in al thinges touching the royaltie of the same Crowne shoulde be submitted to the sea of Rome We doe also reade there that all the Barons and all the Byshoppes present and the deputies of those which were absent being asked euery man seuerally saide that therein they would to their vttermost stand with the King against the Pope so zealous were all good Englishmen in those daies of the auncient honour and libertie of their country and the soueraignetie of their King Moreouer Saint Germanye in the xxxix Chapter of the second booke entreating how ecclesiasticall persons may dispose of their goodes he vtterly reiecteth the Canon law therein and sheweth what they may doe by the lawes of this Realme and at the length he saith thus And moreouer a parson of a Church vicar Chauntery priest or such other all such goods as they haue by reason of the parsonage vicarage or Chauntery as that they haue by reason of their owne person they may lawfully giue and bequeth after the common law And if they dispose part among their parishoners and part to the building of Churches or giue part to the ordinary or to poore men or in any such manner as is appoynted by the law of the Church they offend not therein vnlesse they thinke thēselues bound thereunto by duety authoritie of the law of the Church not regarding the Kings lawes For if they doe so it seemeth they resist the ordinance of God which hath giuen power to princes to make lawes But whereas the Pope hath soueraignety in temporall things as he hath in spirituall thinges there some say that the goods of priests must in conscience be disposed as it is contained in the same summe But it holdeth not in this Realme for the goodes of spirituall men bee temporall in what manner soeuer they come to them and must be ordered by the temporall law as the goodes of temporall men must be Thus farre Sainte Germany then may I inferre if that the Pope the counsell and thee conuocation can not make a Lawe touching the goodes of the spirituallty within this Realme and that those which doe dispose of their goodes according to such a Canon doe sinne although it doe agree with the law of this Realme if they did it as bounde by that Canon shall wee thinke that the Pope the councell or the conuocation can giue away the goodes and landes of temporall men within this Realme yea and the Crowne and kingdome and that they doe not sinne mortally that doe obey any such decrees And what account is to bee made of the Popes dispensation in temporall causes the same learned author plainely declareth in the xli Chapter of the seconde booke where hee saith That although by the Canon law euery man may lawfully kill an Assasin such a fellow as will at euery mans request kill any man for money yet he affirmeth it is altogether vnlawfull in this land and that notwithstanding the Popes dispensation and pardon he that slayeth an Assasin is a fellon and so ought to bee punished as a fellon Moreouer in his xliiii Chapter hee doth conctantly holde that the Canon summes that do determine all scruples of conscience according to the Canon law doe rather hurt English mens consciences then giue them light and that there bee many cases in them ruled according to the Canon law that are not to bee obserued in this Realme neyther in law nor conscience And in xlii Chapter that although many sayings in the same summes doe agree with the lawes of this Realme yet they are to be obserued by the authoritie of the Lawes of this Realme and not by the authoritie alleaged by them Finally in the xxix Chapter of the same booke hee doth flatly ouerrule our present case whereas by the Canon Law an heretike hath ipso facto lost all his goodes and therefore can make noe execution he affirmeth that it holdeth and bindeth not here for if he doe abiure hee hath forfeited noe goods but if hee be conuicted of heresie and deliuered to laye mens handes he hath forfeyted all his goodes that he hath at that time that he was deliuered vnto them but not his landes before that he be put to death To this the Doctor answereth me thinketh that as it onely belongeth vnto the Church to determine heresies that so it belongeth vnto the Church what punishmēt he shal haue for his heresie except death which they can not be iudges in but if the Church decree that therfore he shall forfeite his goods me thinkes that they be forfeyted by that decree vnto this obiection he thus answered vnder the name of student Nay verely for they be tēporall things and belong to the iudgement of the kings court And I thinke that the ordinarie might haue set no fine vpon one impeached of heresie vntill it was ordained by the statute of Henry the fourth that he may set a fine if hee see cause and that the king shall haue that fine If this were the vniuersall beliefe of all good Englishmen in the time when the Popes authoritie most flourished heere and before this controuersie arose that neither the Pope nor counsell nor Church hath authoritie to ordaine any temporall punishment for heresy can he be accounted a true Englishman that doth holde that the Pope can depriue her maiestie of her crowne and dignitie for a pretence of heresy Of the counsell of Laterane or that the Canon made in the counsell held at Laterane doth binde vs heere in England But because we vnderstand that the greatest scruple in conscience of our Catholickes Romane is grounded vpon this Canon we will make a particular treatise thereof and to vncomber and discharge their consciences shew first that it is no determination of faith that the Pope may depose princes and secondly that it doth not binde in this realme not onely because as I haue proued before the Church can make no decree of temporalities but also because by the verie Canon Lawe it neither is nor euer was in force within this realme and finally neither orderly executed according to the order of the Canon And first because I shall haue occasion to examine euerie worde of one member thereof I will set it downe verbatim worde for worde Ca. 33◠Si ver◠dominus temporalis requisitus admonitus ab ecclesia terram suam purgare neglexerit ab hac haeretica foeditate per Metropolitanum comprouinciales episcapos excommunicationis vinculo innodetur etsi satisfacer◠contempserit intra annum significetur hoc summo pontifici Romano vt extunc ipse vasallos ab eius fidelitate denuntiet absolutos terram exponat Catholicis occupandam qui cam exterminatis haereticis sine contradictone possideant in fidei puritate conseruent ita quod bona huiusmodi damnatorum si laici fuerint confiscentur si vero clereci applicentur ecclesijs a quibus stipendia per ceperint Which may thus be englished If the temporall Lord beeing requested
