be made of this Canon what their Reason was they best know I returned Answer belike in this sort That the Canon stood behind the Curtain and would not be throughly understood by every Man yet advised the Printing in regard of the necessary use of it For let this Canon be in force and right use made of it and a National Church may ride safe by God's Ordinary Blessing through any Storm which without this Latitude it can never do The next Charge is in 2. The Title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates For there 't is thus Canons agreed on to be proponed to the several Synods of the Kirk of Scotland And is thus changed by Canterbury Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy He will not have Canons to come from the Authority of Synods but from the Power of Prelates or from the Kings Prerogative I perceive they mean to sift narrowly when the Title cannot scape But truly in this Charge I am to seek which is greater in my Accusers their Ignorance or their Malice Their Ignorance in the Charge or their Malice in the Inference upon it The Title was Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the Synods of the Kirk of Scotland And this was very fit to express the Prelates intendment which for ought I know was to propose them so But this Book which was brought to me was to be Printed And then that Title could not stand with any Congruity of Sense For no Church uses to Print Canons which are to be proponed to their Synods but such as have been proposed and agreed on Nor did this altering of the Title in any the least thing hinder those worthy Prelates from Communicating them with their Synods before they Printed them And therefore the Inference must needs be extream full of Malice to force from hence that I would not have Canons come from the Authority of Synods but from the Power of Prelates or the King's Prerogative Whereas most manifest it is that the fitting of this Title for the Press doth neither give any Power to Prelates nor add to the King's Prerogative more than is his due nor doth it detract any thing from the Authority of Synods For I hope the Bishops had no purpose but to Ordain them in Synod to be observed by the Clergy c. and Approved and Published by the King's Consent and Authority After this comes 3. The formidable Canon Cap. 1. 3. threatning no less than Excommunication against all such Persons whatsoever shall open their Mouths against any of these Books proceeded not from our Prelates nor is to be found in Copies sent from them but is a Thunderbolt forged in Canterbury's own Fire First whether this Canon be to be found in the Copies sent from your Prelates or not I cannot tell but sure it was in the Copy brought to me or else my Memory forsakes me very strangely Secondly after all this Noise made of a Formidable Canon because no less is threatned than Excommunication I would fain know what the Church can do less upon Contempt of her Canons Liturgy and Ordinations than to Excommunicate the Offenders or what Church in any Age laid less upon a Crime so great Thirdly suppose this Thunderbolt as 't is called were forged in Canterbury's Fire yet that Fire was not outragious For this Canon contains as much as the 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Canons of the Church of England made in the beginning of the gracious Reign of King James And yet to every one of those Canons there is an Excommunication in Facto affixed for every one of these Crimes single Whereas this Canon shoots this one Thunderbolt but once against them all And this I would my Accusers should know that if no more Thunderbolts had been forged in their Fire than have been in mine nor State nor Church would have Flamed as of late they have done 4 Our Prelates in divers Places witness their dislike of Papists A Minister shall be deposed if he shall Rushw. be found negligent to convert Papists Cap. 8. 15. The Adoration of the Bread is a Superstition to be condemned Cap. 6. 6. They call the Absoluteness of Baptism an Errour of Popery Cap. 6. 2. But in Canterbury's Edition the Name of Papists and Popery are not so much as mentioned Here 's a great general Accusation offered to be made good by three Particulars The general is that in the Copy of the Canons which their Prelates sent there 's a dislike of Papists But none in the Edition as it was alter'd by me Now this is utterly untrue for it is manifest cap. 1. 1. There is express care taken for the King's Majesty's Jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical and abolishing all Foreign Power repugnant to it And again in the same Canon That no Foreign Power hath in his Majesty's Dominions any Establishment by the Law of God And this with an Addition That the Exclusion of all such Power is just And Cap. 2. 9. 't is Ordained that every Ecclesiastical Person shall take the Oath of Supremacy And Cap. 10. 3. All Readers in any Colledge or Schools shall take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy And sure I think 't is no great matter whether Papists or Popery be Named so long as the Canons go so directly against them This for the General Now for the three Particulars And first That which was in Cap. 8. 15. That a Minister shall be deposed if he be found negligent to convert Papists I did think fit to leave out upon these two Grounds The one that the Word Negligent is too general an Expression and of too large an extent to lay a Minister open to Deposition And if Church-Governours to whom the execution of the Canons is committed should forget Christian Moderation as they may Pati humana a very worthy Minister might sometimes be undone for a very little Negligence for Negligence is Negligence be it never so little Besides I have learned out of the Canons of the Church of England that even gross Negligence in a matter as great as this is is punished but with Suspension for three Months The other Ground why I omitted this clause is Because I do not think the Church of Scotland or any other particular Church is so blessed in her Priests as that every of her Ministers is for Learning and Judgment and Temper Able and Fit to convert Papists And therefore I did think then and do think yet that it is not so easie a work or to be made so common but that it is and may be much fitter for some able selected Men to undertake And if any Man think God's Gifts in him to be neglected as Men are apt to overvalue themselves let them try their Gifts and labour their Conversion in God's Name But let not the Church by a Canon set every Man on work lest their Weak or Indiscreet Performance hurt the Cause and blemish the Church The
of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury be hereby Sequestred by and unto the Parliament And William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Suspended ab Officio Beneficio omni omnimodâ Jurisdictione Archiepiscopali until he be either Convicted or Acquitted of High Treason for which he stands now Accused and whatsoever Livings Dignities or Ecclesiastical Promotions in the said Arch-Bishop's Gift or Collation are or hereafter shall be void shall henceforth be Instituted and Inducted unto by the Arch-Bishop's Vicar General or any other having Authority in this behalf upon the Nomination and Recommendation of both Houses of Parliament during the time of the Suspension and Seque stration aforesaid And upon this Ordinance it is Ordered and be it so Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament that the said Ed. Corbet be and is hereby Nominated and Recommended forthwith upon sight hereof to be Admitted Instituted and Inducted by the Vicar General aforesaid or any other having Authority in this behalf into the said Rectory of Chartham Ratione suspensionis Domini Gulielmi Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis Temporalium Archiepiscopatûs in Manibus Supremae Curiae Parliamenti jam existentium the same belonging unto their Gift And it is hereby farther Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament that during the Suspension and Sequestration aforesaid the Jurisdiction of the said Arch-Bishop shall be Executed and Exercised by his Vicar General and other his inferiour Judges and Officers as formerly the same hath been This Ordinance was laid as a great Punishment upon me But I humbly thank both Houses for it as for the greatest Benefit they have bestowed on me since my Troubles especially since the Sequestration of my Jurisdiction Novemb. 2. 1641. For it appears before in this History how ever since that time I have been troubled for every Benefice which hath fallen in my Gift disinabled to prefer any Friend or Chaplain of my own were he never so worthy And which is worse by much forced to admit such Men how unworthy so-ever as were by them Nominated to me or else fall under a Contempt of their Ordinances and such Arbitrary Punishment as they shall thereupon load me with Whereas now I am freed both from the Trouble and the Sin of admitting unworthy Persons into the Church-Service and leave them to the Business and the Account for it On Sunday Junij 11. One came and Preached at the Tower his Name I could not learn In his Sermon after he had liberally railed on me he told the Auditory that Mr. Pryn had found a Book in my Pocket which would discover great things This to inflame the People against me Et si non satis insanirent suâ sponte instigare This is Zealous Preaching God forgive their Malice An Ordinance passed on Munday Junij 12. that the Synod of Divines formerly Named by both Houses not chosen by the Clergy should begin to sit on the first of July following And they did begin to sit that day Dr. Twiss in the Chair and he made the Latin Sermon The Names of these Synodical Men are to be seen in the Ordinance Printed Junij 12. Where any Man that will may see a great if not the greater part of them Brownists or Independents or New-England-Ministers if not worse or at the best refractory Persons to the Doctrine or Discipline or both of the Church of England Established by Law and now brought together to Reform it An excellent Conclave But I pray God that befal not them which Tully observes fell upon Epicurus Si quae corrigere voluit deteriora fecit He made every thing worse that he went about to mend I shall for my part never deny but that the Liturgy of the Church of England may be made better but I am sure withal it may easily be made worse And howsoever it would become this Synod well to remember that there is a Convocation of the English Prelates and Clergy lawfully Chosen and Summoned and by no Supream or Legal Authority as yet dissolved And can there be two National Synods at one time but that one must be irregular Belike we shall fall to it in the Donatists way They set up Altare contra Altare in Africk and these will set up Synodum contra Synodum in England And this without God's Infinite Mercy will bring forth a Schism fierce enough to rent and tear Religion out of this Kingdom Which God for the Merits and Mercies of Christ forbid A Committee of the House of Commons sent Mr. Dobson my Controwler to me to the Tower to require me to send them word under my Hand what Originals I had of the Articles of Religion Established 1562 1571. This was on Wednesday July 12. And I returned by him the same day this Answer in Writing with my Name to it The Original Articles of 1571. I could never find in my Paper-Study at Lambeth or any where else And whether any Copy of them were ever left there I cannot tell The Original Articles of 1562. with many Hands to them I did see and peruse there But whether the Bishops Hands were to them or not I cannot remember This Answer satisfied them but what their Aim was I cannot tell unless they meant to make a search about the two first Lines in the twentieth Article concerning the Power of the Church in these words The Church hath Power to decree Rites or Ceremonies and Authority in Controversies of Faith Which words are left out in divers printed Copies of the Articles and are not in the one and twentieth Article of Edw. 6. nor in the Latin Copy of the Articles 1571. But in the Original Articles of 1562. the words are plain and manifest without any Interlining at all If this were their Aim 't is probable we shall see somewhat by what their Synod shall do concerning that Article On Tuesday August 3. my Servant Mr. Edw. Lenthrop came to me and told me that the day before he met with Sir K. Digbye who had the leave to go out of Prison by the Suit of the French Queen and to Travel into France But before he took his Journey he was to come before a Committee and there he said he had been It seems it was some Committee about my Business for he told Mr. Lenthrop and wished him to tell it me that the Committee took special notice of his Acquaintance with me and Examined him strictly concerning me and my Religion whether he did not know that I was offer'd to be made a Cardinal and many other such like things That he Answer'd them That he knew nothing of any Cardinal-ship offer'd me And for my Religion he had Reason to think I was truly and really as I professed my self for I had laboured with him against his return to the Church of Rome Which is true and I have some of my Papers yet to shew But he farther sent me word that their Malice was great against me though he
