Councils Pope Pius his Predecessors Or were the Popes his Predecessors general Councils But be it so that Popes only and not Councils were his Predecessors yet by the help of an i. e. those rods which were fashion'd by Popes were fashioned by Councils too For they viz. the Popes fashioned the rods i. e. in the Synods held in the Church before Luthers appearance (y) R. H. c. 11. S. 198. As if the Pope had not authority to make a rod without a Synod Notwithstanding the good service this Author hath done his Holiness here in England were he at Rome he would be whipt for his pains with a Rod of the Popes own making for derogating so much from his Authority in setting a Synod above him And yet after all I think no Romanist will be able to produce any General Council before Luthers time in which any one of those Rods I have before mention'd was fashion'd by the Pope But The Protestants who accuse seem as guilty (z) R. H. S. 199. In that the Protestants seem as guilty it is confess'd that the Council of Trent is really guilty The Protestants perhaps seem as guilty to him that they but seem so will easily be made appear For whatever new Definitions the Protestants have made in opposition to the new Romish Errors they do not make them such neeessary Articles of their Faith as that without the belief of them no man can be saved There is nothing in all this Section nor in all his tedious Discourse upon this subject in another place (a) Disc 3. c. 7. that looks toward the proof of this except this passage As the Roman Church doth anathematize those who affirm the contrary to her Articles to be true so doth the Church of England in the Synod held under King James 1603. Can 5. excommunicate those that affirm any of her Articles to be erroneous How unfaithfully is this represented does the Church of Rome anathematize those only who affirm the contrary to her Articles to be true Does she not also expresly anathematize those who think the contrary to several of them (b) Sess 5. c. 5. Sess 25. c. 2. and that in Points not only denied by Protestants but by some of her own Children Yea does she not make all those Propositions Articles of her Faith necessary to be believed which are contrary to those propositions to which in the Canons an Anathema is affixed as has been already proved out of Canus whom our Author has made Judge of this Controversy Yea does not he himself tell us again and again That any man who denies Assent to any Point when sufficiently evidenced to him to be a Definition of the Church is guilty of such a sin which unrepented of ruins Salvation (c) Considerat S. 192. 194. Disc 3. S 81. n. 4 5 6. He says indeed not because it is in it self for the matter necessary to be believed but because it is defined by the Church which is infallibly assisted But does not this render the Tyranny of the Roman Church so much the more intolerable unless he also prove that she is in all her Definitions so infallibly assisted Which if he once do no Protestant I presume will ever again call in question any of her Proposals But now the Church of England does not require any man to believe that all her decisions contrary to those of Rome are necessary Points of Faith She censures no man for thinking but only for speaking or acting and not for saying That all her Doctrine is not infallibly true but that any part of it is false She excommunicates those only who affirm that her Articles are erroneous But now what a wide difference is there between not saying that they are erroneous and saying that they are necessary ten thousand Propositions may be true which are no necessary Points of Faith This is yet further evident by the subscription required of those who are admitted to holy Orders or to any Ecclesiastical Benefice What is it they subscribe to That the Book of Common-Prayer was compos'd by men infallibly assisted That the 39 Articles are as necessary as the Apostles Creed No. But 1. That the Book of Common-Prayer and of ordering of Bishops Priests and Deacons containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of God and that it may lawfully be used (d.) Can. 36. Art 2 3. Can a thing be spoken with greater Modesty In what a different stile does the Council of Trent speak of the Canon of the Mass The sacred Canon is so free from all error that nothing is contain'd in it that doth not in the highest degree savour of Holiness (e) Ita ab omni errore purum ut nihil in eo contineatur quod non maxime sanctitatem ac pietatem quandam redoleat Sess 22. c. 4. 2. That he alloweth the book of Articles of Religion alloweth only and that he acknowledgeth all and every the Articles therein contained to be agreeable to the word of God (f) Ibid. And every thing is agreeable to the Word of God that is no way contrary to it and so thousands of Propositions which are far enough remote from being Articles of Faith But now in what a lofty strain does the Subscription to Pius's Creed run All things delivered defined and declared by Sacred Canons Vniversal Councils and especially by the Council of Trent I undoubtedly receive and confess and withal I Condemn Reject and Accurse all things contrary and all Heresies whatsoever condemned rejected and accursed by the Church This true Catholick Faith without which no man can be saved which at present I freely prosess and truly hold I the same N. do Promise Vow and Swear most constantly to retain and confess intire and inviolate to the last gasp and to take care to the uttermost of my Power that it be Held Taught and Preached by those that are under me or such as I shall have charge over in my Office (g) Bulla super forma Jurament Profes Fidei Again Can. 6. of the Synod held under Charles I. Anno 1640. the form of Subscription runs thus I A. B. do Swear that I do approve and sincerely acknowledg the Doctrine and Discipline established in the Church of England as containing all things necessary to Salvation Not that all things contained in them are necessary to Salvation but that all things necessary to Salvation are contain'd in them By what hath been said it plainly appears That there are other main differences between the two Churches in making new Definitions and requiring assent to them besides those mention'd by R. H. (h) § 201. And it might as easily have been shew'd That those very differences are by him not fairly represented I have I think sufficiently proved That the Council of Trent instead of making any Reformation in Faith and Worship did on the contrary not only confirm these Corruptions it found but superadded many to them 2. Nor did it only
many other of the like nature which must have been done if a Reformation had been made to purpose he would have been able to do nothing more For 2. The Prelats as has been before shew'd (h) First part p. 55 56 57. were so deeply sunk into Earthliness and Sensuality that there was nothing they would have more vehemently opposed than a Reformation This they gave a sufficient proof of in that they were so distasted with that Confession of their Excesses which Adrian made to the Diet at Nuremberg (i) Soave l. 1. p. 29. For if the bare Confession of their Faults was so displeasing how much more grievous would the reforming of them have been Which tho Adrian likewise promised yet how unable he would have been to perform it we may conclude from that ill success he met with in Rome it self For tho he resolv'd to reform Abuses at home before he sent his Legat to treat with the Princes of Germany yet he met with so much difficulty in the Attempt that he was forced to quit his Resolution (k) P. 24. And can it be suppos'd that he should be able to reform the Universal Church who could not correct the Disorders of his own Court (l) Palpabiliter cernitur ipsam ejus Curiam maxima indigere Reformatione sicut omnia clamaverunt ultimo celebrata Generalia Concilia Quam suam Curiam si non potest aut non vellet reformare quam sub alis suis contegir quomodo credendum est quod tam late diffusam reformare possit Ecclesiam Jacob de Paradis Collect. de Authorit Eccles And therefore after he had made some trial of his strength and found how unequal it was to his undertaking he said to his familiar Friends That the condition of the Popes was very miserable since matters were come to that deplorable pass that tho they never so much desired it yet they were not able to reform the Church (m) Saepe enim sanctissimus Pontifex ubi Curiae Rom. artes consilia perspecta habuie cum Gulielmo Encurtio Theodorico Hezio suis familiaribus conquestus est permiseram esse Pontificum Romanorum conditionem eoque in statu res esse ut quanquam maxime vellet Ecclesiam emendare non posset c. Richer l. 4. part 2. p. 133. Soave p. 24. And what was the reason he was not able to effect what he so earnestly endeavoured One main reason doubtless was that he in some measure let loose that Tie which he had upon them from their worldly Interests No plurality of Benefices with cure of Souls was to be expected from him He was resolved as he said to adorn Churches with Priests and not Priests with Churches (n) Lannoii Epist part 4. Epist ad Hen. Barrill Such a little piece of Reformation as this the corrupt Manners of the Courtiers were not able to bear they therefore set themselves to oppose him and being impatient of enduring him any longer 't was by some suspected that they hastned him into another World by an Italian Trick (o) Raynald in Adriano n. 13â— The plain consequence of what hath been said is this That the Reformation of the Church of Rome must needs be very hopeless since the Pope himself tho he should have seriously endeavour'd it could not have made it because he could not have made it without doing that which as the case of that Church then stood would have disabl'd him to make it A desperate case indeed when it could not be effected whether the Pope were for it or against it If the the Pope were against it the rest of the Prelats were not able without him to compass it if the Pope were for it he must in order to it do that which would have rendred him unable to compass it Obj. If it be objected That the Reformations attempted in the Councils of Constance Basil and the last Pisan are an evident Argument that the Romish Bishops were not generally so averse from a Reformation Ans I answer 1. That in the Councils of Constance and Basil many of the Bishops were over-aw'd by the good Emperor Sigismund whose Authority at that time bore a much greater sway than the Popes 2. In these Councils the inferiour Clergy had a decisive voice which was denied them in the succeeding Florentine Lateran and Trent Councils And Ludovicus Cardinal of Arles and John Bishop of Segovia whose Authority in this matter is unquestionable assure us that it was not the Bishops but the inferior Clergy by which Matters were carried in the Council of Basil for the Reformation and against the Pope p Aeneae Sylv. Comment l. 1. p. 29 34. 3. 'T was but a piece of Reformation these Councils design'd and that not the most considerable Those demands of Reformation in the Head and Members says the Cardinal of Perron propounded before the last division of the Church have been demands of Reformation not in the Doctrine of Faith and the Sacraments but in Manners and in the practice of Ecclesiastical Discipline which even these words of Reformation both in the Head and Members principally used in the time of the Councils of Constance and Basil signifie q Reply to the King of Great Brit. l. 4. c. 30. And those matters of Discipline they aim'd at were such as did almost all concern the Exorbitances of the Pope and his Court as appears by the eighteen Articles of Reformation proposed in the Council of Constance r Sess 40. And therefore no wonder if the Bishops did the more easily yield their Consent to them 4. Tho the second Pisan Council voted a Reformation both in Faith and Manners Yet it is sufficiently known That that Reformation was resolved upon to serve a Design against the Insolencies of the present Pope in opposition to whom that Council was called by some of the Cardinals who had been disgrac'd and insolently treated by him Tho even that was a plain Argument of the necessity of it and how earnestly it was desired by the Christian World But because in discoursing afterward upon the Council of Trent I shall have occasion to say those things which will be more than an Answer to this Objection I shall only at present add That if the Bishops were not generally abandoned to Ambition Covetousness Sloth and Sensuality 't is not I but the Romish Writers themselves that slander them For this I appeal to Marsilius of Padua Nicolas Clemangis the German Bishop who wrote the Book call'd Onus Ecclesiae Father Paul yea even to Pope Pius II himself before he was Pope Cardinal or Bishop who in his Comments upon the Council of Basil hath left on record this sad Complaint among many others of the Cardinal of Arles Alas at this day a Prelat who does not prefer temporal things before those that are spiritual is rarely found s De Gest Concil Bas l. 1. fol. 12. 7. There is one Consideration still behind which
