a metaphore saying he would build vpon him § 18. The like ad Marcellam Epist 54. vpon whome our Lord built his Church namely Peter But can we answer S. Hierome better then by S. Hierome The fortitude of the Church or the puissance of the Church was equally built or grounded vpon them all Super omnes ex aequo You heard it before out of his 1. lib. against Iouinian How does this then prooue Peters priuiledge in the matter of authoritie though building were graunted to found that way as it doth not And when S. Paul sundrie times as Coloss 1. 23. and Eph. 2. 20. speakes of grounding and building the Church either vpon faith as in the first place or vpon the Prophets and Apostles as in the second shall we thinke he was enuious that said nothing of Peter and that extraordinarie manner of the Churches building vpon him that you dreame of § 19. Here you tell vs of three waies by which the Apostles might be saide to be foundations of the Church in hope that Peter may be so in singular And quoting Bellarmine for it not your owne inuention you counsell the Bishop to learne it of him Shall wee first see how good it is One way for that they first conuerted nations perswaded people and founded Churches not Peter alone but ioyntly all of them In this sense belike they are all foundations But what is this to beeing the foundation of the Catholicke Church and to lie like a rocke vnder that great building because they were planters of particular Churches Also you argue fallaciously from the diligence of preaching to the power of supporting and that by authoritie as now the question is Besides a founder and a foundation is not all one And did none plant Churches good Sir but the Apostles Shall your Iesuites in Iaponia be foundations too And shall we say of them super quos aedificaeta est Ecclesia dei You see the absurditie Yet you quote proofes Rom. 15. I haue preached the Gospell where Christ was not named least I should build vpon another mans foundation Does this prooue that men are foundations of the Church or rather that the man and the foundation are two Againe 1. Cor. 3. I haue laid the foundation like a wise architect so speakes your Vitruvius-ship but would you call him a wise Logician that should argue from hence that S. Paul meant himselfe to be the foundation Yea though he said not in the same place Iesus Christ and no other foundation § 20. Secondly you say the Apostles were all foundations because the Christian doctrine was first imparted to them and the present faith is groūded vpon that which was deliuered at the first And new articles of faith you say are not alway reuealed Is not this accurate trow you as well for order as for substance For had this been a reason ought it not to haue been set in all reason before the other Can a thing bee preached afore it be vnderstood or made knowne to others afore it selfe be knowne Your argument therefore from preaching should by all meanes I say haue followed this from reuealing and this from reuealing haue gone before the other But pardon your order looke into your substance Were not some things reuealed to others afore the Apostles Did not our Lord first manifest his resurrection to women Did not the Angel say to them Goe and tell Peter Will you haue women and all to be the foundations of the Church But we are much beholden to you that you coyne not newe articles of faith euerie day Articles therefore and new articles you graunt and of frequent reuelation but not euery day We long for your last kinde of foundation wherein Peter is so entire § 21. Thirdly then you say in respect of gouernement and authoritie For Peters was ordinarie their 's Legatine his originall theirs depending from him You should shewe what Father sayes so besides your selues for of Scripture you despaire And yet you agree so ill emong your owne selues of this point that you iumpe not about the very termes For Baronius cals Peters power extraordinarie the other Apostles ordinarie you make his ordinary and theirs extraordinary Is it possible that kingdome should long hold out which is so at ods Yet behold another leake in this obseruation For though the Apostles had deriued their authoritie from Peter yet they might all haue beene foundations of the Church as well as he euen in regard of gouernment no lesse then some receiuing the doctrine immediatly from Christ as Peter Iames and Iohn witnes Clemens in Eusebius before quoted the others from them yet you make them all in regard of doctrine to be foundations alike num 25. § 22. Another authoritie of S. Hieromes is out of his Epist ad Damas 57. I following no first or chiefe but Christ doe communicate with thy blessednes or am linked in fellowship with it that is to say with the chayre of Peter vpon that rocke I know the Church is built You see Hierome followes no first but Christ Nullum primum Where is then the primacie that you challenge to Peter if none of the Apostles be afore another but Christ Indeede Bellarmine saies he meanes he preferres none but Christ before Damasus which is an vtter peruerting of S. Hieromes words who as he saies he followes no chiefe but Christ or none prime but Christ so he shewes after what sort he is affected to Damasus communione not subiectione by communion not by subiection communico tibi as to Theophilus to Cyrill to Athanasius to who not the auncient orthodoxe professe of themselues in diuers places But the edge of the place as it serues your turne lies in those words I know the Church is built vpon that rocke Which rocke is Christ not so long before mentioned but this may referre to it and to build vpon a chayre is no such cleane pickt metaphore that we should be forced to take it so though vpon a rocke be Besides the scio that he giues it a word of certentie makes vs thinke he would neuer be so peremptorie for Peter sith diuers haue construed the rocke another way whome S. Hierome would not crosse ouer hastily with his Solo and lastly his owne modestie declared a little before professing to follow none but Christ Therefore he tooke Peter for no such foundation § 23. The last and the least is out of his first against Iovinian O vox digna petrâ Christi â speech worthie the rocke of Christ But you may as well build Christ himselfe by this deuise vpon Peter as the Church of Christ For as Saunders writes of the rock of the Church so Hierome calls Peter here the rocke of Christ That is the fortresse and champion of the Christian faith as S. Ambrose was called columna Ecclesiae S. Iames 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the title of the Church of Ephesus wherein Timothie was to conuerse rather then of Rome as the
generall and so of no force to bind all in all places and if it had so beene yet you may remember how many Sanctions euen of the Nicene Councell are out of vse with you cancel'd abrogate as the Bishop shewes in one part of that booke of his which you now fumble about the refuting of To omit that the constitution runnes but thus though it were neuer so authenticall euen by Placet vobis May you please to allow and rather for Iulius his vertue then the seats priuiledge and so to last no longer then men endued with the like integritie that Iulius was should occupie the roome but no way descending of such originall right as you pretend Else what neede the Canon either the Fathers consent or the scrutiner to begin with placet vobis As for Petri memoriam that they would vouchsafe to honour Peters memorie euen that shewes it was arbitrarie and rather not to be denied to his blessed memorie then due to his successor by right of inheritance Though Optatus leads vs to more memories then one as there were more Apostles and Saints then one of whome he construes that euen in the Sardican sense memorijs Sanctorū cōmunicantes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 2. contra Parmenianum and againe memorijs Apostolorum lib. 4. § 16. Now to backe your fancie that appeales were not forbid by the Mileuitan Canon in S. Austens time you descend to Leos time short of S. Austens so as you refute not the Bishop nor say nothing to the purpose but that you long to be vntrussing your pedlerly fardles As if Leo were not like enough to encroach vpon the Canon to gaine aduantage to his Sea a sea indeed which eares out the earth though neuer so well fenced and the distressed estate of the Churches of Africa encreasing with the times might driue them to admit of more then was reason but that they were glad to make their peace at any hand though with hard conditions Concerning Gregories times you fall a great deale lower though you are clean besides the cushion there too For whereas you granted before that the Canon forbad the appeales of Deacons though not of Bishops now you bring vs an instance of two Deacons appealing so as the Canon is trampled downe by your owne confession and yet the Bishops allegation was of the Canon onely Shall law or practise be our Iudge And yet when Gregory refers the plaintiue Deacons ouer to a Synode hee does but as the Canons had enacted before in that behalfe namely Nicen. can 3. Antioch can 9. Constantinop can 2. What proofe then is this of Gregories authoritie to heare appeals which rather he commits to the triall of Synods as equitie would § 17. And the same fault is in your next example Certaine Priests of Africa complained against Paulinus Donadeus a Deacon against Victor his Bishop Yet you graunted euen now that Priests and Deacons were barred Appeales by the Canon most euidently What is this then to the matter but that you want worke and are faine to sucke occasion out of your fingers ends that you may be doing And in one word when Gregorie so orders the matter vpon these fellowes complaints that he refers the hearing to an assembly of Bishops with the primate of the Prouince as you alleadge either Victor or Columbus or whome you will he shewes no authority but onely does as the Canons had appointed to be done whether he would or no. Indeed Gregorie professes his respect to the Canons in diuerse places and herein he keepes it § 18. It followes of certaine Popes who exercised he saith vniuersall authoritie in S. Austens dayes Though I shewed that this neede not because no way thwarting the Bishops words yet briefly to his obiections that he seeme not ouer wise in his owne conceit S. Austen saies of Zozim Ep. 157. ad Opt. Iniuncta nobis à venerabili Papâ Zozimo Apostolicae sedis Episcopo Ecclesiastica necessitas nos Caesaream traxerat The necessarie occasions of the Church imposed vpon me by Pope Zozimus drew me to Caesarea And out of Possidius Literae sedis Apostolicae compulerunt This may prooue violence as well as authority because of trahere and compellere Which surely Zozimus vsed not to S. Austen He lackt a learned man and cald for S. Austen vsing his best interest to perswade him What is this to the Popedome How many such compellers could I shew you out of S. Austen Marcellinus for one a temporall Earle but an exceeding good man and afterward Martyr as we are told by S. Hierome Sic me compulit vel ipsa charitas tui Marcelline Comes sic inquam me compulit sic duxit traxit c. De peccat meritis remiss l. 1. c. 1. Iust as the Apostle acknowledges of himselfe and all Christians Charitas Christi cogit nos the loue of Christ constraines vs. So here the necessities of the Church did S. Austen recōmended to him by Pope Zozimus yet with no more iurisdiction perhaps then Marcellinus had ouer him which I thinke was but small The examples of this kind of phrase are rife euery where We read in the booke of Samuel that the witch constrained king Saul to eate meate 1. Sam. 28. And Luk. 24. coegerunt eum the two Disciples that went into Emaus constrained our Sauiour to tarry with them Howbeit doubtlesse not superiour to him specially after his resurrection Abraham and Lot constrained their guests as we may read in Genesis yet not giuing lawes I suppose to strangers which is condemned in another place of that booke Peregrinus est vult dare leges but to teach vs to enforce our liberalities and our courtesies where modesty reiects them though neede craue them And these guests were Angels Which it were fine if you could bring vnder the Popes compulsion as some of your men haue seriously laboured to make the Pope paramount to the Angels themselues once Abraham and Lot though no spirituall men here constrained them for certaine What speake I of Scriptures Euen Tully de Amicitiâ Cogitis certè quid enim refert quâ ratione cogatis You constraine me quoth Lelius no matter how And againe S. Austen Praef. librorum ad Simplicianum Quaestiunculas quas mihi enodandas iubere dignatus es He sayes Simplician commaunded him to dissolue questions And yet I take it Simplician had no such regular power ouer S. Austen as to command him This iubere would haue troubled Pope Nicholas wonderfully I neuer reade his Epistle ad Michaelem Imperatorem but I pitty his passions to see him so stormed with a poore iubere of the Emperour Whereas the Emperour writing in all likelihood in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might be construed wishing or exhorting if either he or his interpretour had not been afraid of a blew spider a dread where none was But againe S. Austen in the forenamed place
Flavianus good demeanure and other such considerations then the Popes sentence or bare definition For then what neede long time to worke it Neither was that a signe of Damasus his supremacie that Flavianus sent his embassage to Rome For when two are to meete why should not the inferiour come to the superiour rather then otherwise I meane inferiour in order as Flavianus here to Damasus Antioch to Rome but not in authoritie Though the embassage was not intended so much to Damasus as to cleere the scandall that went of Flavian and to satisfie the whole Church of God in those parts that East and West might no longer continue in iealousie and alienation § 26. And now to come to his successor Syricius as your owne words are how doe you prooue his vniuersall iurisdiction I know it wrings you to be held to this point but there is no remedy to that you must speake Forsooth the Councell of Capua committed the hearing of Flauianus his cause to the Bishop of Alexandria and the Bishop of Egypt with this limitation as S. Ambrose witnesses I report your owne words that the approbation and confirmation of their sentence should be reserued to the Roman sea and the Bishop thereof who was then Syricius Suppose this were so how farre is it from arguing vniuersall iurisdiction For as the Councell might make choice of the Bishop of Alexandria and the Bishops of Egypt to take the first knowledge of Flavianus his cause into their hands so out of the same authoritie might it reserue the after iudgement and the vp shot of all to the Bishop of Rome it might doe this I say out of it owne libertie and for the personall worth of Syricius Pope not for any prerogatiue of his Sea And rather it shewes the preheminence of the Councell that might depute the Pope to such a busines as likewise the Bishop of Alexandria and Egypt The Eusebians made an offer witnes Athanasius in his Apologie to Iulius Pope of Rome to be their iudge if he thought good Iulio si vellet arbitrium causae detulerunt But if Iulius had no other hold it was a poore supremacie that might content him Yet Ambrose in the Epistle 78. which you quote saies not so much Rather of Theophilus somewhat magnificently Vt duobus istis tuae sanctitatis examen impartiretur confidentibus Aegyptijs that your Holines might haue the scanning of these mens cause while the Bishops of Egypt were your assessors And againe Sancta Synodus cognitionis ius unanimitati tuae caeterisque ex Aegypto consacerdotibus nostris commisit The holy Synod of Capua committed the power of iudging this matter to your agreement and the Egyptian Bishops What then of the Pope Sanè referendum arbitramur ad sanctum fratrem nostrum Romanae sacerdotem Ecclesiae Sure we are of the minde that it were good it were referred to our holy brother the Priest of Rome First brother then Priest of Rome lastly arbitramur The Synod belike not ordering so but Ambrose giuing his opinion thus And Quoniam praesumimus te ea iudicaturum quae etiam illi displicere nequeant because we presume you will resolue in such manner as shall not be displeasing to him See you how one of them is as free from error as the