little respect and reverence to the sacrednesse of that authority to which under God they owed their very being and preservation Should such Enemies be connived at to what purpose then were Lawes of what use then were Magistrates yea to what end did God Almighty stamp such a signal Item of * Nolite tangere upon Regal Majesty Psal 1◠and authority Touch not mine anointed not my unctos populos my anointed people not them causelesly and wrongfully but my unctos Reges mine anointed Kings and Princes the heads and rulers of my people not these at any rate Now is it a sin to touch them and is it not much more sinfull to affront them may not their persons be touched rudely and irreverenlty can it be lesse then a sin deserving the highest punishment to frame Articles of Indictment and accusation against them to send abroad messages of exception against their government and instead of paying them their dues of ready subjection and obedience to their commands to leap presently into their thrones and chaires of state and Majesty if such offenders as these should go away unpunished and that it should be free and safe for every unquiet and ambitious spirit who is onely an enemy to Majesty because himself is not King and a despiser of governments because himself is haughty and proud and thinks scorn to be subject to practise such irregularities then farewell all Lawes all order all government all difference of persons all enclosures of civil title and propriety all distinctions of Meum and Tuum in a word nothing but utter confusion and desolation and turning all things upside down must needs be the unhappy product and conclusion of such dangerous connivances This for the first consideration of these enemies they were his own 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 subjects and Citizens 2. A second Consideration of these enemies respects their inward hatred and enmity towards him sayes that Text they hated him See it is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indeed that they hated him but there is no cause given of their hatred no reason alledged of their enmity and 't is no matter whether there were or no for what reason can be given or cause alledged for a subjects hatred of his true and lawfull Sovereign at least what just cause what warrantable reason * Rex semper honorandus si non propter se atpamen proter ordinem August quaest Vet. No. Test q. 35. Admit his government be exorbitant yet is his authority venerable grant his practices be vitious yet is his person sacred admit the execution and administration of his power be besides or contrary to law yet is the derivation of his power by expresse deputation from God and that to be sure is the supreme Law of all and therefore sayes Solomon a Eccles 10. 20. Curse not the King no not in thy thoughts it is not said of a good or a just or a pious or a mercifull King onely but of a King quà King curse not such a one no not in thy thought not onely not openly in the reproaches of thy common and ordinary discourses but not so much as secretly in any inward dislikes and undervaluings of thy thoughts though thou art sure to escape unpunished and not possible to be discovered by men God Almighty to the end that he might alwayes secure in us an awfull reverence and veneration of Majesty hath not onely sealed up our tongues from evil speeches according as we have it Acts 23. 5. Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy people but also our hearts from evil thoughts and surmisings we must not curse them at any rate no not there And if not that then doubtless by like proportion not reproach them not speak slightingly of them not make irreverent approaches into their presence not publish their infirmities not lessen their abilities not heighten their deviations not scruple their just and lawfull commands in a word not do any thing which may probably tend to the least abatement or diminution of Majesty And then see here the exceeding vilenesse of these enemies they hated Him their King What 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hate their King a person whom God almighty hath signally honoured with his own name b Psal 82. 6. Dixi Dii estis I have said ye are gods hath immediately raised up by his own proper ordination constitution c Prov. 9. 15. per me Reges regnant by me Kings reign hath invested with unquestionable power and authority d Eccles 8. 4. where the word of a King is there is power and who may say unto him what doest thou hath advanced above the jurisdiction and cognizance of Lawes and made responseable to none but to himself e Psal 51. 4. tibi soli peccavi said holy David a King against thee onely have I sinned though we know he defiled Bathsheba and caused Vriah to be put to death but they were both his subjects and though the wrong was done to them in person yet was the sin punishable by God onely * Si quis de nobis o Rex justitiae tramites transcendere voluerit à te corripi potest si vero tu excesseris quis te corripiet loquimur enim tibi sed si volueris audis si autem nolueris quis te damnabit nisi is qui se pronunciavit esse justitiam Greg. Turon who alone is superiour to Kings and the onely Iudge and censurer of their Actions Thus you see what signal Characters of Majesty and authority of reverence and veneration God Almighty hath stamp't upon the person and office of Kings enough to make their names sacred and venerable with men and to advance their Office above the aspiring reaches of popular ambitions and usurpations That he might be sure to render their persons God the onely ruler of Princes Liturgy of the Church of Engl. Collect for the King sacred and inviolable he has hedged them in with a special and peremptory Nolite tangere touch not mine anointed and to assert the divine extraction and origination of their office himself calls it f Rom. 13. