Selected quad for the lemma: authority_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
authority_n	king_n	power_n	successor_n	2,893	5	9.1968	5	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A91243	A plea for the Lords: or, A short, yet full and necessary vindication of the judiciary and legislative power of the House of Peeres, and the hereditary just right of the lords and barons of this realme, to sit, vote and judge in the high Court of Parliament. Against the late seditious anti-Parliamentary printed petitions, libells and pamphlets of Anabaptists, Levellers, agitators, Lilburne, Overton, and their dangerous confederates, who endeavour the utter subversion both of parliaments, King and peers, to set up an arbitrary polarchy and anarchy of their own new-modelling. / By William Prynne Esquire, a well-wisher to both Houses of Parliament, and the republike; now exceedingly shaken and indangered in their very foundations.	Prynne, William, 1600-1669.	1648 (1648)	Wing P4032; Thomason E430_8; ESTC R204735	72,921	83

Commons An attendent on Sir Tho. Brooke chosen one of the Knights to serve in Parliament for the County of Somerset being grievously beaten by one Iohn Savage was upon a petition of the Commons relieved against this breach of Priviledge by * Ordinance or Act of Parliament 8. H. 4. 23. 14. made by consent of the King and Lords which is printed in 5. H. 4. c. 6. And in like maner Richard Strode Burgesse of Plimton was relieved against breaches of his priviledges as a Parliament man by a speciall act of Parliament assented unto by the King and Lords upon the Commons petition An. 4. H. 8. c. 6. the Commons alone being then unable to relieve them or punish these breaches by their owne authority as of late they presume to doe without King or Lords Quo Jure having not the power of Judicature vested in them I am yet to learne being contrary to the practice and presidents of all ancient Parliaments before our present age and the Statute of 11. H. 6. c. 11. provided for this very purpose which presents another remedy out of Parliament and not in only the Commons house In the Parliament of 16. R. 2. n. 6. The Wednesday after the Parliament began Sir Philip Courtenay returned by the Sheriffe of Devon for one of the Knights for that County came before the King in full Parliament and sayd that he understood how certaine people had accused and slandered him to the King and Lords as well by Bill as by mouth of heinous matters and therefore prayed TO BE DISCHARGED OF THE SAID IMPLOYMENT untill the said accusations and complaints were tried and found true or not true and because his said prayer seemed honest TO THE KING and THE LORDS THE KING GRANTED HIM HIS REQUEST and DISCHARGED HIM IN FULL PARLIAMENT AND the Monday following at the instance and prayer of the COMMONS the KING GRANTED THAT HE SHOULD BE RESTORED and REMITTED TO HIS PLACE according to the returne of the said Sheriffe for to counsell and doe that which belonged unto his office and after because he had been good and treatable with those who had complained upon him and condescended to a good treaty he was restored in full Parliament to his good same The charge against him is expressed in the same Parliament rol num 13. 14. where two Petitions preferred against him to THE KING and LORDS IN PARLIAMENT for putting Thomas Peutyngdon forcibly out of possession of the Manor of Bygelog● without just cause Richard Somestre out of other lands detaining them from them he being so powerfull in the County that no poore man durst to sue him Which Petitions were referred by consent in Parliament to certaine Arbitrators to determine From which record it is evident First that Members of the Commons house may be complained and petitioned against for misdeameanours and put to answer before the King and Lords in Parliament and there fined and judged not before the Commons house and that this was the antient way of proceeding Secondly that the Commons cannot suspend or discharge any of their fellow-Commoners or Knights from sitting in Parliament but only the King and Lords in full Parliament in whom the power of Judicature rests much lesse then can they expell or eject any of their members by their owne authority without the Kings and Lords concurrence