other in S. Ambrose minde And he is content that Syricius should haue the cognusance of the cause after Theophilus not that Theophilus errour might be corrected by Syricius but that ones concurrence might strengthen the other § 27. Doe you looke I should answer to Syricius Decretall sent to Himerius or does the conueying of it to France and Portugall prooue vniuersall iurisdiction exercised by the Popes in S. Austens time But with such baggage you make vp your measure Himerius askt and Syricius answers What then And Himerius was within the Romane Patriarchship caput corporis tai not caput corporis vniuersalis saies Syricius himselfe in the ende of his Rescript But proceede Optatus say you calls Peter principem nostrum our Prince Now he could not meane Peter to be that Prince for he was dead and gone and so nothing worth Therefore Siricius who then liued and was his successor in the Popedome Brauely shott and like a Sadducee Yet in the same booke Optatus calls Siricius in plaine tearmes not princeps noster but socius noster our frend and fellow as S. Ambrose a little before his brother and priest § 28. That in the African Councell Can. 35. the Fathers decreed that letters should be sent to their brethren and fellow-Bishops abroad but especially to Anastasius to informe them how necessary their latter decree was in fauour of the Donatists contradicting a former Canon made against them what is that to Anastasius his vniuersall iurisdiction Doe you see how you are choaked if you be but held to the point yet they sent to others no lesse then to Anastasius But to him especially you say It might be so for the eminencie of his Sea as we haue often told you And the Donatists beeing too strong for them as appeares by that decree which controules the former they were glad to take any aduantage I warrant you to countenance their proceedings Durum telum necessitas est § 29. That the Bishops of Africa requested Innocentius to vse his authoritie to the confirmation of their statutes against the Pelagian heretiques it was not because the ordinances of prouinciall Synods are not good in their precincts without the Pope as I thinke your selues will not denie but that the Pelagian heresie beeing farre spread throughout the world might be curbed within the places that Innocentius had to doe in as well as in Africk where the Councel was held Which taking so good effect as it seems it did S. Austen cries out that they were toto Christiano orbe damnati condemned ouer all the Christian world not that Innocentius authoritie was irrefragable but the concurrence of so many Pastors in the cause of Gods truth was of force at that time to rectifie the consciences of such as wauered before In this sense Possidius might well call it iudicium catholicae dei Ecclesie the iudgement of the Catholique Church of God when Innocentius Zoâ—â—mus accursed the Pelagians because it sprang from the consent of so many godly Fathers as incited those Popes to that act of iustice and lead them the way in this daunce of zeale as I may so call it Not that the Church stood in them two or as if they had the vniuersall iurisdiction that he talkes of or rather dares not talke of but captiously and crookedly inuolues onely in impertinent allegations § 30. I might spend time about S. Austens authoritie Epist 92. writing thus to Innocentius That the Lord hath placed thee in sede Apostolicâ And doth this prooue vniuersall iurisdiction or is there no Apostolique sea but the Romane By which reason wee shall haue many vniuersall iurisdictions Or that it were negligence to coÌ„ceale ought from his
who neither write so plaine for vnderstanding as the Scriptures nor yet so currant for beleife It followes in the Bishop Nam nec primatum negamus Petri c. for wee deny not the primacy of Peter nor the names which doe signifie it but wee demand the thing or the matter it selfe now in question to wit his earthly Monarchy Thus he And to this what say you You say he grants the primacy of Peter and yet labours to ouerthrow it when it is prooued out of the fathers As how trow you When they teach that Peter had the primacie because he was the foundation of the Church and that he had a speciall commission giuen him to feede Christs sheepe he goeth about to prooue that Peter was no more the foundation of the Church then the rest of the Apostles were nor otherwise Pastor thereof then they And what of that Wherein then consisted this primacy which the fathers teach and deduce from the power giuen him by the keyes and by his pastorall commission which doe import authority power iurisdiction and gouernment This you It hath bin told you Sir sufficiently ouer and ouer wherein the primacy of Peter consisted though it draw no soueraignty or Iurisdiction with it and much lesse so great as you are in loue with I meane the temporal and the terrible quae spiritum concutit saecularis rei gratiâ as Tertullian saies or saeculum concutit praetextu Spiritûs as yours apparantly doth It is neither keyes not crooke that will content you but onely a glaiue and a staffe the armour of the foolish shepheard whereof Zacharie speakes describing your Pope that idoll in sede meâ as Christ from heauen bespake him long agoe if the stories say true And yet why should we tell you wherein this primacie consists that the Fathers deduce out of the words of Scripture rather then you conclude it out of the words themselues or the Fathers words vpon those words and so force it vpon our consciences that we may haue nothing to answer but by yeelding to your desire Nowe you are faine to raue and chase and cry after all is done what is it if it be not this What is pasce oues and super hanc petram but onely the making Peter cheife Magistrate of the Church so as all Iurisdiction may flow from him Whereas we may say more truely and aske of you what so vnlikely foundation hath this exorbitant power as either the keies of the Church or the feeding of Christs sheepe And doth the Bishop good Sir only goe about to prooue that other Apostles are ioyned with Peter either in the feeding of Christs flocke or in the receiuing of the keyes Which hee hath euidently conuinced and demonstrated to your eye both by the sequele of the text and the authorities of the Fathers The Fathers argument then say you is nothing worth whereby they would establish the primacie of Peter from such places As though Peters primacy might not be prooued from the places and yet that primacie bee no such primacie as you conceit For the verie promising of the keyes though with intention to them all yet to him onely formally the feeding of Christs lambes which was the charge of them all yet three seuerall times enioyned to him because of his threefold deniall of his Lord giues him a kind of prerogatiue or primacie if you call it so which we enuie him not and yet still falls short of your Monstrous Monarchie S. August hath told you and S. Ambrose hath told you the first two that Pasce oues belongs to all yea to all vs not only to all them but the last that not those words onely but whatsoeuer else was said to Peter by way of such honour no doubt is commune omnium common to all at least common to all the Apostles Neither pittie the fathers as most idlely you would seeme to doe in your 19. numb for inferring the primacie from such places as those but rather condemne your owne foolish fancie for misinterpreting so grossely both the Fathers and the places When you say The Bishop is miserably troubled with certaine petty words with voculae quaedam as Caput and Primatus and sometimes hee graunts them sometimes denies them What more iust or more reasonable course can bee held then both to graunt them and denie them the one in the Fathers sense that they alledge them in the other in yours as you peruert them As for troubling the Bishop they are so farre frō that those small words as you say petty voculae that by his accurate explaining them I verily beleeue he hath prouided so well as they shall neuer trouble any man more hereafter § 16. In fine you carp him for calling the Popes supremacy an earthly Monarchy or temporall primacy of which before Yet you repeat it againe And wherefore then did you in reporting Origens words num 2. of this Chap. concerning the founding of the Church vpon Peter veluti super terram as vpon the earth breake off the English to print those words aswell in Latine as in English veluti super terram which is more then you affoarded to certaine other of the same sentence to expresse them twice Was it not to perswade vs that his primacie was earthly or his Monarchy temporall which here you abhorre But let vs heare you in good earnest The place say you is temporall or earthly where it is exercised that is this present world the power heauenly both by institution from aboue and because he is guided by Gods spirit in the vse of it Which I pray you may we not say of the power of Kings as well Vnles either you haue forgotten Rom. 13. That there is no power but of God or the Emperours style which the Fathers giue them Non ex hominibus neque per homines or in the Councell of Calchedon Desuper regni sceptra suscipiens Imperator c. Or Per me reges regnant Pro. 8. 15. Or Inde potestas vnde spiritus Tertullian in Apologet. Or Gregory Nazianzene in orat ad Praesidem irascentem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab illo sceptrum habes c. Thou raignest with Christ thou hast thy scepter from him Or that happily yee are perswaded that the Pope is better assisted then the King by God in his Consultations What meanes that then Prov. 16. 10 Oraculum in labijs and In iudicio non errabit os eius What that Prou. 21. 1 The heart of the King is in the hand of God quocunque volet flectet illud Which S. August so stands vpon that he doubts not to say per cor Regis ipsa veritas iussit Truth it selfe commands by the heart of the King and againe Emperours commaund the selfe same that Christ for when they commaund what good is no man commandeth by them but Christ Epist 166. To make short what thinke you of that Rom. 13. Rulers are no
Catholique protunc and at that time punctually but neither afore nor after very immediately Will you heare what our Adioynders reply is to this Hauing repeated the Bishops words to the effect aforesaid he thus commenteth Num. 29. So hee Wherein he graunteth consequently that the Pope is supreame and vniuersall Pastor of the whole Church for that must needes follow of his graunt seeing it is euident that he who then was Bishop of Rome and whom he alloweth for Catholique had and exercised a supreame and vniuersall authoritie To which purpose it is to be considered who was Bishop of Rome at that time Whereto the Bishop himselfe giueth vs no small light signifying presently after that Liberius was Bishop a little before him and sure it is that Damasus succeeded Liberius and raigned many years who therefore must needs be the Catholique Bishop that the Bishop meaneth Perge porrò Num. 30. Now then what authority Damasus had and exercised during his raigne I pray you let it be obserued here the raigne of King Damasus For all Iesuites thinke so in their hearts but some onely speake it with their mouthes as the Adioynder here twice in his inconsiderate zeale And yet by this they exalt the King aboue the Pope though it be against their wils because purposely amplifying the Papall style they call it Kingdom as ashamed of Popedome and Priesthood the inferiours to it So as Baronius in his Annales reckons the years of the world by the Annus of such a Pope as Pius or Clemens or Anacletus or the like Which in other Chronicles were wont to be reckoned by the Emperours onely by the Popes either not at all or but accidentally Insomuch as the Holy Ghost himselfe Act. 11. 28. describing the famine that was ouer all the world calculated the time by the Emperour thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnder Claudius Caesar But perhaps Peter was not then come to Rome I goe forward with the Adioynder Now then what authoritie Damasus had c. it appeareth saith he sufficiently by that which I signified before concerning him his supremacie in the fourth Chapter where I shewed that the same was acknowledged not onely in Affricke by the Bishops of three Affrican Synods who in a common Epistle to him gaue cleare and euident testimonie thereof but also in the East Church euen by the chiefe Patriarches thereof to wit by Peter the holy Bishop of Alexandria who immediately succeeded Athanasius and beeing expelled from his Church by the Arrians fled to Pope Damasus and by the vertue and authority of his letters was restored to his seat as the Magdeburgians themselues doe relate out of the Ecclesiasticall histories And in the Church of Antioch his authoritie was acknowledged by Paulinus the Bishop thereof receiuing instructions and orders from him for the absolution of Vitalis the Heretike Also afterwards Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria and S. Chrysostome Bishop of Constantinople were suiers to him to obtaine pardon for Flauianus Bishop of Antioch as may be seene more particularly in the fourth Chapter of this Adioynder where I haue also set downe the cleare testimonies of some Fathers who liued at the same time and euidently acknowledged his supremacie § 43. Numb 31. So that the Bishop graunting that Pope Damasus was a Catholique Bishop and that the Church of Rome was in such integritie vnder him that S. Ambrose had reason to hold none for Catholiques but such as held vnion therewith it must needs followe that the supreame and vniuersall authoritie which Pope Damasus had and vsed was not vsurped but due to him and his Sea and consequently to his successours And whereas the Bishop signifieth that the Romane Church and Bishops were not alwaies in the like integritie that they were at that time to wit neither a little before in the time of Liberius nor shortly after in the time of Honorius because both of them subscribed to Heresie as hee saith I will not now stand to debate c. § 44. This is the Laconicall breuity of this Thom To whome wee answer in a word as for the repeating of his braue feates exployted in the fourth Chapter we remit him to our answer thereunto in the precedents touching euery particular That if Damasus had exercised such an exoticall iurisdiction as he fondly dreameth and the allegations doe nothing prooue yet this could not preiudice his beeing Catholique or he might be an vsurper notwithstanding Satyrus his iudgement of him First because Satyrus meant onely in opposition to the Luciferian schismatikes whose cause was not the cause of Ecclesiasticall Supremacy Secondly Satyrus perhaps might not discerne the error though the Pope had laboured of it as diuerse other good men also gaue way to it vnwittingly Thirdly a Pope may be right in his beleefe though he be erroneous in his practise and so may any body els For the theife himselfe doth not thinke it lawfull to steale nor the man-queller to murther and yet they both commit the wickednes Euen so the Pope may be Catholique though he should turne cut-throate I meane Catholique for his faith as the Papists take it and speculations only Else we know that S. Austen requires more then faith to make one Catholique giues bad liuers but a censerivolunt they would be accounted Catholique but are not By which also wee may collect the Apostacie of the Church of Rome her falling away from the faith Catholique by the contagion of euill manners that swarme in her non secundum Euangelium 1. Tim. 1. 11. As Nilus his argument is out of the same chapter ver 19. that they that put away good conscience from them quickely also make shipwracke of their faith Though the Adioynder holds that the Church and her title cannot be seuered but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Fathers so couple the Papists thinke it no disparagement to their Church to haue them parted Fourthly and lastly I say Damasus exercised no vniuersall iurisdiction nor coueted after it for ought the Adioynder hath demonstrated The lesse Catholique therefore the more Catholique Pope Damasus whatsoeuer become of Liberius and Honorius the one afore him the other after him not so currant both § 45. There followeth presently after saith the Adioynder Num. 32. a large and liberall grant of the Bishop right worth the noting In fine what trow you That the Bishop saying Fatemur omnia nec de nomine lis sed utri è re nomen habcant he by that confesseth that they haue the true signe and note of the Church and we not hauing it are heretikes or schismatikes As if we forsooth refused the name Catholike or the Bishop implyed any such thing in all his speech which not the desperatest wretches but censeri volunt witnes S. Aust et si sanari nolunt they would be called Catholiques As Dioscorus said in the Councell of Chalcedon Eijcior cum Patribus Catholicis no doubt I