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his own ordinance and constitution We do not intend in all this to advance them above the degree and condition of mankind though we place them in the highest rank and order of men ⸫ Divisum imperium cum Jove Caesar habet Mart. We dare not with that fawning Poet call them copartners and fellow-sharers with God in power and soveraignty No our Faith teacheth us better manners our religion will not permit such flatteries we do not give this honour to them we dare not have these thoughts and apprehensions of them yet this we say of them and the Apostle warrants it that they are g Rom. 13. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gods immediate substitutes and deputies his most proper Lieutenants and representatives upon earth further yet this also
we say of them and Tertullian warrants it that they are homines à Ad Scapul cap. 2. Deo secundi solo Deo minores of men the very next step to divinity and inferiour to none but God nay further yet this also we say of them and ⸫ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the ancient Poet warrants it and one of greater authority then the Poet S. Basil I take it that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of all other the liveliest transcripts and images of that Soveraignty and Supremacy which is proper onely to Divinity So that now though we Deifie not the men yet we magnifie their office though we adore not their persons yet we reverence Colimus Imperatorem sic quomodo nobis licet ipsi expedit Tert. ad Scap. their authority we know them all the while to be but men which shall dye and h Esay 51. 12. Sons of men which shall ere long be as grasse And if haply their great power and command should beguile them and put cheats upon them and make them think otherwise of them selves yet by and by either a feaver or an ague or a fit of the stone or colick or gout will discover the cheat and shew that it is nothing so Howbeit though we have these common thoughts and opinions of their humanities yet dare we not have the least slighting perswasions and apprehensions of their authority Gods command i 1 Pet. 2. 17. is to Honour them and at no rate to hate them he bids us to pray for them yea for them k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Tim. 2. 1 first of all for them in the first place and by no means to curse them His ordinance it is l Rom. 10. 1. that every soul be subject to them yea to them as m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the highest powers and inferiour to no power but his own and who then can rebell and arm himself against them and not at the same time fight 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against God This for the second Consideration of these Enemies respecting their inward hatred and enmity 3. The third Consideration respects them in their posture of actual mutiny and hostility The open breaking out of their sedition and rebellion They sent a message after him saying VVe will not have this man to reign over us so we indeed but in the Greek it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they sent an ambassage after him See how soon they begin to King it themselves they forsooth must be in the mode of great Princes and must be dispatching their Ambassadours and sending abroad their messages to whom do they send them why to their King well but what kind of message is it I trow one would think that being a message from subjects to their King it should be dressed up in all the circumstances of fear and reverence of awfulness and trembling of loyalty and fidelity of submission and obedience that possibly could be but this is nothing such but a message of open defiance and hostility a message of utter disclaimure and renunciation in a word a message as full of rebellion and treason as words could possibly set it forth nolumus hunc regnare we will not have this man to reign over us Well but mark first what a fit time they take to send this message after him it was now in his absence now that he was upon his journey All the while he was present among them we hear of none of these carriages toward him not a word of any such messages sent after him but being onwards in his journey they presently take the advantage of his absence and then they send after him See the children of darkness how wise how cunning how active how diligent they are in their works of darknesse if any opportunity falls in their way which may advantage their wicked purposes how greedily do they catch at it how presently do they embrace it how advantagiously do they improve it and make use of it These enemies it is like had waited a long time for an opportunity but could light of none fit and ripe enough for their purpose