stands now Established and as by right it ought to stand nor yet ever to subject it to the Usurpations and Superstitions of the See of Rome And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and Swear according to the plain and common Sense and Understanding of the same Words without any Equivocation or Mental Evasion or secret Reservation whatsoever And this I do heartily willingly and truly upon the Faith of a Christian So help me God in Jesus Christ. Which Oath the said Arch-Bishop himself did take and caused divers other Ministers of the Church to take the same upon pain of Suspension and Deprivation of their Livings and other severe Penalties and did also cause Godfrey then Bishop of Gloucester to be committed to Prison for refusing to Subscribe to the said Canons and to take the said Oath and afterward the said Bishop submitting himself to take the said Oath he was set at Liberty On Thursday April 4. I was again brought to the House made a sufficient scorn and gazing-stock to the People and after I had waited some hours was sent back by Reason of other Business unheard But Order'd to appear again Munday April 8. Then I appeared again and was used by the basest of the People as before I did not appear any day but it cost me six or seven Pound I grew into want This made my Councel and other Friends to perswade me the next time I had admittance to speak to move the Lords again for some necessary Allowance notwithstanding my former Petition had been rejected This Advice I meant to have followed that day But after some Hours Attendance I was sent back again unheard and Order'd to come again on Thursday April 11. This day I did not come to the House a Warrant being sent to the Tower which stayed me till Tuesday April 16. CAP. XXIX The Seventh Day of my Hearing THen I appeared and as I remember here Mr. Maynard left off save that now and then he interposed both in the Reply and otherwise and Mr. Nicolas a Man of another Temper undertook the managing of the Evidence And the first Charge was concerning the late Canons which he said were against Law to sit the Parliament being Dissolved No my Lords nothing against Law that I know For we were called to Sit in Convocation by a different Writ from that which called us as Bishops to the Parliament And we could not rise till his Majesty sent us another Writ to discharge us and this is well known to the Judges and the other Lawyers here present So we continued sitting though the Parliament rose Nor was this sitting continued by any Advice or Desire of mine For I humbly desired a Writ to dissolve us But the best Councel then present both of Judges and other Lawyers assured the King we might Legally sit And here is a Copy attested under their Hands Then he urged out of my Diary at May 29. 1640. That I acknowledged there were Seventeen Canons made which I did hope would be useful to the Church 'T is true my Lords I did hope so And had I not hoped it I would never have passed my Consent unto them And when I writ this there was nothing done or said against them And if by any Inadvertency or Humane Frailty any thing Erroneous or Unfit have slipped into those Canons I humbly beseech your Lordships to remember it is an Article of the Church of England that General Councils may Err and therefore this National Synod may mistake And that since if any Error be it is not Wilful it may be rectified and in Charity passed by For the Bishop of Gloucester's refusing to Subscribe the Canons and take the Oath Which is here said by the Council but no Proof offered The Truth is this He first pretended to avoid his Subscription that we could not sit the Parliament risen He was Satisfied in this by the Judges Hands Then he pretended the Oath But that which stuck in his Stomach was the Canon about the suppressing of the growth of Popery For coming over to me to Lambeth about that Business he told me he would be torn with Wild Horses before he would Subscribe that Canon I gave him the best Advice I could but his Carriage was such when he came into the Convocation that I was forced to charge him openly with it and he as freely acknowledged it As there is plentiful Proof of Bishops and other Divines then present And for his Lordship's being after put to take the Oath which was also urged it was thus I took my self bound to accquaint his Majesty with this Proceeding of my Lord of Gloucester's and did so But all that was after done about his Commitment first and his Release after when he had taken the Oath was done openly at a full Council-Table and his Majesty present and can no way be charged upon me as my Act. For it was my Duty to let his Majesty know it to prevent farther Danger then also discovered But I am here to defend my self not to accuse any Man else Next he urged that I had Interlined the Original Copy of the Canons with my own Hand But this is clearly a mistake if not a wilful one For perusing the Place I find the Interlining is not in my Hand but my Hand is to it as I humbly conceive it was fit it should And the Words are in the Ratification of the Canons and therefore were necessarily to be in the Original howsoever slipped in the writing of them As for the Oath so bitterly spoken of at the Bar and in the Articles either it was made according to Law or else we were wholly mis-led by President and that such as was never excepted against For in the Canons made in King James his Time there was an Oath made against Symonie and an Oath for Church-Wardens and an Oath about Licences for Marriages and an Oath for Judges in Ecclesiastical Courts And some of these Oaths as dangerous as this is acounted to be And all these established by no other Authority than these late were And yet neither those Canons nor those Oaths were ever declared Illegal by any ensuing Parliament nor the Makers of them accused of any Crime much less of Treason So that we had in this Synod unblamed President for what we did as touching our Power of doing it But after all this he said he would pass these things by that is when he had made them as Odious as he could and would Charge nothing upon me but the Votes of both Houses namely That these Canons contain Matters contrary to the King's Prerogative to the Fundamental Laws of the Realm to the Rights of Parliaments to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject and Matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence So these Votes of the Honourable Houses made so long after and therefore cannot well be an Evidence against the
put in were Persons disaffected to the Discipline if not the Doctrine too of the Church of England 3. Thirdly because no small part was given to School-Masters to Season Youth ab Ovo for their Party And to Young Students in the Universities to purchase them and their Judgments to their side against their coming abroad into the Church 4. Fourthly because all this Power to breed and maintain a Faction was in the Hands of Twelve Men who were they never so Honest and free from Thoughts of abusing this Power to fill the Church with Schism yet who should be Successors and what use should be made of this Power was out of Humane reach to know 5. Because this Power was assumed by and to themselves without any Legal Authority as Mr. Attorney assured me He farther said that the Impropriation of Presteen in Radnorshire was specially given to St Antolins in London I say the more the pity considering the poorness of that Country and the little Preaching that was among that poor People and the plenty which is in London Yet because it was so given there was care taken after the Decree that they of St Antolins had consideration and I think to the full He says that indeed they did not give any thing to the present Incumbents till Good Men came to be in their Places Scarce one Incumbent was better'd by them And what then In so many places not one Good Man found Not one Factious enough against the Church for Mr White to account him Good Yet he thinks I disposed these things afterwards to Vnworthy Men. Truly had they been at my disposal I should not wittingly have given them to Mr. White 's Worthies But his Majesty laid his Command upon his Attorney and nothing was done or to be done in these things but by his direction For Dr. Heylin if he spake any thing amiss concerning this Feoffment in any Sermon of his he is Living to Answer it me it concerns not Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge omitted not this And I Answer'd as before And in his Reply he turned again upon it that it must be a Crime in me because I projected to overthrow it But under favour this follows not For to project though the word Projector sound ill in England is no more than to forecast and forelay any Business Now as 't is lawful for me by all good and fit Means to project the Settlement of any thing that is good so is it as lawful by good and Legal means to project the overthrow of any thing that is cunningly or apparently Evil. And such did this Feoffment appear to my Understanding and doth still As for reducing of Impropriations to their proper use they may see if they please in my Diary whence they had this another Project to buy them into the Churches use For given they will not be But Mr. Pryn would shew nothing nor Mr. Nicolas see any thing but what they thought would make against me Here this day ended and I was Commanded to Attend again July 15. But was then put off to July 17. which day held CAP. XL. The Eighteenth Day of my Hearing THis day they charged upon me the Twelfth Original Article which follows in these words He hath Trayterously endeavoured to cause Division and Discord between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches and to that end hath Suppressed and Abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities which have been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom and divers other ways hath expressed his Malice and Disaffection to those Churches that so by such dis-union the Papists might have more advantage for the overthrow and extirpation of both The First Charge is That I deny them to be a Church For they say that I say plainly in my Book against Fisher that No Bishop no Church Now 't is well known they have no Bishops and therefore no Church The Passage in my Book is an Inference of 〈◊〉 Jerom's Opinion no Declaration of my own And if they or any other be agrieved at St. Jerom for writing so they may Answer him Mr. Nicolas added that this was seconded by Bishop Mountague's Book which Mr. Pryn carefully witnessed was found in my Study and Licensed by Dr. Braye Is this Argument come again that Bishop Mountague's Book was in my Study Leave it for shame But they have now left me never a Book in my Study so I cannot make them any fuller Answer without viewing the place than themselves help me to by their own Confession Which is that he adds this Exception that none but a Bishop can Ordain but in Casu Necessitatis which is the Opinion of many Learned and Moderate Divines Yet this is very considerable in the Business whether an inevitable Necessity be cast upon them or they pluck a kind of Necessity upon themselves The Second Charge is out of a Letter of mine to Bishop Hall upon a Letter which he had formerly sent me In which it seems is something about the Case of Necessity in point of Ordination which they say I disliked And it seems I disliked upon good ground For he had given me power under his Hand to alter what I would in that which he sent unto me I would not take that power but writ back to him what passages I thought might be better expressed if it could agree with his Judgment also Hereupon he sent me another Letter of Jan. 18. 1639. In which he altered those things which I put to his farther Consideration Could any thing be more fairly carried And this Letter was read to the Lords Yea but they say I disliked the giving of this Title Antichrist to the Pope No I did not simply dislike it but I advised Bishop Hall if he thought it good not to affirm it so positively And the Reason I gave was this That King James being pressed upon a great occasion that he had maintained that the Pope was Antichrist which might much trouble if not quite cross some Proceedings much desired by that Prudent King His Majesty made Answer I maintain it not as a point of Faith but as a probable Opinion And for which I have more grounds than the Pope hath for his Challenge of Temporal Power over Princes Let him recall this Opinion and I 'll recall that This I writ to the Bishop but left him free to do what he pleased Here Mr. Nicolas fell extream foul upon me in so much that I could not but wonder at their patience which heard him Among other Titles bestowed upon me many and gross he called me over and over again Pander to the Whore of Babylon I was much moved and humbly desired the Lords that if my Crimes were such as that I might not be used like an Arch-Bishop yet I might be used like a Christian And that were it not for the Duty which I owe to God and my
was nothing done against Law any Friend may privately assist another in his Difficulties And I am perswaded many Friends in either House do what they justly may when such sad Occasions happen And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown when he Summed up my Charge in the House of Commons But Mr. Brown did not begin with this but with another here omitted by Mr. Nicolas though he had pressed it before in the Fifteenth day of my Hearing Dr. Potter writ unto me for my advice in some Passages of a Book writ by him as I remember against a Book Intituled Charity mistaken I did not think it fit to amend any thing with my own Pen but put some few things back to his Second Thoughts of which this was one That if he express himself so he will give as much Power to the Parliament in Matters of Doctrine as to the Church This Mr. Brown said took away all Authority from Parliaments in that kind But under Favour this takes away nor all nor any that is due unto them Not all for my Words are about giving so much Power Now he that would not have so much given to the one as the other doth not take away all from either Not any that is due to them For my Words not medling simply with Parliamentary Power as appears by the Comparative Words so much my Intention must needs be to have Dr. Potter so to consider of his Words as that that which is proper to the Church might not be ascribed to Parliaments And this I conceive is plain in the very Letter of the Law The Words of the Statute are Or such as shall hereafter be Ordered Judged or determined to be Heresy by the High Court of Parliament in this Realm with the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation Where 't is manifest that the Judging and Determining Part for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrin is in the Church For the Assent of the Church or Clergy cannot be given but in Convocation and so the Law requires it Now Assent in Convocation cannot be given but there must preceed a Debate a Judging a Voting and a Determining Therefore the Determining Power for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrine Heresie or no Heresie is in the Church But the Judging and determining Power for binding to Obedience and for Punishment is in the Parliament with this Assent of the Clergy Therefore I humbly conceive the Parliament cannot by Law that is till this Law be first altered Determine the Truth of Doctrine without this Assent of the Church in Convocation And that such a Synod and Convocation as is Chosen and Assembled as the Laws and Customs of this Realm require To this Mr. Brown in his Reply upon me in the House of Commons said Two Things The one that this Branch of the Statute of one Eliz. was for Heresie only and the Adjudging of that but medled not with the Parliaments Power in other matters of Religion If it be for Heresie only that the Church alone shall not so Determine Heresie as to bring those grievous Punishments which the Law lays upon it upon the Neck of any Subject without Determination in Parliament then is the Church in Convocation left free also in other matters of Religion according to the First Clause in Magna Charta which establishes the Church in all her Rights And her main and constant Right when that Charter was made and confirmed was Power of Determining in matters of Doctrine and Discipline of the Church And this Right of the Clergy is not bounded or limited by any Law but this Clause of 1. Eliz. that ever I heard of The other was that if this were so that the Parliament might not meddle with Religion but with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation we should have had no Reformation For the Bishops and the Clergy dissented First it is not as I conceive to be denyed that the King and his High Court of Parliament may make any Law what they please and by their Absolute Power may change Religion Christianity into Turcism if they please which God forbid And the Subjects whose Consciences cannot obey must flye or indure the Penalty of the Law But both King and Parliament are sub graviori Regno and must Answer God for all such abuse of Power But beside this Absolute there is a Limited Power Limited I say by Natural Justice and Equity by which no Man no Court can do more than what he can by Right And according to this Power the Church's Interest must be considered and that indifferently as well as the Parliaments To apply this to the Particular of the Reformation The Parliament in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth would not indure Popish Superstition and by Absolute Power Abolished it without any Assent of the Clergy in Convocation And then in her first Year An. 1559. She had a Visitation and set out her Injunctions to direct and order such of the Clergy as could conform their Judgments to the Reformation But then so soon as the Clergy was settled and that a Form of Doctrine was to be agreed upon to shew the difference from the Roman Superstition a Synod was called and in the Year 1562. the Articles of Religion were agreed upon and they were determined and confirmed by Parliament with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation and that by a just and orderly Power Nor is the Absolute Power of King and Parliament any way unjust in it self but may many ways be made such by Misinformation or otherwise And this gives the King and the Parliament their full Power and yet preserves this Church in her just Right Just and acknowledged by some that loved her not over well For the Lord Brook tells us That what a Church will take for true Doctrine lies only in that Church Nay the very Heathen saw clearly the Justice of this For M. Lucullus was able to say in Tully That the Priests were Judges of Religion and the Senate of Law The Second Proof is That I made two Speeches for the King to be spoken or sent to the Parliament that then was and that they had some sour and ill Passages in them These Speeches were read to the Lords and had I now the Copies I would insert them here and make the World Judge of them First I might shuffle here and deny the making of them For no Proof is offer'd but that they are in my Hand and that is no necessary Proof For I had then many Papers by me written in my own Hand which were not my making though I transcribed them as not thinking it fit to trust them in other Hands But Secondly I did make them and I followed the Instructions which were given me as close as I could to the very Phrases and being commanded to the Service I hope it shall not now be made my Crime that I was trusted by my Soveraign Thirdly As I did never