discouering them at least I am not he that can diue into their secrets the word Defender and Maintainer of the Church will stretch to as much Supremacie as either his Maiestie now assumeth or we avow more by much then the Papists will graunt him yea it is that which they oppose with might and maine that results from these very words of Defence and Maintenance For how can a King defend the Church maintaine the vnity preserue the beauty vnlesse he haue power to reforme both spirituall faults let me call them so for this once I meane heresies blasphemies schismes the like and that in spirituall persons too euen in the loftiest of the crew who sting their nurse as dāgerously as another nay farre more dangerously many times both by their scandalous liuing especially by their broaching of pernicious doctrins Quia omne malum ex Sanctuario and the thundrings and lightenings came out of the Temple Reu. 16. 18. to signifie that the Churchmen are the cause of all plagues as Ribera notes well vpon that place In scelere Israel omne hoc But the Papists think that Kings are blocks and stocks like the Heathens images that Baruch speakes of not to stirre but as they are lifted Ducitur vt neruis alienis mobile lignum Nay not able so much as to wipe off the dung from their faces that the little birds let fal vpon them they allow them no actiuitie no pricking censure which is the very nerve of Defence Church-maintenance Might this conceit stand it were somewhat that the Adioynder replyes to our argument but it is so stale and so grosse that the little boyes here laugh at it though old gray-bearded Papists and the Adioynder for one are not ashamed to reiterate it § 83. But will you heare an elegancie a queint deuise In his Numb 63. Though the Puritanes are defectiue in their opinion of Supremacie yet both they and the Papists are better subiects then the Bishop for you are to know that still he is the Bishops good friend because all of vs yeelding the title of Defender and Maintainer of the Church to the Kings Maiesty the title they if he will but not the Thing as I haue shewed before not in due extension at least for then there would remaine no controuersie between vs yet they beleeue it as a matter of faith the Bishop but onely as a matter of perswasion c. Thus does he ruminate and re-ruminate his cud againe and goe ouer his abolita atque transacta as S. Austen speaks But for the Puritanes of Scotland whom he quotes in his margent I finde no such thing in the words alleadged by him that they hold the Supremacie to bee a matter of faith the Papists Creed I know is not yet perfected and they may take in what they list Nay I thinke it neuer came into their minds good men to trouble their braines with such a nice speculation whether the case of Supremacie be de fide or no but howsoeuer it be I haue answered it before that our perswasion thereof is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we will neuer be driuen from it neither by force nor by fine words Errore nec Terrore though the Adioynder thinke we will not loose sixpence for the defence of it our liues not onely our liuelihoods beeing not deare vnto vs in the contestation of this iustest quarrell That the KINGS MAIESTIE is the cheife maintainer cheife head of the Church chiefe gouernour and cheife defender of it in all causes and ouer all persons next vnder God and his Sonne Christ § 84. Yea But what the Puritanes teach concerning this point you haue heard in the last Chapter by the testimonie of Mr. Rogers approoued and warranted by all the Clergie of England to wit that Princes must be seruants to the Church subiect to the Church submit their scepters to the Church and throwe downe their crownes before the Church c. Whereupon I gather saith the Adioynder two things The one that the Supremacie which as the Bishop saith the Puritanes doe acknowledge in the King is to be vnderstood onely in temporall matters The other that all reformed churches are also of the fame mind seeing that they professe the same doctrine concerning the Kings Ecclesiasticall Supremacie that the Puritanes doe as the Bishop himselfe confesseth c. § 85. Then Numb 66. for I would gladly take in all Besides that albeit we should graunt that the Puritanes and Reformed Churches doe allow the Teporall Magistrate to haue some power and authoritie in Ecclesiasticall matters yet it is euident that they doe not allow them that spirituall iurisdiction and authoritie which our Parlaments haue granted to our Kings that they may giue dispensations licenses make Ecclesiasticall Lawes giue commissions to consecrate Bishops to excommunicate suspend censure visit and correct all Ecclesiasticall persons Reforme heresies and abuses c. and with this the beast breathes out his last or almost his last To whome I answer in order and as briefly as the nature of such obiections will permit Princes may serue the Church and submit their scepters subiect their Crownes before the Church though all supreame Magistrates doe not weare Crownes that I may tell him that by the way and we now by Prince vnderstand all yea and licke the dust of the Churches feete as the Prophet Esay speakes and yet retaine their Supremacie firme and inuiolable How so Marry it is a shame for the Adioynder not to see it of himself without a guide remembring who calls himselfe the seruant of seruants and yet pleades for a Lordship limitlesse ouer the Church at least the Adioynder will agnise him for his good Master though he goe for a Seruant but neuerthelesse we will helpe him The one by loue by zeale by care by filiall respect and duties of all sorts to the great mother the Church of God teeming and trauailing here vpon earth whether the generall to his power or the particular within the territories where he raigneth and swayeth The other by vnderstanding the right of his place and accordingly also executing and exercising of it to the controll of all that stands in his way and to the purging of all scandals out of Gods floare to the banishing of sin to the chasing away of all wickednesse with his very looke and browe as Salomon speakes or whatsoeuer may be said in the loftiest style for the aduancing this high authoritie principally destinated to the benefit of Gods Church and setting forth of his glorie Doe I speake riddles or are others of the same minde Dominotur sacerdotibus Imperator saies S. Gregorie l. 4. Regist ep 15. ita tamen vt etiam debitam reuerentiam impendat Let the Emperour on Gods name beare sway ouer Priests but so that he reuerence them as meet is And he addes withall Atque hoc excellenti consideratione faciat And let him so doe vpon excellent consideration
male pert or erroneous Reuel 18. 4. Ferer Lusti antè citat Apud Gelas Cyzic in Act. Concil Nicen. a The Adioynd confuted by his owne allegation out of the Acts of Parlament See pag. 100. huius b Register of the Templats and Order of S. Iohn of Hierusalem quoted by M. IV Cambden in his Britannia Cornavijs c He that hath licence for doing incurres no fault at all but the breach eueÌ„ of humane laws vndispensed is a sinne in conscience by the Papists doctrin Adioynd Num. 54. 55. 2. Sam. 15. 17. Rom. 13. Tit. 3. 1. Pet. 2. * Adioynd vbi priùs d Sauls guard refuse to doe a wicked act at their masters commaundement yet the Guard was not exempt from Sauls authoritie neither will the Adioynder haue it so This disobedience therefore prooues not but Saul was King as well ouer the Priests as others e Exod. 1. f Dauid represents the Priesthood not onely the Kingdome g One Doeg many Doegs h Doeg a figure of Iudas a The sword rewardes no lesse then punishes b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In burro panno purpureus animuâ— as Calvin him selfe most excellently notes whome they slaunder notwithstanding as vnkind to Kings Instit l. 3 c. 19. Sect 9. c Dio alis d The happines of Kingdomes is in obedience to Kings without contradiction Gerson c. Adioynd Num. 62. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Quoniam percepimus Ecclesiae relligionis nostrae tranquillitatens c. Iuram Scot. Edit an 1581. quoted by the Adioynder Though this be somewhat auncient to prooue the iudgement of these times by especially for one that takes notice of the Bishops iust exception Dies diem docuit c. See Adioynd Num. 68. b Vide Chrysost in fine huius Quanquam loquitur it à Synodus sexta Constantinop in Epist Concilij ad Iustinian Imper. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seiromaste c No more power then Defensiue yet Sanders saies the Sword is Avenger rather But these two numina Praemium Poena conteine the Church and consummate the Suprematie c Though S. Austen make heresies vicia carnis as the Apostle also doth Gal. 5. By how much more they shall belong to the Kings correction * Aug. Triumph p. 9. citat Chrys in Matth. in eandem sent d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paulo ante ex Concil 6. e De Merit remiss pecc initio lib. * Papa potest condere novuÌ„ Symbolum novos articulos c. Triumph Ancon p. 310. f Nec auro Pyrrhe tuo nec elephantis Fabricius apud Plut. Adioynd Num. 63. g The Adioynder addes further here out of Beza as it seemes that Kings cannot be exempted from the diuine domination of the Presbyterie c. Forsooth nor from Confession vnder a shauen Priest with the Papists But who knows not that we haue banished the Presbyterie here in England or rather neuer receiued it not onely in extention as it reflects vpon Kings but not so much as in single essence And yet in France which was Bezaes owne countrey Rex causam dixit aliquando in iudicio si vera Bodinus Was hee not therfore supreame So here perhaps h Of the licking the dust of the Churches feet see S. Hierome before pag. 519. It imports small subiection superioritie rather And yet here the Church doth not signifie the Clergie yea as some thinke it is no where so taken at all in Scripture Lastly if it were yee the word Church is not once named by the Prophet Esay but he directs his speech to them that are of the Church the beleeuers in generall Gen. 41. 43. Adioynd vbi priùs Bonavent in 4. Sentent Dist 18. quaest 3. Resp ad vltimum Sed praecipuè August de parcendo multitudini ne eradicetur triticum Totis tract contrà Donatist T. 7. Denique Epist Leodiens Apologet. ann 1106. apud Schard Pro M. Celio Paral. p. 383. and 384. * Which Flor. Rem saies he may call the Talmud or Alcoran of heretiques Franciscus Horantius saies he wrote it by the instinct not of man but some foule spirit c. Both shewing in what account they haue the worke though they abliorre from his opinion * Flor. Rem de Origine haeres l. 7. c. 10. Sect. 1. Calvinus in conclavi quodam Engolismae apud Tilium plus quatuor millibus librotum tum manuscriptorum tum typis excusoruÌ„ instructo ita se continuit triennio vt vel intimi amicorum aegrè ad ipsum admitterentur c. What maruell when Tullie saies de Arusp Resp led by the light of nature Nihil praclarius quà m eosdem relligionibus decrum immortalium summe Repub. praeesse voluisse maiores nostros Sub init Orat. Prefat lib. de clave David Acberat cum Constantinum delegantem Melciadi cum alijs Episcopis causam Caecilij Donati caput Ecclesiae vocat donat cum titulum homini non Christiano here Nondum enim baptizatus cum suit Constantinus vt patet ex Euseb alijsque Christianus verò esse non potest qui ChristuÌ„ quando potest per baptismum non induit Eia Pergite in maledicta Quid mirum iam si Rex Iacabus non Christianus Bellarmino quamvis baptizatus In the rest of the words that the Adioynder quotes out of Bishop Barlowe Sermon it seemes he saies that the Puritanes allow the King to be onely an honourable member of the Church And yet the Adioynder would perswade vs but a little before that the Papists goe as farre as the Puritanes about the Supremicie c. Whereas his owne argument is here against certaine Kings No members Therefore no heads But the Puritans acknowledge their King a member in the very words that he citeth out of B. Barlow and an honourable member that is happily Supreame He contradicts himselfe therefore As for their denying him to be Gouernour though it appeare not in their words yet either their meaning is he is not to gouerne after his owne lust and fancie against the booke of God put into his hands or Bishop Barlow describes the Puritans by their old Problemes which they disclaime daily as the Bishop of Ely exceeding well notes Though not so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by reuerence and humilitie but at another time Episcopus Episcoporum And Ego Episcopus sum etiam extrà Ecclesiaâ—â— i. vbique * And this is euen the worst that can be boulted out of those wordes of the B. so spightfully insisted vpon by the Adioynd Numb 67. that the Kings gouernment of the Church is externall so farre forth as it requires and admitteth and authoritie For so farre he is from extenuating the Kings Supremacie therby that his meaning is We are to looke for as much helpe and aid froÌ„ him and consequently to acknowledge as much authoritie in him as is humans that is incident to the power or place of any man whatsoeuer and therefore Supreame without question in his Kingdome Though he denies not but
printed copies very ancient then in fowre manuscripts beyond exception One of the KINGS MAIESTIES Librarie a copie very faire written and withall so auncient as before the Conquest giuen by a Monke called Os-Ketel to the Monasterie of Rochester Another of Merton Colledge in Oxford Two out of the Vniuersitie of Cambridge Lastly in an other edition of Paris that retaines those words after the late Rome Copie had presumed to leaue them out by the partiall direction of Felice Peretto afterwards Sixtus Quintus pag. 44. c. Whereunto may be added because the Adioynder makes this his capitall imputation of vntruths to the Bishop that Iohannes Viguerius a Papist of chiefe note for learning and iudgement reads them iust as the Bishop quoteth them Institut ad Theolog. Christianam c. 16. § 6. v. 5. De Sacramento Ordinis 9. How the Friars vse the Fathers when they are not for their turne but especially S. Ambrose aboue all others out of Iunius his report of his owne experience of their Presses when he was at Lyons in France p. 45. 46. 10. Peter the prime but more primes then Peter p. 47. 11. The Vicars of Christ are all Ministers in their degree but specially the Bishops p. 49. 12. Peter feeds all and yet others feed him as Paul and Iames so as no superioritie follows from thence p. 51. 13. The friuelous distinction betweene sheepe and lambs hissed out by Maldonate preiudiciall to the Pope though it were receiued by Tolet and Turrian their expositions p. 50. 51. c. 14. The Leuites were subiect to the Temporall Prince and a part of Israel euen in that sense The Adioynders proofes to the contrarie are answered Arguments for the other side which he hath not answered p. 52. 53. c. Rabanus Maurus in locū praeter alios citatos in corpore Defens sic Quòd recensiti quidem Leuitae fuerint inuentusque numerus ad 22000. sed seorsim Non ob exemptionem ab obedientia sed eximietatem virtutis quam prae se ferre debent Denique 3. Reg. 11. 38. secundū 70 dantur Salomoni i. Regi saeculari Nihil ergò iuvabit ad exemptionē quòd aliàs Levitae dati sunt Aaroni vt pertendit F. T. 15. The Adioynders blasphemie confuted That Christ by his comming abridged the soueraigntie of temporall Princes That it remaines as ample still as in the old Law p. 59. c. largè 16. Kings are to feede the Church of God and Peter himselfe but to feede it Cyrus head and pastor of the Church with some likelihood that he was saued p. 63. c. 17. The Papists ascribe temporall primacie to the Pope for all the Adioynders dissembling The KINGS MAIESTIE is not so forward to challenge spirituall primacie as the Papists impute to him whatsoeuer he might p. 67. 18. English Bishops and among them the Bishop of Elie no dealer in Coactions p. 68. 