and consents Thirdly that the power of restoring and readmitting a suspended Member of the Commons house belongs not to the Commons themselves but to the King and Lords to whom the Commons themselves in this case addressed themselves by petitinn for Courtneys readmission unto his office after his submission of the complaints against him to the arbitriment of those Members to whom the King and Lords referred the same In the Parliament of 17. R. 2. n. 23. It was accorded by the King and Lords at the request of the Commons that Roger Swinerton who was endited of the death of one of their companions John de Ipstones Knight of the said Parliament for the County of Stafford slain in coming towards the said Parliament by the said Roger should not be delivered out of prison wherein he was detained for this cause by bail mainprise or any other manner untill he had made answer thereunto and should be delivered by the Law the Commons alone by their own power having no authority to make such an order even for the murther of one of their own Members without the King and Lords who made this order at their request In the Parliament of 35. Eliz. when Sir Edward Cook was Speaker of the Commons House there fell out some questions in the Commons House about the Amendment of a mistake in the return of the Burgesse of Southwark * 5. R. 2. c. 4 8. H. 4. c. 14. 11. H. 4. c. 16. H. 6 c. 4. 8. H. 6. c. 7. 32. H. 6. c. 15 Ploud tol 11. 8 c. and after long debate it was resolved that the House could not amend it but the Lord Keeper in Chancery where the return was of Record if he thought it amendable by Law and that Masten Speaker should wait upon the Lord Keeper about it which he did who advised with the Iudges concerning it as appeares by the Journall And the Statutes made for redresse of abuse of Elections of Knights and Burgesses were made by the King and Lords upon the Commons petitions as appeares by 8. H. 4. n 83 1 9. 11. H. 4. n. 54. Neither of all which statutes gives the House of Commons alone any power of Iudicature to judge the right of Elections or punish abuses committed in them but leaves them to the Lords judicature as at first and gives the party injured an action at Law against the Sheriffe and ●others for false returns Secondly Sir Edmund Cooks words extend only matters of misdemeanor of any Members of the House of Commons committed in or against the House it self of which the● now though not anciently are the sole judges without the Lords which he proves by Arthur Halls case Thirdly to breaches of Priviledges of the Commons House alone in striking or arresting any of the Members or their priviledged servants which he proves by Munctons case and 11. H. 6. c. 11. 5. H. 4. c. 6. the two latter proving the contrary Yet in this case of breach of priviledge even in arresting the Commons Members and servants the Commons house were no● anciently the sole Judges as now In the Parliament of H. 6. n. 25. 26. 27. 28. Thomas Thorp chief Baron was chosen Speaker of the Parliament and after his election and before the Parliament which was proroged he was arrested and taken in execution at the suit of the Duke of York whereupon some of the Commons were sent up by the House to the King and Lords spirituall and temporall sitting in Parliament desiring that they might enjoy all their ancient and accustomed Priviledges in being free from arrests and propounded the case of Thomas Thorp

nor yet of a Minister as the Objectors falsly pretend who take it for granted as an infallible truth and Maxime of State for then it will follow that neither n Exod 3. 4. 7. Moses o Deut. 3. 28. Nu● 27. 16. 〈◊〉 23. Deut. 31. ● 〈◊〉 9. 14. 23. c. 34. 9. Iosh●● Joshua p Ne● c. 2. c. Nehemiah q 1 Sam 9. 16. c. 10. 1. 21. Saul r Psal 78. 70 71 72. 1 Sam. 1● 2 Sam. 7 8. David ſ 1 Chron. 23. 1. c. 28. 5 6. 2 Chron. 1. 8. Solomon nor any of the t 2 Chron. 14 1. c. 17. 1. c. 28. 27. c. 29. 1. pious Kings of Juda who came to the Crown by Gods immediate designation or by descent succession were just lawful Governours or Kings which none dare aver That the v Num. 11. 16 17. 24 25 26 27. 70. Elders the Princes x 1 Chron. 18. 15 16 17. c. 26. 29 30 31 32 c. 27. c. 28. 1. 2 Chron. 19. 5. 