Sermons and Homilies and in such Cases they might very lawfully be heard But if some Men upon pretence to prevent Extravagant Preaching should take upon them to set forth a Book of Publick Common Sermons fit for all Times and Occasions and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these and use no other Preaching at all but the Reading of those Common Sermons or Homilies so devised for Publick Worship this would make it utterly Vnlawful and to be Professed against as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device and Injunction in the place and instead of God's Ordinance to the Exclusion thereof As the Pharisees to establish Traditions of their own made void the Commandments of God I hope my Lord will have no better success with this Instance under the Gospel than he had with that under the Law And yet whatsoever is Truth in his Instance I shall most willingly grant And therefore I do acknowledge that in the time of the Gospel God appointed the foolishness of Preaching 1 Cor. 1. to be a Means but not to be The Means if it be meant the only Means by which he will save those that believe I likewise confess that in the World's Account 't is made the Foolishness of Preaching And I would to God some Men much magnified in these Times did not give too often very just Cause to the World to account it not only the Foolishness but the Madness of Preaching such Preaching as is far from being a Means of Salvation I conceive also as well as my Lord that where there are no Gifts enabling Men to Preach as it falls out in too many Parishes in England and the true Cause is the smallness of the Living unable to Feed and Cloath Men and therefore cannot expect Men of Parts there not only might be but is a lawful and profitable use of Reading of Printed Sermons and Homilies and that in such Cases yes and in other Cases too they may very lawfully be heard And I think farther that if some Men not upon their own private Authority but lawfully meeting in a Synod or Convocation shall not upon pretence but truly to prevent Extravagant Preaching such as of late hath been and is too common in England should take upon them to set forth a Book of common Sermons such as might be fit for all Times and all Occasions which is not impossible to be done and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these and use no other Preaching at all but the Reading of these common Sermons or Homilies so devised for publick Worship I must needs say it were a Cure not to be used but in Extremity to bar all other Preaching for the Abuse of some be it never so gross Yet if the Distempers of the Pulpit should grow in any National Church so high so Seditious so Heretical and Blasphemous so Schismatical and Outragious as many of them have been of late in this distracted Church of ours I say if such a Book of Sermons should be so set out by the Church direction and published by the Authority of King and Parliament as the Book of Common Prayer is When the Comparison is made thus even and my Lords Instance so brought home I do then think such a Book not devised for publick Worship but for publick Instruction for Sermons are not properly the Worship of God but as to teach us Faith and Obedience and how we are to pray and give Worship to him might be used with great profit yea and with far more than many Sermons of the present time which do in a manner teach nothing but Disobedience to Princes and all Authority under a false pretence of Obedience to God And for the Injunction which sticks so much with my Lord certainly in Cases of such Extremity as is above-mentioned and when nothing else will serve I conceive it might well and profitably be laid upon the Ministers and yet that such an Imposition would be far from making it utterly unlawful and to be professed against as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device in the place and instead of God's Ordinance to the Exclusion thereof For 't is probable these Sermons my Lord speaks of would be Preached before they were Printed And the end of their being Preached was to publish Christ and his Gospel to the World And that also was or ought to be the end of Publishing the same Sermons in Print that the benefit of them might reach the farther and be of longer continuance So that upon the Matter the Printing of Sermons is but a large and more open Preaching of them still And then if Preaching be God's Ordinance Printing of Sermons is the publishing of God's Ordinance And therefore if there were an Injunction for a Book of Sermons as is mentioned it were but a more publick and durable divulging of God's Ordinance and not the bringing in of a Humane Device instead of it and to the Exclusion thereof As for that which follows that this is like the Pharisees who to establish Traditions of their own made void the Commandments of God This is but a Simile and is Answered in the former And you see that should any Necessity force the making of such an Injunction which God forbid it did help to publish God's Ordinance and not make void his Commandments Howsoever my Lord may take this along with him That that Party which he governs in this Kingdom are as well seen in this Art of the Pharisees as any Men in Christendom and will if they be let alone make void all the Service of God to bring in their Dreams against all Reason Religion and lawful Authority And this is most true whatever they think of themselves But my Lord desires farther consideration of his Instance Let it be considered what difference can be found between these but only this Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer not so in this of Preaching and therefore the Evil of it would easily appear unto us if so enjoined It is fit my Lord should have his desire in this that it be considered what difference can be found between these And out of all doubt my Lord acknowledges that some difference there is And were it this only as his Lordship would have it That Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer and not so in this of Preaching that might be Reason enough to continue our publick set Form of Prayer For if the Service have not fault in it but that 't is enjoyned And if the enjoyning of a good Service of God Almighty in which Christian People may consent and unanimously and uniformly worship him be no fault at all as most certain it is not 'T is neither wisdom nor safety to cast off such a Custom or Vsage and leave every Minister and perhaps other Men too to make what Prayers they please in the Congregation which doubtless would be many times such as no good understanding Christian could
apply this term unto are the Brownists as they call them by another Name and they know their Tenents The truth is they differ with us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth I know Here then my Lord is 〈◊〉 to say that all that he hath hitherto said is so far from making him the greatest Separatist in England that it cannot argue him to be any at all For my part I would to God it were so But let 's examine whether it be so or not First then this I humbly conceive is certain That he whoever he be that will not Communicate in Publick Prayers with a National Church which serves God as she ought is a Separatist But the Church of England as it stands established by Law serves God as she ought Therefore my Lord by his general absenting himself from her Communion in Prayers is a Separatist And this is by his own confession For he says a little before and that expresly that this is a Separation which every Man must make that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins And I cannot doubt but his Lordship hath made that which he says he must make All that can be said for my Lord herein is this First That my Lord Charges the Church of England with Corruptions in the Worship of God and such Corruptions as he must Separate from her But is it sufficient for a Separation for a particular Man barely to say there are such Corruptions in the Liturgy when he doth neither prove them to be such nor so much as name them what they are Surely no. And I think these Gnats which his Lordship strains at may be swallowed without any Offence to God or Man So far are they from being a just Cause of Separation Therefore for all this my Lord is a Separatist Yea but my Lord charges upon the Church of England that she injoyns her Liturgy upon all Men by a certain Number of Men usurping Authority to themselves and imposing this Injunction under the name of the Church I have made answer already to this Power of the Church to compose a set Form for publick Service and I hope made it manifest that this Authority is not usurped And then that can be no just Cause of a Separation Nay I must doubt whether if such Authority were usurped by some Church-Men in any National Church the injoyning of the Service after it is made supposing always that it contain no Idolatry or Fundamental Error be for the Injunction alone a sufficient Warrant to my Lord or any other to Separate Therefore my Lord 's forsaking the publick Service of the Church upon no better Grounds than these makes him a Separatist by his own Confession without any Man calling him so As for his Lordship's being the greatest Separatist in England I have at the beginning of this Tract clearly related to the uttermost of my Memory what and upon what occasion I spake of his Lordship in this kind But whether I said it or not my Lord for ought I see will hardly escape being so For he is the greatest Separatist from the Church that absents himself with most will and least cause And this if I mistake not is my Lord's Case for he separates with most will that says Men must and ought to Separate And upon least Cause because as yet he hath Named none at all but Corruptions in general which any Man may say and the Injunction of a set Form which is no cause Therefore for ought I yet see it may truly be said of his Lordship that he is the greatest Separatist in England Especially if you add to this how busie and active his Lordship is and for many Years hath been to promote this Cause of Separation And I have some very good grounds to think that his Lordship hath been and is the great Cause and enlarger of all the Separation that now is in Church Affairs And of all the Disobedience thereby bred or cherished against Soveraign Power Next my Lord appeals to my Lords the Bishops and tells them that they know that they whom they usually apply this Name Separatist unto are the Brownists as they call them by another Name I know not all things which the rest of my Learned Brethren the Bishops know Yet I think both they and I know this that the Name Separatist is a common Name to all Hereticks or Schismaticks that separate for their Opinions sakes either from the Catholick or from any particular Orthodox Church And if my Lord himself who it seems is well acquainted with them or any of my Lords the Bishops do know that this Name is usually applyed to the Brownists be it so That I am sure is not material unless it be for that which my Lord closes this passage withal Namely that my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists and that the truth is they differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or Saving Truth that his Lordship knows I doubt not but my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists so far forth at least as they be Tenents and not varied from and so far as they are their General Tenents to which all or most of them agree And so far as they are plain and univocal Tenents and not such as shall equivocate with the very Faith it self But such Tenents of the Brownists as these are it may be all my Lords the Bishops know not Now if the Truth be as my Lord says it is for ought he knows that the Brownists differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth Then out of all doubt Majus peccatum habent their Sin and my Lord 's too is the greater that they will so Uncharitably and with so great Heat and setled Violence and to the great scandal of Religion first separate themselves from and now labour utterly to overthrow that Church which by my Lord 's own Confession here differs not from them in any Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth For sure if they differ not from us we differ not from them But this is only Argumentum ad Hominem and is sufficient to convince this Lord I think in his own way But I doubt the Truth is quite another thing Namely that the Church of England is very Orthodox and that the Brownists or Separatists call them as you will do Separate upon false and unchristian Opinions And that besides Matters of Opinion and breach of Charity they do differ from us in some Fundamental Points of Doctrine and saving Truth My Lord a little before tells us of Corruptions in the Liturgy of the Church but names none And should I charge the Brownists with difference from the Church in Fundamental Points of Doctrine and yet name none I should run into the same fault for which I there taxed my Lord I shall therefore give some Instances of some of their Opinions and then leave the indifferent Reader to judge whether