19. The Swords are two and diuided in their bearers though linked in vse according to Gelasius his iudgement of that matter p. 69. 20. Princeps Caput common to others with Peter and therefore enforce not p. 70. 71. 21. The Papists not we are readie to depose Magistrates vpon conceit of their misbehauiour Their slaundering of Wickliff vpon no ground that they shew So in another matter Wickliff is censured by Petrus Lutzemburg to hold that which none els euer imputed to him though they had sifted him narrowly Witnes Alphonsus lib. 12. contrahaereses V. Purgatorium in initio Lex quaedam accusatoria Consuetudo maledicendi pricking them on without any further euidence to carpe at Wickliff NONE but CHRIST from heauen may depriue his STEVVARD by BELLARMINES owne confession p. 74. 75. 22. The Bishop said right that Peter was restored to his Apostleship p. 77. c. Adde de Magist in 4. Sent. dist 19. § Qualem autem c. ex August Saepè lapsis Sacerdotibus reddita est dignitatis potestas Et Petrus post lapsum restitutus fuit c. 23. S. Cyrill giues the preheminence ouer all to Kings p. 81. To which that might be added ex eodem Cyrill Comment in locum Micheae citat which he speakes of Kings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Crowned and dignified with the MOST SVPREAME EXCELLENCIES 24. S. Chrysostome no fauourer of Peters singular Primacie but against it directly p. 82. 25. Peter the mouth of the Apostles And what though p. 83. 26. Peter gaines the checke by asking Christ the question which the Adioynder would draw to prooue his Monarchie by p. 84. 27. Leoes authorities of Peters primacie are discussed p. 86. 28. The Law Inter claras not glossed by sundrie Lawyers and for that and other reasons iustly to be suspected if not reiected p. 88. c. 29. The not erring of the Church of Rome for a certaine season was no securitie for her perseuerance in after-times The titles giuen to her by Iustinian are common to other Churches and some greater then they p. 91. 30. Iustinians facts of more force to prooue then Patarensis his words And the Adioynders instance against this is answered p. 93. 31. Vniust assaults proceeding from authoritie are not to bee resisted but from others they may Syluerius a traytour to Iustiniau p. 94 32. Iustinian slaundered by the Adioynder of vnlearnednesse without ground His saluation likewise questioned by him very vncharitably p. 95 33. Patarensis his words imply not Syluerius his right to vniuersall iurisdiction and much lesse to the temporall which the Pope challengeth p. 96 34. Euery Minister is a Minister ouer the Church of the whole world in what sense p. 97 35. Liberatus his storie which the Adioynder quoteth hath more for the preheminence of the Emperour aboue the Pope then the Pope aboue him p. 98 CHAP. 2. 36. AThanasius flees to Iulius for aide not for iudgement As any Bishop in distresse might to him that were able to rescue p. 103 37. It was more then Pope Leo could doe to quash the Canon of the Councell of Chalcedon concerning the equalling of Constantinople with Rome The Adioynders foure reasons to the contrarie are answered p. 105 38. The Popes censures derided by godly Bishops and himselfe censured as fast when there was occasion p. 107 39. Other obiections dissolued against the Canon of Chalcedon viz. 1. the Emperour Iustinus and Iohn Bishop of Constantinople their seeking for vnion with the See of Rome 2. Tu es Petrus super hanc petram applyed to Pope Symmachus by the Easterne Bishops 3. Vigilius his presidentship in the Councel of Constantinople with Eutychius his good leaue 4. The Popes deposing of Bishops c. p. 108. c. 40. Pope Leos humble and yet bootelesse intercession to the Emperour Martian to disanull the Canon of the Councel of Chalcedon The Adioynders childish aucupium at the word intercedere p. 110. c. 41. Fowre reasons brought by the Adioynder why Pope Leo had good cause to except against the said Canon though it be
the right sense and his most vpright quoting of S. Ambrose his words to the same purpose § 1. AS Eusebius describing the raigne of Constantine the Great after the Nicene Councell calls it a blessed time when all things beeing established both for Religion and Gouernment nothing was in mention but the Trinitie in heauen and the Emperour vpon earth with his Royall issue that prayed to these prayed for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Paul couples them 2. Thess 2. 4 euen twice a day praied for in the publike seruice without any flatterie witnesse S. Chrysostome Com. in 1. Tim. 2. So the Adioynder spends it selfe in the defacing of them both the KINGS Supremacie and the Invocation of the one and onely true GOD by his Sonne Iesus Christ And first the Supremacie then the other because Kings beeing as ramparts to fortifie Religion when they goe downe Gods worship consequently goes to wracke For Kings doe not minde matters of warre so much or of the State saies the same Chrysostome else-where and Leo subscribes by vertue of their calling which they haue from God as of Religion and Pietie and of the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Therefore many other particulars occurring in the Bishops Answer to Card. Bellarmine as indeede each of his bookes for their admirable varietie is rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather an artificiall embroiderie then a single monument this man singles out onely these two in effect not ignorant of the relation or the connexion that they haue betweene themselues That it is fatall in a manner as the Orator said of himselfe nec vinci sine Republica posse nec vincere so that Christ should be dishonoured without the King were impeached nor the King disparaged vnles Christ were dishonoured And againe Nemo alteri bellum indicit qui non eodem etiam tempore alteri no man assaults the one but he oppugnes the other for the most part at the same time § 2. FIue Chapters he spends about the first of these two points fiue more about the second and certaine other driblets which he interlaces to the end of his booke In the first is first quarelled S. Austens exposition of Pasce oves meas feede my sheepe which the Bishop alleadged out of his booke de agone Christiano c. 30. Cùm Petro dicitur ad omnes dicitur Pasce oves meas when it is said to Peter it is said to all Feed my sheepe And therfore he is not made by vertue of those words at least Vniuersall Gouernour of Christs Church The strength of F. T. his replie to this authoritie sparing the more ample quotation of the place which in the ende I shall quote perhaps more amply then he though he pretend to quote it somewhat more amply then the Bishop lies in this That whereas S. Austen saies the commission giuen to Peter Feede my sheepe was giuen to all ad omnes dicitur it was because S. Peter bare the person of the Church which with him imports as much as to be indued with Supreame authoritie ouer the Church And to this end Tullies Offices are quoted very freshly Est proprium munus magistratûs c. It is the proper office or dutie of a Magistrate to vnderstand that he beareth the person of the citie And so saies he Peter looses no authoritie by this authoritie but gaines rather § 3. Where first when S. Austen saies that Peter bare the person of the Church and by that expounds his ad omnes dicitur as this man fancyeth I should thinke vnder correction that he meanes the Church onely representatiue consisting of the Apostles and Pastors and no more for they onely feede which will hardly amount to so great a summe as the Papists would make S. Peter chiefe Magistrate of viz. to beare authoritie ouer the whole Church militant and euery member thereof Yea and in some cases of extention not onely ouer them which are without holy orders and so no Feeders but ouer them also which are cleane fallen away from the Church and which is yet more ouer them which neuer set foote within it For thither also reacheth their ierke as they call it of indirect power And though this should be granted in S. Austens sense that S. Peter bare the person of all the members of the Church as no question but he figured the communitie in many things as may be afterward not onely yeilded to but declared at large yet who would euer beleeue that whē the precept is of Feeding the flock of Christ this precept is giuen to the flocke it selfe which neuerthelesse must needes be I say if it be giuen to S. Peter bearing the person of the flocke as he must needs beare that if he beare the person of the whole Church euen in that that he was bid to feede the flocke Doe you see then what a confusion you haue brought vs in already how you haue pulled down the partition wall betweene the Laitie and the Clergie so as now Theodosius may sit him downe where he will though it be at Millan it selfe without any scrupulositie how you haue vtterly remooued the inclosures about the mountaine and made way for M. Saunders his Aclerus as he calls him while you would seeme to set vp a Nauclerus in Christs Church and to be the onely true friend to the beautie of Gods house Yet you are wont to say that this is our fault to take away distinction betweene the sheepe and the shepheard betweene the people and the Pastors and to lay all open to the wild boare out of the wood Nay not onely you confound the Laitie and the Clergie but you make as many Popes by this meanes as there be Christians For placing the Popedome in Pasce oves meas in feeding Christs sheepe you graunt that this commission was giuen to Peter representing their persons c. Which is as much to say as they are all made Feeders of the whole flocke by vertue of these words no lesse then he § 4. As for that you expound the bearing of the person by Tullies Offices to be no other then to be made Supreame Magistrate though it be first vncouth to expound Austen by Tullie whose phrase for the most part is not so sutable yet let S. Austen deliuer his owne minde for this point lib. de pastor for wee speake of pasce and hee handles this argument in the very place that I quote cap. 12. Quemadmodum loquantur authores mundi quid ad nos As much to say as What care wee how Tully speakes Besides that if S. Austen had meant to decipher Peter by those words to be cheife magistrate of the Church vnder Christ for so you conceiue perhaps he would rather haue said that he bore Christi personam then Ecclesiae the person of Christ then of the Church As the deputy Regent of a
kingdome or territorie vnder an absolute Prince may rather be said to beare the Princes person then the Common-wealthes that he gouernes in his right So here And so speakes your Andradius lib. 1. de Concil Papa Christi personam gerit the Pope beares the person of Christ so diuerse more of the same straine Neither lastly does it seeme likely in reason that a Prince should represent for his Common-wealth the head for the bodie which are rather distinguished still one against the other as membra diuidentia and two parties but either certaine of the Commons for the whole multitude or as in other cases some one man for the King But compare wee more narrowly S. Austen with Tully since you will needs vrge vs to it § 5. In Tully it is gerere in S. Austen gestare personam Ecclesiae Is there no difference thinke you betweene these two What if one be of things figuratiue another of things essentiall wil you blame me as too criticall for distinguishing betweene gerere and gestare Gerimus magistratum gestamus vestem either scenicam or some other Gestamus personam I meane not nowe personam in S. Austens sense least S. Peter be farther off from his supremacie then you are aware And though Austen in some place may say gerere personam euen of Peter in this case yet neither in that place that you now alleadge de Agone Christiano cap. 30. and for one gerebat you shal haue 5. gestabats in S. Austen I beleeue Gestare portare sustinere sigurare all these I may remember gerere though I denie not yet it comes so sieldom as I may truely say I scarce remember § 6. Touching what you insert here That whatsoeuer is giuen to the King as King the same is giuen to the Common-wealth whereof he beareth and representeth the person and so in like manner what was giuen to S. Peter as head of the Church the same belongs to the Church her selfe I will not follow you too close about your State-positions so fauourable to Kings as we knowe of old so inlarging their sway as you now professe that what power the one hath the other hath the like King and people though 1. Sam. 8. 11. we read of iudicium Regis erga populū but none populi erga Regem the King might iudge the people but not the people the King therefore this secret might haue rotted in your breast to omit this I say It will follow out of your doctrine that what our Sauiour may doe as Head of his Church the same may his Church doe of her owne head The instances are diuerse in your practise specially I need not faine As to mangle the communion to dismisse subiects from their allegiance to restraine marriages to dispense with vowes with oathes c. In all which you set your wit against his your authoritie against his and namely in the question of assoyling from Obedience how often doe we heare from you in plaine tearmes that Ecclesia habet authoritatem Dei in terris No doubt because whatsoeuer is giuen to the head the same is giuen to the bodie as here you tell vs. Though againe you are as rude with your owne Doctors as before you were rash with Princes Crownes when you say in your application that in like sort whatsoeuer is giuen to Saint Peter as Head of the Church the same is giuen to the Church her selfe which you would neuer haue said I suppose but to defend your grammar-paradoxe about gerere personam with a farre more desperate paradoxe in diuinitie Discerne you no better betweene Popes and Councels which are the Church in effect or shall these play quarter-masters with the Pope Doe you so vnderstand the Councell of Basile or the Councell of Constance which your fellowes would helpe you to construe more mildly or will you reuiue that charme of our King Henrie the 4. of famous memorie who writing to the Pope to perswade him to conformitie alleadged thus if Stow say true Si non audierit Ecclesiam c. If he heare not the church that is obey not let him be vnto thee as an heathen a Publican As for S. Cyprians authoritie which you botch into your text here impertinēt enough that Ecclesia est in Episcopo the Church is in the Bishop because the Bishop as you say is Head of the Church do you not consider why that was spoken by S. Cyprian euen to curbe the insolencie of your Romish Hierarche and to shew that Bishops are rather absolute in themselues he of Carthage at least Romes ancient peu-fellow and no way depending on forraine Tribunalls Rationem actûs sui Christo reddituri as the same Father sayes elsewhere to giue account of their doings to Christ onely But I come to S. Austen In whose words I affirme that gerere personam is to resemble the Church or to stand for the Church not to bee made the cheife magistrate of the Church as you would face vs. And that our Sauiour directing his charge to them all instanced the willinger as I may say in one which was S. Peter and spake to him for all to commend the loue of vnitie to them Imò verò in ipso Petro vnitatem commendauit yea and in Peter himselfe hee commended this vnitie Multi erant Apostoli vni dicitur Pasceoues meas There were many Apostles and it is said but to one Feede my sheepe Why that but onely to commend vnitie to them In hoc cognoscent omnes vos esse meos By this shall all men know you to be my disciples if you loue one another And Looke you fall not out by the way Iosephs precept that he gaue to his brethren This was the care that our Sauiour had of vnitie Againe S. Austen in the same chapter cap. 13. de pastorib that you may beleeue that booke the rather in the explication of pasce Nam ipsum Petrum cui commendauit oues suas quasi alter alteri vnum secum facere volebat He sought not to make him a diuerse regent as you imagine a deputie in his absence but in all his speech he droue after vnitie that intending the vnitie of the Church with himselfe euen as he and his father are all one as he saies which shal not be perfected till after this life yet in the meane time one man might stand for his Church and represent his Church the better to knit vp this knot betweene them Vt sic ei oues commendaret saies S. Austen vt esset ille caput ille figuram corporis portaret id est Ecclesiae tanquam sponsus sponsa essent duo in carne vnâ that is That so he might commend his sheepe vnto him that himselfe might bee the head the other might beare the figure of his bodie that is the Church and as bride and bridegroome they might be twaine in one flesh Here I trow you haue Peter not the head but