Ecclesiae communicandi Laicos non conficientes Sacerdotes sub una tantum specie panis ita sit retinenda ut nulla ratione Calicis usus cuiquâ—m sit permittendus c. Decret super Petit. Conces Calicis Sess 22. Thus we have seen that no Reformation at all was made in those matters in which a Reformation was most necessary and which in comparison were the only things the Protestants demanded a Reformation of For though indeed they made great complaints of Corruptions in Manners and Discipline yet they withal profess'd that they did not look upon these as sufficient ground to break with the Church of Rome But that their Errors in Faith their Sacriledge Superstition and Idolatry in Worship were the only Grievances that were intolerable without the redress of which there was no remedy but they must forsake her Communion SECT II. In those matters in which a mighty Reformation was pretended little or rather none was really made 2dly It remains then That if any Reformation was made it was only in matters of Ecclesiastical Discipline and so much of Manners as follow'd thereupon This is indeed all that the zealous Patrons of the Council assert Yea all that the Council it self pretended to And in these matters if we will believe some Romanists great things were done But if we consider the things themselves we shall find them so little or rather nothing that they deserve not the name of Reformation This will I think be evident by considering these five things 1. The Persons who were exempted from the Reformation 2. The Corruptions and Disorders which the Council pass'd over without taking notice of them 3. That those Abuses the Council took notice of for some of them it made no Decrees of Reformation for others the Decrees concerning them were many of them meer Shams and Illusions But 4. Supposing the Council had extended their Decrees to all Persons and to all things that stood in need of being reform'd That they had so fram'd them as to render them most effectual for obtaining their end yet they in effect revoked them all again And 5. That these things are so notorious that they are confess'd and complain'd of by the Romanists themselves 1. The Persons who were exempted To talk of reforming and not to correct him or them in whom the Deformity has its rise and from whom it descends to others is as absurd as to talk of curing a Disease without removing its prime cause which no Physician will pretend to who is not either a Knave or a Fool. And yet such unskilful or unfaithful Physicians were the Fathers of the Trent Council as will appear if we consider these two things 1. That the evils complain'd of did chiefly if not wholly proceed from the Popes themselves 2. That the Council made no provision for reforming of them 1. That the Popes themselves were the Fountain from which the evils chiefly flow'd For the proof of this passing over many others as needless I shall content my self to produce two witnesses whose Authority is beyond Exception The first is the Select Council of Cardinals and other Prelates Deputed by Paul III. to acquaint him with the abuses and what were the best expedients by which they might be reform'd who presented to him upon Oath That the Original of the evils the Church groan'd under was that some Popes his Predecessors having itching ears had heapt up to themselves Teachers after their own lusts not such from whom they might learn what they ought to do but such by whose art and cunning they might find out a way to make what they listed Lawful so that the will of the Pope whatsoever it was might be the rule by which his actions were to be directed From this Fountain say they as from the Trojan Horse so many abuses and so grievous Diseases have broken into the Church of God by which it is brought almost to a desperate condition r Et quoniam Sanctitas tua spiritu Dei erudita qui ut inquit Augustinus loquitur in cordibus nullo verborum Strepitu probe noverat principium horum malorum inde fuisse quod nonnulli Pontisices tui Predecessores prurientis auribus Ita quod Voluntas Pontificis qualiscunqe ea fuerit sit regula qua ejus operationes actiones dirigantur ex quo proculdubio effici ut quicquid libeat id etiam liceat Ex hoc fonte sancte Pater tanquam ex equo Trojano irrupere in Ecclesiam Dei tot abusus tam gravissimi morbi quibus nunc conspicimus eam ad desperationem fere salutis laborasse c. Richer l. 4. par 2. p. 137. Sleidan Comment l 12. Thuani l. 35. This was the Voice not of one single Cardinal but of many United and of those among them who were thought the most Eminent But if that Authority which is next to Infallible be thought too little let us hear what was the Judgment of one of the better sort of Popes in this matter I mean Adrian VI. who confess'd in the Diet at Nuremberg That many things to be abominated had been for some years past in the holy See abuses in spiritual matters excesses in Commands and that all things were out of order that the Disease had descended from the Head to the members from the Pope to the other Prelats As for what concerns us says he to his Legat Thou shalt promise that we will use our utmost endeavour that this Court from whence peradventure all this evil did proceed may be first reform'd that as the corruption hath flow'd from thence to all Inferiours so the Health and Reformation of all may proceed from the same too (Å¿) Scimus in hac Sancta Sede aliquor jam annis multa abominanda fuisse Abusus in spiritualibus c. Odaric Raynald Tom. 20 Thuan. l. 35. This doubtless is a Testimony that no Papalin can refuse I shall therefore conclude with it lest by adding more I should seem to derogate from the Infafallible Oracle Thus we see That the chief cause of the Deformation of the Church was the wound in the Head as James of Paradise expresses it (t) Et hanc profecto potissimam reor causam deformationis Ecclesiae quia cernitur in capite vulnus quod necesse habeat ante curari Jacob. de Paradis Collect. de Auth. Eccles Which every man will easily grant who impartially considers That of those five Popes who sate during the Council (u) Paul iii. Julius iii. Marcellus ii Paul iv Pius iv there was but one viz. Marcellus who was not infamous for Vice and his Reign was so short (w) He died the 20th day of his Popedom Papir Masson in vita ejus that it deserves not to be mention'd 2. Did the Council make provision for curing this Disease in the Head No The Pope was Lord Paramount to the Council too high to be within the reach of its Power so sacred was his Person as to
Decrees themselves but that they had been all so composed to render them most effectual for obtaining their ends That they had been extended to all Persons and to all matters too that stood in need of Reformation Yet they were all in effect revoked that is render'd no further binding than the Pope pleas'd these two ways 1. By reserving to the Pope a power of dispensing with them 2. By reserving to him the whole power of expounding them 1. By reserving to the Pope a power dispensing with them For nothing was decreed but with this reserve Saving always the Authority of the Apostolick See in all things This was expresly premised to the Decrees of Reformation Sess 7. (c) Eadem Sacrasancta Synodus eisdem Praesidentibus Legatis incaeptum residentia Reformationis Negotium ad Dei Laudem Christianae Religionis increnentum prosequi intendens ut sequitur statuendum censuit salva semper in omnibus sedis Apostolicae auctoritate And lest it might be thought not to extend to all the subsequent Decrees to make all sure in the Conclusion of the Council it was again declar'd as we have before heard That in all the Decrees of the Council made under Paul Julius and Pius with what Words or Clauses soever it should be understood that the Authority of the Apostolick See is excepted and preserved (d) Sess 25. c. 21. And what is meant by the Authority of the Apostolick See in this matter but an Authority of dispensing with the Canons and Decrees whensoever the Pope shall judg it convenient Thus it is interpreted by Espensaeus (e) In cap. 1. Epist ad Tit. Richerins (f) Hist Concil general l. 4. par 2. p. 182 183. and other Romish Doctors Thus it was understood by Cardinal Amulius when he perswaded the Pope to confirm the Decrees absolutely For that his Holiness might provide for his Ministers by Dispensation without violating the Decrees of the Council because in them the Apostolical Authority is reserved (g) Soav p. 815 816. But 't is needless to produce Witnesses for the proof of this since as Father Paul says Every Fool knew what this Exception meant (h) P. 260. And was not this to pull down all they had before built up as Richerins says (i) Septima Sessione ubi de Reformatione agitur hoc egreginem assumentum omnibus aliis capitibus quae de disciplina aut Ecclesia emendanda Sciscuntur pro exordio praemittitur quo quidem Caetera omnia diruuntur antiquantur l. 4. par 2. p. 182. or as Du Ranchin expresses it To put a Gull upon all Christendom (k) Review of the Council of Trent l. 2. c. 4. n. 26. I know Pallavicino tells us which R. H. lays much weight upon That altho they may lawfully dispense with these Laws yet the Popes for their Conscience and Honour sake require for the most part such weighty Causes and so rarely happening for doing this that their Concessions in matters prohibited by the Council do not amount to the 20th part of those formerly made (l) Apparat ad Hist c. 10. Methinks the Jesuit speaks faintly He says not that the Popes always but for the most part require such weighty Causes which is a plain Concession that they sometimes not only dispense with these Laws but without any such weighty Causes And if he confess that sometimes we may then take it for granted that they often do so But whether the