although he write very directly against the Pope popery yet in many respects doth he shew himself a papist as in following of corrupt translations in the places of scripture which he alledgeth in misapplying many of them contrary to the true sense meaning of the holy Ghost wherein although some warniâ—g is giuen by a few marginall notes added of purpose and signed witâ— this letter yet cannot the godly reader for all that be too wearie and circumspect in the particular consideration of the same Faults escaped Pag. 2. for euery read euery Pag. 3. for iu read ni Pa. 4. for Iunius read Fumus Pag 7. for 〈…〉 A COVRTEOVS conference with the English Catholicks Romane about the six Articles ministred vnto the Seminarie priestes wherein it is apparantly proued by their owne diuinitie and the principles of their owne religiâ—n that the Pope cannot deposâ— her Maiesty or releaâ—e her subiects of their Allegiance vnto her NOw then to proue my first proposition that the Pope and all the Bishoppes and Priestes are subiect by the law of God vnto the temporall magistrâ—te All persons subiect to the temporal magistrat in whose realme and dominions they doe dwell thus I prooue Salomon Prou. 24. saith my sonne feare the Lord and King and intermeddle not or be not among detractors for their distruction wil arise sodainly and who knoweth the ruine of them both Likewise Saint Paul the Apostle in his writing to the Romaines thus exhorteth or rather commandeth them Chap. 13. Let euery soule be subiect to the higher power for there is noe power but from God but those which are were ordained by God c. So then he that resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God but they which doe resist do get themselues daÌ„nation for princes be no feare of good worke but of il but wilt thou not feare the power doe well and then shalt thou haue praise thereby for he is the minister of God vnto thee to good but if thou haue done ill then feare for he beareth not the sword without cause he is the minister of God a reuenger in wrath to him that doth ill And therfore ye must needes be subiect not onely for wrath but also for conscience for therefore doe yea also pay tribute for they are the ministers of God seruing for this very purpose Also in his epistle to Titus Cap. 3. he writes warne them to be subiect to principalities powers to obey their commandements Moreouer S. Petâ—r from whom the Pope clameth his moâ—arcâ—â— thus writeth in his first vniuersall epistle Cap. 2. Be ye â—ub ect to euery humain creature for the Lord whether it be 〈…〉 most excellent or vnto the presidents as sent 〈◊〉 him to the reuenge of euil deedes but to the praise of 〈◊〉 good because so is the will of God that ye doing well â—ay make mâ—re the ignorance of the vnskilfull as free men 〈…〉 as men that haue libertie for a cloake of naughtinesse but aâ— the bondmen of God and anone after feare God and honour the King Ye do see how the old and new law doe agree in the supreeme authoritie of princes ouer all persons borne or abiding within their dominions Paul vsing this vniuersall euery excepting none and Salomon and Peter an indefinite in this place equall vnto an vniuersall And Peter and Paul doe in expresse wordes giue vnto him the supreeme Empâ—re of administring iustice in punishing the wicked rewarding the good and that he is so the Apostle doth proue by that â—ll men pay him tribute the which also he commandeth to be paide and also chargeth all men to be obedient vnto him and not for feare onely lest otherwise the prince would make them smart but also for coÌ„science sake because theâ— are in duety bound so to do for that God had ordained them to be his lieuetenants in gouernement And therefore if they were not obedient vnto them they must needs be accounted reputed for rebels vnto God that would not accept him for their soueraigne whom God had set ouer them And Peter to suppres the carnal cogitation of the Iewes vnto whom he wrot that thought that the messias had enfranchised them by his redeÌ„ption from al subiection to man also to preueÌ„t the proud opinion of the clergy that should come after who would clame exemption from earthly subiection because they were appointed ordained dispensers of the misteries of the Messias he flatly affirmeth the claming of such libertie to be nothing else put a plaine pretence cloake for their naughtinesse For he would they shoulde remeÌ„ber that although they were deliuered by Christ from the bondage tiranny of sin death the Deuill yet they remained still his his fathers bondmen therfore ought duetifully to obey still the ciuill magistrats whom God hath placed in his owne throne his king his lieuetenant ouer them And therefore Salomon in the place afore alleadged An appellation in secular causes cannot be made to the Pope ioyneth them together saying feare God and the King God principally saith Lyra writing on that place and secundarily the King who is his Vicar in temporall things This being so I cannot chuse but much maruaile at that saying in Cap. Licet de sor comp that an appellation may be made from all princes temporall Yea such as do acknowledge no superiour in temporalities when none other can be had and the matter is of som weight For if as Tertullian saith in his Apologie that there is no man aboue the Emperour et quem soli Deo subiicio and whome I make vnder none but God in annother place of the same Apologie he saith of the Emperours of Rome in Dei solius potestate sunt a quo sunt secundi post quem primi ante omnes et super omnes deos quid in cum super omnes homines they are vnder God only vnto whom they are seconde after whom they are first before all men and aboue all gods and why not seeing they are aboue all men And againe if it be true that the graue and learned light of our Lawiers Bracton that liued almost foure hundreth yeares agoe in the raigne of Henry the thirde doth affirme in the beginning of his booke that a King cannot be a King if he haue any superiour in those things that doe appertaine vnto his crowne and kingdome and may not haue in his kingdome any equall much lesse any superiour especially in administration of iustice that it may be saide of him Great is our Lorde greate is his power c. And that he doth affâ—irme him to be the vicar of God on earth This place Psal 14â— 5 〈…〉 oâ—â—od I can not see by what right or reason an appellation in a secular cause can be made from an Emperour King or any supreame temporall magistrate vnto the Pope seeing he is not theire superiour in temporalities For all the worlde knoweth that an
the seruice of their Lordes and not prescribe lawes therein vnto all other not subiect vnto him no more then the Queene of England can enacte that if the king of Spaine shall doe this and this that then hee shall forfeite his Crowne Noe law of the Church touching temporalties euer alowed in this Realme or the king of France make an edict that if any Lord in England shal committe such and such faultes that then he shall forfitte all his propertie ouer his bondmen and they to be enfranchised And therfore because the Princes of this Realme did neuer acknoledge themselues vassals vnto the Pope nor the See of Rome nor neuer agnised him for their Soueraigne in temporalities they did neuer heare when the Popes authoritie was greatest administer iustice and adiudge secular causes here according to the Popes decrees and Canons of the counsels but alwaies according to the lawes costomes and statutes of the Realme and in those causes the Canon law had no authoritie and force in this Land This is so often affirmed by the author of the learned booke called the Doctor and student who as he was a greate lawyer so was he also a good diuine and deuout Catholicke that it weare tedious to rehearse them all In the xliiii Chapter of thee seconde booke thus hee writeth for the ordinarie no yet the partie himselfe haue any authoritie to binde any inheritance by the authoritie of the spirituall law how then can they binde the inheritance of the crowne And againe in the same Chapter and thâ—â—fore it is somwhat to bee meruelled that ordinaries will admitte such land for a title c. without knowing how the common law will serue therein for of meere right all inheritance within this Realme ought to bee ordered by the Kinges Law Also in the xxxvi Chapter of the second booke the Doctor of diuinitie saith yet me thinkes alwaies that the title of the lapse in such case is giuen by the law of the Church and not by the temporall