was it from all suspition of being so much as built like an Antient Church Now since his Majesty took down these Galleries and the Stone-wall to make St. Giles's Church a Cathedral there certainly my Command took them not down to make way for Altars and Adoration towards the East which I never commanded in that or any other Church in Scotland The Charge goes on ART II. The second Novation which troubled our Peace was a Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical obtruded upon our Kirk found by our General Assembly to be devised for Establishing a Tyrannical Power in the Persons of our Prelates over the Worship of God and over the Consciences Liberties and Goods of the People and for Abolishing the whole Discipline and Government of our Kirk by General and Provincial Assemblies Presbyteries and Kirk-Sessions which was setled by Law and in continual practice from the time of Reformation This Charge begins with a General and will come to Particulars after And first it seems they are angry with a Book of Canons Excellent Church-Government it seems they would have that will admit of no Canons to direct or controul their Liberty And if they mean by obtruding upon their Church that the Canons were unduly thrust upon them because that Book was Confirmed by the King's Anthority then 't is a bold Phrase to call it Obtruding For if His Majesty that now is did by his Sole Authority Command the present Book of Canons to the Church of Scotland he did but Exercise that Power which King James challenged did in the right of his Crown belong to him As appears manifestly by a Letter of his to the Prelates of Scotland then Assembled at Perth That Royal Letter is large but very worthy any Mans Reading and is to be seen in the Relation of those Proceedings But because they speak of my Novations if they mean that this Book of Canons was Obtruded upon their Church by me Or if it were found in a Just Synod and upon fair Proceedings to Establish a Tyrannical Power of the Prelates over the Worship of God or the Consciences Liberties or Goods of the People Or for Abolishing any thing that was setled by Laws they had Reason both to be troubled and to seek in a Dutiful manner first rightly to inform His Majesty and then to desire a Remedy from him But if the Book of Canons did really none of these things as for ought I yet know it did not and as I hope will appear when they come to Particulars then this will be no longer a Charge but a Slander And howsoever if any thing in those Canons were Ordered against their Laws it was by our invincible Ignorance and their Bishops fault that would not tell us wherein we went against their Laws if so we did And for my own part I did ever advise them to make sure in the whole Business that they attempted nothing against Law But if their late General Assembly in which they say these things were found to be against Law did proceed Unwarrantably or Factiously as the most Learned Men of that Kingdom avow it did the less heed must and will in future times be given to their Proceedings But before they come to Particulars they think fit to lay Load on me and say That Canterbury was Master of this Work is manifest by a Book of Canons sent to him written upon the one side only with the other side blank for Corrections Additions and putting all in better Order at his pleasure Which accordingly was done as may appear by the Interlinings Marginals and filling up of the Blank Pages with Directions sent to our Prelates I was no Master of this Work but a Servant to it and Commanded thereunto by His Sacred Majesty as I have to shew under his Hand And the Work it self was begun in His Majesties Blessed Fathers Time For the Bishops of Scotland were gathering their Canons then And this is most manifest by a Passage in the Sermon which my Lord the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews Preached before the General Assembly at Perth An. 1618 when I was a private Man and had nothing to do with these things The words are these And when I least expected these Articles that is the five Articles of Perth were sent unto me not to be proponed to the Church but to be inserted amongst the Canons thereof which were then in gathering touching which Point I humbly excused my self c. So this Work was begun and known to that Church long before I had any thing to do with it And now when it came to be Perfected I did nothing but as I was Commanded and Warranted by His Majesty But indeed according to this Command I took a great deal more pains than I have thanks for as it too often falls out with the best Church-Men To this end 't is true a Book of Canons was not sent me but brought by my Lord the Bishop of Ross and delivered to me And if it were written on one side only and left Blank on the other for Corrections or Additions I hope there 's no sin in that to leave room and space for me to do that for which the Book was brought to me As for that which follows it hath less fault in it For they say it was for my putting all in better Order And I hope to put all in better Order is no Crime Censurable in this Court. And whatever they of Scotland think that Church did then need many things to be put in better Order and at this Day need many more Yea but they say this should not be done at my pleasure I say so too Neither was it For whatsoever I thought fit to correct or add in the Copy brought to me I did very humbly and fairly submit to the Church of Scotland And under those Terms delivered it back to the Bishop which brought it with all the Interlinings Marginals and fillings up of Blank Pages and the best Directions I was able to give them And all this was in me Obedience to His Majesty and no Wrong that I know to the Church of Scotland I am sure not intended by me Neither are these Interlinings or Additions so many as they are here insinuated to be for the Bishops of Scotland had been very careful in this Work All which would clearly appear were the Book produced Yet the Charge goes on against me still And that it was done by no other than Canterbury is evident by his Magisterial way of Prescribing and by a new Copy of these Canons all written with S. Andrews own hand precisely to a Letter according to the former Castigations and Directions sent back to procure the King's Warrant unto it which accordingly was obtained By no other Hand than Canterburies is very roundly affirmed How is it proved Why by two Reasons First they say 't is evident by his Magisterial way of Prescribing An Excellent Argument The Book of Canons was delivered to me
ready made That which was mine is here confessed to be but Interlinings and Marginals and Corrections and at most some Additions And they would be found a very small Some were the Original Book seen And yet it must be Evident that no Hand but mine did this by my Magisterial way of Prescribing in an Interlining or a Marginal Excellent Evidence Secondly they have another great Evidence of this But because that is so nervous and strong I will be bold to reduce it to some Form that it may appear the clearer though it be against my self There was they say a new Copy of these Canons all written with S. Andrews own Hand and according to the former Castigations and Directions sent to have the King's Warrant to it which was obtained Therefore these Interlinings and Marginals c. were done by no other than Canterbury Most Excellent Evidence and clear as Mid-Night The plain Truth is contrary to all this Evidence For by the same Command of His Majesty the Reverend Bishop of London was joyned with me in all the view and Consideration which I had either upon the Book of Canons or upon the Service-Book after So it is utterly untrue that these Interlinings or Marginals or Corrections or call them what you will were done by no other than Canterbury For my Lord of London's both Head and Hand were as deep in them as mine And this I avow for well known Truth both to the King and those Scottish Bishops which were then imployed and this notwithstanding all the Evidences of a Magisterial way and a New Copy And yet this General Charge pursues me yet farther and says The Kings Warrant was obtained as is said to these Canons but with an Addition of some other Canons and a Page of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons thus Composed was Published in Print The inspection of the Books Instructions and his Letters of Joy for the success of the Work and of other Letters from the Prelate of London and the Lord Sterling to the same purpose all which we are ready to exhibit will put the Matter out of all debate Yet more ado about nothing Yet more noise of Proof to put that out of all debate which need never enter into any For if no more be intended than that I had a view of the Book of Canons and did make some Interlinings and Marginals and the like I have freely acknowledged it and by whose Command I did it and who was joyned with me in the Work So there will need no Proof of this either by my Letters or the Prelate of Londons or the Lord Sterlings Yet let them be exhibited if you please But if it be intended as 't is laid that this was done by no other than Canterbury then I utterly deny it and no Proof here named or any other shall ever be able to make it good As for the Addition of some other Canons and Pages of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons is said to be Composed and Published Truly to the utmost of my Memory I know of none such but that the Copy written by my Lord of S. Andrews own Hand and sent up as is before mentioned was the very Copy which was Warranted by His Majesty and Published without any further Alteration But if any further Alteration were it was by the same Authority and with the same Consent And for my Letters of Joy for the Success of the Work let them be exhibited when you please I will never deny that Joy while I live that I conceived of the Church of Scotland's coming nearer both in the Canons and the Liturgy to the Church of England But our gross unthankfulness both to our God and King and our other many and great Sins have hindred this great Blessing And I pray God that the loss of this which was now almost effected do not in short time prove one of the greatest Mischiefs which ever befel this Kingdom and that too This is the General Charge about the Canons Now follow the Particulars Beside this General Charge there be some things more special worthy to be adverted unto for discovering his Spirit First the Fourth Canon of Cap 8. For as much as no Reformation in Doctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church Therefore it shall and may be Lawful for the Kirk of Scotland at any time to make Remonstrances to His Majesty or his Successours c. Because this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations he writes to the Prelate of Ross his Prime Agent in all this Work of his great Gladness that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain And his great desire that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful Now come the Particulars worthy to be adverted unto for the discovery of my Spirit And the first is taken out of the Fourth Canon of Cap. 8. The Charge is that this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations First I conceive this Accusation is vain For that Canon restrains all Power from private Men Clergy or Laye nay from Bishops in a Synod or otherwise to alter any thing in Doctrine or Discipline without Authority from His Majesty or his Successours Now all Innovations come from private assumption of Authority not from Authority it self For in Civil Affairs when the King and the State upon Emergent Occasions shall abrogate some Old Laws and make other New that cannot be counted an Innovation And in Church-Affairs every Synod that hath sate in all times and all places of Christendom have with leave of Superiour Authority declared some Points of Doctrine condemned other-some Altered some Ceremonials made new Constitutions for better assisting the Government And none of these have ever been accounted Innovations the Foundations of Religion still remaining firm and unmoved Nay under favour I conceive it most necessary that thus it ought to be And therefore this Canon is far from holding a Door open for more Innovations since it shuts it upon all and leaves no Power to alter any thing but by making a Remonstrance to the Supream Authority that in a Church-way approbation may be given when there is Cause And therefore if I did write to the Prelate of Ross that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful I writ no more then than I believe now For certainly it is a Canon that in a well-governed Church may be of great use And the more because in Truth it is but Declaratory of that Power which a National Church hath with leave and approbation of the Supream Power to alter and change any alterable thing pertaining to Doctrine or Discipline in the Church And as for that Phrase said to be in my Letter that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain it was thus occasioned My Lord the Bishop of Ross writ unto me from the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews that no words might
St. Paul He that speaks in the Church in an unknown tongue speaks not unto Men for they understand him not yet he speaks to God and doubtless doth not mock him for he edifies himself and in the Spirit speaks Mysteries neither of which can stand with the mocking of God Now say they As there is no word of all this in the English Service so doth the Book in King Edward's Time give to every Presbyter his liberty of Gesture which yet gave such offence to Bucer the Censurer of the Book and even in Cassander his own Judgment a Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind that he calleth them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus and would have them to be abhorred because they confirm to the Simple and Superstitious ter-impiam exitialem Missae fiduciam As there is no word of all this in the English Service so neither is there in the Book for Scotland more or other or to other purpose than I have above expressed For the Book under Edw. 6. at the end of it there are some Rules concerning Ceremonies and it doth give liberty of Gesture to every Presbyter But it is only of some Gestures such as are there named Similes not of all But if any will extend it unto all then I humbly desire it may be Piously and Prudently considered whether this confusion which will follow upon every Presbyters Liberty and Choice be not like to prove worse than any Rule that is given in either Book for Decent Uniformity And yet say they these Gestures for all this Liberty given gave such offence to Bucer the Censurer of the Book that he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus the never sufficiently execrable Gestures of the Mass. First 't is true Bucer did make some Observations upon that Common-Prayer-Book under Edw. 6. And he did it at the intreaty of Arch-Bishop Cranmer And after he had made such Observations upon it as he thought fit he writ thus to the Arch-Bishop Being mindful how much I owe to your most Reverend Father-Hood and the English Churches that which is given me to see and discern in this business I will subscribe This done your most Reveverend Father-hood and the rest of your Order that is the rest of the Bishops may judge of what I write Where we see both the care of Bucer to do what was required of him and his Christian Humility to leave what he had done to the judgment of the then Governours of this Church By which it appears that he gave his Judgment upon that Book not as being the Censurer of it as these Men call him but as delivering up his Animadversions upon it to that Authority which required it of him Much less was it such a Censure as must bind all other Men to his Judgment which he very modestly submits to the Church Howsoever this has been the common Error as I humbly conceive of the English Nation to entertain and value Strangers in all Professions of Learning beyond their desert and to the contempt or passing by at least of Men of equal worth of their own Nation which I have observed ever since I was of ability to judge of these things But be this as it may These Men have Notoriously corrupted Bucer For they say he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus referring the Execration to the Ceremonial Gestures But Bucer's words are Nunquam-satis-execrandae Missae