〈◊〉 7. Nobles chief Captains Iudges and Rulers among the Jewes under Moses and their Kings and other Governours and the Jewish Sanhedrin were no lawfull Judges Magistrates Counsellers of State or Members of their generall Congregations Parliaments and assemblies since we read of none of them chosen by the people but onely designed by God himself or made and created such by Kings and Governours and by them called and summoned to their generall congregations assemblies and judicatures as the premised texts and others evidence That y Gen. 40. 40 41 c. Exod. 18. 25. Psal 105. 21. Acts 8. 10. Joseph z Esther 8. 10. Mordecai a Dan. 2. 48 49. Daniel Shadrac Mesec Abednego were no lawfull Rulers or Magistrates because made such even by Heathen Kings not by the peoples choice And that none of the Levites Priests High Priests or Prophets under the Law were lawfull because none of them that we read of made a Levite Priest High-Priest or Prophet by the peoples call but by b Exod. 40. Numb 1 3. 4 1 Chron. c. 23. c. ●5 29 26. 〈◊〉 2● 13. Heb. 5. ● descent and succession in the selfesame Tribe or by Gods own immediate call and appointment as * Mat. 3. Iohn Baptist ⁂ Isa 61. 1. c. 65. 1 Ioh. 20. 21. Heb. 5. 4 5. Christ the * Mar 10. Luke 9. 10. Mar. 28. 19 20. Iohn 20. 21. 1 Cor. 1. 17. Gal. 1. 1. Acts 8. 5. 14 15. ● Case Polit. l. 3. c. 2. Bod● de Repub. l. 2. c. 2 3. Ioan Mariana de Rege Regum Instit l. 1. c. 3 4. Apostles the 70. Disciples and others under the Gospell were made and created Ministers Apostles Evangelists and preaching Elders without the peoples call and yet our opposites dare not deny their Ministery and Apostleship to be lawfull being not of men but of Gods and Christs own call without the peoples Secondly then it will follow that all Hereditary Kingdomes which g Polititians and Divines generally hold the best of Governments all Patents and Commissions in all Empires Kingdomes and States of the world creating Princes Dukes Earls Lords and such like Titles of Honour whereby they are inabled in all Christian Kingdomes to sit in their Parliaments and Assemblies of State and for creating Privy Counsellors Judges Justices and other Magistrates are void null and illegall and so all the Lawes Orders Ordinances made Acts done and Judgements given by them d See M. Seldens Titles of Honor. are void and erroneous because they were not chosen and called to these places and publike Counsells and Judicatures by the people but by the Emperours Kings and Supreme Governours of State and what a confusion such a Paradox as this would breed in all our Kingdomes and in all States and Kingdomes in the world let wise men consider and those fools too who make this Objection 4. Fourthly if there be no lawfull Authority in any State but from the Peoples immediate election then it will necessarily follow that Sir Thomas Fair●ax is no lawfull Generall his Officers and Councell of Warre no lawfull Officers or Councell and Colonell and Lievtenant-Colonell Lilburne no lawfull Colonell or Lievtenant Colonell and ought not to use or retaine these titles as they do because none of them were called and chosen to those places by the People but made such by Commission from the Parliament 5. Fifthly This paradox of theirs touching the peoples choice and call to inable Peers to sit in Parliament or beare any office of Magistracy or Judicature is warranted by no law of God in old or new Testament both which contradict it by no Lawes or Statutes of these Kingdomes or Nations which absolutely disclaime it and enact the contrary by no prescription custome or usage which are all against it by no Originall Law of Nature which as all e Arist Polit. l. 1. Bodin de Repub. l. 1. c. 2. 