law and therefore it forceth but little what the temporall law will in it as me seemeth Whereunto the author answereth thus vnder the name of the student of law In such cuntries where the Pope hath power to determine the right of temporall thinges I thinke it is as thou sayest but in this realme it is not so And the right of presentment is a temporall thing and a temporall inheritance and therefore I doe thinke it belongeth to the Kinges law to determine and also to make lawes who shall present after the six moneth aswell as before so that the title of abilitie or none abilitie be not therefore taken from the ordinaries And in like wise it is of auoidance of benefices that is to say that it shall be iudged by the Kinges lawes when a benefice shal be saide uoide and when not and not by the law of the Church and shall the law of the Church determine when the crowne is voide As when a parson is made a Byshoppe or accepteth another benefice without licence or resigneth or is depriued in these causes the common law saith that the benefices be voide And so they should be though the Church had made a law to the contrarie And so if the Pope should haue any title in this case to present it should be by the lawe of this Realme And if hee should haue title to present vnto the Crowne should it not bee by the lawe of this Realme And I haue not seene ne harde that the lawes of this Realme haue giuen any title to the Pope to determine any temporal thing that may be lawfully determined by the Kings Court noâ— yâ—â— that he may depose the King and giue his kingdom vnto any forreiner but because noe man should repute this lawyer for a Lollard and enimie vnto the Pope see what immediately followeth Doctor It seemeth by the reason that thou hast made now that thou preferrest the Kinges authoritie in presentments before the Popes and that me thinkes should not stand with the Law of God syth the Pope is the vicar generall vnder GOD. Student That I haue saide prooueth nor for the highest preferment in presentmentes is to haue authoritie to examine the abilitie of the person that is presented for if the presented bee able it sufficeth to the discharge of the ordinary by whomesoeuer hee bee presented that authoritie is not denyed by the lawe of the Realme to belong alwaies to the spirituall iurisdiction Thus seing the authour of the Doctor and the student whom some suppose to be Sainte Germany is prooued to bee noe partiall man against the Pope but onely a learned Lawyer that setteth downe vprightly to the satisfaction of mens consciences what right euery man hath and declareth the common opinion of his time when the Popes power was in the Prime we will rehearse yet more out of him to the confirmation of you our Catholicke countrimen who doe openly professe that ye will grant her maiestie as much and as greate authoritie as any of her ancestors before hir father had since the conquest yea or since they embraced the faith of Christ In the xlvii Chapter of the seconde booke he saith that although by the Canon Law the Pope ought to present to all beneficeâ— or dignities the incumbents whereof dye at Rome or within two dayes â—ourney thereof yet he saith that it holdeth not 〈◊〉 this Realme because by the lawes of this realme the King ought according to the auncient right of his crowne to present of all his aduowsons that be of his patronage And in likewise other patrons of benefices of their presentment and the plea of the right of presentments of benefice is within this Realme belongeth to the King and his Crowne And these titles can not be taken from the king and his subiectes but by their assent and so the law that is made therein to put away that title bindeth not in this realme Then may I reason of a stronger that the Kinges title to the Crowne can not be taken away without his consent and so the Law that is made therin by the Church to put away that title bindeth not in this Realme But to returne againe vnto presentments of benefices who knoweth not the terrible statute of premunire made in the Raigne of Edwarde the third against all such as shoulde prouide English benefices or spirituall dignities from Rome or purchase them from the Pope and also against all atturneyes and agents in that matter against the which statute the Pope neuer spurned but suffered it saith Saint Germany and it hath alwaies beene vsed in this Realme with-without resistance yea and in the statute made against the prouisions and translations of Byshoppes by the Pope made in the xvi yeare of the raigne of Richarde the second the vi Chapter we finde in those wordes the cause of the making of the statute least the Crowne of this realme which is immediatly subiect to God and to none other
appellation can not be made but from an inferiour iudge vnto an higher and also his superiour in that kinde of iurisdiction But much more am I amased at that impudent assertion Cap. tibi domino 63. D. and inserted by Iunius into his armilla aurea in the title of Papa Omnis potestas iurat fidelitatem Papae et obedientiam recognoscens ab eo omne quod habâ—t Not yet n spirituâ—ll maters Et si aliquando aliquis imperator donabit Ecclesiae vt de Constantine dicitur non fuit donatio sed restitutio Euerye power doth sweate feaulty and obedience vnto the Pope acknowledgeing from him all that he hath And if at any time some Emperour gaue vnto the Church as is reported of Constantine it was no giuing but a restoring For this is so repugnant vnto the holy scriptures and the common opinion of all diuines both ancient and moderne that most of our Catholickes Romains I thinke will be soe farre from defending it that they namely the vnlearned sort will as soone as euer they reade it cry out at me as a most shamlesse lyer for alleaging of soe shamefull a sentence But although as I saide our Catholique Romane will not perhaps affirme that Papae est terra plenitudo eius orbis terrarumâ—â— vniuersi qui habitant in ea the earth is the Popes and the fulnesse thereof the orbe of the earthes and all that dwell therein Yet â— doe nothing doubt but diuers of them doe holde being taught by their schoolemaster Pighius and other that albeit Peter and the Apostles were subiect vnto the Emperors and vnder other heathen states vnder whom they were borne and abode yet alter that the Emperours and Kinges of the earth became Christians and did voluntarily put their necks vnder the yoke of Christ The pops nor bishops haue any secular kingdome they straightway became ipso facto subiect vnto the Pope Christ his Lieuetenant generall in earth according to the prophesie of Esay Cap. 60. the nation and kingdome that will not serue thee Ierusalem shall perish but how truely let vs consider For first that the sense of this saying of the prophet is not such as Pighius supposeth but rather this A place of Esay answered that euerie nation that will not acknowledge Christ for their God Lord and Sauiour and be obedient vnto his precepts and ordinances shall perish I doe thinke is so apparant that it needeth no proofe and spoken onely of his spirituall kingdome on the earth which his father gaue vnto him as Messias as it is written in the second Psalme Thou art my sonne this day did I beget thee aske of mee and I will giue thee the nations for thine inheritance and the boundes of the earth for thy possession and then as also in this place of Esay he commaundeth the kinges to serue him in feare and to accept him for their prince and embrace his discipline and doctrine or else they should perish Now seeing this was a newe kingdome and inheritance giuen him