and now the first that offered it self see how presently they lay hold of it what great advantages they make of it Oh that the children of Light were also as wise and watchfull and serious in their generations that they were but in as good earnest would but take as much pains and be at as much cost and make as many journeys and lye as much at the catch in their wayes of piety as sinners and wicked men do in their wayes and courses of sin Well but they uttered not these words in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 presence but sent them after him and indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had they done otherwise their impudence would have been greater and their rudenesse far more strange and wonderfull for God Almighty hath stamp't such secret characters of reverence and awfulnesse upon the persons of Kings that those very men who regard not the authority at all are yet many times greatly afraid and awed with the Majesty of the presence I have read of many in former times and have heard of more of late times who brought along with them mischievous designs and purposes enough against the life of their Prince but when they came once into their presence they wanted power to accomplish their errands and courage to perfect the execution of their wicked designs And therefore these men we see were subtile and cunning in their wickednesse and that they might work the surer they dissembled an appearance of some modesty and bashfulness in their carriages they did not violently assault their King they did not formally arraign him they did not erect an high Court of Iustice to try him and judge him but though wickedly enough yet somewhat more modestly they took the opportunity of his absence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they sent after him Well but mark further a notable climax or gradation in their sin first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they hated him next 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they send after him next follows the full period and consummation of their wickednesse an act of open disclaimure and renunciation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we will not have this man to reign over us See here Sin 's usual way of motion how it moves progressively and creeps on by little and little and improves by degrees and one Sin is a step to another and every lesser Sin the disposition and in-let into a greater It is rare that any man begins with great Nemo repente â—t turpissimus Sins at first but slips into them by degrees and ordinarily observes a kind of method in sinning and commonly begins first with evil thoughts then with evil desires next with evil speeches after that with evil actions and last of all growes up into evil habits and customes and then indeed is sin
Conscience drawes him and is indispensably forced and put upon the practice of that which Conscience tells him is his duty and he must do it or he sinnes grievously I have donw now with the first part of the Text the parties arraigned Proceed we on to the second the Cause and reason of their arraignment implyed in these words who would not that I should reign over them In the message which these Citizens sent after their King we meet with words of foul scorn and contempt of most vile lessening and undervaluing so mean and cheap it seems he was in their esteem and account that they thought him not worthy a particular compellation they scorned to call him by his proper name and title but slightingly passed him over with a plain and common 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we will not have this man this sorry Hunc despicientium est dedignantium nominare Brugens in locum easie fellow or indeed what ye please to reign over us And this indeed hath ever been the constant guise and practice of mutinous and seditious spirits when ever they went about and had a mind to resist and rebell against the authority of their lawfull Sovereigns still to vilifie their persons and to lessen and disparage their parts and in a word to throw on as much load and to cast as much dirt upon the men as may be to the end that by so doing they might render them more cheap and contemptible in the eyes and esteem of the vulgar An usage which Machiavel solemnly taught his Scholars with an Item of Nolite oblivisci and which hath been but too much practised of late years and yet neither is this any thing more then what is necessarily preparative to rebellion and hath been the constant practice of Rebells viz. to begin first with reproaching the persons of their Rulers and possessing peoples minds with strange reports and stories of the men and this being once done the Scene is fairly laid as they would have it and they have a handsome opportunity for their purpose and people are willing to be helpfull and assisting to them and now the mask begins to be laid aside by little and little and the next posture which you shall likely find the men in is in compleat armes in some strong garrison or pitcht field in open confrontment and opposition of the power and authority of their King Howbeit if you mark it well in this Kings charge and indictment here in the Text there is nothing of all this recorded nothing of their rudeness named but only their rebellion