Popes since the Council of Trent have been so tender of their Consciences and Honour in dispensing with the Laws made by it let some Instances determine By one Decree Expectative Graces and secret Reservations (m) Sess 24. c. 19. by another Accesses or Regresses to Ecclesiastical Benefices are forbidden (n) Sess 25. c. 7. How well those were observed by the Pope let Espensaeus inform us who five years after the Council was ended makes doleful complaints of these and many other Abuses of like nature then practiced by the Court of Rome (o) Comment in cap. 1. Epist ad Tit. p. 483. Edit Paris 1619. The Council decreed That no Ecclesiastical Person tho a Cardinal should hold two Bishopricks or other Ecclesiastical Benefices (p) Sess 24. c. 17. And yet many years after this Law came to be in force one French Cardinal had at the same time three of the wealthiest Arch-bishopricks and six of the richest Abbies another was possessed at once of twelve Abbies and one of the fattest Bishopricks (q) Richer l. 4. par 2. p. 192. And we cannot reasonably suppose but that his Holiness made as liberal Provision for the Cardinals of other Nations as for those of France There had need be a weighty Cause indeed to warrant such enormous and scandalous Dispensations as these But could there be any cause why the Rich and the great Ones should as Richerius says without any difficulty obtain from the Court of Rome Dispensations for many Benefices (r) Hercle ad corruptelarum cumulum apprime facit quod Divites Magnates nullo negotio a Curia Romana dispensationes obtinent ad plura Beneficia p. 193. Yes a very weighty one because the Rich and the Great were best able to pay for them But why should the Cardinals notwithstanding this express Law to the contrary hold all sorts of Benefices how incompatible soever without a Dispensation by Virtue of a Priviledg which they call Os apertum (Å¿) Et inter alios Cardinales propter Privilegium quod os apertum nominant nulla omnino indigent Dispensatione ad omnia omnis generis Beneficia quantumvis incompatibilia possidenda ibid. How wide is a Cardinals mouth when open'd Why to maintain the Pomp and Grandeur of the Roman Court And is not that a weighty Cause too and such as rarely happens Two other of the most important Decrees are those by which Provision is made of fit Persons for Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Benefices (t) Sess 24. c. 1. c. 18. And were not these well observed when six Abbies and one Archbishoprick were reserved for a Child of three years old (u) Richer l. 4. par 2. p. 192. And was not Vrban VIII very scrupulous in dispensing with them when he gave nothing to those who had best served the Church but what his Nephews had before refus'd as unworthy of their acceptance And Innocent X. did as well observe them when he committed the Government of the Universal Church to an imperious and insatiable covetous Woman and bestowed all Livings as She was pleas'd to direct and command (w) Rycaut in the Life of Innocent X. And Clement X. was no less careful to put them in Execution when all Persons of Virtue and Merit were rejected and none but a sort of progging Merchants advanced to Benefices (x) Id. in his Life There is another Decree by which all Titles and Rights to Benefices that were obtain'd by Simony
but it is needless in a matter so notorious The Bulla Coenoe Domini as it was published by Paul III. without those Additions which have been since made is it self alone an irrefragable Evidence of the Judgment of this Council as to the excommunicating of Kings For in that Bull all secular Powers are excommunicated who call any Ecclesiastical Persons to their Tribunals Courts c. (b) Bulla Pauli III. Idib Apr. 1536. Bullarii Rom Tom. 2. And this Bull was publish'd before the Convocation the Trent Council and twenty seven years before the Decree mentioned was made by the Council and therefore was confirmed by it And if any Prince stands a year excommunicated he is judged a Schismatick and Heretick and what punishment he is then liable to I need not tell you 4. Another gross Abuse confirm'd by this Council is giving the Pope the Election into Bishopricks in foreign Dominions As the form of Examination of Persons fit to govern the Churches in every Province is to be approved by the Pope so when the Examination is finish'd it is to be reduced into a publick Instrument and sent to him to be examined by four Cardinals and proposed in Consistory that his Holiness having full knowledg of the whole matter and of the Persons if by the Examination and Inquisition made they shall be found fit he may out of them profitably provide for the Churches (c) Sess 24. Cap 1. 5. The reserving of all such weighty criminal causes of Bishops as deserve Deposition and Deprivation to the Popes Cognizance and Decision And if the Cause be such as it must necessarily be tried out of the Court of Rome that it be committed to none except such Metropolitans and Bishops as the Pope shall chuse But that the Commission be special and sealed with the Popes own Seal and that he never give them any more Power than barely to take Instruction of matter of Fact and to make the Process which they shall forthwith send to the Pope the definitive Sentence being reserved to his Holiness (d) Sess 24. Cap. 5. Now as this and the Abuse next foregoing are both intolerable Usurpations upon the Rights of Princes so they make the Bishops in the whole Christian Church intirely dependent on the Pope He may set them up and pull them down at his Pleasure And is not the Universal Church like to be well governed when all the Bishops are at the Popes beck 6. The Exemptions of Monastick Orders from the Jurisdiction of Bishops This Abuse had been complain'd of long before as the great bane of Ecclesiastical Discipline and the chief cause of the lewd and scandalous Lives of the Monks and the Reformation of it was demanded of the Council by the Emperors Ambassadors (e) Soav p. 513. And what did the Council do in order to the removal of this grand Abuse Did they abolish all Exemptions already granted and forbid the granting of any more for the future No they ordained indeed That no Secular Clerk nor Regular dwelling out of his Monestry should be exempted if he offended from being visited punished and corrected by the Ordinary of the place As Delegate of the Apostolick See (f) Sess 6. cap. 3. That the Chapters of Cathedrals and other greater Churches by no Exemptions Customs Oaths or Agreements should be freed from being visited and corrected by their Bishops and other greater Prelats by Apostolical Authority (g) Sess 6. c. 4. That the Ordinary of the place shall every year by the Apostolical Authority visit all Churches however exempted (h) Sess 7. cap. 8. That all Secular Clerks notwithstanding any Exemptions Declarations Customs Oaths Agreements shall as oft as there is need be corrected and chastized for their Excesses and Faults by the Bishops resident in their Churches as Delegates of the Apostolick See i Sess 14. cap. 4. That the Monastries held in Commendam the Abbies Priories c. not tied to a Regular observance shall be visited by the Bishops as Delegates of the Apostolick See k Sess 21. cap. 8. But for those Monasteries and other Religious houses in which they are tied to Regular Observance the Bishops shall provide by Paternal Admonition that the Superiors observe their Regular Constitutions and cause them to be observed by those that are under them and if within six months after Admonition they do not visit and correct them then the Bishops as Delegates of the Apostolick See may proceed to Visitation and Correction This is as I take it the sum of what the Council hath decreed concerning Exemptions In which observe 1. That the Bishops have nothing to do with any Regulars of what Order soever who do not dwell out of their Religious houses in case their Superiors take care that they observe the Rules of their Order By which vast numbers of men are left at liberty to defie the Bishops and to create to them all manner of Molestation 2. In case their Superiors neglect their Duty the Bishops cannot proceed to visit till they have first paternally admonished them and their six months further neglect after such Admonition But 3. That which I chiefly observe is That not only no Monasteries whether Regular or not Regular but not so much as any Churches or Chapters are otherways subjected to the Bishops than as they are the Popes Delegates they act purely by a Power derived from him which he may therefore either revoke or contract at his Pleasure A fine Sham Are not the Bishops highly promoted They may now visit and correct Churches Chapters Colleges Monasteries Abbies Priories Provostships Yes so far and so often as the Pope gives them leave We have seen that the Trent Council was so far from making any real Reformation in Discipline that it not only took no effectual course for the removal of any Abuse but on the contrary confirmed many and those such as were of all others most pregnant with mischief And yet this is not the worst for as it confirmed the old so 2. It introduced many new Errors in matters of Discipline as well as Doctrine by which the Popes Tyranny was enlarged and advanced to a higher pitch than ever Several of which have been already mention'd and therefore I shall not now inlarge upon them As 1. The Decree of Proponentibus Legatis pass'd in the first Sesfion under Pius l Sess 17. That nothing should be proposed to be treated of in Council but by the Popes Legats A Priviledg never granted to any Pope by any foregoing Council 2. The making of all their Decrees with the Reservation of the Popes Authority m Sess 7. Sess 25. cap. 21. as has been before shew'd Another new Prerogative conferr'd on his Holiness 3. The giving the Pope a Power to expound their Decrees as we have also before heard in case any difficulty arise about the sense of them or a necessity of Declaration n Sess 25. which was never granted by any