by his father latelie it cannot be vnderstoode of the bodily and earthly kingdome for he as God was possessed of that before and from the beginning according to that saying of Dauid The earth is the Lordes and the fulnesse thereof the orbe of the earth and all that dwell therein But of his newe and newly restored kingdome consisting of beleeuing soules and called the kingdom of heauen whereof hee thus speaketh vnto his Apostles and messengers after his resurrection all power is giuen me in heauen and in earth wherefore goe ye and proclame publish and make knowen vnto nations how my father hath giuen me the Empyre of the whole earth and that those which shal refuse to weare my badge of baptisme and to obserue and keepe my lawes ordinances while they liue on earth shall after death be shut out of heauen blisfull paradise And so haue all both olde and late writers that euer I saw interpreted this place and not of any earthly and seruile subiection as Hierome the nations and kings that will not serue the Church in a good and profitable bondage or seruice that they may be transferred into the Apostolicall dignitie as Haimo shall serue thee by faith and good works As Leo de Castro who interpreteth that by this place of the Gospell He that will beleeue and be baptised shal be saued but he that will not beleeue shal be condemned And as Frererius an other learned Spanish Fryer that those which will not come into and continue in the true Church of Christ shall perich And this to be the true meaning of the Prophet doth the next sentence before plainely conuince Thy gates shall stand open continually day and night shall they not be shut that the strength of the nations or gentiles may be brought vnto thee and the kinges of them led vnto thee for the nation c. Neyther is Pighius his cause any thing better aduanced by an authority of Nazianzene borrowed out of Gratian A place of Nazianzene anâ—wered but afterward alledged by Saunders and Allen more according to the trueth of the text which they doe set downe in these wordes What will you not be content that I doe speake my minde freely for the lawe of Christ doth subiect you to my power and vnto my barre for we also haue an empyre yea I doe say more a more excellent and perfect then yours vnlesse it be meete that the spirit do submit it selfe to the flesh and that heauenly thinges giue place to earthly For who is so blinde that cannot see that Nazianzene doth in this speach chalenge none other then a spirituall gouernment such as our Bishops haue heere ouer their diocesses and priestes ouer their parishes a charge of soules and therefore because it hath the care and ordering of spirituall and heauenly things he doth affirme it to be more excellent perfect then the Empyre of kings who do rule ouer the bodies and goods of men So that no wordes can more manifestly depriue the Pope and priestes of all earthly empyre and commaund in temporall thinges then these doe which doe affirme them to belong to the ciuill magistrate their office being only occupied in sauing of soules by spirituall meanes and onely in matters spirituall heauenly as preaching praying administration of the sacraments and ecclesiasticall discipline and such like appropriated to priesthoode and that this was his meaning mind it is apparant by the wordes which he vseth before to the Citizens of Nazanse in the which he doth acknowledge himselfe and all the clergie subiect vnto the secular soueraigne saying thus But among other lawes of our doctrine we haue also this most laudable law inacted by the which as bondmen are commanded to obey to be obedient vnto their masters wiues vnto their husbands and the Church vnto Christ disciples and schollers to their schoolemasters and pastors so are we also prescribed to obey
neyther ought I to pay vnto God any becauâ—e I am his sonne But if any man will contend that hee affirmed that he ought to pay no tribute to the Emperour because he was the sonne of the supreme Emperour God Almightie I will not greatly striue with him but I will in noe wise graunt Felicius that he claimes to be discharged by right of any earthlie Empyre that he possessed as Christ for that by no meanes can be gathered out of the text yea what say you that that famous fryer Dominicus Soto doth holde in learned worke de Iustit Iure that the kingdome of Christ was meere spirituall and writeth that he had proued it at large in his commentaries vppon Mathew Moreouer the matter is so manifest that Pighius himselfe is forced to confesse that Christ his kingdome was onely spirituall and yet he giueth to him whome he woulde haue to be his deputie temporall superioritie ouer all Christian princes in that hee is Christ his Lieuetenant with as greate absurdidie as if a man shoulde denie that the Archbishoppe of Canterburie can heare and determine of felonies and yet holde that his officiall may or depriue the Constable of authoritie to enter forciblie into any mans house otherwise then in cases of treason and felonie and yet graunt it to the Constables deputie or to say that hir Maiestie can not put in or out at hir pleasure anie souldiours into hir towne of Barwicke and yet maintaine that hir Lieuetenaunt of the Towne may doe it And see I pray you how he answereth this obiection out of the Gospell as my father sent me so I sende you Whereas they say that Christ came not to exercise authoritie and empyre ouer Monarches Kinges and princes but as he was sente by the father Christ gaue no temporal power to Bishops nor Pope soe he doth witnesse that the Apostles were sent by him neyther therefore had they authoritie ouer kinges and princes they gather not aright for that word as doth not import a likenes in all points betweene them whih were sent Chist and his Apostles but doth shew the senders or the authoritie of the senders As if he had saide my father sent me but I send you otherwise Christ was sent by his father to redeeme mankind by his death but not so neyther to that end were the Apostles sent by Christ but for this purpose that they shoulde out of all nations gather together his kingdom in the which all men should be made partakers of his benefits vnto the which kingdom yet he himselfe had prescribed lawes and had ordained Peter to be gouernour thereof Yet had Peter no more authority then the rest of the Apostles I deny not but that the sending of Christ did in some pointes surmount the sending of the Apostles but that Christ sent forth his Apostles with a larger commission and power then his father had giuen him that no man I thinke will lightly grant Pighius that knoweth that rule of the Canon Law yea and I doe thinke of all lawes Nemo potest pius iuris conferre in alium quam sibi competere dignoscatur No man can giue more right vnto another then may be knowen is in himselfe the saying of Christ that the scholler is not aboue his schoolemaster nor the bondman aboue his Lord but it is enough for the scholler to be as his master is and the bondman as his Lord. And Iohn 13. Verily verily I say vnto you the seruaÌ„t is not greater then his master neither the Apostle nor legate or messenger greater then him that sent him And with what authority he sent them it appeareth by the words that immediatly follow when he had said these wordes he blew vpon them and said vnto them receiue the holy ghost whose sins ye shall remit they are remitted and whose sins ye shall retaine they are retained and can any man call this power an earthly empyre And bycause Pighius saith that Christ had ordained Peter gouernour of his kingdome I pray let vs consider