And more then so besides that being but one Swallow it can make no Summer it is acknowledged and confessed in the Act it self if Poulton understand it rightly in his Abridgment That recourse must be had to the Catholick and Apostolick Church for the decision of Controversies Which as it gives the Clergy the decisive power so it left nothing to the Houses but to assist and aid them with the Temporal Sword when the Spiritual Word could not do the deed the point thereof being blunted and the edge abated Next let us look upon the time of K. Ed. 6. and we shall finde the Articles and Doctrine of the Church excepting such as were contained in the book of Common-Prayer to be composed confirmed and setled in no other way then by the Câ—ergy onely in their Convocation the Kings Authority co-operating and concurâ—ing with them For in the Synod held in London Anno 1552. the Clergy did compose and agree upon a book of Articles containing the chief heads of the Christian Faith especially with reference to such points of Controversie as were in difference between the Reformators of the Church of England and the Church of Rome
and other Opponents whatsoever which after were approved and published by the Kings Authority They were in number 41. and were published by this following Title that is to say Articuli dâ— quibus in Synoâ— London Anno 1552. 〈…〉 Religion is firmandum inter Episcopos alios Eruditis 〈◊〉 Convenerat Regia authoritate in lucem Editi And it is worth our observation that though the Parliament was held at the very time and that the Parliament passed several Acts which concerned Church-matters as viz. An Act for Vniformity of Divine Service and for the confirmation of the book of Ordination 5 and 6 Edw. 6. c. 1. All Act declaring which dayes onely shall be kept for Holy dayes and which for Fasting dayes C. 3. against striking or drawing weapon either in the Church or Church-yard C. 4. And finally another Act for the legitimating of the Marriages of Priests and Ministers C. 12. Yet neither in this Parliament nor in that which followed is there so much as the least syllable which reflecteth this way or medleth any thing at all with the book of Articles Where by the way if you behold the lawfulnesse of Priests Marriages as a matter Doctrinal or think we owe that point of Doctrine the indulgence granted to the Clergy in it to the care and goodness of the Parl. you may please to know that the point had been before determined in the Convocation stands determined by and for the Clergy in the 31 of those Articles and that the Parliament looked on it as a point of Doctrine but as it was a matter practical conducing to the benefit and improvement of the Common-wealth Or if it did yet was the statute built on no other ground-work than the Resolution of the Clergy the Marriage of Priests being before determined to be most lawfull I use the very words of the Act it self and according to the Word of God by the learned Clergy of this Realm in their Convocations as well by the common assent as by subscriptions of their hands 5 6. Edw. 6. chap. 12. And for the time of Queen Elizabeth it is most manifest that they had no other body of Doctrine in the first part of her Reign then onely the said Articles of K. Edwards book and that which was delivered in the book of Homilies of the said Kings time in which the Parliament had as little to do as you have seen they had in the book of Articles But in the Convocation of the year 1562. being the fifth of the Qu. Reign the Bishops and Clergy taking into consideration the said book of Articles and altering what they thought most fitting to make it more conducible to the use of the Church and the edification of the people presented it unto the Queen who caused it to be published with this Name and Title viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London Anno 1562 for the avoiding of diversity of Opinions and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion put forth by the Queens authority Of any thing done or pretended to be done by the power of the Parliament either in the way of approbation or of confirmation â—ot one word occurs either in any of the printed books or the publique Registers At last indeed in the 13th of the said Queens Reign which was 8 years full after the passing of those Articles comes out a statute for the redressing of disorders in the Ministers of holy Church In which it was enacted That all such as were ordained Priests or Ministers of Gods Word and Sacraments after any other form then that appointed to be used in the Church of England all such as were to be ordained or permitted to preach or to be instituted into any Benefiâ—e with â—ure of soules should publikely subscribe to the said Articles and testifie their assent unto them Which shews if you observe it well that though the Parliament did well allow of and approve the said book of Articles yet the said book owes neither confirmation nor authority to the Act of Parliament So that the wonder is the greater that that most insolent scoff which is put upon us by the Church of Rome in calling our Religion by the name Parliamentaria Religiâ— should pass so long without controle unlesse perhaps it was in reference to our Formes of Worship of which I am to speak in the next place But first we must make answer unto some Objections which are made against us both from Law and Practice For Practice first it is alleadged by some out of Bishop Iewel in his Answer to the cavil of Dr Harding to be no strange matter to see Ecclesiastical Causes debated in Parliament and that it is apparent by the Lawes of King Inas King Alfred King Edward c. That our godly fore-fathers the Princes and Peers of this Realm never vouchsafed to treat of matters touching the common State before all controversies of Religion and Causes Ecclesiastical had been concluded Def. of the Apol. part 6 chap. 2. sect. 1. But the answer unto this is eaâ—â—e For first if our Religion may be called Parliamentarian because it hath received confirmation and debate in Parliament then the Religion of our Fore-fathers even Papistry it self concerning which so many Acts of Parliament were made in K. Hen. 8. and Q. Maries time must be called Parliamentarian also And secondly it is most certain that in the Parliaments or Common-Councels call them which you will both of King Inas time and the rest of the Saxon Kings which B. Iewel speaks of not onely Bishops Abbots and the higher part of the Clergy but the whole Body of the Clergy generally had their votes and suffrages either in person or by proxie Concerning which take this for the leading Case That in the Parliament or Common-councel in K. Ethelberts time who first of all the Saxon Kings received the Gospel the Clergy were convened in as full a manner as the Lay-Subjects of that Prince Convoâ—ati communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Populi saith Sr H. Spelman in his Collection of the Councels Ann. 605. p. 118. And for the Parliament of King Ina which leades the way in Bishop Iewel it was saith the same Sr H. Spelman p. 630. Communi Concilium Episcoporum Procerum Comitum nec non omnium Sapientum Seniorum populorumque totius Regni Where doubtless Sapientes and Seniores and you know what Seniores signifieth in the Ecclesiastical notion must be some body else then those which after are expressed by the name of Populi which shews the falshood and absurdity of the collection made by Mr Pryn in the Epistle to his book against Dr Cousins viz. That the Parliament as it is now constituted hath an ancient genuine just and lawful Prerogative to establish true Religion in our Church and to abolish and suppress all false new and counterfeit Doctrines