of it self without the Assistance of any of those fore-mention'd amounts to no less than a Demonstration viz. That the Church of Rome was so remote from reforming her Errors that she would not be brought to acknowledg that she could err in any of her Definitions but on the contrary condemn'd them for Hereticks who did not take her most palpable Errors for unquestionable Truths And tho the Romanists cannot agree among themselves about the subject of this Infallibility but if you ask them where or in whom it is seated they answer with confusion of Language like that of Babel yet they all agree in this That they have it somewhere and make this the Foundation into which they resolve their Faith Now what hope can there be of curing that Person who is so far from seeking out for a Remedy that he will by no means hear that he is so much as capable of being sick Such was the condition of the Church of Rome Tho she was sick even nigh unto Death yet she would not endure those who said no more than that it was possible she might not be well This rendred her Disease absolutely incurable Though the Arguments produc'd will I question not be thought satisfactory by all disinteress'd Judges yet it cannot be expected but some Persons will be found who will think they can easily confute them by plain matter of Fact that is by shewing that the Reformation so much desired before and in Luther's time has been long since made If they can indeed do this it must be granted That these and all other Arguments of the like import are no better than Fallacies For as Diogenes sufficiently confuted Zeno who denied the possibility of Motion by rising and actually moving so if any Man can shew That those Errors and Corruptions so much complain'd of have by the Church of Rome been reform'd he must be not only absur'd but impudent who shall still assert That the Reformation was desperate And to convince you That this Reformation has indeed been made they will send you no farther than the Council of Trent in which they will tell you this work was so compleatly done that nothing was left undone that could be thought needful to a thorough Reformation This being the thing which the Romanists chiefly insist upon and make their boast of That my Answer may be the more full and satisfactory it will not be amiss to spend a little time in shewing what sort of Reformation it was that was made by that Council by which it will be manifest how much they endeavour to impose upon the World who represent it as a Reformation so entire that nothing of moment can by any unprejudic'd Person be found wanting in it 'T is confessed That as that Council was call'd as the Pope pretended for the Reformation of the Church so that in pursuance of that Pretence many Decrees concerning Reformation were made by it But that the Reformation they made such a noise about was indeed no more than Noise a great Cry and no Wool designed to abuse Princes and to put a cheat upon the World by amusing them with the name that they might beguile them of the thing will I think so plainly appear by the sequel of this Discourse that those whose great Interest it is not to confess it will scarce have the face to deny it But because two famous Jesuits namely Scipio Henricus and Cardinal Pallavicino have made it their business to blast the Credit of the History of this Council written by Father Paul by representing it to the World as a slanderous Libel made up in great part of malicious Forgeries before I proceed it may not be amiss to vindicate its Credit from their false Imputations though it be not indeed necessary in order to that which I intend because the Charge I shall draw up against the Council will not be taken from that History alone but from other Authors and for the most part from the Decrees and Canons of the Council it self CHAP. II. The Authority of Father Paul's History of the Council of TRENT asserted THE Credit of the History will be sufficiently clear'd by shewing these two things 1. How well the Historian was qualified for the work 2. That it is so far from being overthrown or so much as impaired that it is rather strengthen'd and established by those who endeavour to destroy it SECT I. The Author's sufficiency for the Work and his sincerity in performing it First The Credit of any History bears proportion to the Authority of the Writer and the Authority of the Writer to his sufficiency for the Work and his sincerity in performing it By how much the greater his knowledge was of the things he delivers and by how much the greater evidence there is of his sincerity in delivering them by so much the greater is his Authority and by consequence so much the more unquestionable the truth of his History In case then there be no reason to suspect that the Writer is defective in either of these Qualifications but a Person of unquestionable Ability and approved Sincerity there can be no reason to question the truth of what he relates but on the contrary the greatest reason in the World to entertain it as a faithful saying To apply this to the Historian we now treat of 1. No Man can doubt of Soave's Ability who considers That he wanted neither that Judgment nor those means of Information that were needful to qualifie him for such a Work 1. He could not want Judgment who was the Miracle of his age for all sorts of Learning Not only for such as are wont to be found in Cloysters but such also by which the Physician the Lawyer the Gentleman and the Statesman are recommended to the World and particularly for his Skill in History both Sacred and Profane as may be seen in his Life written by Fulgentius To which if we add That he wrote this History not in his greener years but when his Understanding was fully ripe we must needs grant that he had a sufficient talent of Judgment and Discretion for such a Work So admirable indeed was his Judgment in all matters That as the Author of his Life tells us never any thing was proposed to him whereto he did not as readily and solidly answer as if it had been in his only Profession and he gave no answer so suddenly that seem'd not to be long and studiously consider'd of and such an one as could not be better'd (f) Life p. 131. printed at Lond. 1651. 2. Nor could he want means of being rightly inform'd and sufficiently instructed in those things he delivers He was a Neighbour to the place where the matters he writes of were transacted He lived in a City full of learned and inquisitive Persons who had collected Memorials of what had passed in this great Affair (g) Jur. Hist Reflect p. 94. He had the sight of the Letters Diaries and Memorials of many
stabiliend Rom. Eccles Vergerii Tom. 1. p. 95 96. And a little after he proceeds thus Certainly we scarce retain in our Churches so much as a shadow of the Doctrine and Discipline which flourish'd in the times of the Apostles but have brought in another quite different from it c Certe vix umbram quandam retinemus in nostris Ecclesiis ejus doctrinae disciplinae quae Apostolorum temporibus floruerunt prorsus aliam accersivimus p. 97. And in the conclusion they give the Pope this Counsel as the most weighty of all That he labour with all his might that as little as possible of the Gospel especially in the vulgar Tongue may be read in the Cities that are under his Dominion that that very little which is wont to be read in the Mass may be sufficient and that no mortal Man may be permitted to read more of it For as long say they as Men were contented with that little your affairs succeeded according to your wish which began to decline to the contrary as soon as Men took upon them to read more In brief this is the Book which hath raised the Tempests and Storms with which we are toss'd And the truth is if any Man shall diligently consider that Book and shall take a view of those things which are done in our Churches he will see that there is a vast disagreement between them and that our Doctrine is not only altogether different from that but which is more is often contrary to it d Denique quod inter omnia consilia quae nos dare hoc tempore Beatitudini tuae possumus omnium gravissimum ad extremum reservavimus oculi hic aperiendi sunt omnibus nervis adnitendum erit ut quam minimum Evangelii poterit praesertim lingua vulgari in iis legatur civitatibus quae sub tua ditione ac potestate sunt sufficiatque tantillum illud quod in Missi legi solet c. p. 102. 1. This was the Confession of Popish Bishops but made in the Pope's Ear and afterward divulged to the World by a great Bishop of that Church who a little before was so zealous an Advocate for the Romish Faith and so much the Popes Favorite that he made choice of him before all others for his Legate to reduce the Hereticks in Germany Forty years before this the Cardinals and Bishops in the Council of Pisa not only confess'd their Errors in Doctrine but decreed a Reformation in Faith as well as in Manners e Sess 3. Richer Hist Concil general l. 4. parte 1. p. 430. For though as I said before that Decree was made by them to serve a Design yet the serving of that Design was a plain Demonstration that such a Reformation was judged needful by many of the Roman Church Add to these the Emperor the King of France and the Duke of Bavaria who demanded such a Reformation from the Trent-Council as was in many points plainly repugnant to the received Doctrines of the Roman Church f Natalis Comes l. 14. Hist sui temp Soave l. 6. p. 513. p. 527. l. 7. 652. And was any thing done by the Council in compliance with these Confessions and Demands No not one of their Doctrines was so much as reflected upon much less condemn'd Yea so far was the Council from making any alteration in Doctrine that the Emperour with all his Authority could not obtain leave for the Protestants so much as to propose their Doctrine g Soave l. 4. p. 359. 360. Vergerii Secret Pontif. Actio 1. And to make all sure against any such kind of Reformation the Pope provided that his most learned Prelats might not come acquainted with any other Doctrine than what their Mother the Church had taught them For he prohibited not only the Bishops but the Cardinals too to look into the Books of the Lutherans h Verger secret Pontif. Act. 3. p. 77 78 82 83. And were not they think you likely to be equal Judges who were to condemn those Doctrines which they were not permitted to examine But 't is needless to shew that no Reformation was made in Doctrine since R. H. confesses That the Tridentine Fathers were unanimous in condemning the Protestant Tenets i Considerat on the Counc of Trent s 150. And that the Pope had no need of the Italian Bishops to that purpose because the whole Council did concurr in condemning them k S. 167. Nor did the Fathers so much as pretend to any such Reformation the very notion of Reformation being by them limited to so narrow a compass as not to reach it Nor could they extend it further without quitting their claim to Infallibility Secondly Nor was any the least Reformation made in matters of Divine Worship No not so much as in the Language in which it was celebrated though earnestly desired by the Emperor the King of France the King of Poland the Duke of Bavaria c. But notwithstanding the importunity of these great Catholick Princes back'd with the most persuasive Arguments in plain contradiction to Scripture and to the Practice of the ancient Church in defiance to Reason and the common sense of Mankind the Church-service was still continued in a Language not understood by those that heard it No nor many times by those that read it and an Anathema denounc'd against those who shall dare to say that Mass ought to be celebrated in the vulgar Tongue l Concil Trident. Sess 22. Can. 9. And could it be expected that they should reform any Abuse in the Object or matter of their Worship who would not remove that which defeats its very end and makes it instead of a reasonble a brutish Service especially considering that it might as one would think have been done without the least detriment to any of their worldly Interests I know that R. H. in his Catalogue of those Grievances which he says the Council took into consideration and rectified what they judg'd amiss so far as that iron Age would permit m Considerat on the Counc of Trent c. 12. s 209. mentions the withholding of the Cup as if this had been one of the Grievances rectified That the Council took this into Consideration is granted but 't is certain they did not rectifie it and therefore it seems judged nothing amiss in it for had they done so the obstinacy of the Age could not have hindred them from rectifying it for that Iron Age how stubborn soever in other matters as to this piece of Reformation was so flexible that excepting the Spaniards it generally inclined to it And yet after all the consideration the Council had about it they at length determined not to determine it but to refer it intirely to the Popes Judgment n Hoc decreto Sancta Synodus refert ad Pontificem Max. sententiam judicium integrum illorum duorum Articulorum quos antea propositos nondum discusscrat nimirum an Consuetudo Catholicae