gestus referring the Execration to the Mass it self not to the Gestures in it of bowing the Knee or beating the Breast or the like which in themselves and undoubtedly in Bucer's Judgment also are far enough from being Execrable As for that which follows and which are Bucer's words indeed That These Gestures or any other which confirm to the simple ter impiam exitialem Missae fiduciam as he there calls it the thrice impious and deadly Confidence of the Mass are to be abhorred there 's no doubt to be made of that Unless as Cassander infers well out of Luther and Bucer both they be such Ceremonies as Impeach not the free Justification of a Sinner by Faith in Christ and that the People may be well instructed concerning the true use of them Now all this at the most is but Bucer's Speech against such Ceremonies and in such time and place must be understood too as are apt to confirm the simple People in their Opinion of the Mass. But such Ceremonies are neither maintained by me nor are any such Ordered or Established in that Book Therefore this Charge falls away quite from me and Bucer must make his own Speeches good For my own part I am in this point of Ceremonies of the same Mind with Cassander that Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind as my Accusers here call him And he says plainly a little after in the same place concerning Luther's and Bucer's Judgment in these things Quanquam est quod in istis viris desiderem though I approve them in many things yet there is somewhat which I want in these Men. But the Charge goes on 3. The Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament is also to be found here For the Words of the Mass-Book serving to that purpose are sharply censured by Bucer in King Edward's Lyturgy and are not to be found in the Book of England and yet are taken in here Almighty God is in called that of his Almighty Goodness he may vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with his Word and his Spirit these gifts of Bread and Wine that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of Christ. The change here is made a work of God's Omnipotency The words of the Mass ut fiant nobis are Translated in King Edward's Book that they may be unto us which is again turned into Latin by Alesius ut fiant nobis They say the Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament is to be found in this Service-Book But they must pardon me I know it is not there I cannot be my self of a contrary Judgment and yet suffer that to pass But let 's see their proof The words of the Mass-Book serving to that purpose which are sharply censured by Bucer in King Edward's Liturgy and are not to be found in the Book of England yet are taken into this Service-Book I know no words tending to this purpose in King Edard's Liturgy fit for Bucer to censure sharply and therefore not tending to that purpose For did they tend to that they could not be censured too sharply The words it seems are these O Merciful Father of thy Almighty Goodness vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with thy Word and Holy Spirit these thy Gifts and Creatures of Bread and Wine that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of thy most dearly beloved Son Well if these be the words how will they squeeze Corporal Presence out of them Why first the Charge here is made a
Persons to Ecclesiastical Dignities Promotions and Benefices belonging to his Majesty and divers of the Nobility Clergy and others and hath taken upon him the Nomination of Chaplains to the King by which means he hath preferred to his Majesty's Service and to other great Promotions in the Church such as have been Popishly affected or other wise Vnsound and Corrupt both in Doctrine and Manners I did never wittingly abuse the Power or Trust which His Majesty reposed in me Nor did I ever intrude upon the Places of any great Officers or others to procure to my self the Nomination of Persons Ecclesiastical to Dignities Promotions and Benefices belonging to His Majesty the Nobility or any other And though here be no Particular named yet I guess at that which is meant and will clearly set down the Truth His Majesty some few Years since assumed to himself from the Right Honourable the Lord Coventry the Lord Keeper that then was and from my Lord Cottington then Master of the Court of Wards the disposing of all such Benefices as came to the King's Gift by Title of Wardship of what value soever they were The Reason which moved His Majesty to do this was The Lord Keeper and the Lord Cottington became humble Suitors to him to end a Contention between them about the giving of those Benefices both for their own Quiet and the Peace of other His Majesties Subjects For the Course was when any thing fell void in the Gift of a Ward he of these two great Officers which came first to know of the avoidance gave the Living This caused great and oft-times undue Practising among them which were Suitors for the Benefices And many times the Broad-Seal and the Seal of the Court of Wards bore Date the same Day And then the Bishop which Clerk soever he Instituted was sure to offend the other Lord. And these Lords too many times by the earnest putting on of Friends were not well pleased one with another in the Business Upon this Suit of their own His Majesty gave a Hearing to these Lords and in Conclusion of it took the Disposal of all such Benefices into his own Hands and for ought I know with both their liking and content In the disposing of these Benefices to such Men as had served His Majesty at Sea or otherwise I was trusted by the King and I served him in it faithfully but proceeded no farther nor otherwise than he directed and commanded me But I never took the Nomination of any one to my self or my own disposing And the Truth of this as His Majesty knows so I am Confident my Lord Cottington who is yet living will Witness For the Nomination of Chaplains to the King if I had done it I think the work was as proper for the Arch-Bishop as for any Man Yet because by Ancient Custom it was conceived to belong in a great part to the Lord Chamberlain who was then the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembrook I never Named any to His Majesty but I did fairly acquaint the Lord Chamberlain with it and desired his favour But in all my time I never was the means to prefer any Man to His Majesties Service as a Chaplain or to any Promotion whom I knew to be Popishly affected or any way Corrupt in Doctrine or Manners 9. He hath for the same Trayterous and Wicked intent chosen and employed such Men to be his own Domestical Chaplains whom he knew to be Notoriously disaffected to the Reformed Religion grosly addicted to Popish Superstition and Erroneous and unsound both in Judgment and Practice And to them or some of them he hath committed Licensing of Books to be Printed By which means divers false and Superstitious Books have been Published to the great Scandal of Religion and to the seducing of many of His Majesties Subjects I never chose any Man to be my Chaplain who I knew or had good Cause to suspect was Popishly affected Nor any that was unsound in Judgment or Practice Nor did I commit the Licensing of Books to any such but to those only who I then did and do still believe are Orthodox and Religious Divines and Men of very good Judgment for that Necessary and great Service And if they or any of them have by negligence or otherwise suffered any Erroneous and Dangerous Books to pass the Press they must answer both the Church and the State for whatsoever they have done amiss in that kind for it is not possible for the Archbishop to perform all those Services in Person And in the committing of them to my Chaplains and other Divines of Note I have done no new thing but that which my Predecessors have done before me This I am sure of I gave often and express and strict Command to all and every of them that they should License nothing that was contrary to the Doctrine and Discipline Established in the Church of England or might Personally or otherwise give Offence or Distaste And I hope they have Obeyed my Directions If not they must Answer for themselves 10. He hath Trayterously and Wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome And for the effecting thereof hath Consorted and Confederated with divers Popish Priests and Jesuits and hath kept secret intelligence with the Pope of Rome And by himself his Agents and Instruments treated with such as have from thence received Authority and Instruction He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom By all which Trayterous and Malicious Practices this Church and Kingdom have been exceedingly indangered and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See The Article is now come of which I spake before and in my Answer to which I promised to set down the substance of that which I spake in the Parliament House to the Lords when this General Charge was brought up against me and I shall somewhat inlarge it yet without any Change of the Grounds upon which I then stood And now I shall perform that Promise And I shall be of all other least afraid to answer all that is here said concerning Religion For my Heart I bless God for it is sound that way to the uttermost of my Knowledge and I think I do well understand my Principles And my Old Master Aristotle hath taught me long since that Qui se bene habent ad divina audaciores sunt they which are well and setledly composed in things pertaining to God that is in Religion are much the bolder by it And this not only against Slanders and Imputations cast upon Men for this but in all other Accidents of the World what ever they be And surely I may not deny it I have ever wished and heartily Prayed for the Unity of the whole Church of Christ and the Peace and Reconciliation of torn and divided Christendom But I did never desire a Reconciliation but such as might stand
ready again in my great Business And Wednesday at Night Januar. 3. I received an Order for my Appearance and to Answer to the Impeachment against me on the Munday following Januar. 8. This Summons seem'd sudden after so great an Intermission Yet I could not Petition for more time till Saturday Januar. 6. because as the Messenger told me the House sat not again till then Then I Petitioned for more time in regard my Councel were not in Town And I had time given till Tuesday Januar. 16. and that Day set peremptorily Notwithstanding the shortness of this time my Councel being out of Town as not expecting it I was on Sunday Januar. 7. Ordered again to appear in Mr. Smart's Suit the next day The Warrant bare date a Fortnight before yet partly to Sanctifie the Sabbath and partly to shew his great Civility to me in giving me Warning I was not served with it till Sunday night at Seven of the Clock The next Morning I went to Westminster as I was commanded But I was sent back and not so much as called upon So beside the Charge I was at that Day was lost and taken from me and my Business as short time as I had given me Then Tuesday came on Januar. 16. And whereas I was Ordered to appear at the Lords House at Nine in the Morning I was by another Order put off to One of the Clock in the Afternoon Then I appeared The Committee that were to press the Evidence against me began to proceed upon the former general Articles as well as upon the latter But to the first Articles I had never been called to Answer nor ever joyned Issue Upon this there was much looking one upon another as if they meant to ask where the Failure was But by this means there could not then be any Proceeding So I was there peremptorily Ordered to put in my Answer on Munday Jan. 22. both to the Original and to the Additional Articles and in Writing At this day and time I appeared as I was Ordered to do but could not obtain of the Lords either to take my former Answer off from the File if I must put in another nor to distinguish the Articles which were Treason and which Misdemeanour Nor leave for my Councel to speak to the Generality and Uncertainty of the Original Articles which they professed were such as no Man living could prepare Answer for But I must put in my Answer presently or be taken Pro Confesso So in these Streights I put in my Answer to both Articles which follows in haec verba THE Humble Answer of William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to the first and farther Articles of Impeachment brought up by the Honourable House of Commons against him and by Order of the Right Honourable the Lords in Parliament of the 16th of this Instant directed to be put in As to the 13th Article of the said first Articles and the Matters therein charged and all Matters or Things in the same or any of the rest of the said Articles contained which concern any Act of Hostility whether between the King and his Subjects or between Subject and Subject or which may be conceived to arise upon the coming of any English Army against Scotland or the coming of the Scottish Army into England or upon any Action Attempt Assistance Counsel or Device having relation thereunto and falling out by the occasion of the late Troubles preceding the late conclusion of the Treaty and return of the Scottish Army into Scotland This Defendant saith That it is Enacted by an Act made during the Sitting of this present Parliament that the same and whatsoever hath ensued thereupon whether Trenching upon the Laws and Liberties of the Church and Kingdom or upon his Majesty's Honour and Authority in no time hereafter may be called in question or resented as a Wrong National or Personal and that no mention be made thereof in time coming neither in Judgment nor out of Judgment but that it be held and reputed as though never such things had been thought or wrought as by the said Act may more at large appear With this that this Defendant doth Aver that he is none of the Persons Excepted by the said Act or the said Offences charged upon this Defendant any of the Offences excepted by the said Act. And as to all the rest of the said first and farther Articles this Defendant saving to himself all Advantages of Exception to the said Articles Humbly saith He is not Guilty of all or any the Matters by the said Articles charged in such Manner and Form as the same are by the said Articles charged against him This day the Thames was so full of Ice that I could not go by Water It was Frost and Snow and a most bitter day I went therefore with the Lieutenant in his Coach and twelve Warders with Halberts went all along the Streets I could not obtain either the sending of them before or the suffering them to come behind but with the Coach they must come which was as good as to call the People about me So from the Tower-gate to Westminster I was sufficiently railed on and reviled all the way God of his Mercy forgive the misguided People My Answer being put in I was for that time dismissed and the Tyde serving me I made a hard shift to return by Water And now notwithstanding all this haste made to have my Answer in Mr. Pryn cannot make this broken Business ready against me Therefore to fill up some time I was Ordered to be at the House again on Munday Jan. 29. about Mr. Smart's Business But being put to this Trouble and Charge and shewed to the People for a farther Scorn I was sent back again and had nothing said to me All February passed over and Mr. Pryn not yet ready he had not yet sufficiently prepared his Witnesses But on Munday Mar. 4. an Order passed to call me to the House to answer my Charge of High-Treason on Tuesday March 12. following And on Saturday March 9. I received a Note from the Committee which were to press the Evidence against me what Articles they meant to begin with which had a shew of some fair Respect but the Generality and Uncertainty of the Articles was such as rendred it a bare shew only no Particular being charged concerning which I might provide for any Witnesses or Counter-proof CAP. XXI AND now being ready to enter upon the Hearing and the Tryal it self I hold it necessary for me to acquaint the Reader with some General things before that begin Partly to the end he may see the course of this Tryal and the carriage which hath been in it and partly to avoid the often and tedious Repetition which else must necessarily be of some of them and especially that they may not be mingled either with the Evidence or my Answers to it to interrupt the Current or make any thing more obscure 1. The