in the present business but impose that Form upon the people which by the learned religious Clergy-men whom the K. appointed thereunto was agreed upon and made it penal unto such as either should deprave the same or neglect to use it And thus doth Poulton no mean Lawyer understand the Statute who therfore gives no other title to it in his Abridgement published in the year 1612 than this The penalty for not using uniformity of Service and Ministration of the Sacrament So then the making of one uniform Order of celebrating divine Service was the work of the Clergy the making of the Penalties was the work of the Parliament Where let me tell you by the way that the men who were employed in this weighty business whose names deserve to be continued in perpetual memory were Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury George Day Bishop of Chichester Thomas Goodrich B. of Ely and Lord Chancellour Iohn Ship Bishop of Hereford Henry Holbâ—rt Bishop of Lincoln Nicholâ—s Ridley Bishop of Rochester translated afterwards to London Thomas Thirleby B. of Westminster Doctor May Dâ—an of S. Pauls Dr Taylor then Dean afterwards Bp of Lincoln Dr Haines Dean of Exeter Dr Robertson afterwards Dean of Durham Dr Redman Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge and Dr Coke then Alâ—ner to the King afterward Dean of Westminster and at last Bp of Ely men famous in their generations and the honour of the Age they lived in And so much for the first Liturgy of King Edwards Reign in which you see how little was done by authority or power of Parliament so little that if it had been less it had been just nothing But some exceptions being taken against the Liturgy by some of the preciser sort at home and by Calvin abroad the book was brought under a review and though it had been framed at first if the Parliament which said so erred not by the â—yd of the Holy Ghost himself yet to comply with the curiosity of the Ministers and mistakes of the people rather then for any other weighty cause As the Statute 5 and 6 Ed. 6. cap. 1. it was thought expedient by the King with the assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled that the said Order of Common Service should be faithfully and godly perused explained and made fully perfect Perused and explained by whom Why questionless by those who made it or else by those if they were not the same men who were appointed by the King to draw up and compose a Form of Ordination for the use of the Church And this Assent of theirs for it was no more was the onely part that was ever acted by the Parliament in matter of this present nature save that a Statute passed in the former Parliament 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. unto this effect that such form and manner of making and consecrating Archb. Bi-shops Priests Deacons and other Ministers of the Church which before I spake of as by sixe Prelates and sixe other men of this Realm learned in Gods lawes by the King to be appointed and assigned shall be devised to that purpose and set forth under the great Seal shall be lawfully used and exercised and none other Where note that the King onely was to nominate and appoint the men the Bishops and other learned men were to make the Book and that the Parliament in a blinde obedience or at the least upon a charitable confidence in the integrity of the men so nominated did confirm that Book before any of their Members had ever seen it though afterwards indeed in the following Parliament this Book together with the book of Common-prayer so printed and explained obtained a more formal confirmation as to the use thereof throughout the Kingdom but in no other respect for which see the Statute 5 and 6 Ed. 6. c. 1. As for the time of Qu. Elizabeth when the Common prayer book now in use being the same almost with the last of King Edward was to be brought again into the Church from whence it was cast out in Queen Maries Reign it was commited to the care of some learned men that is to say to M Whitehead once Chaplain to Queen Anne Bullen Dr Parker after Archbishop of Canterbury Dr Grindal after bishop of London Dr Cox after Bishop of Ely Dr Pilkington after Bishop of Durham Dr May Dean of Saint Pauls Dr Bill Provost of Eaton after Dean of Westminster and Sr Tho Smith By whom being altered in some few passages which the Statute points to 1 Eliz. c. 21. it was presented to the Parliament and by the Parliament received and established without more 〈…〉 troubling any Committee of both or â—ither Houses to consider of it for ought appears in their Records All that the Parliament did in it being to put it into the condition in which it stood before in King Edwards Reign partly by repealing the Repeal of King Edw. Statuteâ— made in the first of Q. Mary c. 2. and partly by the adding of some farther penalties on such as did deprave the book or neglect to use it or wilfully did absent themselves from their Parish-Churches And for the Alterations made in King Iames his time bâ—ing small in the Rubrick onely and for the additions of the Thanksgivings at the end of the Letany the Prayer for the Queen and the Royal Issue and the Doctrine of the Sacraments at the end of the Catechisiâ—e which were not in the book before they were never referred unto the Parliament but were done onely by aâ—thority of the Kings Commission and stand in force by vertue onely of His Proclamation which you may finde before the book the charge of buying the said book so explained and altered being laid upon the several and respective Parishes by no other Authority than that of the eightieth Canon made in Convocation Anno 1603. The like may also be affirmed of the Foâ—mes of prayer for the Inauguration day of our Kings and Queens the Prayer-books for the fifth of November and the fifth of August and those which have been used in all publike Fasts All which without the help of Paâ—liaments have been composed by the Bishops and imposed by the King Now unto this discourse of the Forms of Worship I shall subjoyn a word or two of the times of Worship that is to say the Holy dayes observed in the Church of England and so observed that they do owe that observation chiefly to the Church â— power For whereas it was found in the former times that the number â—f the holy dayes was grown so great that they became a burthen to the common people and a great hinderance to the thrist and manufactures of the Kingdom there was a Canon made in the Convocation An. 1536. for cutting off of many superstitious and supeâ—fluous Holy dayes and the reducing them into the number in which they now stâ—nd save that St Gâ—orge's day and Maâ—y Magdalens day and all the Festivals of the blessed Virgin