once contest with Iames for that priority But returne we to S. Austen § 13. There are yet two more places behind in S. Austen One Tract in Iohannem 124. an other de Agone Christiano cap. 30. With that we began and with the same wee will conclude But the first we will fetch from his Tractat. in Ioh. 123. somewhat higher Speaking there of our Sauiours repast after his resurrection with fish hony-combe he ponders the very number of the disciples then present and thus gathers Vt omnes qui hanc spem gerimus per illum septenarium numerum discipulorum per quem potest hoc loco nostra vniuersitas intelligi figurata tanto sacramento nos communicare nossemus eidem beatitudini sociari That is That all we which are indued with this hope may know that by that seuenfold number of disciples by which our whole companie may here seeme to be figured we are both partakers of that mysterie and fellowes in that blisse Neither doubteth he but S. Iohn ending his Gospel with this narration hauing many things else to report of Christ he ends it magnâ magnarum rerum contemplatione as he saies making it as important so mysticall you see by that word of contēplation Where first we haue figurari in the sense before confirmed not theirs but ours As erewhile Peter figured the Church so now those seuen disciples figured the vniuersalitie of Gods people that is the Church And yet I hope they are not made thereby regents of the Church though the Iesuites haue a proiect wee heare to bring in more then one to manage at one time the Sea Apostolick I remember Occham in his Dialogues hath a question to that purpose whether the Popedome may bee swayed by many at once And inclining to thinke it lawfull it may be the Iesuites drew it from him and would put it in practise In truth our Sauiour choosing 12. Apostles shewed he neuer meant that one should gouern all after they were dead as these now would haue the Pope to doe in Peters stead But as I was saying the 7. figurers here are not 7. gouernours no more then is Peter figuring the Church or bearing the figure of the Church or whatsoeuer else soundeth that way inuested in the authoritie that this man here dreames of as if gerere figuram were gerere personam and gerere personam were potiri rerum § 14. HEre also that is answered that F. T. in his wisdome asked a little before why onely Peter should beare the person of the Church or whether none was meete for that part but he Wee haue answered it before and the like might be asked of Iudas was there none wicked in those dayes but he not Herod not the Pharisies not any other or could none but an Apostle stand for the patterne of bale and condemnation But S. Austen here answers it a great deale more roundly that seuen men at another time and not onely Peter figurauerunt vniuersitatem nostram represented our whole companie the company of the faithfull that is the Church of God whom yet I suppose he will not allow for Popes § 15. Againe in the same tractat that you may see how farre Pasce oues meas surmounts the Pope or the Popes commission which they squeeze to the vttermost to giue him aduancement S. Austen insists first vpon that consideration oues meas not oues tuas which is worth the poizing not onely in the sense that the Iesuits vrge it as if all Christs sheepe were thereby recommended to Peters charge Apostles Prophets Kings and Emperours whereas our Sauiour neuertheles hath sheepe in heauen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both Saints and Angels which I trust are not liable to Popish iurisdiction no though pasce were impera and sarculum sceptrum contrarie to S. Bernard Not only thus then I say but he addes further and giues other cautions pasce meas not pasce tuas therefore non te pascere cogita gloriam meam in ijs quaere non gloriam tuam dominium meum that was not ex hoc mundo non tuum yea lucra mea let the Venetians heare this not lucra tua and to conclude Ne sis in eorum societate qui pertinent ad tempora periculosa perilous times indeede times the more perilous because all the strife is de temporalibus § 16. Neither doubts he to extend the force of that pasce which was giuen to Peter to the censure not of Popes onely though of them too but of all bad ministers through out the world Contra hos vigilat toties inculcata ista vox Christi Pasce oues meas quos Apostolus gemit sua quaerere non quae Iesu Christi Against those stands vp this saying of Christ so often repeated Feede my sheepe whome the Apostle laments for seeking their owne not the things that are Iesus Christs whosoeuer they are or of what ranke soeuer And a little before that Qui hoc animo pascunt oues Christi vt suas esse velint non Christi se convincuntur amare non Christum vel gloriandi vel dominandi vel acquirendi cupiditate non obediends subueniendi deo placendi cupiditate Which because our Adioynder vnderstands Latin so well we will leaue to him for this once to English § 17. Come we now to the 124 Tractat out of which he vrgeth this Hoc agit ecclesia spe beata in hac vitâ aerumnosa cuius Ecclesiae Petrus propter Apostolatûs sui primatum gerebat figuratâ generalitate personam Which the easier to cleare we may sort out by parcels that which makes for them First gerebat personam which this man thinks to be as much as tenebat regimen but of that before To omit how it is qualified with figuratâ generalitate his bearing the person beeing but figuring and signifying and representing still with S. Austen which is short of Magistracie Secondly propter Apostolatús sui primatum Which the better to conceiue heare we further S. Austen heare you too good Sir that accuse the Bishop for laming places as if no bodie were such a legall reciter of them as your selfe Quod enim adipsum propriè pertinet speaking of Peter naturâ onus homo erat gratiâ vnus Christianus abundantiore gratiâ vnus idemque primus Apostolus Sed c. that is For as concerning himselfe Peter was by nature but one man by grace one Christian man by a greater measure of the same grace one and a prime Apostle But c. You will say perhaps that this is a third kind of aduantage an authoritie more then euer you were aware of for Peter vnus idemque primus Apostolus But there is more in it then so S. Austen knowes but three steps of condition here in Peter A man which he was by nature a Christian which by grace but by height of grace by excesse of grace an Apostle Yet vnus Apostolus but one
Christ loues vs lesse in the state of miserie then he wil doe vs one day in the kingdome of glorie We also lesse loue the view of truth and of the face of God whiles we are as we are because we neither haue it yet nor know it as we shall doe This life therefore of ours is signified by Iohn who loued Christ lesse and therefore waits for his comming til the other life may be reuealed and the loue of it perfited as it should be in vs but the same Iohn was more loued of Christ because that life makes vs blessed which in him was instanced or figured Then Nemo tamen istos insignes Apostolos separet Yet let no man seuer these two excellent Apostles So then as one figures so the other figures as the one represents so the other represents and represents onely Iohn was not hereby installed Monarch of heauen no nor yet free denison thereof by actuall possession It was long after that that S. Iohn went to heauē No more was Peter then of earth or any earthly prerogatiue for they must not be separated but as one so the other Nemo separet saith S. Austen Et in eo saith the same Father quod significabat Petrus ambo erant in eo quod significabat Iohannes ambo futuri erant significando sequebatur iste manebat ille c. That is Both in that life which Peter signified they were both of them and in that which Iohn signified they were both of them to be He followed this staied for signification sake c. Doe you see that if Peter be a Monarch of the Church Iohn must needes be too which is a thing impossible For in eo quod significabat Petrus ambo erant saith S. Austen That is In that which Peter signified they were both of them In whome yet it follows plainer Nec ipsi soli Peter and Iohn forenamed sed vniuersa hoc facit sancta Ecclesia sponsa Christi ab istis tentationibus eruenda in illa foelicitate seruanda Neither Peter onely Iohn that is two of the Apostles but the whole Church of God the spouse of Christ doth the very same auoiding the tentation which is here present creeping on to the saluation which is laide vp for vs in heauen Quas duas vitas Petrus Iohannes figurauerunt as before significabant so now figurauerunt singuli singulas c. That is Which two liues Peter and Iohn figured the one the one the other the other c. Lastly Omnibus igitur sanctis ad Christi corpus inseparabiliter pertinentibus propter huius vitae procellosissimae gubernaculum ad liganda soluenda peccata claues regni coelorum primus Apostolorum Petrus accepit ijsdemque omnibus sanctis propter vitae illius secretissimae quietissimum sinum super pectus Christi Iohannes Euangelista discubuit Quoniam nec iste solus sed vniuersa Ecclesia nec ille in principio c. That is In lieu therefore of all the Saints of Christ which are inseparably grafted into his mysticall bodie as concerning their steerage the direction of their course in this most troublesome and tempestuous world the prime Apostle Peter receiued the Keies of the kingdome of heauen for the binding and loosing of their offences And againe in lieu of all the same Saints with respect to that most quiet either bosome of secresie or harborough of blisse the Euangelist Iohn leaned vpon the breast of our blessed Sauiour Because neither he alone but the whole Church nor the other in the beginning c. § 20. Against this I know what Mr. F. T. will say for he sayes no more then out of the mouth of his best masters As Iohn really so Peter really as the one lay vpon our Sauiours breast and it was no fiction so the other receiued the keies of heauens kingdome and it was more then a bare representation Who doubts but S. Peter receiued the keies as well as Iohn leaned on Christs bosome But Peter receiued the keies in the person of the Church militant because our Lord would honour vnitie Iohn rested and repasted himselfe on his sacred bosome as a figure of the triumphant to shadow out vnto vs the estate of glory and blissefull immortalitie Each did as wee read they did but with a drift to intimate some farther thing vnto vs. Non tibi sed vnitati may we say to S. Peter and Non tibi sed aeteruitati may we say to S. Iohn Omnibus Sanctis ad Christi corpus pertinentibus saies S. Austen And Quoniam nec iste solus nec ille solus sed vniuersa Ecclesia In this stands the answer that both Peter receiued and receiued for himselfe for he had a part in the keyes as well as others wee denie it not but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 portionally and particularly not wholly and entirely saue onely as hee stood in the Churches roome to grace vnitie And this prooues no vniuersall authoritie As not Iohn in the triumphant as not Iudas in the malignant so neither Peter in the militant But so much may suffice to haue spoken herof § 21. THE last place of S. Austen that is cited for this purpose is that which I first began with de Agone Christ c. 30. which because this hobby-horse cryes out vpon the Bishop so for alleadging fraudulently and lamely as hath bin said I will keepe my promise to report it euen at large Though in the 20. chapter of that booke before we come to the place that is now to bee scanned S. Austen sufficiently shewes what he meanes by his wonted phrase of gerere personam Where he doubts not to say speaking of the head in a mans bodie wherin all the senses are lodged and recollected that Caput ipsius animae quodam modo personam sustinet not as if the head did rule the soule which were very vnreasonable as they would make Peter to bee gouernour of the Church they care not how but happily for resembling the invisible soule in visible forme most liuely and most apparantly euen as Peter did the Church one for many And so it followes in S. Austen Ibi enim omnes sensus apparent But speake we to the 30. chapter which is the thing in question Intreating there how the Church ought to shew compassion to her children conuerting by repentance he thus saies Non enim sine causâ inter omnes Apostolos huius ecclesiae catholicae personam sustinet Petrus That is For not without cause doth Peter among all the Apostles sustaine the person of this Catholicke Church Huic enim ecclesiae Claues regni coelorum datae sunt For to this Church the keies of the Kingdome of heauen were giuen Which latter FOR is not to show that Peter was chosen to beare the person of the Church non sine causâ not without cause as he had said before but to prooue what hee had supposed that Peter
Dominu triple deniall of his Lord and Sauiour To which answers as you haue beene told his triple confession which makes way to the mandate of Pasce oues meas exciting care and studie and diligence but importing nothing lesse then Monarchicall iurisdiction Though S. Austen also finde an other mysterie there namely of Trinitie in vnitie in the threefold confession exhibited by one man in the name of the Church as we heard before out of his Tractate vpon S. Iohn Confirmat Trinitatem vt consolidet vnitatem § 25. The fift last is his superstitious simulation as S. Aust calls it that at Antioch no doubt of which Gal. 2. This also the Adioyner thought good to leaue out celans peccata sicut Adam either because it drawes so neare an error in faith or at least for subiecting the Monarch of the whole world to the open resistance and reproofe of an abortiue though S. Chrysostome be so farre from vnderualuing Paul therefore that he doubts not to call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him that of last was made first where is primus Apostolus now and Petrus Damiani that he was antepositus omnibus fratribus preferred before all his brethren like little Beniamin saith he of whose tribe he came And againe S. Chrysost 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no bodie comes neere Paul no not any thing neere Vpon the first to the Coloss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ethico And Aquinas in his commentarie on the first to the Galatians saies Paul is wont to be painted on the right hand and Peter on the left for euen your Schoolemen are miserably troubled with arguments drawne from pictures because Christ from heauen called the one to the Apostleship from earth the other But so much of these I might adde more § 26. For so it followes in S. Austen Pax in Domino reddita Ecclesiae à Principibus saeculi peace in the Lord was afforded to the Church by the secular Princes Which is as pleasant to a Iesuits eare to heare as vineger to the teeth or smoake to the eyes as Salomon saies to thinke that the outward welfare of the Church should depēd on the Princes gratious aspect who if they be auerse they knowe a meanes worth two of S. Pauls to reduce them to order not by prayer or supplication to God for them 1. Tim. 2. 