considerable also that as the state of the Church yet stands the Laity have the benefit by the Leases which they hold of more than five parts of all the Bishops Deans and Chapters and College Revenues in England And shall it be yet an Eye-sore to serve themselves with the rest of their own This Evidence Mr. Browne whose part it was to summ up the Evidence against me at the end of the Charge wholly omitted For what Cause he best knows The next Charge was about my Injunctions in my Visitation of Winton and Sarum for the taking down of some Houses But they were such as were upon Consecrated Ground and ought not to have been built there and yet with caution sufficient to preserve the Lessees from over-much dammage For it appears apud Acta that they were not to be pulled down till their several Leases were expired And that they were Houses not built long since but by them and that all this was to be done to the end that the Church might suffer no dammage by them And that this demolition was to be made Juxta Decreta Regni according to the Statutes of the Kingdom Therefore nothing injoyned contrary to Law Or if any thing were the Injunction took not place by the very Tenor of that which was charged Mr. Browne omitted this Charge also though he hung heavily upon the like at St. Pauls though there was satisfaction given and not here The Ninth Charge was my intended Visitation of both the Vniversities Oxford and Cambridge For my Troubles began then to be foreseen by me and I Visited them not This was urged as a thing directly against Law But this I conceive cannot be so long as it was with the King's Knowledge and by his Warrant Secondly because all Power of the King's Visitations was saved in the Warrant and that with consent of all parts Thirdly because nothing in this was surreptitiously gotten from the King all being done at a most full Council-Table and great Councel at Law heard on both sides Fourthly because it did there appear that three of my Predecessors did actually Visit the Vniversities and that Jure Ecclesiae suae Metropoliticae Fifthly no Immunity pleaded why the Arch-Bishop should not Visit for the instance against Cardinal Poole is nothing For he attempted to Visit not only by the Right of his See but by his power Legatin from the Pope whereas the University Charters are Express that such power of Visitation cannot be granted per Bullas Papales And yet now 't is charged against me that I challenged this by Papal Power Mr. Browne wholly neglected this Charge also which making such a shew I think he would not have done had he found it well grounded The Tenth Charge was my Visitation of Merton College in Oxford The Witness Sir Nathaniel Brent the Warden of the College and principally concerned in that business He said First that no Visitation held so long But if he consult his own Office he may find one much longer held and continued at All-Souls College by my worthy Predecessor Arch-Bishop Whitgift Secondly he urged that I should say I would be Warden for Seven Years If I did so say there was much need I should make it good Thirdly That one Mr. Rich. Nevil Fellow of that College lay abroad in an Ale-House that a Wench was got with Child in that House and he accused of it and that this was complained of to me and Sir Nath. Brent accused for Conspiring with the Ale-Wife against Nevil I am not here to accuse the one or defend the other But the Case is this This Cause between them was publick and came to Hearing in the Vice-Chancellor's Court Witnesses Examined Mr. Nevil acquitted and the Ale-Wife punished In all this I had no Hand Then in my Visitation it was again complained of to me I liked not the business but forbare to do any thing in it because it had been Legally Censured upon the place This part of the Charge Mr. Browne urged against me in the House of Commons and I gave it the same Answer Lastly when I sate to hear the main Business of that College Sir Nathaniel Brent was beholding to me that he continued Warden For in Arch-Bishop Warham's time a Predecessor of his was expelled for less than was proved against him And I found that true which one of my Visitors had formerly told me namely That Sir Nathaniel Brent had so carried himself in that College as that if he were guilty of the like he would lay his Key under the Door and be gone rather than come to Answer it Yet I did not think it fit to proceed so rigidly But while I was going to open some of the Particulars against him Mr. Nicolas cut me off and told the Lords this was to scandalize their Witnesses So I forbare Then followed the last Charge of this day concerning a Book of Dr Bastwick's for which he was Censured in the High-Commission The Witnesses in this Charge were three Mr. Burton a Mortal Enemy of mine and so he hath shewed himself Mrs. Bastwick a Woman and a Wife and well Tutoured For she had a Paper and all written which she had to say though I saw it not till 't was too late And Mr. Hunscot a Man that comes in to serve all turns against me since the Sentence passed against the Printers for Thou shalt commit Adultery In the Particulars of this Charge 't is first said That this Book was written Contra Episcopos Latiales But how cunningly so-ever this was pretended 't is more than manifest it was purposely written and divulged against the Bishops and Church of England Secondly that I said that Christian Bishops were before Christian Kings So Burton and Mrs. Bastwick And with due Reverence to all Kingly Authority be it spoken who can doubt but that there were many Christian Bishops before any King was Christian Thirdly Mr. Burton says that I applied those words in the Psalm whom thou may'st make Princes in all Lands to the Bishops For this if I did err in it many of the Fathers of the Church mis-led me who Interpret that place so And if I be mistaken 't is no Treason But I shall ever follow their Comments before Mr. Burton's Fourthly Mrs. Bastwick says that I then said no Bishop and no King If I did say so I Learned it of a Wise and Experienced Author King James who spake it out and plainly in the Conference at Hampton-Court And I hope it cannot be Treason in me to repeat it Fifthly Mrs. Bastwick complained that I committed her Husband close Prisoner Not I but the High-Commission not close Prisoner to his Chamber but to the Prison not to go abroad with his Keeper Which is all the close Imprisonment which I ever knew that Court use Lastly the pinch of this Charge is that I said I received my Jurisdiction
which we differ from them And Mr. Wakerly confesses that the Words as alter'd are That they are Persecuted for their Religion and their Religion is the Protestant Religion and so is ours And therefore I could have no intention to make the Religions different but the Opinions under the same Religion For Mr Wakerly he is a Dutchman born and how far the Testimony of an Alien may be of force by the Law I know not And a bitter Enemy to me he hath ever shewed himself since I complained to the King and the Lords that a Stranger born and bred should be so near a Secretary of State and all his Papers and Cyphers as he was known to be to Mr. Secretary Coke A thing which few States would indure And how far the Testimony of such a Canker'd Enemy should be admitted let the World judge Admitted he was 2. The Second Witness was Mr 〈◊〉 He acknowledges my improvement of the Collection and my great readiness therein which doubtless I should not have shewed had I accounted them of another Religion He says there was no Alteration but in that Clause and that implies a manifest difference But that is but in his Judgment in which I have already shewed that Wakerly is mistaken and so is he Beside he comes here as a Witness of the Fact not as a Judge of my Intentions or Thoughts He adds That if he remember well the Alteration was drawn by me But if he do not remember well what then Surely here 's no Evidence to be grounded upon Ifs. Here upon the point of Antichrist Mr. Nicolas stiled me as before and was furious till he foamed again but I saw a necessity of Patience Mr. Brown also in his Summary Ch followed this Business close But I gave it the same Answer The Fifth Charge and the last under this Article was the calling in of a Book An. 1637. shewing the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church in the Palatinat but called in only because against Arminianism The single Witness Michael Sparks He says this Book was called in but he knows not by whom nor mentions he for what But he says The Pursevants which searched for it were mine He means such as belonged to the High-Commission for other than such I had none And there was cause enough for calling in the Book without thinking of Arminianism But what is the Reason why here 's nothing urged against me about Abrogating the Immunities and Priviledges of the French and Dutch Churches which fill the Body of this Article Why I conceive there may be two Reasons of it One because there was taken by Mr. Pryn among other Papers for my Defence a Letter under Queen Elizabeth's own Hand to the Lord Pawlet Marquess of Winchester then Lord Treasurer in which she expresses her willingness that those Strangers distressed in and for point of Conscience should have Succour and free Entertainment but should conform themselves to the English Liturgy and have that Translated into their own Language And they knew I would call to have this Letter produced proved and read And had this Letter been stood unto they had never been able to do the Church of England half the harm they have since done The other was because they found by their own search against me that all which I did concerning those Churches was with this Moderation that all those of their several Congregations in London Canterbury Sandwich Norwich or elsewhere which were of the second Descent and born in England should repair to their several Parish Churches and Conform themselves to the Doctrine Discipline and Liturgy of the Church of England and not live continually in an open Separation as if they were an Israel in AEgypt to the great distraction of the Natives of this Kingdom and the assisting of that Schism which is now broke forth And as this was with great Moderation so was it with the joint Approbation of his Majesty and the Lords of his Council upon the Reasons openly given and debated And all this before I proceeded to do any thing As appears apud Acta Then they went to the Thirteenth Original Article which here follows He hath Trayterously and Wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome and for the effecting thereof hath Consorted and Confederated with divers Popish Priests and Jesuits and hath kept secret Intelligence with the Pope of Rome and by himself his Agents or Instruments Treated with such as have from thence received Authority and Instruction He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom By all which Trayterous and Malicious Practices this Church and Kingdom have been exceedingly indangered and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See The Seventh Additional Article That the said Arch-Bishop at several times within these Ten Years last past at Westminster and elsewhere within this Realm contrary to the known Laws of this Land hath endeavoured to advance Popery and Superstition within the Realm And for that End and Purpose hath wittingly and willingly received harboured and relieved divers Popish Priests and Jesuits namely one called Sancta Clara alias Damport a dangerous Person and Franciscan Friar who having written a Popish and Seditious Book Intituled Deus Natura Gratia wherein the Thirty nine Articles of the Church of England established by Act of Parliament were much Traduced and Scandalized the said Arch-Bishop had divers Conferences with him while he was in writing the said Book and did also provide Maintenance and Entertainment for one Monsieur S. Giles a Popish Priest at Oxford knowing him to be a Popish Priest The First Charge they say was to be laid as a Foundation and it was That I was generally reputed a Papist in Heart both in Oxford and since I came thence 1. The first Witness for this was Dr. Featly He says There was such an Opinion of me Thirty Years since there But he says he never heard any Popish Opinion maintained by me So here 's nothing of Knowledge And if I should say that above Thirty Years ago there was an Opinion that Dr. Featly then in Oxford was a Puritan this could make no Proof against him nor can his saying that I was reputed a Papist make any Proof against me He says farther That one Mr. Russel who had been bred in S. John's College told him in Paris That I maintained some Catholick Opinions First Mr. Nicolas would have it that this Mr. Russel was my Scholar But that the whole College can witness it is not so nor had he ever any relation to me in the least Degree After his Father's Death he left the College and went beyond Sea where the Weak Man for such he was lost his Religion Secondly Dr. Featly says expresly that Mr. Russel said I was no Papist which for the Countenance of his own Change he would never have said had he thought me one Thirdly if he did say