them which being agreed on by the Clâ—rgie and by them presented to the King humbly requiring him to give his royal asâ—ent unto them according to the Statute made in the 25 of K. H. 8 and by his Majesties Prerogative and Supream authority in Ecclesiastical causes to ratifie and confirm the same his Majesty was graciously pleased to confirm and ratifie them by his Letters Patents for himself his heirs and lawfull successours straightly commanding and requiring all his loving Subjâ—cts diligâ—ntly to observe execute and keep the same in all points wherein they do or may concern all or any of them No running to the Parliament to confirm these Canons nor any question made till this present by temperate and knowing men that there wanted any act for their confirmation which the law could give them 7. An Answer to the main Objections of either Party BUt against this all which hath been said before it will be objected â—hat being the Bishops of the Church are fully and wholly Parliamentarian and have no more authority and jurisdiction nisi a Parliamentis derivatum but that which is conâ—erred upon them by the power of Parliamâ—nts as both Sanders and Schultingius do expresly say whatsoever they shall do oâ— conclude upon either in Convocation or in more private conferences may be called Pâ—rliâ—menâ—arian also And this last calumny they build on the sevâ—ral Stâ—tutes 24. H 8. c. 12. touching the manner of eâ—ecting and consecrating Arch-Bishops and Bishops that of the 1 E. 6. c. 2. appointing how they shall be chosen and what seaâ—s they shaâ—l uâ—e thâ—se of 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. 5 6. E. 6. â—or authorizing of the book of Ordination But châ—â—fly that of the 8 Eliz. c. 1. for making good all Acts since 1 Eliz. in coâ—sâ—crating any Arch Bishop or Bishop within this Reaâ—m â—o give a general answer to each several cavil you may please to know that the Bishops as they now stand in the Church of England derive their calling together with their authority and power in Spiritual matâ—ers from no other hands then those of Christ and his Apostles their Temporal honors and posâ—â—â—â—ions from the bounty and affection onely of our Kings Princes their Ecclesiastical juriâ—diction in caâ—ses Matrimonial Testamentary and the like for which no action lieth at the common Law from continuall usage and prescription and ratified and continued unto them in the Magna Charta of this Realm and 〈◊〉 more unto the Parliament than all sort of subjects do besidâ—s whose fortunes and estates have been occasionally and collaterally confirmed in Parliament And as for the particular Statutes which are touched upon that of the 24 H. 8. doâ—h only constitute and ordain a way by which they might be chose and conâ—ecrated without recourse to Rome for a conâ—irmation which formerly had put the Prâ—lates to great charge and trouble but for the form and maâ—ner of their consecration the Staâ—uâ—e leaves it to those Rites and Ceremonies wherewith before it was perfoâ—â—ed and therefore Sanders doth not stick to affirm that all the Bishops which were made in King Henries days were lawfully and Canonically ordained and consâ—crated the Bishops of that time not onâ—ly being acknowledged in Queen Maries days for lawfull and Canonical Bishops but called on to assist at the consecration of such other Bishops Carâ—inal Pool himself for one as were promoted in her Reign whereof see Masons book de Minist. Ang. l. c. 〈◊〉 Next for the Statute 1 E. 6. cap. 2. besides that it is satisfied in part by the former Answer as it relates to their Canonâ—cal Consecrations it was repeaeld to Tâ—rminis in the first of Queene Maries Reigne and never stood in â—orce nor practise to this day That of the authorizing of the booke of Ordination in two severall Parliaments of that King the one a parte ante and the other a parte post as before I told you mâ—ght indeed seeme somewhat to the purpose if any thing were wanâ—ing in it which had beene used iâ— the formula's of the Primitive times or if the book had beâ—n composed in Paâ—liament or by Parliament men or otherwise received more authority from them then that iâ— might be lawfully used and exercâ—sed thâ—oughouâ— the Kingdome But it is plâ—in that none of these things were oâ—jected 〈◊〉 Queen Maries dayâ—â— when the Pâ—pists stood mâ—st upon their points 〈◊〉 Ordinal being not â—aâ—led in because it had too much of the Parliament buâ— becauâ—e it had too lâ—ttle of the Pope and reâ—shâ—d too strongly of the Pâ—imitive piety And for the Sâ—atute oâ— 8 of Qu. Elizâ—beth which is chiefly stood on all that was done therein was no more then thiâ— and on this occasion A question had been mâ—de by captiouâ— and unquiet men and amongst the rest by Doctor Bâ—nner sometimes Bishop of London whether the Bishops of those times were lawâ—ully ordained or not the reason of the doubâ— being this which I marvell Mason did not sâ—e because the â—ook of Ordination which was annulled and abâ—ogated in the 〈◊〉 of Queen Mary had not been yet restored and revived by any legal Act oâ— Qu. Elizabeths time which Cauâ—e being brought before the Pâ—rliamenâ— in the 8 year of her Reign thâ—Pâ—rliâ—ment took notice first that their not restoring of thaâ— booke 〈…〉 foâ—mer power in terâ—s significant and expresse was but 〈…〉 and then declare that by the Stature 5 and 6 E. 6. it had been 〈◊〉 to the book of Common-prâ—yer and Administration of the Sacramâ—nss as a member of it at least as an Appâ—â—dant to it and therefore by the Staâ—uâ—e 1 Eliz. c. â— was restored again together with the sâ—id boo◠〈◊〉 Common-prayer intentionally at the least if not in Terminis But 〈…〉 words in the said Statute were not clear enough to remove all doubâ—s they therefore did revive now and did accordingly enact That whatsoâ—veâ— had been done by vertue of that Ordination should be good in Law 〈…〉 the total of the Statute and this shews rather in my judgement thaâ— the Bishops of the Queens first times had too little of the Parliament in them then that they were conceived to have had too much And so I come to your laâ—t Objection which concerns the Parliament whose entertaining all occasions to manifest their power in Ecclesiasticall matâ—â—â—â— doth seeme to you to make that groundlesse slâ—nder of the Pâ—pists the more fair and plaâ—sible 'T is true indeed that many Members of both Houses in these latter Times have been â—een very ready to embrace all businesses which are offered to them out of a probable hope of drawing the managery of all Affairs as well Ecclesiastical as Civil into their own hands And some there are who being they cannot hope to have their fancies authorized in a regular way do put them upon such designs as neither can consist with the nature of Parliaments nor the authority of the King nor with the priviledges of the Clergy nor to say truth with
from one another for which the so much celebrated Canon of the Nâ—cene Councel may may be proâ—f suâ—â—icient If not the Edicts of Iusâ—inian shall come in to help by which it was decreed that all Appeals in point of grievance should lie from the Bishop to the Metropolitan and from the Metropolitans unto the Primates the Patriarchs as he cals them of the several Diocessâ—s By which accompt it doth appear that the Patriarchâ—te of Rome was anâ—iently confined within the Praefecture of that City in which respect as the Provinces subject to the Pope were by Ruffinus called Regiones Suburbicariae or the City Provinces so was the Pope himself called Vrbicus or the City-Bishop by Optatus Aâ—er To prove this point more plâ—inly by particular instances I shall take leave to travel over the Western Diocesses to seâ— what marks of Independence we can finde among them such as dissenting in opinion from the Church of Rome or adhering unto different ceremonies and formes of worship or otherwise standing in defence of their own authority And first the Diocesse of Italy though under the Popes nose as we use to say was under the command of the Archbishop of Millaine as the Primate of it which City is therefore called by Athanasius {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the Metropolis or chief City oâ—Italy The Saturdaies fast observed at Rome and not at Millaine Quando Romae sum jejuno Sabbato quum hic sum non jejuno Sabbato as S. Ambrose hath it shewes clearly that the one had no dâ—pendence upon the other And yet the diffâ—rence of Divine Offices or Formes of worship is a more pregnant proof then this the Churches of Millain officiating for many ages by a Liturgie which S. Ambrose had a special hand in they of the Patriarchate of Rome following the old Roman Missals not fully finished and compleated till the time of Pope Gregory Whence the distinction of Ecclesiae Ambrosianae Ecclesiae Gregorianae extant in Bonaventure and others