3 4 5. D. F●eld of the Church l. 1. c. 1 2. Polititians and Divines assert and the Scripture manifests gives every Father a Magisteriall and Judiciall rule and power over his children progeny Family and makes him a King Prince Lord over them without either their choice or call the Father and first-borne of the family being both the King Prince and Lord over it and Priest to it from the Creation till the Law was given as is generally acknowledged by all Divines 6. Sixthly I answer that a particular explicit actuall choice and election by the people of any to be Kings Magistrates Judges Ministers Peeres or Members of Parliament is neither necessary nor convenient to make them just and lawfull except onely when the Lawes of God of Nature of Nations or the Kingdome expresly require it but onely a generall implicit or tacit consent especially when the ancient Lawes of the Land continuing still in full force and the custome of the Kingdome time out of mind requires no such ceremony of the peoples particular election or call in which case the peoples dissent is of no validity till that Law custome be repealed by general consent of the King Lords and Commons in Parliament * Seldens Titles of Honour part 2. Cook 4. Instit c. ● Cambdens ●●it Now the ancient Lawes Statutes Customs of the Kingdom enable all Lords who are Peers Barons of the Realm to sit in Parliament when ever summoned to it by the Kings Writ without any election of the people and if the Lawes and Customes of the Realme were that the King himselfe might call two Knights Citizens and Burgesses to Parliament such as himselfe should nominate in his writ out of every County City and Burrough without the Freeholders Citizens and Burgesses election of them by a common agreement and consent to such a Law and usage made by their Ancestors and submited and consented to for some ages without repeale this Law and Custome were sufficient

at all because some of the Lords were not come by reason of foule weather shortnesse of warning or other publike imployments all their personall presence in Parliament being reputed necessary and expedient And 20. R. 2. N. 8. The Commons themselves in Parliament required the King to SEND FOR SUCH BISHOPS and LORDS WHO WERE ABSENT to come to the Parliament before they would consult of what the Chancellor propounded to them in the Kings name and behalfe to consider of To recite no more ancient Presidents in the Parliament of 2. Caroli the Earle of Arundell sitting in the Parliament being committed by the King to the Tower of London about his sonnes marriage May 25 1626. without the Houses privity and consent whereby their Priviledges were infringed and the House deprived of one of their Members presence thereupon the Houses of Peeres adjourned themselves on the 25 and 26. of May without doing any thing and upon the Kings refusall to release him they adjourned from May 26. till June 2. refusing to sit and so that Parliament disolved in discontent his imprisonment in this case being a breach of Priviledge contrary to Magna Charta And not long after the beginning of this Parliament upon the Kings accusation and impeachment of the Lord Kimbolton and the five Members of the Commons House * An Exact collection part 1. both Houses adjourned and sate not as Houses till they had received satisfaction and restitution of those Members as the Journals of both Houses manifest it being an high breach of their Priviledges contrary to the Great Charter If then the Kings bare not summoning of some Peares to Parliament who ought to sit there by their right of Perage or impeaching or imprisoning any Peere unjustly to disable them to sit personally in Parliament be a breach of the fundamentall Lawes of the Realme and of Magna Charta it selfe confirmed in above 40. succeeding Parliaments then the Lords right to sit vote and Judge in Parliament is as firme and indisputable as Magna Charta can make it and consented to and confirmed by all the Commons people and Parliaments of England that ever consented to Magna Charta though they be not eligiable every Parliament by the freeholders people as Knights and Burgesses ought to be and to deny this birth-right and Priviledge of theirs is to deny Magna Charta it selfe and this present Parliaments Declarations and proceedings in the case of the Lord Kimbolton a member of the House of Peers Fifthly The ancient Treatise intituled * See Cooke ● Justit p. 12. for the Antiquity and for the Authority of this Treatise The manner of holding Parliaments in England in Edward the Confessors time before the Conquest rehearsed afterwards before William the Conqueror by the discreet men of the Kingdome and by himselfe approved and used in his time and in the times of his Successors Kings of England if the Title be true and the Treatise so ancient as many now take it to be determines thus of the Kings and Lords right to be personally present