Prayer come as from the Publick Spirit of the Church when it is but the Bishop or his Chaplain or some private Spirit that frames them If this be my Lord's meaning far be it from me or any other to impose any Form of set Prayers upon the Church But it is one thing to Impose and quite another to Compose a set Form of Prayer Impose none can but Just Authority Compose all together cannot but some one or more must be singled out to take that pains And all or most may approve what one or few have compiled When it is so approved then it can no more be said to proceed from any private Spirit of this or that Man be it the Bishop or his Chaplain but from the Spirit and Power of the Church My Lord himself being a Prudent Man hath had the Happiness to make Motions in Parliament which have taken the House been approved and Orders drawn up upon them When the Order is so agreed on no Man may say it is an Order of my Lord 's private Spirit but the Order of the House and approved by the publick Spirit and imposed by the Publick Authority of the State And therefore to me it seems strange that my Lord who understands these things so well should neither like of a set Form of Prayers Composed by private Men nor by a certain number of Men and after publickly Confirmed Sure this would make any Man think my Lord likes none however he minces it But my Lord goes farther and says This Injunction is an Vsurpation of Power over the Churches of Christ and over the Gifts and Graces which Christ hath given unto Men which the Apostles never exercised nor would assume And yet they might much better have done it And the same Reasons might have been alledged for it that are now This turns such Forms instead of being Directions into Superstition It seems by this for I am most willing to take my Lord 's Meaning at the fairest that my Lord can digest some set Forms of Prayer but he would have no Injunction upon them So he that would use them might and he that would not might choose and this in short time would bring meer confusion into the Church of God which I hope is not my Lord's Intention to do Besides my Lord cannot but know that this Injunction for our set Form of Service comes not from the Churches Direction and Constitution though her Wisdom and Piety framed it but from the Authority and Power of King and Parliament So that all the Arguments which his Lordship brings here against the Church are equally if not more set against the King and the Parliament Well Why then is not an Injunction of set Form of Prayers fit Why my Lord tells you First because it is an Vsurpation of Power over the Churches of Christ. 'T is indeed an Act of Power but no Usurpation The Church Directing and the Soveraign Enacting ever had this Power since States became Christian. And should I have called it an Vsurpation of Power his Lordship I fear would have called it Treason against the King's Supremacy But I doubt my Lord would have the Churches free from Regal Power having ought to do with them durst he speak out Secondly because it 's an Vsurpation of Power over the Gifts and Graces which God hath given unto Men. Not so neither For whatsoever Gifts or Graces God hath given unto Men they may all have time place and occasions enough to use them to God's Glory and the Comfort of themselves and others and yet in the Publick Service of God submit to that set Form of God's Worship which is enjoyned for Unity and Decency in that External Service So this lays no restraint upon the Gifts and Graces of pious and religious Men But it keeps off bold ignorant and audacious Men from foming out their own shame to the great disorder and scandal of the Church of Christ. As we may see at this day now that Injunction begins to be but a little loosed what Froth and base Stuff is preached to the Consciences of Men. And yet these Men which preach thus scandalously talk of Gifts and Graces none more Thirdly because the Apostles never Exercised nor would Assume this Power of enjoyning a set Form and yet they might better have done it But how doth my Lord know the Apostles never Exercised nor would Assume this Power Out of all doubt the Apostles did Exercise and Assume many things which are not come down to our knowledge And since the Apostles did enjoyn a Form of Doctrine to the Church of Rome and delivered it too And since St. Paul enjoyned the Church at Philippi to walk by a set Rule for a Rule it cannot be unless it be set that so they might learn to mind the same things Phil. 3. And a Form of Ordination by imposition of Hands 1 Tim. 5. for such Persons as should instruct the People in these things And this with a stiff Injunction v. 21. And a Form of wholesome words 2 Tim. 1. And since St. John the Baptist taught his Disciples to pray St. Luke 11. and that it was by some set Form of Prayer I have some Reason to think First because if they did Pray by the Motion of the Spirit only St. John could not teach them that but the Spirit only So either St. John taught them not at all to pray which I hope this Lord will not say against a plain Text. Or else he taught them some set Form which was in his power and theirs to teach and learn Secondly because Christ's Disciples seem to intimate so much For they desire Christ to teach them to pray as St. John taught his Disciples And Christ instantly granting their Request taught them a set Form of Prayer Therefore it is more than probable that St. John taught his so too though the Form be not Recorded in Scripture Upon all which laid together it is probable enough by my Lord's leave that the Apostles did Exercise some set Form that at least which Christ taught them And Assumed Power to enjoyn it upon their Followers But herein yet the Apostles are somewhat beholding to this Lord that he re-allows they might better have done it than any now-adays Well I will not dispute what they might better have done sure I am it may and ought to be done now Fourthly because the same Reasons might then have been alledged for it that are now The same might but not all the same In particular the Church was small then and might with ease be Ordered in comparison of the great Congregations that are now But especially the Apostles and Apostolical Men were then present and could in another manner and with a greater Power than Men now adays both Judge and Order the Gifts and Graces of other Men to the avoiding of confusion in the Church which God by his Apostles would none of Besides the Apostles and some others in
yokes of Bondage and our other gross Corruptions be removed And I must doubt they embrace not the same Faith till they admit the whole Creed and will use the Lord's Prayer which few of them will As for the Spirit that works by Love I much fear he is a great stranger to many of these Men. For I have many ways found their Malice to be fierce and yet endless And therefore I wonder my Lord should have the Boldness to tell my Lords in Parliament that they know all these things of these Men and that they are their Brethren and concur with them in all these forenamed things whom in the mean time their Lordships do and cannot but know different from them nay separating from them in the very Worship of God Next I agree with my Lord again that I would have no pressure put upon those Men in whom the Spirit of Love causes an unblamable Conversation without any offence to the State But in this I must disagree that the Separatists from the Church of England are such manner of Men. For the private Conversation of very many of them whom I could name were it fit is far from being unblamable And the Publick Conversation of all or most of them is full of offence to the State Unless my Lord think the State is or ought to be of their Humour For how can their Conversation be without great offence very great to this or any State Christian who shall have and maintain private Conventicles and Meetings in a different way of Religion from that which is Established by the State Nay which shall not only differ from but openly and slanderously oppose that which is so Established Besides no well governed State will allow of private Meetings especially under pretence of Religion which carry far without their privity and allowance For if this be permitted there lies a way open to all Conspiracies against the State whatsoever and they shall all be satisfied under the pretence of Religion The third thing in which I agree with my Lord is that I would not that for Ceremonies and Things indifferent these Men should be thrust out of the Land and cut off from their Native Country No God forbid if any thing will reclaim them But then I must disagree with my Lord in this That these Men whether such as my Lord describes them or no are thrust out of the Land or cut off from their Native Country for Ceremonies or Things indifferent For First they are not all Ceremonies for which they separate from the Church For they pretend certain gross Corruptions in the very Worship of God as my Lord a little before delivers Secondly be the Cause what it will none of them have been banished or thrust out of the Land or cut from their Native Country as is here spoken to move Hatred against the Government But 't is true they have thrust themselves out and cut themselves off and run a Madding to New England scar'd away as they say by certain gross Corruptions not to be endured in this Church Nor after they have gone a Madding enough is their return denyed to any And I know some that went out like Fools and are come back so like that you cannot know the one from the other In this Passage 't is said by my Lord that these Ceremonies and Things indifferent unto you speaking to the Lords in Parliament are not so to them but Burthens In this Passage I can agree with my Lord in nothing For First my Lord but a very little before tells of Yokes of Bondage and gross Corruptions And are they so soon become but Ceremonies and Things indifferent If they be more than Ceremonies and Things indifferent then my Lord delivers not the whole Truth And if they be but Ceremonies and Things indifferent then his Lordship and all other Separatists ought rather to yield to the Church in such things than for such things to separate from it And certainly so they would if the Spirit that worketh by Love did work in them Yea but my Lord says they are such things as though they be indifferent to others yet to them they are not but burthens And it may be they make them so for in their own Nature they are nothing less And of great use they are to preserve the Substance and the Body of Religion But this I find let any thing in the World be enjoyned by the Church Authority and it is a Burthen presently And so you see all along this Speech how earnest my Lord is in behalf of himself and these Separatists against all Injunctions of set Forms and Yokes of Bondage This is an excellent way of Religion to settle Temporal Obedience And I can as little agree with that which follows Namely that the Lords may without any Offence to the State or prejudice to the Churches take away if they will these Things indifferent to them but Burthens to these Brethren For First suppose them to be but 〈◊〉 and Things indifferent yet can they not be taken away without offence to the State or prejudic to the Churches who to please a few unruly Separatists must make an Alteration in that part of Religion which hath continued with great Happiness to this Church ever since the Reformation Secondly I will not dispute it here what Power a Lay Assembly and such a Parliament is hath to determine Matters of Religion Primely and Originally by and of themselves before the Church hath first agreed upon them Then indeed they may confirm or refuse And this course was held in the Reformation But Originally to take this Power over Religion into Lay Hands is that which hath not been thus assumed since Christ to these unhappy days And I pray God this Chair of Religion do not prove Cathedra Pestilentiae as the vulgar reads it Psal. 1. 1. to the infecting of this whole Nation with Schism and Heresie and in the end bring all to confusion I meddle not here with the King's Power For he may be present in Convocation when he pleases and take or leave any Canons as he pleases which are for the Peace and well Ordering of the Church as well as in Parliament take or leave any Laws made ready for him for the good and quiet of his People But if it come to be Matter of Faith though in his Absolute Power he may do what he will and Answer God for it after Yet he cannot commit the ordering of that to any Lay Assembly Parliament or other for them to determine that which God hath intrusted into the Hands of his Priests Though if he will do this the Clergy must do their Duty to inform him and help that dangerous Error if they can But if they cannot they must suffer an unjust Violence how far soever it proceed but they may not break the Duty of their Allegiance 'T is true Constantius the Emperour a great Patron of the Arrians was by them interested
he hath made stay of that they may be reduced into Years for the good of that See which abundantly needs it My Lord Bishop of Winchester Certifies that there is all Peace and Order in his Diocess and that himself and his Clergy have duly Obeyed your Majesty's Instructions But he Informs that in the Parish of Avington in Hampshire one Vnguyon an Esquire is Presented for a new Recusant as also Three others whereof Two are in Southwark These Three Bishops for their several Diocesses respectively make return that all Obedience is yielded to every of your Majesty's Instructions The late Bishop of St Davids now of Hereford hath in his time of Residence taken a great deal of pains in that See and hath caused Two to be questioned in the High Commission and Suspended one Roberts a Lecturer for Inconformity Three or four others which were Suspended he hath released upon hope given of their Obedience to the Church and hath absolutely deprived Two for their exceeding Scandalous Life He complains much and surely with cause enough that there are few Ministers in those poor and remote places that are able to Preach and Instruct the People My Lord the Bishop informs that that County is very full of Impropriations which makes the Ministers poor and their Poverty makes them fall upon Popular and Factious courses I doubt this is too true but it is a Mischief hard to cure in this Kingdom yet I have taken all the care I can and shall continue so to do From the rest of the Bishops of my Province I have received no Certificat this Year viz. Covent and Litchfield Worcester Bangor So I humbly submit this my Certificat W. CANT The Arch-Bishop's Accounts of his Province to the King for the Year 1636. May it please your Sacred Majesty ACcording to your Royal Commands expressed in your late Instructions for the good of the Church I do here most humbly present my Yearly Account for my Diocess and Province of Canterbury for this last Year ending at Christmass 1636. And First for my own Diocess I have every Year acquainted your Majesty and so must do now that there are still about Ashford and Egerton divers Brownists and other Separatists But they are so very mean and poor People that we know not what to do with them They are said to be the Disciples of one Turner and Fennar who were long since apprehended and imprisoned by Order of your Majesty's High Commission Court But how this part came to be so infected with such a Humour of Separation I know not unless it were by too much connivence at their first beginning Neither do I see any Remedy like to be unless some of their chief Seducers be driven to Abjure the Kingdom which must be 〈◊〉 by the Judges at the Common Law but is not in our power I have received Information from my Officers that the Walloons and other Strangers in my Diocess especially at Canterbury do come orderly to their Parish Churches and there receive the Sacraments and Marry c. according to my Injunctions with that limitation which your Majesty allowed There have been heretofore many in Canterbury that were not conformable to Church Discipline and would not kneel at the Communion but they are all now very Conformable as I hear expresly by my Officers and that there is no falling away of any to Recusancy There hath been a Custom that some Ministers thereabouts have under divers pretences lived for the most part at Canterbury and gone seldom to their Benefices which hath given a double Scandal both by their absence from their several Cures and by keeping too much Company and that not in the best manner I have seen this remedied in all save only one Man and if he do not presently Conform I have taken order for his Suspension In the Diocess of London I find that my Lord the Bishop there now by your Majesty's Grace and Favour Lord High Treasurer of England hath very carefully observed those Instructions which belong to his own Person And for the Diocess his Lordship Informs me of three great Misdemeanours The one committed by Dr Cornelius Burges who in a Latin Sermon before the Clergy of London uttered divers insolent passages against the Bishops and Government of the Church and refused to give his Lordship a Copy of the Sermon so there was a necessity of calling him into the High Commission Court which is