1. for either they will inforce them or make them rue it either bow or breake as the prouerb is But S. Austen euery where acknowledges Kings to be those kind nursing fathers from whose gouernment flowes the Churches peace And it is well knowne how he deriues it out of the second Psalme Et nunc Reges intelligite ver 10. as if the meanes to order well the Church and to promote the kingdome of which it is said a little before in the same Psalme Yet haue I set my King vpon my holy hill of Sion were the right perswasion of Princes concerning the faith So as against Faustus the Manichee lib. 12. cap. 32. he saies the Emperours raging were the lyons deuouring S. Paul himselfe calls Nero the lyon not for nothing but because king of beasts but againe when they conuerted and embraced the faith and gaue succour and supportance to such as professed relligion then was Sampsons riddle verefied then was honie foūd in the lyons mouth then exforti exiuit dulce and the mouth that afore roared against God and his truth Quare fremuerunt is the lyons propertie in the Psalme aforesaid then munimenta latebrasque dabat dulcedini verbi Euangelici became a refuge or a couering to the honie-combe of the Gospel And because we speake of lyons which are soueraigne in their kind kings of beasts saies Epiphan haer 77. it may not be forgotten how the same S. Austen more then once or twice compares the enemies of Christian religion Kings and Emperours to the lyons that Daniel was cast vnto amōgst whose hands neuerthelesse God preserued his Saints for they that hurt the bodie could not hurt the soule by our Sauiours saying but when once they turned Christians and enacted Lawes and decreed punishments for the suppressing of Atheisme or heresie or Paganisme or whatsoeuer is contrarie to the glorious Gospel of our Lord Iesus Christ then they were like the lyons which deuoured not Deniel but Daniels accusers and reuenged vpon them the wrong that they had done to him before I see I should be long if I would bring not all but the least part of the store that is found here of in S. Austens workes I will point onely to that in another place of his of the like argument where as here he ascribes the temporall peace and prosperity of the Church to the fauourable countenance of Christian Kings so there to shew what authoritie they haue in the matters of God he doubts not to set out their suppressing of heresies and Atheisme and schismes in such a peremptory sort as to say that they haue whipped scourged the very deuills the authors of the aforesaid both by sea and land both out of towne and countrey It is well knowne what enemies the Iesuits are to the Kings entermedling with matters of this nature to his handling the whip to lash the deuill for his sowing of cockle amongst good corne whome they perhaps would exempt as a spirituall person from the Kings iurisdiction besides that the cause is a cause of faith But S. Austen though he knewe well that the deuill is not onely spirituall but euen one of the spiritualia nequitiae in coelestibus as S. Paul styles him Eph 6. 12. one of the spirituall wickednesses in heauenly places and so in regard euen of his place to be priuiledged yet doubts not to put a whip into the Emperours hand I say nor cares not though he crie out or the Iesuits for him Who art thou that torments vs thus without a calling But we stray too farre Howsoeuer it be as I promised our gentleman to giue him good measure so S. Austens ending must by no meanes be passed ouer for the elegancie of it § 27. Speaking then against the Hereticks descended of one Lucifer that denied pardon to the conuerts of the Church from which occasion sprang all this treatie about S. Peter he thus saies Hanc illi matris charitatem superbè accipientes impièrepudiantes quia Petro post galli cantum surgentinon gratulatisunt cum Lucifero qui mane oriebatur cadere meruerunt That is These men either proudly and scornfully receiuing or wickedly reiecting the charitie of their mother because they reioyced not with Peter rising after the cock-crow they iustly fell with Lucifer that earely-rising starre § 28. We haue gone thorough the Chapter which the Adioyner condemnes the Bishop for lamely quoting Yet I can hardly abstaine from yeilding him somewhat out of the next Chapter too to fulfill his measure to mingle him double in the cup whereofhe complaines of the scantnes Itaque miseri
Apostle is said to represent the Churches person besides Peter S. Austen hath made you to swallow it before yet perusing your booke I find it to be no more then your selfe attribute to Mr. Thomas Rogers of whome you say in your ninth chapter Num. 78. that he represents the authoritie of all the Clergie of England not only the Clergie but the authoritie of them all and yet I thinke you neuer held him for our supreame gouernour To that of S. Cyrill Vt Princeps caputque caeterorum primus exclamauit I wonder first why you should construe it exclaimed vnlesse your argument stand in that as if Peter should get the primacie by roaring So hee in Plutarch when he saw a tall man come in to try masteries but otherwise vnweildy This were a likely man saies he if the garland hung aloft he that could reach it with his hands were to haue it for his paines You know that we Englishmen call that exclaiming when a man cries out by discontent or passion Was Peter offended when you make him to exclaime As for princeps caput it is waighed in the ballance and found too light S. Ierome Dial. 1. contra Pelag. Vt Plato princeps Philosophorum it a Petrus Apostolorum as Plato was cheife among the Philosophers so Peter of the Apostles Doth that please you For Plato though he liued in Dionysius his Court yet he was no Monarch No more was Peter And if you would but turne Tullies Offices againe or almost any other of his works you should see Princeps in quacunque facultate In medicinâ in re bellicâ in scenâ it selfe where not Illaerat vita illa secunda fortuna saies he libertate parem esse caeteris principem dignitate Therefore princeps is no word of soueraigntie And was no bodie euer call'd caput but Peter For that is another thing which you stand vpon I could tell you a distichon out of Baronius made neither by Peter nor by any of his successors as you interpret his successors wherein neuerthelesse the man is called after other titles Pontificumque caput which is the head of Bishops and Popes and all And if a man should call Eudaemon-Iohannes iustly deseruing it as it may be some haue called him caput furiarū would you plead frō thence if need were that he had any authority ouer the deuils or were a yong Belzebub Further I beleeue when all comes to all it is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek if we could see it Of which we shal say more when we answer to the other Cyrill namely he of Ierusalem a little after For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as we are taught by S. Chrysostome where yet there is no authoritie of one actor ouer the other Generally this arguing from titles of cōmendation is very vnsound Who knowes not that S. Iames was called Episcopus Episcoporum as Nilus testifies yet S. Ambrose serm 83. giues that to Christ to be Episcopus Episcoporū as his priuiledge Though Sidonius an author not iustly to be excepted against affirmes no lesse of one Lupus a particular Bishop that he was Episcopus Episcoporū Pater Patrum alter saeculi sui Iacobus that is a Bishop of Bishops and a Father of Fathers another Iames the Apostle of his age Which in the end wil proue as much as caput caeterorum though you bring that to magnifie Peter by As if caput caeterorū might not be one set vp by speciall prouiso to keepe good order in the Colledge I meane the Colledge of the Apostles though without any commission to deriue it to his successors or extrauagant power ouer the rest for the present Lastly I might aske you how Peter could be caput caeterorum here that is Monarch installed in your sense when you tell vs a little after Num. 31. out of S. Chrysostome that Peter durst not aske our Sauiour the question who should betray him till such time as he had receiued the fulnes of authoritie and after that time he grew confident Which time was not till after our Sauiours resurrection and therefore farre from this So if you trust to Chrysostome you haue lost Cyrill if to Cyrill Chrysostome you cannot possibly hold them both if you vrge caput in so rigorous sense I might adde out of S. Cyrill once againe to stop your mouth crying out so mainely against lame quotations that princeps as it may be taken is expounded there by ferventissimus Apostolorum so feruent saith S. Cyrill that hee leapt naked into the sea out of the ship for zeale Where if the ship be the Church then wee haue Peter leaping out of the Church You will say perhaps from Antioch to Rome Then Antioch is the ship and Rome the sea What vantage haue you now of all that is said of Peters ship to countenance Rome Doe you see how one iumpe hath marred your allegorie and almost your Monarchie Now S. Cyrill saies farther in the place you quote lib. 12. cap. 64. in Ioh. Petrus alios praeveniebat how Ardore namque Christi praecipuo feruens ad faciendum ad respondendum paratissimus erat That is Peter preuented others For boyling with an especiall zeale to our Sauiour Christ he was most readie and forward either to doe or say This was the cause why he exclaimed first Primus saies S. Cyrill but not solus Hic Malchi etiam aurem amputauit that you cannot abide to heare of putans hoc modo Magistro semper se inhaesurum So little did he couet the primacie that you striue for that he wisht neuer to be absent from his Master which if he had not beene he could neuer haue ruled in his roome Then in euery confession that he made saies S. Cyrill rationalium ouium curam sibi habendam esse audiuit Is cura nothing which with you praefectura hath cleane deuoured And if you but remembred that they were oues rationales you would tyrannize lesse and stand lesse for tyrannie There There are other things betweene which I passe ouer here because you shall heare them anon Take this for farwell Doctores hinc Ecclesiae discunt saith S. Cyrill non aliter se Christo posse coniungi nisi omni curâ operâ studeant vt rationales oues rectè pascantur rectè valeant Talis erat Paulus ille c. That is The Doctors of the Church learne from hence that they can no otherwise be ioyned vnto Christ vnlesse they endeauour with all their paine and diligence that his reasonable sheepe be well fed and well liking Such a one was Paul c. By which you see what a sense he giues vs of Pasce of feeding Christs sheepe namely with labour and diligence which the Pope cannot skill of and Paul not onely Peter a prime instance of it Neither doubt I but when Paul saies of himselfe I
fratres or bono vnitatis preferred for his maturitie to preuent schisme and disorder as hath beene told you Though the name Apostles is common to some without the companie of the twelue and the Scripture vseth it so Phil. 2. 25. whom Peter might be charged with and with the other Fathers of the Church as Leo here calls the Bishops of their making without derogating from the Colledge of them properly so called Therefore heare how S. Leo qualifies this saying in the same Sermon a little after Transiuit quidem etiam in alios Apostolos vis potestatis istius ad omnes Ecclesiae principes decreti huius institutio commeauit sed non frustrà vni commendatur quod omnibus intimatur It cannot be denyed but the force of this authoritie passed also vnto the other Apostles and the same ordinance comprehends all the peeres of the Church But not without cause is that deliuered to one which concernes all Why so Petro enim ideò hoc singulariter creditur quia cunctis Ecclesiae rectoribus Petri forma proponitur That is For therefore is this particularly recommended to Peter because Peter is made a patterne of all Church-gouernours And S. Austen de verbis Domini secundum Iohannem Serm. 49. Dominus in vno Petro format Ecclesiam Our Lord still fashions his Church in Peter Leo saies the gouernours Austen the whole Church is exemplified in Peter So that Peter you see still stood for a generall man and not for a particular and as S. Austen said afore to commend vnitie so Leo both takes in that vni commendatur and giues the reason withall because Peters example was most worthy the imitating Cunctis Petri forma proponitur and Ecclesiae rectoribus to all rulers of the Church to shewe that Peter was not ruler alone I might oppose you with other sentences in that Sermon which you could hardly salue that wrest all so violently to your turne as Vt cum Petrus multa solus acceperit nihil in quenquam sine illius participatione transierit yet the Scripture neuer sayes that of Peters fulnesse we haue all receiued And againe Leo Nunquum nisi per ipsum dedit quicquid alijs non negauit Yet S. Austen de verb. Dom. secundum Matth. Serm. 13. Quod nemo potest in Petro hoc potest in Domino But his MAIESTIE in his Apologie hauing preuented all that might be alleadged in this kind your silence shewes you haue not what to answer Neither will I therefore trouble my selfe with the rest of your citations till you haue qualified these Facile est Athenienses laudare Athenis so it was easie for Leo to rhetoricate at Rome in the praise of Peter Let vs passe say you to some other matter And let vs see say I if you bring any better § 54. AS for the law in the Code the next thing in your booke it is a signe you lacke proofes for Popedome else you would neuer bring so cast a law first controuert and then counterfeit besides importing so little for your side Yet you say this lawe is brought by you in your Supplement to prooue the dutifull respect and obedience of the auncient Emperours to the Romane Sea The respect we graunt you as long as it was Catholicke For what good man would not respect both Church and Bishop Christian I except not him that weares the diademe as S. Chrysost speakes in another case but as for dutie and obedience certes neither any that we find in this law greatly and the clearer monuments as Gregorie as Agatho as diuerse others often brought you and often told you will shew it rests on the Popes side And what if Iustinian writing to the Pope had followed the veine of an Epistle so far as to besmeare him with all the kind tearmes that might bee All that you bring is that the Romane Church is caput Ecelesiarum which no way derogates from the Emperours authority nor inioynes him no such durie or obedience as now is vrged and when all is done caput is nothing but ecclesia prima in ordine not tanquam habens authoritatem in cateras which is no more then was determined in the Councel of Chalcedon Can. 28. that the highest Church in Christendome after Rome should neuertheles be magnified in Ecclesiasticall menages no lesse themshee And this hath been told you and rung into you of the difference of order in the equalitie of power and yet you stand vrging a stale phrase out of a law of the Code no sounder then it should bee and adde no strength to your blunt yron So still might the Bishop say Poterat abstinere Cardinalis à criando the Cardinall might haue abstained from quoting this law and the law inter claras is scarce a cleare law Yet Baldus you say calls it Clarissimam legem And yet he vouchsafes not to glosse it scarce in three words you know His calling of it Clarissima with an allusion to Inter Claras is nothing but as euery pettie Master is wont to praise the author that he expounds to his schollers as Persius notes ab insano multùm laudanda magistro As for Accursius his glossing of it and some one or two more of how much lesse force is that to proue the soundnes of it then the silence of so many that thinke it not worthy a glosse to condemne it Of whom you may presently reckon these more afterward if they come to your mind Bartholomeus de Saliceto Cynus Iacobus de Arena Iason Antonius also de Rosellis if I mistake not Franciscus Aretinus Paulus Castrensis Butrigarius And this last saies It is neither ordinarily nor extraordinarily read when he wrote who wrote when the Pope was at the highest Adde to them Bartholus and Angelus Perusinus By which you see what is to be attributed to Alciates coniecture that some later heretikes and wishing ill to the Pope haue rased it out of the bookes Is the Pope such a Dionysius that he dares not trust the razors Yet consider how long those Lawyers flourished afore Luthers time which is the time no doubt that Alciat glances at Iacobus de Arena ann 1300. Butrigarius who was Bartholus his Master ann 1320. Cynus ann 1330. Salicet 1390. Aretine 1425. which beeing the last of all that I haue now named is iust a hundred yeares afore Luther Castrensis later and Iason later then he yet both short of the 500 yeere Sichardus whome before I named not ann 1540. yet he also passes it ouer without a Glosse Since Alciat it hath been censured by other Papists in like sort whose iudgement Alciat could not turne as Gregorie Haloander and Antonius Contius the setter out of the law in his Praetermissa I passe by Hotoman because he was ours otherwise no obscure Father of the law and hath written the largest of all in the cause Whome he that hath vndertaken of late to answer Andreas Fachineus Count of Lateran in his eight booke of