what power he gaue vnto him at the time of his institution or inauguration his wordes be these Mat. 16. I will giue vnto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen and whatsoeuer thou shalt binde vpon the earth shall also be bound in heauen and whatsoeuer thou shalt loose vpon the earth shall be also loosed in heauen yee apparantly see that Christ gaue vnto Peter not the keyes of the earthly kingdome or Empire to aduaunce and depose Princes but of the Kingdome of heauen to let in or shutte out from heauen neither had hee a sworde or Scepter giuen him as ensigne of a King but a key a token of a porter So that except the Pope can shewe annother Chapter then that which was giuen to Peter he will want wordes to carrie away a terrene monarch But although Pighius doe grant Christe his kingdome to be spiriuall yet Felisius in his booke vppon the tenne commaundements Felisius obiectioÌ„s of Christs kingdom answered on the Commaundement honour thy father and thy mother will not yeelde thereunto but endeauoureth to proue his secular power and monarchy by his practise in deciding all kinde of causes as of life and death when he badde Peter put vp his sworde of criminall when he willed the woman taken in adultery to be gone and of ciuill when he determined the controuersi betweene the Pharisies the Herodians whether the Iewes ought to pay tribute vnto the Emperours of Rome or noe Doubtlesse if Felisius were not accounted for a great learned man among the Catholickes Romaine I would not vouchsafe to shape these obiections an answeare they are soe friuolous For who seeth not that Christ his commanding of Peter to put vp his sworde doth no more proue that Christ had authoritie of publique Iustice then the bidding of any simple gentleman in the Citty of London that his man put vp his sword which he had drawen in a fray against his enemy will conuince him to be a Iustice of the peace of the same Citty But that Christ saide vnto the woman taken in adultery that she might begonne her way for seeing noe man had condeÌ„ned hir neyther would he He doth plainly declare that he had noe authoritie to condemne or detaine hir but that she might be gone for any thing he had to say or deale with hir Now for the matter of paying tribute it was not brought before him as a competent Iudge by parties sueing and sued by processe awarded or vppon distresse taken but onely moued vnto him as a skilful Doctor and learned diuine to be determined as a doubt betweene the two sectes of the Pharisies and the Herodians As if a Protestant and Catholicke should priuately come to Doctor Felisius to know his opinion whether the Pope may depose Christian Princes or noe but in very deede they came not to Christ to be resolued of the doubt but onely to entrappe him and to see if
wife who being that day come from Naples wary was laide downe on her bedde But the proude Dame had no sooner sene the Bishoppe but she began to 〈◊〉 and saide oh sirrha wherein haue I or my Belisarius so soâ—e offended your maistershippe that you should betraye vs vnto the Gothes and immediatly bâ—d away with him not suffering him to speake one word And in his roome was one Vigilius Vigilius placed who not long after refusing to restore vnto his seate Anthenius who had bene depriued of the Bishopbricke of Constantinople for the heresy of Eutiches Thâ—odora the Empresse who fauoured Anthenius commanded to be arrested at Rome and sent prisoner to Constantinople where when being vrged with this vniust request he had broken out into this impatient speach that he had thought he had come to Iustinian but that now he well perceyued it was to Dioclesian He was so well whipped for forgetting his lesson in the two and twentith of Exodus Non maledices principi populi tui thou shalt not speake ill to the prince of thy people that he was almost slaine I doe thinke noe Christian or ciuill Emperour much lesse Iustinian woulde so seruilely haue vâ—ed him whom he reputed the monarch of the world and anone after was ignominiously drawen along the cyty in a halter and then put in prison where he continued many yeares with onely breade and water Anno Domini 591. Pelagius Pelagius the Byshoppe of Rome sent Gregory who succeded him in the see vnto Mauritius the Emperour of the east to desire him not to be offended for that he had suffered himselfe to be denounced Byshoppe before hee had obtained his consent and confirmation for he coulde not sende before that time to Constantinople because the cytie of Rome had bene straitely beseiged by the Lombards Now in those dayes saith Platina and all other Historians writing of those times and affaires the election of the Byshoppe of Rome was voide without the Emperours assent and conformation And now we are come to Gregory himselfe surnamed the greate a man in such credit with the Popes of latter times and the Catholickes Romaine Gregâ—â—y the great that they and wee doe more follow him in the diuine seruice and ceremonies then all the rest that euer satte in that see before him and therefore I doe hope that you will the more willingly allowe and embrace his opinion and iudgement of the secular soueraignytye As I doe not doubte but yee will cauell at manye of my former examples as vniust and tyrannicall the which I will not greately sticke to grant you and yet they doe strongly prooue the superioritie of those princes and that they were there lawfull although lawlesse soueraignes for as substantially doe the banishmentes of the Catholicke Byshoppes by the hereticall Emperours conuince the soueraignetie of the Emperours ouer the Byshoppes as the confining of the heriticall Byshoppes by the Catholicke Emperours Neyther am I lesse assured of the subiection of the Byshoppes of Asia vnto the Emperour of Constantinople for that I reade that Valens banished the Catholicke Byshoppes thereof then I am when I finde that Theodosius banished the Arrian Byshoppes of Asia For neuer shall wee finde that when the Empire was deuided that euer the Emperours of the East of what Religion soeuer they were did bannish the Byshoppes of the West nor contrarye wise but eyther dealte onely with them that were vnder their owne Empire and who would haue a better proofe that this Island was subiect vnto the Romane Empire then the hauocke that Dioclesian made here of the Christians and there Church and doth not he as sufficientlie shew himselfe to be a lawefull iudge that hangeth vp twenty true men aâ— hee that executeth as many theeues Neither doe wee reade that these Emperours and Kinges were reprooued for iniuriously punishing them ouer whome they had noe authoritie by right but because they punished them against law and right for matters that deserued noe punishment But leauing this let vs goe to Gregorie who had not learned to date his letâ—ers as the Popes doe now with Anno Pontificatus nostri in the yeare of our Popedome but regnante domino nostro Mauritio Tiberio piissimo Anno decimo quarto post Consulatum eiusdem domini nostri decimo tertio in the yeare of the raigne of our Lord Mauretius Tiberius the most godly Emperour the fourtenth and after the consulshippe of the same Lord of ours the thirtenth as his foure letters in the ecclesiasticall history of Beda are dated wherein I doe nore three thinges first that he doth not write the date of his owne creation or inauguration as soueraignes doe and secondly as subiectes doe that he writteth the date of the raigne of their Prince and thirdly that he called him Lord a worde so hautie and high that Augustus made an edict that noe man shoulde call him so noe nor