of the writers of the later times Crosse we the Seas unto the Diocesse of Africk governed in chief by the Pâ—imate or Archbishop of Carthage and there we finde S. Cyprian determining against Pope Stephen in the then controverted case of Rebaptization and calling him in his Epistle of Pompeius an obstinate and presumptuous man and a fauter of Hereticks no very great tokens of subjection if you mark it well The error of his judgement in the point debated I regard not here but I am sure that in defence of his authority and jurisdiction he was right enough and therein strongly seconded by the African Church opposing the incroachments of Zosimus Boniface and Celestine succeeding one another in the Roman Patrâ—archaâ—e prohibiting all appeals to Rome in the Councels of Milevis and Carthage and finally â—xcommunicating Lupicinus for appealing to Pope Leo the first contrary to the rites and liberties of the African Church Next for the Diocesse of Spain I look upon the Musarabick Liturgie composed by Isidore Archbishop of Sevil and universally received in all the Churches of that Continent 〈…〉 as the Amâ—rosian Office was in the Church of Mâ—llain the Roman or Gregorian Missal not being used in all this Countrey till the year 1083. At which time one Bernard a Frenchman and a great stickler in behalf of the Roman Ceremonies being made Archbishop of Toledo by practising with Alfonso the then King of Castile first introduced the Roman Missall into some of the Churches of that City and after by degrees into all the rest of those Kingdomes soon after the Chuâ—ches of France the greatest and most noble part of the Gallick Diocesse they were originally under the authority of the Bishop of Lions as their proper Primate not owing any suiâ— of sâ—rvice to the Court of Rome but standing on their own Basis and acting all 〈…〉 did The freedome wherewith Iâ—enaeuâ— the renowned 〈◊〉 of that City reproved the rashnesse of Pope Victor in the Case of Easter not well becoming an inferiâ—r Bishop to the Supreme Pastor shewes plainly that they stood on even ground and had no advantage of each other in respect of sub supra as Logicians say notwithstanding that more powerful Principality potentior principalitas as the Latin hath it which Irenaeus did allow him over those at home But a more evident proof of this there can hardly be then those large libâ—rties and freedomes which the Church Gallican doth at this time enjoy the remainders past all doubt of those antient rights which under their own Patriarch they were first possessed of not suffering the Decrees of the Councel of Trent that great supporter of the Popâ—dome to take place amongst them but as insensiâ—ly and by the practises of some Bishopâ— they were introduced cuâ—bing the Popes exorbitant power by the pragmatick Sanction and by the frequent Judgements and Arrests of Parliament insomuch â—s a Book of Cardinal 〈◊〉 tending to the advancement of the Papall Monarchy and another writ by Becanus the Iesuiteâ—ntiâ—uled Controvâ—rsia Anglicana in maintenance of the Popes supremacy weâ—e suppâ—essed and cenâ—uâ—ed anno 1612. Another writ by â—aspâ—r Schioppius to the same effect but with â—ar lesse modesty being at the same time burnt by the hands of the Hangman Finally for the Churches of the Diocesse of Britain those of Illyricum lying too far off to be brought in here they had their own Primate also the Archbishop of York and under him two Metropolitâ—nâ— the Bishops of London and Caer-leon And for a character of their Freedome or self subsistence they had four different customes from the Church of Rome as in the Tonsure and the keeping of the Feast of Easter wherein they followed the Tradition of the Eastern Churches So firm withall in their obedience to their own Primate the Archbishop of Caâ—r-leon on Vsh the only Archbishop of three which before they had that they would by no means yeeld subâ—ection unto Augustine the Monk the first Archbishop of the English though he came armed amongst them with the Popes authority Nor would they afterwards submit unto his successors though backed by the authority of the Kings of England acknowledging no other Primate but the Bishop of St. Davids to which the Metropolitan See was then translated untill the time of Henry the 2. when the greatest part of South Wales and the City of S. Davids it self was in possession of the English These were the Patriarchs or Primates of the Western Churches and by these Primates the Church was either governed singly but withall supremely in their several Diocesses taking the word Diocese in the former notion or in conjunction each with other by their letters of advice and intercourse which they called Literas Formatas and Communicatorias You see by this that though the Pope was one of the Western Patriarchs yet was he not originally and by primitive Instiâ—ution either the Patriarch of the West that is to say not the only one nor could pretend
unto their Rights as any of their Sees were ruined by the barbarous Nations and consequently his consent not necessary to a Reformation beyond the bounds of his own Patriarchate under that pretence Let us next see what power he can lay claim unto as the Apostle in particular of the English Nation Which memorable title I shall never grudge him I know well not only that the wife of Ethelbert King of Kent a Christian and a daughter of France had both her Chappel and her Chappellane in the Palace Royal before the first preaching of Austin the Monk but that the Britains living intermixt with the Saxons for so long a time may be supposed in probability and reason to have gained some of them to the Faith But let the Pope enjoy this honour let Gregory the Great be the Apostle of the English Saxons by whom that Augustine was sent hither yet this enâ—iâ—uleth his Successors to no higher Prerogatives then the Lords own Apostles did think fit to claim in Countreys which they had converted For neither were the English Saxons Baptized in the name of the Pope they had been then Gregoriani and not Christiani or looked upon him as the Lord of this part of Gods 〈…〉 S. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles did disclaim the one S. Peter the Apostle of the Iewes did disswade the other The Anglican Church was absolute and Independent from the first beginning not tyed so much as to the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome it being left by Gregory to the discretion of Augustine out of the Rites and Rubricks of such Churches as he met with in his journey hither these of Italie and France he means to constitute a form of worship for the Church of England And for a further proof hereof he that consults the Saxon Councels collected by that learned and indâ—striouâ— Gentleman Sir H Spelman will finde how little there was in them of a Papall influence from the first planting of the Gospel to the Norman Conquest If we look lower we shall finde that the Popes Legat a Latere whensoever sent durst not set foot on English ground till he was licensed and indemnified by the Kings Authority but all Apâ—eals in case of grievance were to be made by a Decree of Henry the 2. from the Archdeacon to the Bishop from the Bishop to the Metropolitaâ— Et si Archiepiscopus defecerit in justitia exhibenda ad Dominum Regem deveniendum est postremo and last of all from the Metropolitan to the King himself no Appeal hence unto the Pope as in other places that the Clergy of this land had a self-self-authority of treating and concluding in any businesse which concerned their own peace and happinesse without resorting â—o the Pope for a confirmation Out of which Canons and Determinations made amongst our sâ—lveâ— Lindwood composed his Provincial though framed according to the method