give protection to his Vices He is indeed in one Decree taxed of some Misdemeanors (x) Sess 24. cap. 1. But 't is done so civilly as if they intended to oblige rather than provoke him for he is not plainly and directly but covertly only and by consequence accused by reprehending some abuses in Government which were practiced by other Bishops as well as himself To correct which abuses in part he is in the same Decree tied up in the creation of Cardinals to persons so and so qualified and in a few other matters mention'd by R. W. (y) Considerat on the Counc of Trent c 12. his Power is a little contracted and the Profits of his Court in some things abridged But that this was done for shew only and not with an intention to bind him nothing can be more manifest because they themselves let him loose again and amply restore to him whatsoever they seem'd to have taken from him So that suppose all the Reformation which that Author mentions and much more had been really Decreed all those Decrees would have been defeated by that Decree which the Council concluded with viz. That in all the Decrees concerning Reformation of Manners and Ecclesiastical Discipline with what words or clauses soever made under Paul iii. Julius iii. Pius iv it shall be understood that the Authority of the Apostolick See is always excepted and reserved (z) Postremo sancta Synodus omnia singula sub quibuscunque clausulis verbis quae de morum Reformatione at Ecclesiastica disciplina tam sub Fel. rec Paulo iii. ac Julio iii. tam sub Beatissimo Pio iv Pontificibus max. in hoc sacro Concilio constituta sunt declarat ita decreta fuisse ut in his salva semper Auctoritas sedis Apostoliae sit esse intelligatur Sess 25. c. 21. Does not this undo all that was done before And would it not have done so had it been a thousand times more than it is For such is the Plenitude of the Popes Power if either the Pope himself or his Creatures may be credited that it admits of no bounds but what he himself shall please to give it (a) Gerson de Potest Eccles Considerat 12. Dictat Gregorij vii c. So that to say That in all their Decrees the Authority of the Apostolick See is preserved is to say if the Pope be Judg which the Fathers themselves have made him that none of their Decrees bind him To conclude this first Consideration Was the Church likely to be reform'd when no provision was made to reform those from whom the Deformity principally proceeded The darkness cannot be taken from the Stars except it be first removed from the Sun nor the sick body be healed as long as bad dispositions remain in the Head which disperses them to all the members as the Bishop of Segnia (†) Not Sidonia at it is falsely Printed in the History of the Council Unanswerably argu'd in the Council to the great displeasure of the Papalins (b) Soav l. 6 p. 533. 2. Let us consider the Abuses and Diforders which the Council pass'd over without taking any notice of them and that both as to their Number and their Quality They being many more and many of them much more mischievous than those which the Council reflected upon First As to their Number they were many more Because it would be a tedious work to make a particular recital of all Abuses complained of I therefore refer the Reader to those Authors and Tracts quoted in the Margin (c) Gerson Declarat Defect Viror Ecclesiast Pet. de Alliaco de Reformand Eccles Onus Ecclesiae Centum Gravam Nic. de Clemang de corrupt statu Eccles Marsil Patav. Defens Pacis Claud. Espens Comment in 1 Cap. Epist ad Tit. Consult delect Cardinal alior Praelat Appellat Universital Paris advers Concordat Soave's Hist of the Counc Du Ranchin's Review c. which if he will have the Patience to peruse and then read over the Decrees of the Council and compare them together he will be abundantly satisfied concerning the truth of what I now assert 2. As they were many more so many of them were in matters of greater moment and much more Mischievous both to Church and State than those which the Council reflected upon From the beginning to the end of the Council there were no more than twenty five Sessions Now after the 21. Session one of the most noted Bishops in the Council affirm'd That for Reformation nothing had been proposed but matters of no moment (d) Soav p. 570. After the 22. Session the Archbishop of Prague told the Assembly of Ambassadors That much time was consum'd by the Council in doing nothing that the Legats had often promised to handle Reformation and yet they were entertained with Speculations or with Provision against small Abuses and that it was now time to make an effectual instance that they would begin to handle important matters (e) p. 643. After the Decrees of Reformation in the 24. Session had passed which R. H. takes to be the most considerable and recommends to our perusal above all the rest (f) Considerat on the Counc of Tr. c. 12. s 206. Count Luna the Spanish Ambassador complain'd That the principal matters for which the Council was assembled were omitted (g) Soav l. 8. p. 802. so that in the judgment of these great men who also made a great figure in the Council the Decrees of Reformation may not unfitly be compared to those Night-birds to which a Romish Writer compares Pallavicino's History of it which appear great not because they have much flesh but many feathers (h) Caes Aqu lin de Trib Hist Concil Trident p. 49. I grant that some of those things mention'd by R. H. are matters of moment (i) Considerat c. c. 12. But besides That all of them put together are but few in comparison of those many in which a Reformation was needful so the weightiest of them are but light if compared with many of those which the Council hath wholly omitted When that Gentleman undertook to acquaint us with the great Reformation the Council made concerning the Pope and Court of Rome and the Clergy who would not have expected to have heard that the Council had effectually provided That his Holiness should no more take upon him to dispense with all the Ancient Canons much less with the Divine Laws That it should not be in his Power to Excommunicate and Depose Kings and Emperors to absolve Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance to raise them in Rebellion against their Sovereigns and to Usurp and Translate Kingdoms at his Pleasure Who would not have thought but that his Spiritual Sword had been taken much shorter and that he had been wholly deprived of the Temporal Saving only in those narrow Territories in which he is Prince as well as Bishop That the Weapons of his
his or his Courts Affections and Interests This the Bishop of Bestice was well aware of and therefore when the Pope's Officers disswaded the Confirmation of those Decrees which they thought prejudicial to their Profit He like a better Politician counsell'd the Pope to confirm them without exception because by his Exposition he might give them a more ample or a more strict sense yea and contrary to that which the words do import so that if his Holiness ordain That in all Doubts men come for Exposition to the Apostolick See no Man will be able to make use of the Council to the prejudice of the Court. If this were done he foresaw that by the Decrees of the Council the Authority of the Apostolick See the Rights and Perogatives of the Church of Rome will not only not be diminished but encreased and inlarged (h) Soav l. 8 p. 816 817. By what hath been said it is sufficiently evident that the learned Dr. Stillingfleet spake no more evil of the Council than they justly deserved when he said That their Decrees appertaining to Reformation were merely delusory and therefore need not much dread that Account which R. H. tells him he must one day give to the Celestial Majesty for his speaking Evil of so Sacred an Authority (i) Considerat c. Cap. 7. §. 124. I have now shewed that as to those Matters in which alone a Reformation is pretended 1. That those Persons were exempted from it who were the prime Causes of the Abuses 2. That those Abuses which the Council did not concern themselves about were as to their Number more as to their Nature and Quality more mischievous than those which the Council reflected upon 3. That those Abuses the Council took notice of some of them it made no Decrees of Reformation about but referr'd them wholly to the Pope Others the Decrees to reform them were many of them meer Shams and Illusions 4. That supposing the Council had extended their Decrees to all Persons and to all things that stood in need of being reformed that they had so framed them as to render them most effectual to the obtaining of their end yet they in effect revoked them all both by reserving to the Pope a Power of dispensing with them and by reserving to him alone the Power of interpreting them From whence the Conclusion is plainly this That even in Matters of Ecclesiastical Discipline and of Manners which were the only Matters the Council undertook to reform the Reformation was delusory not in Truth and Reality but in Word and Pretence only Which was the thing to be proveed Object If it be objected That this is the Accusation of Protestants only who are Enemies to the Council and therefore in this Point not to be credited Ans I answer First If it were true That this is the Accusa-of Protestants only yet that doth not lessen the force of it but Secondly That it is not true but manifestly false 1. If it were true that this is the Accusation of Protestants only yet that doth not lessen its force because the Protestants do not desire to be credited upon their own word but upon the Authority of the Evidence they produce they demand belief not of what they say but of what they prove As therefore our Blessed Saviour said to the unbelieving Jews If I do not the work of my Father believe me not but if I do tho' ye believe not me believe the works (k) Joh. 10. 