same page and within halfe a score lines one of the other but howsoeuer it be the authoritie is not worth a rush For first what is this to the temporall primacie which we descry here to be the Emperours and not the Popes by Iustinians driuing him into banishment they call it I know Bellisarius his act but in the power of Iustinian no doubt and for a secular matter viz. for treason So as the Pope is subiect to the Emperours censure for ciuill faults Secondly let him bee Pope ouer the Church of the whole world that is in order of preheminence not in right of gouernment or confirmed iurisdiction as the cheife Patriarch which is euident by the comparison or disparison rather of earthly Kings there vsed whereof one hath no such reference of order to an other but the Patriarchall Seas are fixed saith S. Leo by inviolable Canon legibus ad finem mundi mansuris and admit no confusion Thirdly there is this difference betweene Kings and Priests that Kings are confined to their owne dominions and if they be taken without them they loose their priuiledge and stand but for little better then subiects in those parts whereas the Priest may exercise his acts of office in euery part of the Christian world as bind or loose or preach or administer or ordaine also if he be therevnto called And if he be restrained from any of these it is Ecclesiâligante as your Tapper telleth vs and Viguerius and diuerse more quae ligat ligare which euen binds out binding and for orders sake confines that but to certaine places which is indifferent to all by primitiue ordination See your selfe of this point cap. 2. numb 50. 52. Whosoeuer is Pastor in any one part of the Church is capable of Pastorall iurisdiction in any other though he be restrained to auoid confusion And Basil saies of Athanasius pag. 304. of the Greeke by Frobenius for the Epistles are not numbred That hee takes no lesse care for the whole Church or rather all the Churches then that which was specially committed to him by our Lord. So Chrysostome sayes of the Priest that he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the father of the whole world Where by the way also you may see the vanitie of your reason which you magnifie so much when the Councell of Chalcedon calls the Pope their father Which is no more then Chrysostome giues to euery Minister to be father of the whole Church though not in authoritie yet in louing care 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is all that the Councell sayes there of Leo and explaines it selfe by beneuolentiam praeferens of which happily hereafter The same Chrysostome againe Epist 176. ad Paeanium twice attributes as much to him to be rector or rectifyer as he there speakes of the whole world And doth not S. Hierome beginne his Epistle ad Salvinianam so that the care of euery Christian belongs vnto him as he is a minister of Gods Church pro officio Sacerdotij that their good proceeding is his glory S. Salvian also ad Salon l. 1. adv Avar. Ad fidei meae curā pertinet as if not his Charities onely nequid ecclesiastici operis vacillare permittā When S. Chrysost went into banishmēt you may please to remēber how the Monks saluted him that the sun might sooner loose his light thē his vertue be eclipsed yet I hope his iurisdiction did not stretch in your opiniō as farre as the sunne which if Patareus Apollo had but said of Sylverius you would presently haue concluded in fauour of him I omit many things to come to an ende Of Iustinians Constitutions about matter of faith directed to the Bishops sometime of Rome sometime of Constantinople which you so often tell vs of Doe you see therefore what power the Emperour had in spirituall causes to giue forth Constitutions That Agapetus deposed Anthimus and set vp Menas but causa perorata apud Iustinianum Iustinian hauing first the hearing of the cause by his authoritie no doubt though a Bishop was vsed to sentence a Bishop as was most meete far forme Like as Menas was preferred to Anthimus his place but how as a speciall fauorite of Iustinian saith the storie and so you may be sure by his direction That Agapetus his iudgement of Anthimus was faine to be scanned in a Councell of Constantinople gathered for that purpose by the Emperor before the proceedings of a Pope could giue satisfaction to the Church That Patarensis doth not excuse Bishops in generall from the Emperours censure as you would haue it but onely mooues him to shew respect to Sylverius for the amplitude of his place And lastly the Emperour as he binds him ouer to triall to see whether he were guiltie of treason or no so if he were found guiltie he forbids him Rome which shewes that the Pope and Rome may be two and bodes but ill as if some Emperour one day or Imperiall man should make the diuorce On the other fide it sets out Iustinians praise that was content to punish treason so moderately as not vtterly to take his Bishopricke from him but onely to send him packing to Palmaria or Fonicusa as now they call it Lastly whereas he reuerenced you say the Sea Apostolick let them perish hardly that reuerence not the very place where the doue hath troad fleeing to the windowes but with meete proportion because corrupted since To the second Chapter about sundrie passages in the Councell of Chalcedon IN the Romane discipline when of fendours were many they vsed a course call'd Decimation to chastise euery tenth person onely for the misdemeanour of a multitude So must I herafter but point as it were at euery tenth soloecisme which occurres in the perusing of the Adioynder it beeing hard I graunt for any to auoid faults in multiloquio as the wise man tells vs but specially for him as I should thinke who so purposely studieth it as if he meant to oppresse vs with a flood of tearmes and wearie the Reader whome he cannot perswade Wherein he could not shew himselfe more aduerse to his aduersarie whose praise is compendiousnes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 like the gold coynes that include great worth in small compasse and Timantus pictures presenting more to the minde then to the eye § 2. And for so much as I haue professed as the truth is that my taske now was to iustifie the allegations onely of the Bishops booke against such idle scruples as this man casts in euery where hauing shewed as I may say by the blow in the forehead so by this first encounter that if neede were I could take more aduantage and rippe vp this Golias this bulke of paper as the other was of flesh to his greater shame I will now proceede with all possible breuitie § 3. About the Bishops allegation of the Councell of Chalcedon the 28. Canon partly he struggles to shift it off
partly he cauills with him about the quoting of it In which respect I haue thought good first of all to set it downe as it lies in our bookes In all points following the Decrees of the holy Fathers and admitting the Canon lately read of the 150 most blessed Bishops assembled together vnder the great Emperour Theodosius of pious memorie in the Imperiall Constantinople new Rome we also decree and determine the same things concerning the priuiledges of the most holy Church of Constantinople afore-said the new Rome For iustly did the Fathers giue priuiledges to the throne of old Rome because that Citie was then regent And the 150 most blessed Bishops mooued with the same consideration gaue equall priuiledges to the most holy throne of new Rome wisely iudging it meete and reasonable that the Citie which enioyed both Empire and Senate and was endued with the like priuiledges or equall priuiledges that old Rome was should in matters Ecclesiasticall be aduanced and magnified euen as shee or no lesse then shee beeing second after her not subiect to her but second after her yet F. T. saies the Bishop left out those words of set purpose Rather indeede because nothing to the purpose And that c. Euen as if I breake off now and English not the rest no wise man nor learned that hath but read the Canon will deeme I breake off fraudulently or for aduantage but onely because that which followes is not materiall Now see what exceptions the gentleman takes to the Bishops allegation As first that he should say that the Canon makes the two Seas the one of Rome the other of Constantinople equall in all things What is here amisse Equall saies the text sicut illam euen as the other and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 equall priuiledges But where is that in all things saies the wrangler The words perhaps not but the sense so cleere that without that the Canon were no Canon and the rest of the words to no purpose at all Haue you not heard that indefinites are equiualent to vniuersalls especially where one exception beeing made it is plaine that all others are thereby cut off according to the rule Exceptio figit regulam in non exceptis And therefore the ranke or the prioritie in order beeing onely reserued to Rome in that place as it followes about Constantinople that shee should secunda post illā existere be second in rew as the new Rome to the old Rome the old beeing first and the new second is it not cleere that there is equalitie in all things else graunted to Constantinople and the magnifying or aduancing of her in Ecclesiasticall matters sicut illa as shee or no lesse then shee generally to be extended as farre as Romes Sozomene saies expressely for ciuill matters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shee was equalled in all things Constantinople with Rome lib. 7. cap. 9. and the ground of the Canon is the equalitie of the two cities in ciuill affaires Therefore either the Fathers conclude not well out of their owne premisses or els the equalitie of the two Seas euen in Ecclesiasticall matters is to be vnderstood secundum omnia in euery respect For as in the one so in the others let it be say the Fathers To omit that as Error is subiect to Inconstancie you answer this afterward another way your selfe that there might be equalitie seruatâ proportione and onely in comparison with inferiour Seas where you will not denie but per omnia may be borne in that sense in the alleadging of the Canon though the text hath it not The Bishop therefore might adde it without iniurie to the Text though it be not in the letter Yea in your 47 numb of this present Chap. you giue the Cardinall leaue to adde Totius where there is none in the Text but vineae only without totius saying he doth it for explication sake And may not we then vpon so good grounds as you haue not for Totius out of all that Epistle but we haue for per omnia out of the circumstances of the Canon as hath beene shewed I suppose if two Consulls should striue for preheminence or two States of Venice to vse your owne comparison in another place of this brooke and the Iudge should so order it that they should both haue equall allowance of honour the paria priuilegia that you are so stumbled at for so I construe them and I thinke the righter one to be aduanced in matters of gouernment as well as the other onely that one should hold the second place and the other the first were it not euident that they were equalled in all points though the word all were not by him expressed saue onely in paritie of ranke and order So the case was here The Bishop of Rome was to sit afore the other in assemblies and meetings to be mentioned before him in the praiers of the Church to deliuer his opinion and iudgement first and yet for matter of authoritie or iurisdiction one Sea to be magnified sicut altera euen as much as the other and that per omnia in all respects whatsoeuer F. T. grinne to the contrarie § 4. And by this we answer to his other wise obiection that if preheminence of order bee reserued to Rome how then does the Canon make them equall in all things In all things else this onely excepted which the Canon excepts and nothing else to shew that as for other things they are to be equalled in all § 5. Yet you cauill the Bishop for leauing out that clause of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second after the other namely Constantinople after Rome as if the Bishop had left it out because making against himselfe which was nothing to the purpose to haue inserted because it concernes not the primacy of authoritie but of order onely about which wee striue not § 6. As for the printing of those words in all things in a different letter which according to the measure of your accustomed franknes you call corrupt and fraudulent dealing how often shal we tell you that the Bishop followed the differēce of the letter as diuerse others haue done and daily doe to specifie the thing it selfe intended by the Canon and to imprint it the deeper in the Readers mind not as alleadging the letter of it and so counterfeiting as you please to call it From which in truth he was so farre that you make it his fault in this very Chapter num 3. not to offer to lay it down or the words of it but onely to argue and to drawe consequences therefrom as his occasion serued § 7. Now whereas you would explicate the Canons meaning by the words following about the ordaining of certaine Bishops by the Patriarch of Constantinople as Pontus Asia Thracia c. and by exempting that Sea from standing subiect any longer to the Bishopricke of Heraclea of which it was once but a parcell it is true that from thence euen from so low estate
it was exalted by consent to be a patriarchall Sea and not euery such neither but the second in order and setting that aside equall to Rome in all respects Else neither should this Canon haue suffered such opposition you may bee sure at the Bishop of Romes hands nor needed the Fathers to name this so distastfull equalitie with Rome in the bodie of the Canon if nothing but the ordaining of Bishops had been assigned him which other Patriarches exercise in their diocesse as well as the Bishop of Rome without his repining And yet lastly you may remember that the Canon of Nice describing the preheminence of the Bishop of Rome as a patterne of Patriarchship vtters it in those words of Ruffinus translation quòd Ecclesiarum suburbicariarum curam habeat that he hath care of the Churches that are abutting vpon the citie to which Canon of Nice spreading so the iurisdiction of the Church of Rome this Canon of Chalcedon may seeme to allude mentioning so many Churches as you here recite and all of them subiect to the Sea of Constantinople § 8. As for that you thrust in here vpon verie small occasion of Athanasius of Alexandria appealing to Iulius Bishoppe of Rome to shewe that Alexandria was subiect to Rome if you meane the subiection of order and ranke it is nothing to the matter and yet it followeth not by your leaue out of your example The subiection of authoritie is that which we contend about and yet that much lesse may be gathered from hence For neither did Athanasius flee to Iulius alone but with his companie of Bishops as his letters shew that he brought in his behalfe Omnibus vbique Catholicae Ecclesiae Episcopis i. To all the Bishops of the Catholicke Church and againe Hac quidem ad omnes ad Iulium scripsere i. This they wrote to Iulius and to all And the Church that enioies more flourishing fortunes or whose arme God hath strengthened with temporall prosperitie may bee sought vnto of the distressed though not subiect to it by any dutie of obedience as one King sayes the Orator easily rescues and succors another though not referring to him by subiection no more then Mithridates did to Tigranes as also I doubt not but if Iulius had suffered wrong and Athanasius could haue holpe him neither would Iulius haue disdained to craue his assistance nor Athanasius haue refused him no more then the aforesaid Bishop of Patara did to sue for Syluerius and to sheild him all he could against the rage of Iustinian as euen now you told vs and yet he of Patara much inferiour to the other without question § 9. But to deale more liberally with the Bishop in this point put case say you that the Councell of Chalcedon did meane to giue to the Church of Constantinople that equality with the Sea of Rome which he affirmeth yet he should nothing gaine by it but rather it confirmes the primacie of Pope Leo whose onely authority was able to quash it How is that prooued First because the Canon tooke not place presently Which is no more then happens for the most part to any lawe to haue slower execution then it hath making But does it follow