of the Roman Dâ—cretal to be the standing body of ouâ—Common-Law that on the other side neither the Canons of that Church or Decretals of the Popes were câ—ncluding here but either by a voluntary submission of some â—â—â—ning and ambitiouâ— Pâ—â—lates or as they were received Synodically by the English Cleâ—gy of which the conâ—â—itutions made by Oâ—he and Othebâ—n Legâ—ts a lâ—tere from the Pope may be proof sufficient aâ—d finally that Ansâ—â—m the Aâ—chbishâ—p of Canterbury was welcomed by Pope Vâ—ban the 2. to the Councel of Bâ—ri in Apulia tanquam alterius orbis Papa as in William of Malmesbury tanquam Patriarcham Apostolicum as Iohn Capgrave hath it as the Pope Patriarch and Apostolick Pâ—â—â—or of another World Divisos orbe Britaâ—â—os as you know who said Which tiâ—les questionlesse the Pope would nâ—ver have conâ—â—â—red upon him had he not been as â—bsolute and supreme in his own jurisdiction succeeding in the Patriarchal Rights of the British Diocesse as the Pope was within the Churches â—ubject unto his Auâ—â—ority And this perhâ—ps might be the reason why Innocent the 2. bestowâ—d on Theobald the third from Ansâ—lm and on his Suâ—cessoâ—s in that Sâ—e the Title of Legati nâ—ti that they might seem to act rather in the time to come as Servants and Ministers to the Pope then as the Primatesâ—nd chief Pastors of the Church of England And by all this it may appear that the Popes Apostleship was never looked on here as a matter of so great concernment that the Church might not lawfully proceed to a Râ—formation without his allowance and consent Were that plea good the Germans might not lawfully have reformed themselves without the allowance of the English it being evident in story that not only Boniface Archbishop of Menâ—z called generally the Apostle of Germany was an Engglish man but that Willibald the first Bishop of Eystel Willibadâ—he first Bishop of Bremen Willibrod the first Bishop of Vtreoht Swibert the first Bishop of Virâ—â—em and the fiâ—st converterâ— of those parts were of England also men instigated to this great work all except the first not so much by the Popeâ— zeal as their own great piety By this that hath been said it is clear enough that the Church of England at the time of the Reformation was not indeed a Member of the Church of Rome under the Pope aâ— the chief Pastor and Supreme Head of the Church of CHRIST but a Fellow-member with it of that Body Mystical whereof CHRIST only is the Head part of that â—â—ock whereof he only iâ— the Shephâ—rd a sister Church to that of Rome though with relation to the time of her last conversion but a younger Sister And if a Fellow-member and a Sister-Church she might make use of that authority which naturally and originally was vested in her to reform her self without the leave of the particular Church of Rome or any other whatsoever of the Sister-Churches The Church is likened to a City in the Book of God a City at unity in it self as the Psalmist cals it and as a City it consisteth of many houses and in each house a several and particular Family Suppose this City visiâ—ed with some general sicknesse may noâ— each family take care to preserve it self advise with the Physitian and apply the Remedy without consulting with the rest Or if consulting with the rest must they needs ask leave also of the Maior or principal Magistrate take counsel with no other Doctors and follow no other course of Physick then such as he commends unto them or imposeth on them Or must the lesser languish irremediably under the calamity because the greater and more potent Families do not like the cure Assuredly it was not so in the primitive times wheâ— it was held a commendable and lawfull thing for National and particular Churches to reform such errors and corruptions as they found amongst them nor in the Church of Iudah nâ—ither when the Idolatries of their Nâ—ighbours had got ground upon them Though Israâ—l transgress◠〈◊〉 not Judah sin saith the Prophet Hosea chap. 4. Yet Israel
so lesse partial in this cause The like done hâ—re in England by the care of Athelstan causing a Translation of the Saxon Tongue the like done by Methodâ—us the Apostle Genâ—râ—l of the Sclaves translating it into the Sclavonian for the use of those Nations not to say any thing of the Syriack Aethiopick Arabick the Peâ—sian and Chaldaean Versions of which the times and Authors are not so well known And what I pray you is the vulgar or old Latine Edition of late times made Authentick by the Popes of Rome but a Translation of the Scriptures out of Greek and Hebrew for the insâ—ruction of the Roman and Italian Nations to whom the Latine at that time was the Vulgar Tongue And when that Tongue by reason of the breaking in of the barbarous Nations was worn out of knowledge I mean as to the common people did not God stir up Iames Archbishop of Genoa when the times were darkest that is to say annoâ—290 or theâ—eabouts to give some light to them by translating the whole Bible into the Italian the modern Lanâ—uâ—ge of that Countrey As he did Wiâ—lef not long after to translate the same into the English of those times the Saxon Tongue not being then commonly understâ—od a copy of whose Version in a fair Velom Manuscript I have now here by me by the gift of my noble Friend Charles Dymoke Hereditary Champion to the Kings of England So then it is no innovation to translate the Scriptures and lesse to suffer these Translations to be promiscuously read by all sorts of people the Scripture being as well MILK for Babes as strong Meat for the man of more able judgement Why else doth the Apostle note it as a commendâ—ble thing in Timothy that he knew the Scriptures from his childhood and why else doth S. Hierom speak it to the honour of the Lady Paula that she made her maids learn somewhat daily of the holy Scriptures Why else does Chrysostome call so earnestly on all sorts of men to provide themselves of the holy Bibles {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the only Physick for the Soul as he cals it there inviting to the reading thereof not only men of learning and publick businesse but even the poor Artificer also as is acknowledged by Senensis whom before we mentioned And why else doth S. Augustine inform his Auditors that it sufficeth not to hear the Scriptures read in the Congregation unlesse they read also in their private Hoâ—ses Assuredly if Boyes and Girles if Servants and Artificers are called upon so earnestly to consult the Scriptures tâ— have them in a Tongue intelligible to them in their private Faâ—ilies and are commended for so doing as we see they are I know no rank of men that can be excluded Let us next see whether it be an Innovation in the Church of CHRIST to have the Liâ—urgies or Commâ—n-prayers of the Chuâ—ch in the Tongue generally understood by the commâ—n People which make the greatest number of all Church Assemblies And first we finde by the Apostle not only that the publick Prayeâ—s of the Church of Câ—rinth were celebrated in a language which they understood but that it ought to be so also in all other Churches Except saith he ye utter by the voice words easie to be understood how shall it be known what is spoken How shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned say Ameâ—to thy giving of thanks and consequently to thy Prayers also if he understand not what thou sayest 1 Cor. 14. 9. 