done The second Misdemeanour is of one Mr Wharton a Minister in Essex who in a Sermon at Chelmesford uttered many unfit and some scurrilous things But for this he hath been Convented and received a Canonical Admonition And upon his sorrow and submission any farther Censure is forborn The third Misdemeanour which my Lord complains of is the late spreading and dispersing of some Factious and Malicious Pamphlets against the Bishops and Government of the Church of England And my Lord farther Certifies that he hath reasonable ground to perswade him that those Libellous Pamphlets have been Contrived or Abetted and dispersed by some of the Clergy of his Diocess and therefore desires me to use the Authority of the High Commission for the further discovery of this Notorious practice to prevent the Mischiefs which will otherwise ensue upon the Government of the Church This God willing I shall see performed But if the High Commission shall not have Power enough because one of those Libels contains Seditious Matter in it and that which is very little 〈◊〉 of Treason if any thing at all then I humbly crave leave to add this to my Lord Treasurer's Motion and humbly to desire that your Majesty will call it into a higher Court if you find Cause since I see no likelyhood but that these Troubles in the Church if they be permitted will break out into some Sedition in the Common-wealth My Visitation is yet depending for this Diocess and by reason of the Sickness I could not with safety hold it nor think it fit to gather so much People together but God willing I shall perform that Duty so soon as conveniently I may and then Certifie your Majesty at the next return what shall come under mine own view In this Diocess I find by my Lord's Report from his Officers that there are divers Recusants in several parts of the Country and that some of them have been seduced away from the Church of England within these two or three Years For all things else I receive no complaint thence save only of three or four Ministers that are negligent in Catechising and observe it not at all or but in the Lent only But I shall call upon the Bishop to see this remedied and to be as vigilant as he can against any farther increase of Recusants From Bath and Wells I have received a very good and happy Certificat both that all your Majesty's Instructions have been exactly performed throughout that whole Diocess And
Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to K William and Q Mary 4to Ten several occasional Sermons since 1690. The Jesuits Memorial for the intended 〈◊〉 of Ergland under their first Popish Prince Written by Father Parsons 1596. And prepared to be proposed in the first Parliament after the Restoration of Popery for the better Establishment and Preservation of that Religion Published from the very Manuscript Copy that was presented by the Jesuits to the 〈◊〉 K James the Second and found in his Closet With an Introduction and some Animadversions by Edward Gee Chaplain to their Majesties 8vo Dr Cumberland now Lord Bishop of 〈◊〉 his Essay towards the Recovery of the Jewish Measures and Weights comprehending their 〈◊〉 by help of Antient Standards compared with ours of England useful also to state many of those of the Greeks and Romans and the Eastern Nations 8vo Dr Patrick now Lord Bishop of Ely his Parable of the Pilgrim written to a Friend the sixth Edition 4to 1681. Hearts-Ease or a Remedy against all Troubles with a consolatory Discourse particularly directed to those who have lost their Friends and Relations To which is added two Papers printed in the time of the late Plague The sixth Edition corrected 12mo 1695. Answer to a Book spread abroad by the Romish Priests 〈◊〉 The Touch 〈◊〉 of the Reformed Gospel wherein the true Doctrine of the Church of England and many Texts of the Holy Scripture are faithfully explained 1692. 8vo Nine several occasional Sermons since the Revolution 4to Exposition of the Tea Commandments 8vo A Vindication of their Majesty's Authority to fill the Sees of the deprived Bishops in a Letter 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 B 's refusal of the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells 4to A Discourse concerning the unreasonableness of a new Separation on Account of the Oaths to the present Government With an Answer to the History of Passive Obedience so far as relates to them 4to A Vindication of the said Discourse concerning the Unreasonableness of a New Separation from the Exceptions made against it in a Tract called A brief Answer to the said 〈◊〉 c. 4to 〈◊〉 Or a Discourse concerning the Earth before the Deluge wherein the Form and Properties ascribed to it in a Book intituled The Theory of the Earth are excepted against and it is made appear That the Dissolution of that Earth was not the Cause of the Universal Flood Also a New Explication of that Flood is attempted By Erasmus Warren Rector of 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 4to The Present State of Germany By a Person of Quality 8vo Memoris 〈◊〉 to the Royal Navy of England for Ten Years determined December 1688 By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8vo 〈◊〉 of what 〈◊〉 in Christendom from the War begun 1672. to the Peace concluded 1679 8vo 〈◊〉 Historical Collections The Third Part in two Volumes Containing the Principal Matters which happened from the Meeting of the Parliament Nov 3 1640. to the end of the Year 1644. Wherein is a particular Account of the Rise and Progress of the Civil War to that Period Fol 1692. A Discourse of the Pastoral Care By Gilbert Burnet Lord Bishop of Sarum 1692 The Character of Queen Elizabeth Or A full and clear Account of her Policies and the Methods of her Government both in Church and State her Vertues and Defects Together with the Characters of her Principal Ministers of State and the greater part of the Affairs and Events that happened in her time By Edmund Bohun Esq 1693. 8vo The Letters of the Reverend Father Paul Councellor of State to the most Serene Republick of Venice and Author of the Excellent History of the Council of Trent 1693. An Impartial History of the Wars in Ireland In Two Parts From the time that Duke Schomberg landed with an Army in that Kingdom to the 23 d. of March 1691 2. when their Majesties Proclamation was published declaring the War to be ended Illustrated with Copper Sculptures describing the most important Places of Action By George Story an Eye-witness of the most remarkable Passages 4to 1693. Linguae Romanae Dictionarium 〈◊〉 Novum Or A New Dictionary in Five Alphabets 〈◊〉 English Words and Phrases before the Latin 2 Latin Classic 3 Latin Proper Names 4. Latin Barbarous 5. Law-Latin Cambridge 4to 1693. Dr John Conant's Sermons 1693. 8vo Of the Government of the Thoughts By Geo Tully 〈◊〉 of York 8vo 1694. Origo Legum Or A 〈◊〉 of the Origine of Laws and their Obliging Power as also of their great Variety and why some Laws are immutable and some not but may suffer change or cease to be or be suspended or abrogated In Seven Books By George Dawson Fol. 1694. Four Discourses delivered to the Clergy of the Diocess of Sarum 〈◊〉 I The Truth of the Christian Religion II The Divinity and the Death of Christ. III The Infallibility and Authority of the Church IV. The Obligations to continue in the Communion of the Church By Gilbert Lord Bishop of Sarum 8vo 1694. A brief Discourse concerning the Lawfulness of Worshipping God by the Common-Prayer In Answer to a Book intitused A brief Discourse of the 〈◊〉 of Common-Prayer-Worship By John Williams D D 4to 1694. A true Representation of the absurd and 〈◊〉 Principles of the Sect commonly known by the Name of the 〈◊〉 4to 1694. Memoirs of the most 〈◊〉 Thomas 〈◊〉 Archbishop of Canterbury Wherein the History of the Church and the Reformation of it during the Primacy of the said Archbishop are greatly illustrated and many singular Matters relating thereunto now first published In Three Books Collected 〈◊〉 from Records Registers Authentick Letters and other Original Manuscripts By John 〈◊〉 M. A. Fol. 1694. A Commentary on the First Book of Moses called Genesis By Simon Lord Bishop of Ely 4to 1695. Hacket's Life of Arch-Bishop Williams Par. 1. pag 64. Par. 2 pag. 115. Par. 2 pag. 65 66. 〈◊〉 2. pag. 85. Pag. 86. 115. c. Pag. 129. Pag. 131. Pag. 230. L. C. Baron Atkin's Speech to the Lord Mayor Octob 1693. pag 4 5. Epist Ded. Rushworth also promised to Publish such an exact History of the Trial of this Arch-Bishop as he had done of that of the Earl of Strafford Collect. Par. 3. vol. 2. pag. 833. but never did effect it 〈◊〉 Clause is 〈◊〉 omitted by Prynne Hence may be corrected an Error of Dr Heylin and 〈◊〉 who following him relate that Dr Laud held the Presidentship of St Johns in Commendam with the Bishoprick of St Davids All these Passages concerning his Conference with Fisher and setling the Marquess and Countess of Buckingham in Religion are omitted by Prynne * Livimus * al. 〈◊〉 * An Account of this Conference is in my hands but wrote very Partially in favour of Dr Preston and prejudice of Dr White H W These may be found in Heylin's Life of Laud. p 162. * These Words are most maliciously omitted by Prynne †Bargrave Pestis Fames * It is a very noble and fair Volum in Fol.
Contemporaries of the Apostles that there were then set Forms of Prayer to which all the People said Amen And if Dionysius were not the Author yet the Work is exceeding Ancient And so some set Forms continued till after St. Augustin's Time as appears by Justin Martyr Apol. 2. p. 97. Edit Gr. Lat. An. Christi 150. By Tertull. Apologet. c. 39. An. Christi 200. By St. Cyprian de Orat. Domin By Origen Hom. 5. in Num. An. Christi 230. By the Council of Laodicea Can. 18. 19. An Christi 316. By St. Basil Epist. ad Clericos Naeocaesariensis Ecclesiae By St. Chrysostom ..... both about the same Year As also by St. Cyril of Jerusalem ..... By the third Council of Carthage can 23. An. Christi 397. By St. Aug. Ep. 59. 156. de bono 〈◊〉 c. 13. An. Christi 400. By the second Melevitan Council can 12. And by Prosper Aquitan L. q. de Vocat Gent. c. 4. since which time no question can be made but the Publick Prayers were always in a known and set Form And that it was Vniversal for place appears by the concurrent Testimonies of the Fathers before recited and the Councils and the Practice both of the Asian African and European Churches As Justin Martyr Basil and Chrysostom for the Greek and Tertullian Cyprian St. Augustin and Prosper testifie for the West Insomuch that St. 〈◊〉 says expressly in that place that for the Order of Singing the Psalms in their Publick Service it was agreeable ..... to all the Churches of God Which place is also cited by Whitaker ad Ration 6. Campiani And divers Particulars in their set Form of Prayer remain to this day in the Liturgy of the Church of England As that there should be recited a General Confession of the Faith 〈◊〉 Areopag de Ecclesia Hierar p. 88. Edit Gr. Lat. That Prayers were made for Emperours and Men in Authority and for the Peace and Quiet of the World So Tertullian That the Presbyter should 〈◊〉 them to lift up their Hearts and the People Answer we lift them up unto the Lord. So St. Cyprian and St. Augustin The Interrogations and Answers in 〈◊〉 So Origen That Prayers should be made not only for the Faithful but for Insidels and Enemies to the Cross of Christ. So Prosper And 't is preserved in our Collect for Good Friday And the Peoples Praying with and Answering the Pastor saying Lord have Mercy upon us with Christ have Mercy upon us was before St. Gregory's time and continued down to ours yet with difference from the Mass-Book too As Dr. Rainolds proves Conf. with Hart. c. D. Divi. 4. p. 511. But howsoever set Forms they were and such as in some Particulars ferè omnis Ecclesia Dominica almost all the Church of Christ used So St. Augustin And there is nulla pars Mundi scarce any part of the World in which there is not a Concordant an Agreement in these Prayers So Prosper Which is 〈◊〉 to be but by a set Form And so the Magdeburgians conclude upon due Examination Formulas denique precationum absque dubio habuerunt Out of all doubt the Ancients had set Forms of Prayer Cent. 3. c. 6. 1. 2. 1. 2. 3. Rom. 14. 4. * T. C. L. S. p. 59 60. apud 〈◊〉 L. 2. S. 1. p. 54. 1 Cor. 11. 34. * The Lord Brook Barrow's Reply to Gifford p. 255. p. 48. * The 50. 〈◊〉 taken from his own 〈◊〉 * proposit 19. Pryn in his perpetuity p. 432. †Ezech. 18. 26. Prov. 28. 13. S. Luc. 13. 3. S. Luc. 21. 24. Acts 3. 19. 2 Cor. 6. 9. Gal. 5. 10. and many other places ‖ Rog. in Symb. Art 7. Prop. 5. * Concil Const. 1. Hooker's Pref. to Eccl. pol. S. 3. Ephes. 5. 27. Jer. 2. 24. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. a Athan. in Epist. ad solit 〈◊〉 agentes Edit Gr. Lat. p. 862. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist. ad Solit. Vitam 〈◊〉 c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 9. 27. Athanasin Epist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vitam agentes Edit Gr. 〈◊〉 pag. 862. d In 〈◊〉 ad Constantium quae extat apud Athana Ibid. p. 829. e St. Hilary cont Constantium Edit 〈◊〉 p. 272. passim alibi f Quando audiisti 〈◊〉 Imperator in 〈◊〉 Fidei Laicos de 〈◊〉 judicasse quis est qui 〈◊〉 in causâ Fidei in causâ 〈◊〉 Fidei 〈◊〉 solere de Imperatortbus Christianis non Imperatores de Episcopis 〈◊〉 Pater tuus baptizatus in 〈◊〉 inhabilem se ponderi tanti putabat esse judicii c. St. Amb. L. 5. Epist. 32. g Novum inauditum nefas esse dicens ut causam Ecclesiae Judex Saeculi judicaret Sulp. Sever. L. 2. Hist. 〈◊〉 h Pater tuus Deo favente vir maturioris 〈◊〉 dicebat non est meum Judicate inter Episcopos St. Amb. L. 5. Epist. 32. k Vt cum quaestionibus controversiis quae circa fidei dogmata incidunt nibil quicquam commune habeat Nefas est enim qui Sanctissimorum Episcoporum 〈◊〉 ascriptus non est illum Ecclesiasticis negotiis consultationibus sese immiscere Bin. Tom. 1. Conc. Par. 2. p. 166. Ed. Colon. * l. 869. l Quod 〈◊〉 modo iis liceat de Ecclesiasticis causis sermonem movere Hoc enim 〈◊〉 investigare Patriarcharum Pontificum Sacerdotum est qui regiminis officium 〈◊〉 sunt Nos 〈◊〉 oportet cum timore fide sincerâ 〈◊〉 adire c. Bin. Tom. 3. Concil Par. 2. 682. Hist. Trip. L 5. 35. in the case of Hereticks * hold any Instruct adLaud †our Id. ‖ strictly Id. * their Id. * February exemplar aliud Canterbury London Bath and Wells Rochester C R This must be remedied one way or other concerning which I expect a particular account of you Peterburgh Coventry and Lichfield C R If there be Dark Corners in this Dioces it were fitt a true Light should Illuminat it and not this that is falce and uncertaine St. Davids St. Asaph Landaff Lincoln C. R. Certainlie I cannot hould fitt that anie Lay-Person or Corporation whatsoever should have the Power thease Men would take to themselves For I will have no Preest have anie Necessitie of a Lay Dependancie Wherefore I command you to show me the way to overthrou this and to hinder the Performance in tyme to all suche Intentions Hereford and Bangor C. R. As soon as may bee get these Bishoppes Certificats Ely Januar. 2. 1634. Cant. C R Put mee in mynd of this at some convenient tyme when I am at Council and I shall redress it Rochester Sarum C. R. I doe and will express my Pleasure if need be what way you will Bristol Bath and Wells Exon. Lincoln C. R. The South-West Windis commonly the best therefore I will not hinder the blowing that way Winton London Norwich Ely St. Davids St. Asaph Landaff C. R. This is not much unlike that which was not longe since uttered elsewhere viz. That the Jewes Crucified Christ