punished not their previous incivilities towards his person mentioned but barely their present contempt of his authority sentenced And was not this Crime enough you will say Crimenlaesae Majestatis a Crime of the highest possible Treason what can be more treasonable then this or indeed is treasonable in comparison of this what to say of a King nolumus hunc we will not have this man to raign over us and conformably thereunto to endeavour actually the dispossessing him of his Regal power and authority Can Subjects possibly do more against their Soveraign yes they may do more and late examples have told us they may do more I speak not of a Licet what they lawfully may do for so indeed they may not do so much but of a factum est what some subjects wickedly have done they may also adde fury to their rebellion may lay violent hands upon their Soveraign may draw up articles of Indictment against him may cause him to be brought before their Tribunals and thence passe sentence of death upon him this they may do for some we know have done it But tell it not in Gath publish it 2 Sam. 1. 20. not in the streets of Askelon lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoyce lest the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph Howbeit these Rebells in the Text were not such through proficients they had not as yet learn't the art of killing of Kings and of putting their lawfull Princes and Soveraigns to death accordingly you see they laid not violent hands upon his person but only remonstrated their disaffection to his government they drew not up articles of Indictment against him but onely cast off all yokes of obedience and subjection to his authority their rebellion was not drest up in like formalities and circumstances with others of a later edition onely noluerunt regnare they would not have Him to reign over them And why not Him I trow was it for any misdemeanors in his government or for his cruelty and severity towards them or his Tyranny and usurpation over them No none of these reasons are alledged and we may probably conclude they were not pretended because not alledged But they will have him no longer King because they will stat pro ratione voluntas And this indeed would but people speak out is the plain English of all rebellion nolunt regnare they will not have any King to reign over them well but where layes all the exception not so much against the person of their King quà Man but his Office quà King for it is not said noluerunt esse they would not have him to continue and remain among them but non regnare not to reign over them not to be superiour to them not to have any place of command or power or preheminence above them so that it was not so much the person of the man as his authority all this time which they fired against and did strike at and made use onely of the person to the end that through his sides they might mortally wound and destroy the authority it self And this indeed is the whole bone of the controversie Men are proud and aspiring covetous and ambitious they would all be Kings and this makes them despisers of government disobedient to Lawes undervaluers and contemners of those in places of command and authority I think I may very truly say it that scarce ever yet was there a professed Rebel in the world who did not all the while carry a King in his belly Would but the Church have made Pelagius Bishop it might haply have been freed of his heresie might but Corah Dathan and Abiram have been all of them Priests it is like they would not have disturbed the Congregation with their strange fire and Facite me Romanae Ecclesiae episcopum said Praetextatus a heathen to Pope Damasus ero protinùs Christianus an ingenuous confession Make me but once Bishop of Rome and I will presently turn Christian There is usually in all seditious and discontented people a spirit of much pride and ambition and they are generally sick of a tympany and their spirits begin to swell and grow big and to quarrel with their condition and Pelagius must be a Bishop or he will turn Heretick and Diotrephes must have the preheminence given him or he will breed great stirres in the Church and Praetextatus must be made Pope
to the Creator neither is it possible that that which is made should be more noble and excellent then that which made it so that should it once be granted that the chief Magistrate is the peoples creature it must needs follow that the same things at the same time and in respect of the same are supreme and not Supreme inferiour and not inferiour But to give you all this more clearly in an example and because I will free my self from the pretence of any exception I will instance in the first King which was ever set up over the people of God and that was Saul King of Israel Now he of whose choosing and setting up I trow was he did the people choose him was he their creature and did they appoint him and set him up over themselves nothing lesse they desired a King indeed and went crying to Samuel that he would make them a King 1 Sam. 8. But a King is too noble and excellent a creature for Samuel's making accordingly he carries this request and desire of the peoples unto God to know his pleasure in the matter and he afterwards chooseth them a King and singles out the man and describes the person and impowers him with commission authority and causeth him to be brought before them when he was set before them hark what Samuel said unto the people 1 Sam. 10. 