woulde not suffer his Children nor Childrens Children to call him so Suetonius neither in earnest nor in sporte Moreouer with what duetifull humilitie are all his letters fraught that he directeth vnto the Emperour calling him in the plurall number after an vnwonted manner to declare his vnwonted lowlinesse and wonted subiection Domini my Lordes and yet because noe man shoulde thinke hee called him so rather of humilitie then of duetie it is apparant he vseth not that tearme to anye other But writing vnto Ethelbert the King of Kent he calleth him in Beda sonne a name of obedience and duetifulnesse but yet also of loue as hee also calleth Châ—lderbert the King of Fraunce â—plaplib 4. Indicto 12. eplam 96. et 97. But omitting many of his letters I will onely rehearse somewhat out of his threescore and one of the seconde booke wherein he finding greate fault with the Emperour for making an vniust Lawe as hee saith that noe Souldiour shoulde enter into Religion the which woulde haue made him to haue forgotten all humilitie if hee had beene as proudly spirited as some of his successors haue beene he thus beginneth his letters Omnipotenti Deo reus est qui serenissimis Dominis in omni quod agit loquitur purus non est Ego autem indignus pietatis vestrae famulus c. He is guiltie vnto God that is not pure vnto my renowned Lordes in all thinges that he doth and speaketh but I an vnworthie seruant of your godlinesse c. And anone after Fatemur Dominis meis and Dominorum pietas sanxit I doe confesse vnto my Lordes and the godlinesse of my Lordes hath decreed And againe Ego vero Dominis meis loquens quid sum nisi puluis verniis sed tamen quia contra authorem omnium Deum hanc intendere constitutionem sentio Dominis tacere non possum But I speaking vnto my Lordes what am I but dust and a worme but because I do perceiue that this constitution doth tende against God the creator of all I cannot holde my peace vnto my
any mortall man be soe audacious to pull him out of it And if that no man can excommunicate the Pope because no man is his superiour neyther can any man depose a king because no man is his superiour But the obiection out of Ruffinus his contimation of Eusebius that Constantine the great said vnto the Bishoppes assembled in the counsell of Nice A Place of Ruffinus answered God hath constituted you priestes and hath giuen you power to iudge also of vs and therefore iustly are we iudged by you But what is the vttermost that can be inferred of these wordes then a spirituall iudgement for seeing he maketh them iudges because they are priestes and not princes how can it import any secular power for the name of priest signifieth a man seperat from secular matters and wholly dedicated to heauenly and diuine So that to say that Bishoppes in that they are priestes are iudges ouer Kinges and Emperours in matters touching their crowne and dignitie is or absurde as if a man should say the Apostles had power to remitte and retaine sinnes because they were fishermen But as the Bishoppes shewed themselues farre from claiming any such authoritie by exhibiting vp vnto him as their soueraigne and chiefe iudge billes of complaint one against another So also did Constantine continually practise among them and vpon them his Empyre and soueraigntie So at the counsell at Nice when the definition of faith was presented vnto him by the counsell not the counsell but he did set downe the teÌ„porall punishment to the infringers thereof he protesting that he would banish all men that would not obey and embrace it And so immediatly after he banished Arrius and certaine Bishoppes that refused to subscribe And afterward as we reade in Socrates he made an edict that all bookes of Arrius his doctrine should be burned and who soeuer did conceale any and not bring them forth to the fire should die therefore we also finde in Theodoretus that he banished Eusebius the Bishop of Nicomedia and Thâ—â—gonus the Bishop of Nice because they sought to peruert to the Arianisme certaine Alexandrines and that he wrote thus to the Citizens of Nicomedia If there shall be founde any among you that shall audaciously praise and commend these pestilent Bishoppes their combes shall be soone cut by the execution of the minister of God that is by me So that the office of beeing Gods minister he kept still after he became a Chrstian neyther was it fallen vnto the Church by his embracing of the faith as Pighius saith And although he refused at the beginning of the counsell to heare and determine the accusations that the Bishoppes did put vp vnto him one against another of humility and pollicie because he would not haue that time vnprofitablie spent about priuate quarels which had beene appoynted for the common cause of Christ and his Church and therefore burnt all their billes of complaint yet that he dealt with the correction and punishment of Bishoppes it is apparant by that which I haue alreadie alledged and is made much more manifest by that Theodoretus writeth how the Arrians of Aegypt suborned by money certaine fellowes because if they had done it themselues it would haue smelt to accuse Athanasius vnto Constantine that he had set certaine impositions in Aegypt and giuen the money thereof to one for to raise a commotion in the country whereupon the Emperour sent for him to appeare before him at Constantinople a long iourney for the chiefe patriarch of the East whither he came and cleared himselfe so substantially that saies Tbeodoretus he recouered againe his Church allotted vnto him by God which is as much to say if he could not haue satisfied the Emperour he had lost his Bishoppricke After this his enemies accused him againe vnto Emperour of many greate crimes who thereupon following the honorable custome of this land that all men are tried by their peeres commaunded the Bishoppes of those countries to assemble together in counsell at Cesaria in Syria to heare the matter of Athanasius whither when Athanasius came not because he thought that seeing most that were assembled were his enemies he should finde no iustice there then they hauing gotten more pretences of slaunder accused him vnto the Emperour of audaciousnesse and tyranny See how it was accounted for an audacious part and rebellious for a patriarke not to appeare where the Emperour had commaunded him Neyther did there hope deceiue them for then the Emperour being exasperated did in letters vnto Athanasius both declare his displeasure and also commanded him to appeare at Tyrus for there should be held a counsell of Bishops Socrates reports that he threatned Athanasius that if he would not goe of himselfe he should be fet by force He also wrote vnto the counsell at Tiruâ— in which letters Theodoretus hath these wordes I haue sent vnto you Dionysius one that hath beene consul for to be president of the assembly that if any man which I thinke will not happen now all little regarding you commaundement shall not be there that there may be one hence from vs that by emperiall commaundement may banish him and teach him marke well these wordes that he must not disobey the order that the king hath appointed for the trying of a trueth But when Athanasius who singularly well acquitted himselfe coulde yet obtaine no iustice there secretly fled vnto the Emperour to Constantinople and put vp an appeale vnto him Constantine thereupon commaunded all the Bishoppes of the counsell to appeare before him at Constantinople with all speede the tenor of the mandate Socrotes setteth downe thus That all ye that held the counsell at Tyrus to immediately hasten to