37 38. In like manner may the Protestants say If we do not sufficiently prove what we assert believe us not but if we do though ye believe not us yet believe our Proofs And therefore the Questions Whether the Protestants be Enemies or whether they be Friends are in this Case wholly impertinent because credit is due to the greatest Enemy in proportion to the proof of what he asserts But Secondly That this Accusation is preferr'd against the Council by Protestants only is not true but manifestly false as will appear by the last Argument propos'd for the proof of the Second Proposition which will for ever silence this Objection For consider 5. So notorious was the Cheat that many great Men of the Church of Rome confess it and cry out against it Out of those many which offer themselves I shall select a few Witnesses whose Authority is unquestionable The Emperor when the Twenty second Session was pass'd wrote to the Cardinal of Lorain That the impossibility of doing good in the Council being palpable he thought it was the Duty of a Christian and wise Prince rather to support the present Evil with patience than by curing it to cause a greater l Soav l. 8. p. 727. The King of the Romans after the Twenty third Session said That it was good to finish the Council because it did no good nor gave any hope that it would do m p. 789. The Cardinal of Lorain told the Bishop of Vintimiglia That it was plain by long experience that howsoever his Holiness promised many things yet nothing was executed in Council n p. 692. Yea after the same Cardinal had been highly caress'd by the Pope and made intirely his Creature when the Decrees of the Twenty fourth Session though last save one were read he made this Protestation both in his own Name and in the Name of all the Bishops of France When the Day before yesterday I declared my Opinion concerning the Articles of Reformation I premised that I greatly desired that the Ancient Ecclesiastical Discipline might be restored But since in these most corrupt Times and Manners I am sensible that those Remedies cannot be used that are most needful I in the mean time assent to and approve the Decrees already made not that I think them sufficient to work an intire Cure but because I hope that these lighter Remedies being first used when the Church can bear those that are more severe the Popes and chiefly our most holy Lord Pius will diligently take care that by supplying those things that are wanting and finding out more efficacious Remedies he may restore the Church to its Ancient Soundness o Cum nudius tertius meam de Reformationis Articulis dicerem sententiam praefatus sum etiam me valde cupere ut prisca illa Ecclesiastica restitueretur disciplina sed cum his corruptissimis temporibus moribus intelligam non posse ea quibus maxime opus est protinus adhiberi rentedia interim assentiri probare ea quae nunc sunt decreta Non quod ea judicem satis esse ad integram aegrotantis reipublicae Christianae Curationem Sed quod Sperem his prius levioribus fomentis adhibitis c. Rich. l. 4. par 2. p 241 242. Du Ferrier the Ambassador of the King of France thus address'd himself to the Fathers Give us leave to use the same words which the Orators of the Jews formerly used to Haggai Malachy and Zechary the last Prophets
than it found them upon a twofold Account 1. By confirming those Errors and Corruptions that were before 2. By adding others to them 1. By confirming the Errors and Corruptions before introduced That the Fathers made no Reformation of these I have already shew'd I now add That they undertook the Defence of them made Decrees to confirm them and cursed all those who should dare to oppose them The Popes Supremacy Transubstantiation Adoration of the Host Communicating in one Kind Invocation of Saints Veneration of Images and of Reliques Purgatory Indulgences were all establish'd and as much as in them lay render'd immovable against all Assaults I need not prove this because it is not only confessed by all but is by some insisted upon as a mighty Argument against the Protestants That the Fathers were unanimous in condemning their Tenents that is in condemning all those Doctrines that were opposite to the Romish Errors and in asserting the contrary (b) R. H. Considerat c. S. 152. 2. Nor did they only support the old but introduced many new Errors in the Faith Those who were read in Ecclesiastical Story said That in all the Councils held in the Church from the Apostles time until then there were never so many Articles decided as in the sixth Session only in which saith the Historian Aristotle had a great part by having exactly distinguished all the kinds of Causes (c) Soav l. 2. p. 228. Thanks to Father Aristotle One would think his Logick and Metaphysicks added to the Holy Scriptures might make them a compleat Rule without the Addition of unwritten Traditions 'T is true that some of those Points were not then first broach'd but had for some time before been commonly taught and received in the Church of Rome but none of them were Articles of their Faith or any more than disputable Points among themselves before they were defined by the Council And therefore in further Prosecution of this I shall do these two things 1. I shall mention several of their new Definitions some of which are at the best but matters of Opinion others of them palpably False 2. I shall shew That these new Articles some at the best doubtful others manifestly false are by the Council made necessary to be believed in order to Salvation 1. For their new Definitions besides many others which I shall omit take these following which I shall for the greater part but barely mention 1. That unwritten Traditions are of the same Divine Authority with the Holy Scriptures (d) Sess 4 2. That the Books of Tobit Ecclesiasticus Wisdom Judith and the two Books of Maccabees are Canonical Scripture (e) Ibid. The contrary to which was Catholick Doctrine at Rome it self but a few years before this Council (f) Et quoniam Hieronymum sortiti sumus Regulam ne erremus in Discretione Librorum Canonicorum nam quos ille Canonicos Tradidit Canonicos habemus quos ille a Canone discrevit extra Canonem habemus Cajetan Comment in 1. cap ad Heb. vers 1. and approv'd by Pope Clement VII (g) Divo Hieronymo Pater Beatissime Universa Ecclesia Latina plurimum debet non solum ob Annotatas ab eo in Libris Veteris ac Novi Test particulas tum adjectitias tum ambiguas sed etiam propter discretos ab eodem libros Canonicos a non Canonicis Liberavit siquidem nos ab Hebraeorum opprobrio quod fingamus nobis antiqui Canoni◠Libros aut Librorum partes quibus ipsi penitus carent Cajetan Epist Dedicat. ad Pap. Clement VII ante Comment in Libros Hist V. T. See Bishop Cosins Scholast Hist of the Canon of the Scripture I know R. H. (h) C. 11. §. 198. and many more Romish Writers tell us That this was defined in the Council of Florence If it was this will add but very little either to its Antiquity or to its Authority but that it was there can be no proof produced but a spurious Article in Caranza's paultry Epitome the least Intimation of which is not to be met with in any of the larger Editions of the Councils 3. That by the Grace conferr'd in Baptism all that which hath the true and proper nature of Sin is removed (i) Sess 5. c. 5. 4. That Concupiscence in the Regenerate is not truly and properly Sin (k) Ibid. 5. That the Works of justified Persons are truly Meritorious of Eternal Life and increase of Glory (l) Sess 6. Can. 32. 6. That the Catholick Church from the beginning hath always observ'd the manner of confessing to a Priest alone in secret (m) Sess 14. Can. 6. 7. That Confession to a Priest is necessary to Salvation by the Law of God n Ibid. 8. That to obtain Remission of Sins it is necessary by the Law of God to confess all and every mortal Sin which a man can call to remembrance to a Priest o Sess 14. Can. 7. 9. That it is necessary by the Divine Law to confess the Circumstances of every mortal Sin which change the nature of the Sin p Ibid. And is there one in an hundred that knows which are the Circumstances that change the kind 10. That a man conscious of mortal Sin how contrite soever he thinks himself is not duly prepared for the Eucharist without preceding Confession to a Priest q Sess 13. Can. 11. 11. That the Mass is a true and proper Sacrifice r Sess 22. Can. 1. 12. That Christ by these words Do this in remembrance of me did institute his Apostles Priests and ordained that they should offer his Body and Blood ſ Can. 2. 13. That the Sacrifice of the Mass is Propitiatory and ought to be offered for the Living and Dead for Sins Punishments Satisfactions and other Necessities t Sess 22 Can. 3. 14. That the Mystical Benedictions Lights Incense Garments and many other things of like nature used in the Mass are by Apostolical Tradition u Cap. 5. This is so palpably false that it hath not the least Colour of Truth And this the Trent Fathers knew well enough For Antonius de Valletelina a Dominican told them That it was plain by all History that anciently every Church had her particular Ritual of the Mass brought in by use and upon occasion That the Roman Rite hath been to gratifie the Pope received in many Provinces tho the Rites of many Churches are still most different from it That the Roman also hath had great Alterations as will appear to him that readeth the Ancient Book called Ordo Romanus which have been made not only in Ancient times but even in the latter Ages also and the true Roman Rite observed within 300 years is not that which is now observed by the Priests in the City but that which is retain'd by the Order of St. Dominick For the Vestments Vessels and other Ornaments of the Ministers and Altars it appeareth not by Books only but by
and especially by the holy Council of Trent Then it follows This true Catholick Faith without which no Man can be saved which at this time I willingly profess c. (i) Caetera item omnia a sacris Canonibus Oecumenicis Conciliis ac praecipue a sacrosancta Tridentina Synodo tradita definita declarata indubitanter recipio atque profiteor simulque contraria omnia atque haereses quascunque ab Ecclesia damnatus rejectas anathematizatas Ego pariter damno rejicio anathematizo Hanc veram Catholicam fidem extra quam nemo salvus esse potest c. So that the Faith professed concerns every Person as much as his Salvation does tho' making a Profession of it in the Solemn form here prescribed concerns Church-men only 3. He adds These Persons are not therein obliged to believe the Articles or Canons of Trent in any other sense than that which we have but now mentioned (k) § 195 n. 1. That is in any other sense than that which is false as has been already shewed in my Reflections upon § 192. And for that Clause of the Bull haec vera Catholica fides extra quam nemo salvus esse potest if we take it in that limited sense which R. H. himself contends for viz. That no Person can be saved who opposeth or denieth assent to any point therein when sufficiently evdenced to him to be a Definition of the Church (l) ibid. this absurdity unavoidably follows viz. That no Man to whom it is sufficiently evidenced That the Councils of Constance (m) Sess 4. 5. and Basil (n) Sess 2. defined a general Council to be above the Pope and the Councils of Florence (o) Sess 25. and Lateran V. (p) Sess 11. defin'd the Pope to be above a General Council That the Sixth General Council declared Marriage to be dissolv'd by Heresie (q) Can. 72. and the Council of Trent declared the contrary (r) Sess 24. Can. 5. can be saved unless he assent to these Contradictions Which we confess it would be our Duty to do in case he had once proved that these Councils were all infallible which he can never attempt with any success till he has first proved that both parts of a Contradiction may be true As a Confirmation of his foregoing Discourse he adds in the next Section That the most or chiefest of the Protestant Controversies defined or made de Fide in the Council of Trent were made so by former Councils of equal Obligation or also were contained in the publick Liturges of the Catholick Church (s) § 198. By former Councils of equal Obligation he can mean no less than General Councils or such at least as the Church of Rome calls so Now we freely grant without his asking that many of the Romish Errors both in Doctrine and Worship were defined and made de Fide by such preceding Councils such are those I have before mention'd not as first defined but as confirmed by the Council of Trent So that setting aside all those which were aded by Pius IV. and the Trent Fathers we desire no more to justifie the Reformation made before that Council assembled But as the Reformation was necessary before so to use the words of our Author it became necessary afterward in a new degree of necessity by reason of those new Errors defined by the Council For how many soever the other Protestant Controversies were defined by former Councils not so much as one of those I have before instanced in was so defined There are no more than three of them that can be supposed to be comprehended in the Catalogue R. H. hath given us of the Controversies before defined 1. That of the Canon of Scripture 2. That of Confession to a Priest as necessary by the Law of God 3. That of the true and proper Sacrifice of the Mass The First of these he says was declared by the Council of Florence But that 's a Cheat first imposed upon the World by Caranza who mentions this in Pope Eugenius's Decree given to the Armenians (t) Summa Concil p. 873 874. Edit Rothomag 1633. 