in all Parliaments The King IS bound by all meanes possible TO BE PRESENT AT THE PARLIAMENT unlesse he be detained or let there from by BODILY SICKNESSE and then he may keep his Chamber yet so THAT HELYE NOT WITHOUT THE MANOUR OR TOWNE WHERE THE PARLIAMENT IS HELD and then he ougth to send for twelve persons of the greatest and best of them that are summoned to the Parliament that is two Bishops two EARLES two BARONS two Knights of the Shire two Burgesses and two Citizens to looke upon his person to testifie and witnesse his estate and in their presence he ought to make a Commission and give Authority to the Archbishops of the Peace the steward of England and Cheife Justice that they joyntly and severally should begin the Parliament and continue the same in his name expresse mention being made in that Commission of the cause of his absence then which ought to suffice and admonish the OTHER NOBLES cheife men in the Parliament together with the evident testimony of the twelve Peers of theirs The reason is BECAVSE THERE WAS WONT TO BE A CRY OR MURMVR IN THE PARLIAMENT FOR THE KINGS ABSENCE BECAUSE HIS ABSENCE IS HURTFULL and DANGEROUS TO THE WHOLE COMMONALTY OF THE PARLIAMENT and KINGDOME WHEN THE KING SHALL BE ABSENT FROM HIS PARLIAMENT Neither indeed OUGHT OR MAY HE BE ABSENT BUT ONELY IN THE CASE AFORESAID After which it followes The Archbishops Bishops and other cheife of the Clergy ought to be summoned to come to the Parliament and Also EVERY EARLE and BARON and their PEERS OUGHT TO BE SUMMONED and COME TO THE PARLIAMENT c. Touching the beginning of the Parliament The Lord the King shall sit in the mi●st of the great bench and is bound to be present in the first and last day of Parliament And the Chancellors Treasurer and Barons of the Eschequer and justices were wont to record the defaults made in Parliament according to the order following In the third day of the Parliament the Barons of the Cinqueports shall be called and after wards the BARONS of England after them the EARLES Whereupon if the Barons of the Cinqueports be not come the Barony from whence they are shall be amerced at an hundred markes and an Earle at one hundred pounds After the same manner it must be done to those who are Peers to Earles and Barons After which it relates the manner of place of the Earles Barons and Peers in Parliament Then addes The Parliament may be held and OVGHT every day to begin at one of the clocke in the afternoone at which time THE KING IS TO BE PRESENT AT THE PARLIAMENT and ALL THE PEERS OF THE KINGDOME None of all the Peers of the Parliament MAY OR OUGHT TO DEPART alone from the Parliament unlesse he have obtained and that in full Parliament leave from the KING and of ALL HIS PEERS so to doe and that with all there be a remembrance kept in the Parliament roll of such leave and Liberty granted And if any of the Peers during the terme of the Parliament shal be sick or weake so as he is not able to come to the Parliament then he ought three dayes together send such as may excuse him to the Parliament or else two Peers must go and view him and if they finde him sicke then he may make a Proxy Of the Parliament the King is the Head the beginning and ending So this ancient Treatise The Statute of 5. R. 2. Parl. 2. ch 4. enacts by COMMAND of the King and ASSENT of the Prelates LORDS and COMMONS in Parliament That all and singular persons and Commonalties which from henceforth shall have the Summons of the Parliament shall come from henceforth to the Parliament in the manner AS THEY BE bound TO DOE and hath been ACCVSTOMED within the Realme of England OF OLD TIME And every person of the said Realme which from henceforth shall have the