appeare before vs for to shew by deed the sinceritie and vprightnesse of your iudgement before me that is to wit him whome not ye your selues shall deny to be the propper minister of God From what power came this commaundement to a counsell to appare before the Emperour and to render a reason vnto him of their iudgement as vnto the chiefe minister and officer of God But to proceede with our historie when the Bishoppes were come to Constantinople they for feare of assured conuiction gaue ouer their olde slaunders and charged Athanasius with a newe lie that he should say vnto foure Bishoppes that he woulde let the comming of corne from Alexandria vnto Constantinople the which the Emperour ouer lightly beleeuing banished Athanasius into Trier in Germany where was now the Pope to depose the Emperour for banishing wrongfully the greatest Patriarch of the East this was worse then the emprisoning of the Bishop of Apamea by the french king for giuing him ill languages But to returne to our matter Socrates doth write that Athanasius his first troubles beganne because he woulde not receiue into the Church Arrius whome the Emperour did nowe take for a penitent and honest man whereuppon hee thus wrote vnto Athanasius Seeing that you doe nowe vnderstande the tenor of the
famous Cardinall Taietanâ— that doth hold and maintaine that the Pope cannot erre in the definition of faith yet doth affirme in his commentaries vpon Mathew that he may erre in iudgement whether a thing be lawfull or noe And therefore he doth not accept the deâ—rees of the Pope in his controuersie of diuotee for definitiue of faith but for iudiciall And in iudgementes the Popes themselues saith he doe confesse that they haue erred and so then may also a generall counsell erre in iudgements by your owne rules if perhaps any iudgement be to be founde of the counsell of the Laterane against Raimond the Earle of Tolouse for not purging his country of the Albigenses Canons of counsels binde not but where they are receiued Nowe this first scruple beeing taken away let vs descend vnto our next article and conclusion that the Canon doth not binde vs in this realme who is so ignorant that knoweth not that all decrees and Canons of generall counsels are not obserued and kept in euerie country neyther doe thy binde the breakers of them in conscience As for example there was a decree made by the counsell at Nice that deacons shall not sit aboue priestes but yet we doe see at Rome the Deacon Cardinalles doe sitte aboue Bishoppes that be no Cardinalles Likewise in Sexto Constantinapolitano in Trullo there is forbidden kneeling in praier on the Sundayes and soe likewise all the time betweene Easter and Whitsontide And also that no man shall fast the Saturnedaies in Lent but the quite contrarie of both Canons was most vsuall in this lande and thought most deuoute when the Pope was in his highest prime heere Moreouer it is the common opinion of all the Canonistes that the decrees and Canons reformatiue doe not else where binde but where they haue beene receiued and therefore our seminary priestes doe holde that the Catholickes Romane of this Realme nor yet those in France be not bounde to obserue the Canons of the late counsell at Trent because they haue beene publikly receiued in neyther of the kingdomes This then beeing soe if I can prooue that this Canon of deposing of princes was neuer receiued in this Realme then haue I conuinced that it doth binde no man of this Realme in conscience And this will I first prooue by circumstance of the time and secondly because diuers other 〈◊〉 for downe in the same counsell were neuer obserued 〈◊〉 as for this Canon The Canon neuer receiued proued by circumstance of time it neuer came in practise heare â—ntill Kinge Henrie the eyght First it is certaine that the counsell at Laterane was helde in Anno Domini 1215. and in the seuenth yeare of the raigne of Kinge Ioâ—n and in the time of the bloodie broyles of the Barons against the kinge it can not bee denyed but that the kinge had three Embassadours there and likelie enough it is that they subscribed and consented as the rest of the Embassadours did for their master sought all the meanes he coulde to please the Pope that hee might haue his helpe against the Barons and so indeede hee stoode his fast friende and at the counsell accursed the Barons suspended the Archbishoppe of Canterburie Stephan Langâ—â—â— for taking parte with them and for the same quarrell would not allowe his brother Simon Elected Archbishoppe of yorke so that there is no doubte but the greatest parte of the realme were as readie to displease the Pope as their prince was to please him for the chiefest cause that moued the king to sende Embassadours vnto the counsell was saith Mathews of Paris to procure the Popes curse against the Barons These wofull warres continued to the death of kinge Iohn soe that no parliament was or coulde be helde whereby this Canon could be receiued For if Sir Thomas More in his debellation doth truely say that kinge Iohn coulde not make his kingdome tributarie to the Pope without the consente of the parliament much lesse coulde he giue the Pope authority to giue the realme away God knowes to whom it should please him or that Christian that was able to winne it by fine force for according to the rule of the Canon Lawe Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus debet approbari that which toucheth all men ought to be allowed and approued and confirmed by all wherefore the Lord chiefe Iustice in the first yeare of the raigne of Henry the seuenth as we doo reade in the reportes of the same yeare Termino Hillarii Chap. 10. affirmed that all the Barrons vnto the Pope that after a sorte commaunded Edwarde the first to surcease from warring on the Scottes that helde of him That although the king woulde giue away the right he had to Scotlands yet for all that it shoulde not be soe because that hee that is king of England is alwaies chiefe Lorde of Scotland And if the king of this Realme cannot of himselfe dispose of a thing annexed and incorporated to the crowne of this kingdome will any wise man be of opinion that king Iohn coulde dispose of the crowne of England of himselfe without the assent and consent of the states and ordaine forfeytures thereof to forreyners and strangers And although I can easily be perswaded that the subiectes for the extreame hatred that they bare vnto their present prince The iniquitie of the Canon woulde lightly be wonne to accept of causes to be discharged of their alleageanc to their king yet can I hardly be induced to beleeue that they coulde suffer themselues their wiues and children landes and liuinges goods and country to be exposed to the sacke and spoyle of all their neighbours yea of all Christendome if they shoulde vnhappily happe to haue a wicked king And also well might they satisfie the will and intent of the counsell without any such pernicious perill of there whole state and also retaine still their ancient honour and liberty if they themselues did make choise of the Physition that should purge them if that the law of God had not vtterly forbidden theÌ„ to rebell froÌ„ their prince were he neuer so wicked and not foolishly bind themselues to take a purgation of they know not whom perhaps vnhappily of such a one 〈◊〉 â—â—te likely to purge them of ill humors so extreamely that he would destroy the habit of their bodye And hereof â—o saide an example they neded not to seeke far For as the very same instant they had a very plaine proofe thereof in France where the earle of Tolowse was depriued of his earledome because he would not purge his dominions of the Albigenses and the earledome giuen by the Pope vnto Simon the Earle of Monssort For that I may omit how bloudily Monssort executed the Popes mandate being generall of the Croysy against the Albigenses in sacking the Cities murdering the men and women how he did also vnder that pretence assaulte sacke cityes that were not one whit infected with that sect and slew in one battell twentie thousand