2. The great Lateran Council did I grant enjoyn Confession to a Priest once a year but not from the Obligation of any Divine Law that was the Invention of the Council of Trent 3. He could it seems find no Decree of any foregoing Council for the Sacrifice of the Mass but he has found something else which he hath put in its room as if it were of as good Authority tho' in plain contradiction to what he asserts about half a Page after where he tells us that the Definitions of Councils only requires submittance But what says he for the Sacrifice of the Mass It is he says apparent in the Liturgies of the Church preceding the Council of Trent Is it so and so is the story of the Seven Sleepers (u) Breviarium ad usum Eccles Sarisburiens and many more which are fit for nothing but to move Indignation or Laughter And are these all Articles of Faith too But if all Matters delivered in the Liturgies of the Church before the Council of Trent were Matters of Faith how came the Trent Fathers to think it necessary to correct many things in their Missal and Breviary And how many Articles of Faith are now lost by being left out of the reformed Breviary of Pope Pius V. so that how much soever we owe them for their new Articles we are little beholding to them for robbing us of so many old and those some of them very pleasant ones And yet the loss is the less because they were such as they themselves were ashamed any longer to own to the world And yet after all it is to be considered That a Sacrifice is one thing and a true and proper Sacrifice is another As the Church of England and I suppose every other Protestant Church asserts a Sacrifice so I fear no Liturgy of the Church of Rome can be-produced preceding the Council of Trent in which it is called a true and proper Sacrifice But R. H. will say What need of Proof when this is no more than what seems to be acknowledged by Bishop Bramhall (w) S. 198. It would be hard if after the Romish Artillery is defeated we should at last be beaten with our own Weapons But let us hear the Bishop's words These very Points saith he which Pope Pius IV. comprehended in a new Symbol or Creed were obtruded upon us before by his Predecessors as necessary Articles of the Roman Faith This is the only difference that Pius IV. dealt in gross his Predecessors by retail they fashion'd the several rods and he bound them up into a bundle (x) Tom. 1. Disc 3. p. 222. And what then These Points were obtruded upon us before by Pope Pius 's Predecessors therefore they were defined by former General Councils Where lies the consequence Were General
cause a greater Deformity in Faith and Worship but in Discipline too This will be evident by shewing these two things 1. What Corruptions in Discipline were strengthned and confirmed by it 2. What were created or introduced anew 1. What Corruptions in Discipline were strengthned and confirmed by it Not that I intend a compleat Enumeration of Particulars that would be too tedious a Work but only to mention some of the greater and so comprehensive of mischief that as long as they remain 't is in vain to hope for any good Reformation in Discipline 1. The Popes Absolute Supremacy or his Superiority over a General Council which tho a point of Doctrine is the chief point of Discipline too I grant what R. H. says That this passed not from the Council as any Decree (i) § 155. But if the Council be Infallible Is it not the same thing to acknowledg That he hath the Administration of the Vniversal Church as they expresly do in one of their Decrees (k) Sess 25. c. 1. de Reformat general But suppose there was not a word in any Decree that looked this way is it not enough that their Actions loudly declared it Did they not in all cases consult his Holiness as their Oracle Was any thing almost treated of without his Direction Was any thing determined without his leave Did they not submit all their Decrees to him to be either dispensed with or interpreted to what sense he pleased Does not the whole Conduct of the Council from the beginning to the end speak his Superiority Was it not convened continued translated suspended dissolved by the Popes command In a word did they not in all things behave themselves towards him as their Lord and Master And is not a constant Tenor of Actions a more real owning of his Supremacy than the largest Recognition in Words only Does not the Representative of the Nation more effectually acknowledg the Kings Sovereignty by coming and going at his command by acting or suspending their acting as he directs by submitting all their Resolves to him and acknowleding that whatsoever they do is of no force unless confirmed by him than by barely saying a thousand times over That he is their Sovereign Lord (l) See Jur. Reflections on Councils Review of the Counc of Tr. l. 4. c. 1. But there is no need of reasoning for the proof of this since Cardinal Pallavicino tells us in one place That the Fathers of the Council did not so much as call it into question (m) De hac autem absoluta Jurisdictione Pontificis tanquam Ecclesiae gubernandae necessaria â—epius abunde differâ—â—imus Neque Concilii Patres id in Controversiam â—adduxerunt c. Hist Concil Trident. l. 9. c. 16. n. 4. And in another That nine parts of ten were for the Popes Prerogative above a Council (n) l. 24. c. 14. n 12. 2. The Exemption of Ecclesiasticks from the Jurisdiction of Temporal Princes This Immunity the Council tells us is by the appointment of God and therefore Decrees and Commands That the Sacred Conons and all General Councils and other Papal Constitutions in favour of Ecclesiastical Persons and the Liberty of the Church all which by this present Decree it renews ought to be exactly observed by all men (o) Sess 25. Cap. 20. Now the Immunities of the Clergy which are said to be established by General Councils and Papal Constitutions are these and such like That they take no Oath of Allegiance to their Prince (p) Concil Lateran sub Innocent III. Can. 43. That they be not cited for any Crime before any Secular Judg (q) Bulla Pauli III. Idibus Aprilis 1536. That they pay no manner of Taxes without the Popes leave (r) Concil Lateran c. 46. In a word That they are not subject to the King but the King ought to be subject to them according to the Decretal of the same Pope Innocent III. (Å¿) Decretal l. 1. Tit. 33. Cap. 6. And is not that Church like to be well governed and kept in excellent order where so numerous and considerable a Body of men as the Clergy own no Subjection to or dependance upon their Prince 3. Another great Abuse confirmed by this Council is the Excommunicating of Princes and depriving them of their Dominions It Decrees That the Emperor Kings Dukes Princes Marquesses Earls and all Temporal Lords of what Title soever who shall grant a place for Duelling in their Dominions among Christians shall eo ipso be Excommunicated and Deprived of the Jurisdiction and Dominion of the City Castle or Place where such a Duel was permitted if they were held in Fee from the Church but if from others then they shall escheat to their Principal Lords (t) Sess 25. cap. 19. All Princes whatsoever Sovereigns not excepted are excommunicated all Feudatary Princes are moreover deprived of the Dominion of the Place where the Duel is fought But we shall more fully understand what Liberty this Council hath taken to Excommunicate Princes if we consult some of those General Councils and Papal Constitutions which in favour of Churchmen it renews and confirms Pope Bonisace VIII Excommunicates by his Decretal Emperors Kings Dukes Counts Barons and all other of whatsoever Preeminence Condition or State that shall impose any Collection Taxes Tenths c. upon Church-men without the Popes leave together with all Ecclesiastical Persons that shall pay them (u) Decretal 6. l. 3. Tit. 23. cap. Clericis Laicos Which Decree tho as to some intents revoked by Clement V. (w) Clementin l. 5. Tit. 17 cap. Quoniam was intirely renewed by Leo X. in the fifth Lateran Council (x) Sess 9. And Clement V. in the room of it renewed two other Decrees more ancient One of Pope Alexander III. the other of Pope Innocent III. which tho in some matters less Scandalous yet as to the point I am now upon were in effect the same That of Innocent was passed in the great Lateran Council in which were Twelve hundred Fathers and by it not only Consuls and Governors of Cities but others also who shall presume to burden Ecclesiasticks with Tolls Taxes c. are excommunicated (y) Concil Lat. Sub. Innocent III Can. 46. Decretal l. 3. Tit. 49. c. 7. And that the word others extends to Kings and Princes we are taught by no less Authority than the fifth Lateran Council (z) Sess 9. which is another of those which the Council of Trent commands to be observed Now this Lateran Council having promised That no Power is either by Divine or Human Laws given to Laymen over Churchmen it innovates all the Constitutions of foregoing Popes made in favour of Ecclesiastical Liberty and inforces all the Penalties contain'd in Bulla Caenae Domini And particularly it Excommunicates Kings and Princes who shall impose any Taxes upon Churchmen or receive any from them tho they pay them willingly (a) Ibid. I might instance in many more