said Sommons be he Archbishop Bishop Abbot Prior DUKE LORD BARON Baronet Knight of the Shire Citizen of City Burgesse of Burgh or other singular person or Commonalty do absent himselfe or come not at the said Summons except he may reasonably or honestly excuse himself to our Soveraigne Lord THE KING HE SHALL BE AMERCED and OTHERWAYES PVNISHED ACCORDING AS OF OLD TIME HATH BEEN USED TO BE DONE within the said Realme in the SAID CASE Which relates unto and agrees expresly with that forecited out of Modus tenendi Parliamentum If then all the Judges and Peares in Parliament are bound to attend the Parliament not to depart without the Kings and Houses leave under paine of Amercement and other punishment as this Statute resolves and 3. Ed. 3. 19. Fit 2. C●ron 161. Stamford l 3. c. 1. f. 153. Cooke Instit p. 15. 16. 17. 43 18. E. 3. Mo. 1. 2 8. and 31. H. 6. n. 46. What fine were imposed on absent Lords manifest then questionlesse they ought of right to sit in Parliament else it were the height of Injustice thus to fine them In the tenth yeare of King ● * Graf●o●● Cron. p. ● 〈◊〉 350. 2. this King absented himselfe from his Parliament then sitting at Westminster residing at Eltham about forty dayes and refusing to come to the Parliament and yet demanding from them foure fifteenes for maintenance of his Estate and outward Wars Whereupon the whole body of the Parliament made this answer THAT VNLESSE THE KING WERE PRESENT THEY WOULD MAKE THEREIN NO ALLOWANCE Soone after they sent the Duke of Gloucester and Bishop of Ely Commissioners to the King to Eltham who declared to him among other things in the Lords and Commons behalfe how that by AN OLD ORDINANCE THEY HAVE AN ACT if the King absent himselfe 40. dayes not being sicke but of his owne minde not heeding the charge of his people nor their great paines and will not resort to the Parliament they may then lawfully returne to their Houses And now sir said they you have beene absent a longer time and yet refuse to come amongst us which is greatly to our discontent To which the King answered Well we doe consider that our owne people and Commons goe about to rise against vs wherefore we thinke wee can doe no better then to aske ayd of our Cosen the French King and rather to submit us to him then unto our owne subjects The Lords answered Sir that Counsell is not best but a way rather to bring you into danger c. By whose good perswasions the King was appeased and Promised to come to the Parliament and condiscend to their Petitions and according to his appointment he came and so the Parliament proceeded which else had dissolved by the Lords departure thence in discontent and the Kings wilfull absence Andrew Horne in his Mirrour of Justices in the raigne of King Edward the first writes That our Saxon Kings divided the Realme into 38 Counties over which they set so many Counts or Earles and though the King ought to have no Peers in his land but PARLIAMENTS all Writs and Plaints of the Moneys of the King Queene and their Children and of those especially who otherwise could not have common right of their wrongs These Companions are now called Counts after the latine word Comites For to the Estates of the Realme King Alfred assembled the COVNTS or Earles and ordained by a Perpetuall Law that twice a yeare or oftner they should assemble at London in Parliament to consult of the Government of the people of God Fleta l. 2. c. 2. p. 66. writes thus in the same Kings raigne Habet enim Rex curiam suam in concilio suo in Parliamentis suis PRAESENTIBUS Praelatis COMITIBUS BARONIBUS PROCERIBUS alijs viris peritis vbi terminatae sunt dubitationes judiciorum moris injuriis eversis nova constituuntur remedia And l. 17. c. 17. he writes thus Rex in populo regendo superiores habet Vidilicet legem perfactus est Rex Curiam suam to wit of Parliament videlicet COMITES BARONES Comites enim a Comitia dicuntur qui cum viderint Regem sine froeno Froenum sibi apponere TENENTVR ne clament sabditi Domine Jesu Christe in Chamo froeno maxillas eorum constringe Sir Thomas Smith in his Common-wealth of England * Bracton l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 l. 3. c 9. 〈◊〉 the like in the same words in Henry the 3. his reigne l. 2. c. 1. John Vowel and Ralph Hollinshed vol. 1. c. 6. p. 173. Mr. Cambden in his Britania p. 177. John Minshew in his Dictionary vuell in his Interpreter Title Parliament Powell in his Attornyes Academy and others unanimously conclude That the Parliament consisteth of the KING the LORDS SPIRITVALL and TEMPORALL and the Commons which STATES represent the body of all England which make but one assembly or Court called the Parliament and is of all other the Highest and greatest Authority and hath the most high and absolute power of the Realme And that no Parliament is or can be holden without the King and Lords Mr. Crompton in his