24. See the man whom the Lord hath chosen mark it is not whom you but whom the Lord hath chosen * Cujus jussu homines nascuntur hujus jussu râ—ges constituuntur apti iis qui in illis temporibus ab ipsis reguntur Irenaeus l. 5. So that Kings you see are of Gods immediate choosing setting up the first King of all it is clear was so primi ultimi par ratio the charter holds alike in succession accordingly it was well said of a De civitat Dei l. 5. c. 21. holy Austin Qui regnum dedit Constantino Christiano ipse dedit Iuliano Apostatae he that gave the Kingdome to Constantine a Christian gave it also to Iulian an Apostate there was a very vast difference in the dispositions qualities of these two Kings the one a Christian the other an Apostate the one a protector the other a persecutor yet you see they both alke deriv'd their commissions from the same divine hand and they had both the same letters patents to produce for their authority he that gave the Kingdome to the one gave it to the other too he that set up the one set up the othe likewise he that made the one King made the other King also And then say was it not a most frontless and impudent usurpation of power in these Citizens to say unto their King Nolumus hunc regnare we will not have this man reign over us Well but is it then as they will to continue their King or to cast him off to pay homage unto him or to rebell against him at pleasure Are Kings thus beholden to Subjects for their Allegiance and is it a courtesie in them to pay it and not rather their duty yea their special priviledge more their singular happinesse if they would see it Call you this the way to honour Kings which the Scripture every where inculcates Non nâ—scius David divinâ—m esse traditionem in officio ordinis regalis idâ—irco Saul in â—adem traditione positum honorificat ne Deo injuriam facere videretur qui his ordinibus honorem decrevit August Quaest Vet. No. Test q. 35. is this to be subject to the higher powers which the Apostle so plainly commands and that too in words of most peremptory and indispensible importance a Rom. 1. 13. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers See I pray how he extends the duty how he layes it at the door of every particular mans concernment Let every Soul High and Low Rich and Poor Noble and Ignoble one with another all must submit all must be subject to the higher powers Again mark well the expression he useth Let every Soul now I confess that this word Soul is many times put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Scripture to signifie the whole man and so it does here too but yet in regard of what follows v. 5. I cannot conceive but that the Apostle haply might have a special design in his choice of that word here in this place viz. to imply the right and proper principle of true Christian subjection that it be not a mere forced or yet a formal submission altogether not ore Significantius dicit Omnis anima cum debuisset dici Omnis Homo ut inteliigeremus non solum res nostras non solum corpora nostra sed eâ—iam animas debere subjiâ—i principibus saecularibus in iis quae possunt lâ—gitime imperare Cajet in locum tenus or genu tenus not a lip subjection or a knee-subjection onely but a free and willing obedience a subjection out of Conscience a submission out of free choice and election that we do ex animo obedire obey from our souls paying higher powers their tribute of all due subjection and submission not barely as a task or imposition of duty laid upon us but as a tender of willing choice and election freely flowing from us And he that is such a Subject and makes a conscience of his obedience is straitly tyed up to a necessity of continual subjection and desires not to cast off any yoke which Conscience layes upon him But perseveres constant and stedfast in his duty and nothing can shake him out of his allegiance or perswade him to disloyalty or tempt him to rebellion * Si totus orbis adversus me conjuraret ut quidpiam molirer adversus regiam Majestatem ego tamen Deum timerem ordinatum ab eo Regem offendere non auderem Bern. Epist 170. or to practise any thing against the person or honour or life or estate or interest of his lawfull Soveraign yea though an absolute Tyrant though an open oppressor and grinder of his Subjects though of a nature never so fierce and intractable of a spirit never so hard and difficult yet all this weighs nothing at all in the ballance of Conscience which carries the Law and reason of it's obedience in it's own breast and so doth readily answer whatsoever can be objected in this kind with the Apostles two words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tibi summum rerum judicium dii dedere nobis obsequii gloria relicta est dixit M. Terent ad Caesareâ— apud Tacit. Annal. lib. 6. I must needs obey every duty stands firm and sure upon the feet of Conscience and therefore in whomsoever that is truly his principle of action that man moves evenly and uniformly in every posture of duty and hangs not in aequilibrio in an equal poise and indifferencie Rom. 13. 5. to either parts of a contradiction but necessarily moves that way whither