16. What say the Papists unto this Do not both Lyra and Aquinas expresly grant in their Commentaries on this place of Scripture that the common Service of the Church in the Primitive times was in the common vulgar language Is not the like affirmed by Harding in his Answer to Bishop Iewels challenge Art 3. Sect. 28. Adding withall that it was necessary in the Primitive times that it should be so and granting that it were still better that the people had their Service in their own vulgar Tongue for their better understanding of it Sect. 33. Having thus Confitentes reos we need seek no further and yet a further search will not be unprofitable And on that search it will be found that the converted Iewes did celebrate their divinâ— Offices â—ractatus oblationes as the Father hath it most commonly in the Syriack and sometimes in the Hebrew tongue the natural â—anguages of that people as is affirmed by S. Ambrâ—se in 1. ad Cor. cap. 14. and out of him by Durand in his Râ—tiâ—nâ—le Divinorum Eckius a great stickler of the Popes affirmeth in his Common places that the Indians have their Service in the Indian tongue and that S. Hierome having translated the whole Bible into the Dâ—lmatick procured that the Service shâ—uld be celebrated in that Language also The like S. Hâ—erome himself in his Epistle to Heliodorus hath told us 〈◊〉 the Bessi a Sarmation people the like S. Basil in his Epistle to the Neâ— caesareans assures us for the Aegyptians Libyans Palestinians Phenicians Arabians Syrians and such as dwell about the Bâ—nks of the River Euphrates The Aethiopians had their Mâ—ssal the Chaldeans theirs each in the language of their Countryes which they still retain So had the Mâ—scovites of old and all the scattered Churches of the Eastern parts which they continue to this day But nothing is more memorable in this kinde then that which Aenaeas Silvius tels of the Sclavonians who being converted to the Faith made suite unto the Pope to have the publick Service in their natural Tongue but some delay being made therein by the Pope and Cardinals a voice was heard seeming to have come from Heaven praying Omnis Spiritus laudet Dominum omnis lingua conâ—iteatur ei whereupon their desires were granted without more dispute Touching which Grant there is extant an Epistle from Pope Iohn the 8. to Sfentopulcher King of the Moravian Selaves anno 888. at what time both the Latine Service and the Popes authority were generally received in those parts of Europe Which Letter of Pope Iâ—hn the 8. together with the Story above mentioned might probably be a chief inducement to Innocent the 3. to set out a Decree in the Lateran Councel importing that in all such Cities in which there was a concourse of divers Nations and consequently of different Languages as in most Towns of Trade there doth use to be the Serviâ—e should be said and Sacraments administred Secundum diversitates nationum linguarum according to the difference of their Tongues and Nations And though Pope Gregory the 7. a turbulent and violent man about 200 years afâ—er the Concession made by Iohn the S. in his Letter to Vratislaus King of Bohemia laboured the cancelling of thâ—t priviledge and possibly might prevail therein as the â—imes then were yet the Liburnians and Dalmatians two Sclavonian Nations and bordering on Italy the Popes proper seat do still enjoy the benefit of that
have their several and distinct professors Sola Scripturarum ars est quam omnes passim sibi vendicant only the Art of opening or rather of undoing a Text of Scripture as the phrase is now was usurped by all Hanc garrula anus hanc delirus senex c. The pratling Gossip and the doting Sire the windy Sophister and in a word all sorts of people do presume upon dismembring the body of the Scriptures and teaching others before they have learnt any thing that is worth the teaching Some with a supercilious look speaking big words discourse of holy Scripture amongst silly women others the more the shame learn that of women which afterwards they may teach to men and some with no small volubility of tongue and confidence teach that to others which they never understood themselves Not to say any thing of those who having a smack of humane learning and coming so prepared to handle the Holy Scriptures do with entâ—câ—ng words feed the ears of the people bearing their Auditors in hand quicquid dixerint legem Dei esse that whatsoever they deliver is the Word of God nor will vouchsafe to learn what the Prophets and Apostles do conceive of the matter but very incongruously produce some Testimoniâ—s out of holy Writ to make good their corrupt imaginations as if it were an excellent not a pernicious way of teaching to wrest the sense of holy Scripture and thereby to accommodate it to their present purposes Hath not the Father given us in this place and passage a most excellent Mirrour wherein to see the ill complexion of the present times doth not he set them forth in such likely colours as if he rather did delineate the confusions of the present Age then lament the miseries of his own May not both Factions see by this what a condition the poor Church of England is involved in by them The sight whereof although it justifie them not in their several courses as being not without example in their present practises yet it may serve to let you know that as the distractions and confusions under which we suffer are not the consequents of our translating of the Scriptures and publick Liturgies into the common vulgar Tongues so â—t is neither â—ew noâ— stranâ—e that such confusions and distractions should befall the Church 5. That the proceedings of this Church in setting out the English Liturgie were not meerly Regal and of the power of Soveraign Princes in Ecclesiastical affairs Having thus proved that nothing hath been done amisse by the Church of England with reference to Godâ— Word the testimonies of godly Fathers and the usage of the primitive times in leaving off the Latine Service and celebrating all Divine Offices in the English Tongue I am to justifie it next in order to the carrying on of that weighty businesse whether so Regular or not as we fain would have it I see you are not scrupled at the subject-matter of the Common-prayer-Book which being translated into Greek Latine French and Spanish hath found a general applause in most parts of Christendome no where so little set by as it is at home All scruples in that kinde have been already fully satisfied by our learned Hooker who hath examined it per partes and justified it in each part and particular Office But for the greater honour of it take this with you also which is alledged in the Conference of Hampton Court touching the Marquesse of Rhosny after Duke of Sally and Lord High Treasurer of France who coming Ambassador to King Iames from Henry the 4. and having seen the solemn celebration of our Service at Canteâ—bury and in his Majesties Royall Chappels did often and publickly affirm that if the Reformed Churches in France â—ad 〈◊〉 the same Orders as were here in Eâ—gland he was assured there would haâ—e been many thousand Protestants in that Kingdome more then were at that time That which you seem to stick at only is in the way and manner of proceeding in it which though you finde by perusal of the papers which I sent first unto you not to have been so Parliamentarian as the Papists made it yet still you doubt whether it were so Regular and Canonical as it might have been And this you stumble at the rather in regard that the whole Body of the Clergy in their Convocation had no hand therein either as to decree the doing of it or to approve it being done but that it was resolved on by the King or rather by the Lord Protector in the Kings Minority with some few of the Bishops by which Bishops and as small a number of learned Church-men being framed and fashioned it was allowed of by the King confirmed or imposed rather by an Act of Parliament Your question hereupon is this Whether the King for his acting it by a Protector doth not change the Case consulting with a lessâ—r part of his Bishops and Clergy and having