Jurisdiction of Courts affirmes particularly of the High Court of Parliament f. 1. c. This Court is the highest Court of England in which the King himself fits in person and comes there at the beginning and end of the Parliament and AT ANY OTHER TIME WHEN HE PLEASETH ORDERING THE PARLIAMENT To this Court come ALL THE LORDS OF PARLIAMENT as well spirituall a● temporall and are severally summoned by the Kings writ at a certaine day and place assigned The Chancellour of England and other great officers or Judges are there likewise present together with the Knights Citizens and Burgesses who all ought to be personally present or else to be amerced and otherwise punished if they come not being summoned unlesse good cause be shewed or in case they depart without the Houses or Kings speciall license after their appearance before the Sessions ended And he resolves that the King Lords and Commons doe all joyntly make up the Parliament and that no Law nor Act of Parliament can be made to binde the subject without all their concurrent assents Sir Edward Cooke not onely in his Epistle before his ninth Report and Institutes on Littleton p. 109. 110. But likewise in his 4. Institutes published by Order of this present Parliament c. 1. p. 1. 2 c writes thus of the high Honorable Court of Parliament This Court consisteth OF THE KINGS MAJESTIE sitting there as in his royall politick capacity and of the three Estates of the Realme viz. Of the Lords Spirituall Archbishops and Bishops being in number 24. who sit there in respect of their Counties or Barronies parcell of their Bishopricks which they hold also in their politick capacity and every one of these when the Parliament is to be holden ought exdebito Justitiae to have a writ of summons The LORDS TEMPORALL Dukes Marquesses Earles

Domino Rege in Parliamente sue at the end of each Parliam Roll wherein the King and Lords or only the King and Lords alone generally gave Iudgement of imprisonment fine banishment and death it self even against Cōmoners themselves without the Commons the thing now principally controverted and denied for proof whereof I shall cite some few punctuall presidents and records in stead of many which might be insisted on In the famous Parl held at Claredon x Mat. Paris p. 6 97. M. Seldens Titles of Honor part 2. c 5 p. 703. 705 under K. Hen. 2. 〈◊〉 D. 1164. there was a recognition made of all the ancient Customs of the Realm which all the Prelats Abbots Earls Barons and Nobles swore firmly to observe to the King and his Successors whereof this was one That the Arch-b Bishops and other Clergy men who held of the King in Capite by Barony Sicut caeteri Barones debent interesse JVDCIIS CVRIAE REGIS CVM BARONIBVS * Petrus Bles●sis De Instit Episcopi Bibl Patrum tom 12. par 2. p. 447 quousque perveniatur AD DIMINVTIONEM MEMBRORVM VEL AD MORTEM which proves the power and right of Iudicature even in those times and long before to be setled in the Barons as well in Parliament as in the Sheriffs Tourne and that in case of Commoners as Peers In the Parliament of 4. E. 3. num 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Roger Mortimer Earle of March a Peer Sir Simon Bereford Knight of Councell and assistant to the said Earle John Mautravers Bose de Bayous and Iohn Deverall for being guilty of the death of Edward Earle of Kent Thomas Gournay VVilliam of Ocle for murthering King Edward the second after his deposition were attainted and condemned of High treason and some of them then in cu●●odie accordingly executed by Iudgement of the Lords and Peeres alone who AS JUDGES OF THE LAW by the Kings consent gave judgement of death against them as the Parliament Rolls more largely relate It is true indeed that after these Judgements given the LORDS the same Parliament num 6. entred this Protestation * See Cooke 2. Instit p. 50. That alboit the Lords and Peers of the Realme AS JUDGES OF THE PARLIAMENT in the presence of the King had taken upon them to give Judgement of such who were NO PEERS OF THE REALM that he eafter NO PEERS should be compelled to give Judgement ON ANY OTHERS WHO WERE NOT THEIR PEERS according to the Law From this Protestation of the Lord which Lilburne principally insists on hee and * Cooke 2. Instit p. 50. some others conolude that