are ugly enough yet they are so much more deform'd as drawn by others who yet were no Hereticks that his when compared with theirs may be thought to flatter them Yea I appeal to any indifferent Reader whether Pallavicino himself says not more to the discredit of Leo X. g Hist l. 1. c. 2. Whether the Character he gives of Julius III. does not make more to his disgrace h L. 13. c. 10. n. 8. than that Soave gives him And for those Popes which Soave highly commends does not Pallavicino as much defame them Adrian of whom Soave thought the World not worthy Pallavicino represents as a Pope not worthy of the World He was indeed an excellent Priest but in truth a mean Pope the Cardinals valu'd him above his desert when they exalted him to the Papal Throne i Fu Ecclesiastico ottimo Pontifice in verita mediocre c. l. 2. c. 9. And for Marcellus though he falls foul upon Soave for defaming him yet see what a worthy Eulogie he has left of him 'T was happy for him that he died so soon for had his Reign been long he would hardly have maintain'd by his actions that high opinion the World had conceived of him k Lib. 13. c. 11. n. 7. To conclude this if we may credit Aquilinus Pallavicino seems to have done more mischief to the Church of Rome by what he has written of the Popes than Soave l Certum sane apparet quantum detrimenti Catholicae reipublicae inducat haec Pallavicini historia in his quae de Romanis Pontificibus narrat Unde e contra minus damni Petrus Soave in suo opere afferre videtur p. 77. Quis tulerit Gracchos 2. Having seen how fairly he treats the Popes let us now look whether he hath shew'd himself so just to their Legats in the Council Pallavicino says That he defames not only some but all the Presidents and that perpetually m Non parlo del vituperio perpetuo col quale infama e tutti i Presidenti di essa c. Introduz c. 11. If this Accusation were true it would be a shrewd Argument of his insincerity but how remote it is from the neighbourhood of truth will soon be made appear The Presidents of the Council under Paul III. were John Maria de Monte Cardinal Bishop of Palestrine Marcellus Cervinus Cardinal Priest of the holy Cross and Reginald Pool Cardinal Deacon of S. Mary in Cosmedin Hear now what Soave says of them In this Man viz. Reginald Pool the Pope chose Nobility of Blood and Opinion of Piety which commonly was had of him In Marcellus Constancy and immovable and undaunted Perseverance together with exquisite Knowledge In Monte reality and openness of mind with such Fidelity to his Patrons that he preferred their interest to the safety of his own Conscience n L. 2. p. 111. Is there any thing in this but what is for the credit of Reginald and Marcellus and nothing but the last clause that can reflect the least disparagement upon Monte. He says That the Legats admonition at the opening of the Council was accounted Pious Christian Modest and worthy the Cardinals o L. 2. p. 132. And this I hope is not to disgrace them Again That they proposed to the Popes consideration that it would be good to make some effectual Reformation in Rome p L. 2. p. 254. And that at Trent in the next Congregation they proposed the Reformation of divers Abuses q P. 256. These things are spoken of the Legats in common Let us now see what he says of each of them apart and first of Marcellus When a great and rich Prelate r This was the Cardinal of Trent in the Congregation went about to shew that they ought only to aim at the Reformation aggravating much the common Deformation of the whole Clergy and inculcating that so long as our Vessels were not cleansed the Holy Ghost would not dwell in them The Cardinal of Holy Cross much commended that Prelate for making mention of a thing so holy and of so good example for beginning from themselves they might easily reform all the rest of the World and he earnestly exhorted all to the practice thereof Å¿ L. 2. p. 144. He tells us also That the Cardinal took incredible pains to make the Decrees viz. of the sixth Session avoiding as much as was possible to insert any things controverted among the Schoolmen and so handling those which could not be omitted as that every one might be contented t P. 215. And truly says he concerning these particulars it is not fit to rob the Cardinal of his due Praise u P. 216. It seems Soave intended this for his Praise And so did he many things which he hath left on Record concerning the Cardinal of Monte. For instance his Discourse about Residence in which the Cardinal says That the World hath complain'd long since of the absence of Prelates and Pastors daily demanding Residence That their absence from their Churches is the cause of all the mischiefs of the Church For the Church may be compared to a Ship the sinking whereof is ascribed to the absent Pilot That Heresies Ignorance and Dissolution do reign in the People and bad Manners and Vices in the Clergy because that Pastors being absent from the Flock no Man hath care to instruct those or correct these c. w L. 2. p. 191. When his Master the Pope order'd the Legats to find out matters to delay the Session Monte who was of an ingenuous Disposition thought it would be hard and could not promise to be constant in so long a Dissimulation x P. 204. This may perhaps pass for a Defamation with Pallavicino the Jesuits being so excellent at the art of dissembling He elsewhere tells us That Monte was peremptory against the Abuse of selling the Sacraments y P. 247. And his Zeal Courage and undaunted Resolution upon all occasions in asserting and maintaining the Pope's Power and Greatness z P. 260 261 266 268 279 281. one who hath read Pallavicino's new Gospel would not think the Cardinal should reckon it a Disparagement to him Let us now see how Soave defames Cardinal Pool He says That he was of the Blood Royal That the Dependents of the Farnesi for his good Disposition were content to elect him Pope to succeed Paul III. That he was of exemplary life That he was acceptable to the Nobility of England for his Wisdom and Sanctity a P. 298 384 405. That many in England were scandaliz'd and alien'd from the Pope for depriving him of his Legation And if this be to dispraise what is it to commend a Man But let it be that in the Jesuits reckoning good Disposition and exemplary Life are no matters of just Commendation The Presidents of the Council under Julius III. were Marcellus Crescentius Cardinal of S. Marcellus Sebastianus Pighinus
Archbishop of Siponto and Aloisius Lipomannus Bishop of Verona the first in the capacity of Legat the two last as Nuncii but of equal authority with the Legat And why says Soave did the Pope pitch upon these Upon Marcellus because among all the Cardinals he found none more trusty and withall more worthy upon the Archbishop of Siponto for that great confidence he had in him before his Papacy upon the Bishop of Verona for the form of his great Piety Loyalty and goodness b L. 3. p. 310 311. And what character says he did the Pope give of them to the Council That Marcellus was a zealous wise and learned Cardinal That the Bishops of Siponto and Verona were famous for Knowledge and Experience And if we read the Exhortation which Father Paul tells us those Presidents gave to the Fathers of the Council in the first Session under Julius I can hardly imagine that there is any Man in the World but a Jesuit who will not think that the Father intended it for their Commendation and that there is something in it which really deserves it particularly the Conclusion that they should handle the matters of the Council with all Gentleness and without Contention as becometh so great an Assembly using perfect Charity and consent of minds knowing that God doth behold and judge them c L. 4. p. 317. Of the Legats and Presidents under Pius the 4th I shall take notice of three only viz. Gonzaga Cardinal of Mantua Cardinal Seripando and Cardinal Morone Mantua Soave tells us was a man eminent not only in regard of the greatness of his House and of his Brother Ferandus but for his own Virtue d L. 5. p. 444. And one great instance of his Virtue is the freedom Soave tells us he us'd to the Pope For he wrote to him with his own hand that he had not a face to appear any more in Congregation to give words only as he had done two years together That all the Ministers of Princes do say that howsoever his Holiness doth promise much for Reformation yet seeing nothing to be executed they do not think that he hath any inclination to it e L. 7. p. 675. Seripando he says was a Divine of much fame f L. 5. p. 445. That when he came to be prime Legat upon the death of Mantua he wrote to the Pope That he would be glad his Holiness would send another Legat his Superiour to govern the Council or remove him But in case he would leave him prime Legat he told him he would proceed as God should inspire him and that otherwise it were better to remove him absolutely g L. 7. p. 678. But that which especially commends this President is the account Soave gives of his death He died saith he to the great grief of all the Prelats and of all Trent having in the morning received the Sacrament of the Eucharist which he took out of his Bed upon his Knees After that he return'd to his Bed and in the presence of five Prelats c. he confess'd his Faith wholly conformable to the Catholick of the Roman Church spake of the works of a Christian of the Resurrection of the Dead of the Council recommending the progress of it to the Legats c. h L. 7. p. 687. Among many things related of Cardinal Morone to his Praise I shall mention only some passages of that Speech which he made upon his first coming to Trent He told the Fathers That the Wars Seditions and other Calamities present and imminent for our sins would cease if a means were found to appease God and to restore the ancient Purity That he brought with him two Things one a good Meaning of the Pope to secure the Doctrine of Faith to correct bad Manners c. the other his own readiness to do what the Pope had commanded him He pray'd the Fathers that Contention and Discord and unprofitable Questions being laid aside which do grievously offend Christendom they would seriously handle the things which were necessary i L. 7. p. 697. Is there any thing in this that Pallavicino can interpret to the discredit of Morone I think I have now prov'd what I undertook as to the Popes and Presidents of the Council which was not that Soave never says any thing to their dispraise but that he sometimes says those things which are for their Commendation which is a plain Confutation of Pallavicino's Calumny and an irrefragable argument of Father Paul's sincerity And if the Jesuit so shamefully forges in matters so obvious what credit is to be given to him in other things in which the Falsity is not so easily detected Having said more than enough for the clearing of the first thing proposed I proceed to the second viz. SECT II. The credit of his History so far from being overthrown that it is rather established by those that endeavoured to destroy it Secondly The credit of Father Paul's History is so far from being overthrown or so much as lessened that it is rather confirm'd and improved by those who have endeavoured to destroy it Those are especially the two Jesuits before named viz. Scipio Henricus and Sfortia Pallavicino Scipio Henry's Book is divided into two parts In the first he hath extracted out of Soave's History what he thought was good and advantageous to the Catholick Religion and this he hath digested into an History of the Council In the second which is divided into five Sections he hath gather'd together the Tares as he calls them and bound them up in Bundles to be burnt (k) Et sane admirabile est qua ratione in opere hoc vera cum falsis admixta sint ex bonis pro Catholica Religione utilibus Haereticorum deliramenta oriantur Cum ergo pia impia cognoscantur in hoc Volumine admixta meum erit Haereticorum Zizania alligare in fasciculos ad comburendum Catholicae veritatis triticum in horreum Christi reponere Praefat. ad Lect. In both which he hath very much confirm'd the truth of Soave's History 1. In the first because his own History of the Council is taken out of Father Paul's He himself tells us That he hath put in nothing of his own invention That he hath borrow'd almost nothing from the Writings of others but that his History is made up of those things alone which are contain'd in Soave's Work (*) Lectorem admoniâ—â—â— volo me in Hist Concilii Trident. componenda nihil ex proprio ingenio nihil fere ex aliorum Scriptis reposuisse sed ea tantum quae in ipsius Historici opere continentur Praefat. ad Lect. Now these which are the principal things he supposes may be all true though he says indeed that he will not vouch for the Truth of them †Praeterea est advertendum quod ea quae ex illo volumine extracta in Historiam a me rediguntur non protinus