their consent therein may conclude any thing in the way of a Reformation the residue and greatest part not advised withall nor yeelding their consent unto it in a formal way This seems to have some reference to the Scottish Liturgie for by your Letter I perceive that one of the chief of your Objectors is a Divine of that Nation and therefore it concerns me to be very punctual in my Answer to it And that my Answer may be built on the surer Ground it is to be considâ—red first whâ—ther the Reformation be in corruption of manners or abuses in Government whether in matters prâ—ctical or in points of Doctrine 2. If in matters practical whether such practise have the character of Antiquity Vniâ—ersality and Consent imprinted on it or that it be the practise of particular Churchs and of some times only And 3. if in points of Doctrine whether such points have been determined of before in a General Councel or in particular Councels universally received and countenanced or are to be defined de novo on emergent controversies And these Distiâ—ctions being laid I shall answer briefly First if the things to be reformed be either corruptions in manners or neglect of publick duties to Almighty God abuses either in Government or the parties governing the King may do it of himself by his sole authority The Clergy are beholding to him if he takes any of them along with him when he goeth about it And if the times should be so bad that either the whole body of the Clergy or any though the greatest part thereof should oppose him in it he may go forwards notwithstanding punishing such as shall gainsay him in so good a work and compelling others And thiâ— I look on as a Power annexed to the Regal Diadem and so inseparably annexed that Kings could be no longer Kings if it were denied them But hereof we have spoke already in the first of this Section and shall speak more hereof in the next that followes And on the other side if the Reformation be in points of
Doctrine and in such points of doctrine as have not been before defined or not defined in form and manner as before laid down the King only with a few of his Bishops and learned Clergy though never so well studied in the point disputed can do nothing in it That belongs only to the whole Body of the Clergy in their Convocation rightly called and constituted whose Acts being ratified by the King binde not alone the rest of the Clergy in whose names they Voted but all the residue of the subjects of what sort soever who are to acquiesce in their Resolutions The constant practise of the Church and that which we have said before touching the calling and authority of the Convocation makes this clear enough But if the thing to be Reformed be a matter practical we are to look into the usage of the primitive times And if the practise prove to have been both ancient and universally received over all the Church though intermitted for a time and by time corrupted the King consulting with so many of his Bishops and others of his most able Clergy as he thinks fit to call unto him and having their consent and direction in it may in the case of intermission revive such practise and in the case of corruption and degeneration restore it to its Primitive and original lustre whether he do it of himself of his own meer motion or that he follow the advice of his Councel in it whether he be of age to inform himself or that he doth relie on those to whom he hath committed the publick Government it comes all to one so they restrain themselves to the ancient patterns The Reformation which was made under Iosias though in his Minority and acting by the Counsel of the Elders as Iosephus telleth us Antiqu Iud 1. cap. was no lesse pleasiâ—g unto God nor lesse valid in the eyes of all his subjects then those of Iehâ—saphat and Hâ—zekiah in their riper years and perhaps acting â—iâ—gly on the strâ—ngth of their own judgements only withâ—ut any advice Now that there should be Liturgies for the use of the Church that those Liturgies shâ—uld be celebrated in a language understood by the people that in those Liturgiâ—s there should be some prescribed Formes for giving the Communion in both kindes for Baptizing Infants for the reverent celebration of Marriage performing the last office to the sick and the decent burial of the Dead as also for set Feasts and appointed Festivals hath been a thing of primitive and general practise in the Christian Church And being such though intermitted or corrupted as before is said the King advising with his Bishops and other Churchâ—men though not in a Synodical way may cause the same to be revised and revived and having fitted them to edification and increase of piety either commend them to the Church by his sole authority or else impose them on the people under certain penalties by his power in Parliament Saepe Coeleste Regnum per Terrenum proficit The Kingdome of Heaven said Reverend Isidore of Sevil doth many times receive increase from these earthly kingdomes in nothing more then by the regulating and well ordering of Gods publick worship We saw before what David did in this particular allotting to the Priest the Courses of their Ministration appointing Hymns and Songs for the Iewish Festivals ordaining singing-men to sing and finally prescribing Vestments for the Celebration Which what else was it but a Regulating of the worship of God the putting it into a solâ—mn course and order to be observed from time to time in succeeding ages Sufficient ground for Christian Princes to proceed on in the like occasions especially when all they do is rather the reviving of the Ancient Formes then the Introduction of a new Which as the King did here in England by his own Authority the Body of the Clergy not consulted in it so possibly there might be good reason why those who had the conduct of the Kings affairs thought it not safe to put the managing of the businesse to a Convocation The ignorance and superstition of the common people was at that time exceeding profitable to the Clergy who by their frequent Masses for the quick and dead raisâ—d as great advantage as Demetrius and the Silver-Smith by Dianas shrines It hapned also in a time when many of the inferiour Clergy had not much more learning then what was taught them in the Missals and other Rituals and well might fear that if the Service were once extant in the English tongue the Laity would prove in time as great Clerks as themselves So that as well in point of Reputation as in point of Pâ—ofit besides the love which many of them had to their former Mumpsâ—mus it was most probable that such an hard piece of Reformation would not easily down had it been put into the power of a Convocation especially under a Prince in Nonage and a state unsetled And yet it was not so carryed without them neither but that the Bishops generally did concur to the Confirmation of the Book or the approbation of it rather when it passed in Parliament the Bishops in that time and after till the late vast and most improvident increase of the Lay-nobility making the most considerable if not the greatest part of the House of Peers and so the Book not likely to be there allowed of without their consent And I the rather am inclined unto that Opinion because I finde that none but Tunstall Gardiner and Bonner were displaced from their Bishopricks for not submitting in this case to the Kings appointments which seems to me a very strong and convincing argument that none but they dissented or refused conformity Adde here that though the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation were not consulted with at first for the Reasons formerly recited yet when they found the benefit and comfort which redounded by it to good Christian people and had by little and little weanâ—d themselves from their private interesses they all confirmed it on the Post-fact passing an Article in the Convocation of the year 1552. with this Head or Title viz. Agendum esse in Ecclesia lingua quae sit Populo nota which is the 25. Article in King Edwards Book Lay all that hath been said together and the result of all will be briefly this that being the setting out of the Liturgie in the Englishâ—ongue was a matter practical agreeable to the Word of God and the Primitive timâ—s that the King with so many of his Bishops and others oâ— the Clergy as he pleased to call to Counsel in it resolved 〈◊〉 on the doing of it that the Bishops generally confirmed it when it came before them and that the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation the Book being then under a review did avow and justifie it The result of all I say is this that as the work it self I say was good so it was done not in a Regal