the Peers in Parliament have no right at all to imprison fine judge or passe sentence of death against any Commoner for any offence no not for breach of their own Priviledges but only the Commons To which objection I answer First that this is no Act of Parliament as Sir Edwards Cooke mistakes but a bare Protestation of the Lords without Kings or Common● assent and that neither the House of Commons nor the Commoners then attainted of Treason and judged to death by the Lords ever demurred or excepted against their Jurisdiction as Lilburne and Overton doe but acknowledged and submitted to it Secondly That in this very Protestation the Lords professe and justifie their right of BEING JVDGES in Parliament without admitting or acknowledging any joynt or sole right of Judicature with them in Parliament in the Commons Thirdly That this Protestation was meerly voluntary not in derogation but preservation of their own Honour and Peerage and the Parliaments too and the substance of it no more then this That the Lords in Parliament should not bee constrained against their wills by the Kings command and in his presence to give judgement of death in ordinary cases of treason or Felony in the high Court of Parliament against such who were no Peers who in such case● * Magn. Ch. c. 29. 25. E. 3. c. 2. 4. 28. E. 3. c. 3. 37. E. 3. c. 8. 42. E. 3. c. 3. Cooke 2. Instit p. 50 51. by the Law might and ought to be tried in the Kings Courts at VVestminster or before the Iustices of Oyer and Terminer by a Iury of their equalls but onely in such cases which could not well be tried else-where and were proper for their Judgement in Parliament This is the whole summe and sence of their protestation To argue therefore from hence That they cannot passe sentence or judgement against any Commoners in any case proper for their Judicature in Parliament because they protested only against being COMPELLED to g●ve Judgement against such as were no Peers in cases triable else-where and not proper for their tribunall as the Objectors hence conclude is quite to mistake their meaning and to speak rather non-sence then reason or Law Fourthly This Protestation was made only against the Lords giving sentence in Felony and Treason and that in the Kings own presence in Parliament who usually pronounced the Judgement himself with the Lords assent and did not charge the Lords to pronounce it as here hee did not against sentencing fining and imprisoning any Commoner for rayling and Lybelling against their Persons Jurisdiction and proceedings refusing to answer and contemning their Authority to their faces at the Barre and appealing from their Judicature in case of breach of Priviledge of which themselves alone and no others are or can be Judges the case of Lilburne and Overton whose commitments are warranted by hundreds of Presidents in this and former Parliaments Therefore for them to apply this Protestation to their cases with which it hath no Analogy is a manifestation of their injudiciousnesse and folly rather then a justification of their Libellous Invectives against the Lords injustice Lastly this Protestation did not foreclose the Lords in this or future Parliaments to give Judgement against Commoners in other cases of Felony and Treason even without the Commons To prove this by some instances In the Parliament of 1. H. 4. Placita Coronae num 11. to 17. Iohn Hall being in custody of the Marshall of England and brought by him before the Lords in Parliament and there charged by him by VValter Cl●pton Lord chiefe Justice by the Kings command with having a hand in the murther of the Duke of Glocester who was smothered to death with a featherbed at Calayes by King Richard the seconds command the whole relation whereof he confessed at large and put in writing before James Billing ford Clerk of the Crown which was read before the Lords upon reading whereof the King and ALL THE TEMPORALL LORDS IN PARLIAM●NT resolved that the said Iohn Hall by his own confession deserved to have as hard a death as they could adjudge him to because the Duke of Glocester was so high a Person and thereupon TOVTE LES SEIGNEIURS TEMPORELZ per assent du ROY ADJVGGER●N● all the temporall Lords by assent of the King AJVDGED that the said Joh. Hall should be drawn from Tower