See they will be the successors of Constantine and not of Peter c. And in this minde they continued in the reigne of king Edward the first when the Parliament assembled at Lincolne thus wrote as we reade in Thomas of VValsingham flores historiarum vnto Bonifacius the viii who among other things in his letters to the king had requested that if the King had any right in the kingdomes of Scotland or any part thereof that he would send his proctors and learned counsell vnto him and there the matter shoulde speedily with iustice be adiudged decided Neither that the kings of England had by reason of the preeminence of their state regall dignity and costome at all times inuiolably obserued euer answered or ought to answere before any Iudge eccelesiasticall or secular about his rights in the aforesaide kingdome of Scotland or other his temporalities wherefore we hauing held a diligent consultation deliberation vppon the contents of your abouesaide letters it was the common concordious one minded consent of vs all of eueryone of vs shal be for euer hereafter vnaltered that our foresaid Lord the King doe not about the rights of the kingdome of Scotland or other his temporalities in any wise answere iudicially before you nor come vnder iudgement in any sort or bring his rights aforesaide in doubt or question nor therefore sende proctours or messengers vnto your presence seeing the premises doe tende manifestly to the disinheriting of the right of the Crowne of the kingdome of England and the kingly dignitie the notorious subuersion of the state of the same kingdome also to the preiudice of our fathers libertie costoms lawes to the obseruation and defending of whom we are bouÌ„d by the duty of oth taken the which we will maintaine in all that we can and will with the helpe of God defend with all our strength Neither also doe wee permit or in any sort will suffer as neither we can nor ought that our foresaide Lord king yea if he would doe or in any cause attempt the premises so vnwonted vndue preiudiciall and at other times so vnheard of c. And now I pray you will any indifferent man beleeue that our countrimen in those daies did thinke that the Pope had authoritie to despose their Kings or knew or heard that their fathers and auncestours had giuen the Pope power to expose the kingdome of their countrie for a common pray for all Christians and Catholickes But now hauing prooued that this Canon cannot bind vs now vnlesse our ancestours had receaued by consent of Parliament also haue shewed that it neither was nor could be done let vs fall to our seconde proofe that the Canons of this Counsell at least in temporall cases were neuer receiued in this Realme In this counsel there was a Canon made vnder payne of excoÌ„munication that the Clergy should not be forced to pay any contribution to secular princes neither shoulde they willingly of their owne accord pay any without licence first obtained of thâ— Pope Now that this Canon was neuer in force here it doth plainely appeare by the subsidies payde by the Clergy vnto the sonne of King Iohn Chap. 24. Henry the third in the ix the xvi the xxi the xxix the xxxvii the xliiii the xlii yeares of his raigne neuer once asked the Popes consent but contrariwise in the xxxvi yeares of his raigne the king hauing the popes mandate from the Counsell of Lyons See Holinâ—hed to pay him three tenthes because he was crossed for the holy land they vtterly refused to pay him penny The Clergy did also wthout contradiction pay vnto his sonne and successor Edward the first in the eight yeare of his reaigne thre tenthes and in the eleauenth yeare the twentith part of all their goodes but afterward at the Parliament helde at Saint Edmondesbury Robert the Archbyshoppe of Canterbury and some of the Clergy refused to pay not claming to be exempted by this Canon but by another decre made lately that very yeare by Pope Bonifacius the eight but then the King put the Cleargy out of his protection and thus forced them to yeelde and so they haue continued payment quietly euer since that time An other Canon we haue in the same counsell Chap. 4â— that no prescription shall be good during the whole time whereof the possessor did not verelye beleeue that the thing was his owne in truth But that the law of this land did neuer make any distinction of possession bona or malae fidei whether the possessor did think it to be his owne or not at all our Lawyers doe know and acknowledge And also the statutes of limitation made in the Parliamentes held at Marton and VVestminster in the three and twentie yeares of the raignes of Henry the third and Edward the first doe plainelie prooue Also a third Canon there is a branch of this of the desposition of Princes that the goodes of Clarkes condemned for heretikes shall bee forfeited vnto the Churches where they serued This constitution not to bee obserued the author of the booke called the Doctor and the Student doth at large prooue in the xxix Chapter of his seconde booke And also it doth plainely appeare by the statute made in the second yeare of Henry the first Chapt. 7. where wee finde that the goodes of Heretikes of what estate condition and degree soeuer they bee are escheated to the King And also all their landes that houlde immediately of him or of their ordinaries or their commissaries but the landes of all other that holde in chiefe of other Lordes the king to haue them a yeare and a day with their wastes and afterward to returne vnto the Lord of the sea And seeing that in three small matters that touched not the state the Counsell was not nor is receiued can anye wise man beleeue that the Counsell was receaued in a Canon that touched the ruine of the whole country and kingdome and namely seeing it hath beene plainely proued that a part of the very selfe same Canon was neuer alowed Now finally to conclude neither was the sentence of depriuation canonically pronounced against her Maiestie according to thee decree of the Counsell The Canon not orderly executed for whereas she should first haue bene admonished by the Church and then excommunicated by the Metropolitane and his comprouinciall Byshoppes and then if she had contemned to satisfie within one yeare to bee depriued c. It is manifest that she was not excommunicated by the Metropolitane and the Byshoppes of his prouince neyther I doe thinke admonished by the Church but euen at the very first choppe deposed by the Pope Therefore seeing that neyther Pope nor generall counsell haue authoritie to depose Princes or release subiectes of their allegiance neyther was the Canon of the Counsell of Laterane for deposing of Princes euer receiued in this land nor any other Canons of Counsels that touched temporalities neyther yet that Canon orderly executed â—-against her Maiesty What good Christian English man can thinke that hee was by that Bull of Pius Quinâ—â—â— discharged of his obedience and allegiance that hee oweth vnto her Maiestye And can absurdly beleeue that all those that shall dye in that quarell shall vndoubtedlye bee damned in hell fire with all miscreants and rebelles FINIS