but a Regular way Kings were not Kings if regulating the external parts of Gods publick worship according to the Platformes of the Primitive times should not be allowed them But yet the Kings of England had a further right as to this particular which is a power conferred upon them by the Clergy whether by way of Recognition or Concession I regard not hâ—re by which they did invest the King with a Supreme Auâ—hority not only of confirming their Synodical Acts not to be put in exâ—cution without his consent but in effect to devolve on him all that power which firmly they enjoyed in their own capacity And to this we have a paralled Case in the Roman Empire in which there had bâ—â—n once a time when the Supreme Majesty of the Sâ—ate was vested in the Senate and people of Rome till by the Law which they called Lex Regia they transferred all their Power on Caesar and the following Emperors Which Law being passed the Edicts of the Prince or Emperor was as strong and binding as the Senatus Consulta and the Plâ—bisâ—ita had been before Whence came that memorable Maxim in Iustinians Iustitutes that is to say Quod Principi placuerit legis habet vigâ—rem The like may be affirmâ—d of the Church of England immediately before and in the reign of K. Henry 8. The Clergy of this Realm had a Self-authority in all matters which concerned Religion and by their Canons and Determinations did binde all the subjects of what rank soever till by acknowledging that King for their supreme Head and by the Act of submission not long after follâ—wing they transferred that power upon the King and on his Successoâ—s By doâ—ng wherâ—of they did not only diâ—able themselves from concluding any thing in their Convocations or puâ—ting â—heir results into execution without his conâ—ent but put him into the actual pâ—ssession of that Authoriâ—y which properly beâ—onged to the supremacy or the supreme Head in as â—ull manner as 〈◊〉 the Pâ—pe of Rome or any dâ—lâ—gated by and under him did before enjoy it After which 〈◊〉 whatsoever the King or his Successors did in the Râ—formâ—tion as it had vertually the power of the Convocations so was it as effectual and goâ—d in law as if the Clergy in their Câ—nvocation particularly and in terminis had agreed upon it Not that the King or his Successors were hereby enabled to exercise the Kâ—iâ—s and determine Heresies much lesse to 〈◊〉 the Word â—nd administer the Sacramentâ— as the Papists â—alsly gave it out but as the Heads of the Ecclesiastical Body of this Realm to see that all the members of that Body 〈◊〉 perform their duties to rectifie what was found amisse amongst them to preserve peace between them on emergent differences to reform such errors and corruptions as are expresly contrary to the word of God and finally to give strength and motions to their Councels and Determinations tending to Edification and increase of Piety And though in most of their proceedingâ— toward Reformation the Kiâ—gs advised with such Bishops as they had about them or could assâ—mble without any great trouble or inconvenience to advise witâ—all yet was there no necâ—ssity that all or the greatest partâ— of the Bishops should be drawn together for that purpose no more then it was anciently in the Primitive Times for the godly Emperors to câ—ll together the most part of the Bishops in the Roman Empire for the â—stâ—blishing of the matters which comâ—erned the Church or for the godly Kings of Iudah to call together the greatest part of the Priests and Levites before they acted any thing in the Reformation of those corruptions and abuses which were crâ—pt in amongst them Which being so and then withâ—â—l considering as we ought to do that there was nothing aâ—tered here in the state of Râ—ligion till either the whole Clergy in their 〈…〉 the Bâ—shops and most eminent Church-men had resolved upon it our Religion is no more to be called a Regal then a Parliament-Gospel 6 That the Clergy lost not any of their just Rights by the Act of Submission and the pâ—wer of calling and confirming Councels did anciently belong to the Christian Princes If you conceive that by ascribing to the King the Supreme Authority taking him for their Supreme Head and by the Act of Submission which ensued upon it the Clergy did unwittingly ensnare themselves and drew a Vasâ—allage on these of the times succeeding inconsistent with their native Rights and contrary to the usage of the Primitive Church I hope it will be no hard matter to remove that scruple It 's true the Clergy in their Convocation can do nothing now but as their doings are confirmed by the Kings authority and I conceive it stands with reason as well as point of State that it should be so For since the two Houses of Parliament though called by the Kings Writ can conclude nothing which may binde either King or Subject in their Civil Rights untill it be made good by the Royal Assent so neither is it â—it nor safe that the Clergy should be able by their Constitutions and Synodical Acts to conclude both Prince and People in spiritual matters untill the stamp of Royal Authority be imprinted on them The Kings concurrence in this case devesteth not the Clergy of any lawful power which they ought to have but restrains them only in the exercise of some part thereof to make it more agreeable to Monarchical Government to accommodate it to the benefit both of Prince and People It 's true the Clergy of this Realm can neither meet in Convocation nor conclude any thing therein nor put in execution any thing which they have concluded but as they are enabled by the Kings authority But then it is as true withall that this is neither inconsistent with their native Rights nor contrary unto the usage of the Primitive Times And first it is not inconsistent with their native Rights it being a peculiar happinesse of the Church of England to be alwaies under the protection of Christian Kings by whose encouragement and example the Gospel was received in all parts of this Kingdome And iâ— you look into Sir Henry Spleman's Collection of the Saxon Councels I believe that you will hardly finde any Ecclesiastical Canons for the Government of the Church of England which were not either originally promulgated or after approved and allowed of either by the Supreme Monarch of all the Saxons or by some King or other of the several 〈◊〉 directing in their National or Provincial Synods And they enjoyed this Prerogative without any dispute after the Norman Conquest also till by degrees the Pope ingrossed it to himself as before was shewn and then conferred it upon such as were to exercise the same under his authority which plainly manifests that the Act of Suâ—mission so much spoke of was but a changing of their dependance from the Pope to the King from an usurped to a lawful power from one