from hence that either the Bishop alleages a counterfeit Canon for by this reason you may cauill any Canon in the booke or that Leo's authority was of force to disanull it Let vs breifly looke into it as not much to our purpose For in truth what ende may we looke for of dispute if so pregnant allegations be reckoned for counterfeit By a few heads we may iudge of all the rest You obserue 4. things out of Gelasius his Epistle to the Bishops of Dardania to disprooue the Canon § 10. One that Martian praysed Leo for not suffering the old Canons to be violated in that point and yet himselfe zealous for the aduancement of Constantinople The answer is most easie He might take Leo's excuse in good part as grounded vpon pretence of conscience not to crosse the Canons though it was so farre from beeing sound that both Leo might haue altered them as your selfe confesse positiue Canons and afterward it was altered euen by a generall Councell if that of Lateran at least was general as you acknowledge And I hope Sir I may praise Constancy euen in mine aduersary and in a wrong matter though I could wish his constancy were better imployed So might Martian with Leo and somewhat the rather to induce him by addoulcings for direct thwarting alienates rather Is this a good reason now why the Canon should be no Canon or this also scored among the Bishops forgeries § 11. You say secondly that Anatolius in fauour of whom the Canon was made beeing rebuked by Leo for his forwardnes to preferre it deriued the fault vpon the Clergy of Constantinople and said it was positum in ipsius potestate Leo might chuse whether he would grant it or no. Answer That the Clergie of Constantinople concurred to the making of it I hope good Sir derogates not from the Canon but rather fortifies it as likewise the consent of so many other Bishops and if Leo's shake bestriding his praye that is the honour of his seate the singularity rather affrighted Anatolius and startled lentum illum Heli as he calls him that timorous old man what is that to the antiquating of the Decree of a Synode and so populous a Synode as this was For I hope the Canon was not so in fauour of Anatolius whatsoeuer you prattle but that much rather of his Sea then of his person as both the reason shewes which the Canon contaynes drawne as you may remember from the Imperiall city and Martians loue was to the city not to the man Yea it rather tooke place you say after his death What then doe you tell vs of Anatolius § 12. Your third obseruation that Pope Simplicius was as loath to yeild to Leo the Emperour for the aduancement of Constantinople as Leo the Pope had beene to the Emperour Martian in the same cause prooues nothing against the Canon vnlesse it be graunted that the Pope hath a negatiue voice in the making of them which is the thing in question betweene you and vs therefore to be prooued not to be presumed But if you meane that it took not place so soone you haue your answer before it brake out at last like fire in the bones and that 's enough § 13. With like facility to your Quartum Notabile that Acacius obtained the censures of Pope Felix and executed them vpon the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch What then As if one Bishop may not craue aide of another to represse abuses when he cannot doe it himselfe euen as they in Peters boate beckened to the next to come and helpe them for your primacie is that Moses taken out of the waters by your owne description so here Acacius becken to Peter that is to the Pope himselfe as you dreame Neither
like of the deposition of diuers Bishops of Constantinople by the Popes as you say and namely that Agapetus deposed Anthimus with many more Shall I tell you what wise men are wont to say in this case Agapetus did depose Anthimus but was Anthimus deposed as much to say They did their best but de bene esse onely and valeat vt valere potest for authoritie they had none And therefore all this while the Canon is not impeached but remains good § 18. What should I tell you of Euagrius l. 2. hist c. 4. that this Canon was enacted in that Councell by the Fathers not forged by the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you may read the rest in the very end of the chapter that Constātinople had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 onely short of Rome and short but in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as hath beene said in order or in number as the Logicians are wont to discerne things of the same species I might adde Iustinian Balsamon Zonaras the Councell quinisextum at Constantinople in Trullo c. 36. which both deduces it from the first generall Councell in Constantinop c. 3. which you quarrell and recites the words that offend you most in this of Chalcedon about aequalia priuilegia and Magnificari sicut illam equall priuiledges or equal prerogatiues and to be aduanced like as the other But I goe forward Indeed nothing is more absurd or rather can be then your descanting vpon intercedere in a double sense that you bring to shew you haue some smacke of the Latin yet at least when your masters and monitors helpe you Because the Bishop had said Leone frustrà intercedente per literas suas apud Augustum Augustam Anatolium that the Canon tooke place for all that Leo could doe by his letters to the Emperour to the Empresse and to Anatolius you dreame of intercession like that to the Saints which you build out of places as well construed as this And because in other places the Bishop happily so vseth the word following your owne tearmes for your better capacitie therefore you conclude he vses it so here but especially because else Leo should haue beene so potent as to resist the Emperour As if intercedere per literas did not a little mollifie the matter which is to hinder and to disswade but by his writing onely and how humble that Or to shew that Leo did all he could yet to no purpose which frustrà giues you to vnderstand added by the Bishop in the same sentence non frustrà But if you will needes make Leo so sawcie a Prelate you may doe as you please your iudgement is free concerning the Popes whom you pretend to honour we find his letters to be of another straine very humble supplicatorie towards the great ones especially and had rather construe more gently of him Sciens gloriosam Clementiam vestram Ecclesiasticae studere concordiae c. precor sedulâ suggestione vos obsecro Epist 54. ad Martianum Augustum That is Knowing your royall grace to be zealous of Church vnitie I pray and beseech you by diligent suggestion c. Neither any command shall you finde giuen by him to the Emperour nor resistance of authoritie though he professe much zeale to maintaine the Canons thinking he might not breake them as was said before Wherein neuerthelesse you dissent from him and say he might So as if you had beene his counsellor not onely this had bin a Canon but euen a Canon by Leo's owne consent which you so much oppose vnder colour of his name at this day § 19. But are the Iesuits so idle or so adle rather as to thinke that they may put such tricks I will not say vpon the Bishop cui nulla ciconia pinsit but vpon the yongest scholler in our Vniuersities as because intercedere hath a double sense either to withstand or to entreat they may pin which they list of the twaine vpon vs Was not the word rather chose by the Bishop of purpose to shew what a withstanding Leo vsed namely ioyned with entreatie as if all his resistance could not goe beyond praiers which another that had waighed the double meaning of the word and with single eye lookt into the matter would rather haue beleeued to be the Bishops very drift and especiall aime But how should then the Adioynder haue blurred so much paper to shew that Leo did make no suit Sure those words before alleadged out of his Epistle to Marcian put it out of doubt that he did make suit whatsoeuer this iangler mumble to the contrarie Et precor sedulâ suggestione vos obsecro I both pray and beseech you dutifully aduising or informing What can be plainer As for that he saies non frustrà not in vaine because the Emperour praised Leo for his constancie we haue refuted it before and the very euent proclaimes as much that it was frustrà or in vaine the Canon hauing gotten the credit which they in vaine maligne § 20. Now for that which he cites out of his Epistle to Pulcheria the 55. in number Consensiones Episcoporum repugnantes regulis apud Niceam conditis in irritū mittimus if it had beene onely so it might haue shewed Leoes resolution against the Canon and his stoutnes to deny it for his part not but all this while he was suppliant to the Emperesse But when he addes moreouer vnitâ nobiscum vestrae fidei pietate and per authoritatem B. Petri Apostols what a vantage does this giue euen to Pulcheria her selfe to interpose in determination of Church-businesses and as it seemes a kind of fellowship in S. Peters authority Yet this is our lay-Iesuites dish aboue Commons which before he called liberall dealing § 21. Concerning Anatolius his receauing to fauour and I know not what submission that he would faine bring him to as it were to aske Leo pardon I must tell him as before that Anatolius his cause and the Canon are two If either weakenes or dissimulation made him to shrink yet the Canon prospered and thriued daily neither did the Bishop say frustrà contra ingenium personae but contra Canonē only in that Leo made head in vaine against the Canon not against Anatolius his disposition which is nothing to our matter § 22. Neither are his reasons sound which he brings why Leo should be against the Canon though as I sayd neither this touches at all the Bishop as beeing no refutation of any part of his booke neither is it ought worthy our consideration since we hold the Canon might be good without Leo. Indeede they hold that Leoes consent was requisite to the enacting of it but that they prooue not His reasons for Leo are these 4. First because it sprang from Anatolius proud humour to aduance himselfe inordinately But this is a flat slaunder of Anatolius not a iustification of Leo or though it were true of Anatolius priuate part that he had
Peters primacie does not onely not helpe but euen crosse this Canon If the Canon then be good Peters primacie is none § 36. That Leo excommunicated Dioscorus by the Synode restraines his power of excommunicating Patriarchs rather then establishes it You know it was a question whether the Pope might inflict censures promiscue without a Synod yea or no. Of which more Gelasius in his Epistle before cited ad Episcopos Dardaniae And yet Leo does nothing here but by the Synod re stylo directly mentioning it his Legates I meane for him fetching assistance from it And Peter is put in the last place after Leo and the Synode as whose authoritie the Synode as well as hee participated Might not this therefore haue beene better left out § 37. You omit not so much as that Leo is said to be ordained to be the interpretour of the voice of blessed Peter to all men I wonder what you would say if what Nazianzen ascribes to Athanasius had beene said of your Leo in that Councel One time that he was the fanne that cleansed the floare suppose you the fanne in our Lords hand to separate as it were betweene the wheat and the chaffe so betweene true opinions or erroneous in the faith yea you would say iudging betweene the nations of the world and diuiding the good from the bad by sentence Behold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Alexandria euen before Cyrill Another time that as our Lord ridde the asse so Athanasius managed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people of the Gentiles as farre spread as they were throughout the world Another time that he was the two tables of Moses and his verdict 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the very law of veritie another time the tuft of Sampsons head which as we know appropriated the holy Ghost to him Yet Leo was the rather praised because President of the assembly and to his face also enioying the grace that accompanieth Councells Athanasius in his particular and after death and not onely at one time but continuedly And I pray you what saies the same Coūcell of the Emperours Leo by name but not your Leo Leo Imperator inexpugnabilis palma honor fidei accepit a Deo super omnes homines sine prohibitione aliquâ potestatem What is this to beeing the interpretour of Peters voice whereas S. Peter would haue euery bodie to be to God as they that you speak of make Leo to be to Peter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the oracles of God so let-euery man speak 1. Pet. 4. 11. But there is more in that authoritie for which cause I must english it Leo our Emperor the impregnable garlād honour of the faith hath receiued of him that is of God power ouer all men without any controule We see here for matters of faith and of relligion what the Emperour might challenge beeing called the garland of it and impregnable or inuincible 2. He hath command ouer all men Clerks and all 3. from God 4. without any checke or controule which would haue made great titles in the Popes style Againe Nerui arma virtus Ecclesiarum vos est is Christianissimi Imperatores c. You most Christian Emperours are the sinewes the weapons and the puissance of the Churches c. This out of the Councell that your selfe quote And of the difference of the testimonies giuen to the two Leo's let the Reader iudge § 38. The last thing that I will note in your second chapter shall be this remembring my promise to obserue breuity from which I am but too easily blowne awry with the storme of your fopperies You make it an argument of Leos supremacie you call it Monarchie very roundly a little after and are not ashamed at it chap. 4. num 3. that first Leo was admitted President of the Councell held in Greece then that Leo beeing absent Anatolius kept not his place but Legates of his owne sending whereof one was a Priest The answer is most easie Leo beeing denied one part of his will to haue the Councell in Italy it was a poore recompence I meane for his monarchie and in regard to that to be employed to be their President as a wise man a learned man and a stout man likewise also in order surmounting them all as hath beene acknowledged whereas diuerse Presidents had beene in Councels that were inferiour to Leo in these points and therefore much more remooued from the stately Monarchy that you from hence gather § 39. But Why not Anatolius say you Was not hee fit to be President whome the Councell thought fit to be so aduanced in their Canon as to haue the like stroke in Ecclesiasticall affaires that the verie first of the ranke had Once againe I must tell you belike that the Canon aduances not Anatolius but Constantinople And it was the parting of stakes betweene Leo and him that though the Councell were in Greece yet Leo should be the President As for his Legates it was no matter after once they had concurred vpon Leo to bee the man whome he sent in his place so long as they were sufficient since himselfe could not be there And I hope they brought instructions From Leo as themselues say often and might haue reference to him if any doubt should arise Also it was the fitter that Italian Bishops should be Presidents and not Grecian that the Canon might be the authenticaller which was enacted for Constantinople as farther from partialitie of the lawmakers To which purpose they say in their Epistle to Leo the Fathers of that Councell that the Emperours affecting the exaltation of Constantinople Volebant celebrari ab vniuersali Concilio for more authoritie sake no doubt and so likewise by forraine Bishops as Leo and his Legates But if you thinke his Legates had any such stroke that Anatolius should enuy them for their greatnesse you may remember how boldly the Councell dissented from them and the Canon was confirmed notwithstanding their demurres § 40. Neither despise you Priests to come into Councells gentle friend This shewes how vaine your discourse was before num 52. that Concilium Episcoporum est the Councell consists of Bishops onely Doe you not knowe the difference betweene suffrages some decisiue some deliberatiue definitine or consultiue Hath Ego definiens subscripsi so often repeated in this Councell no better setled into you Or wil the Iesuites be content to refraine from Councels as many as are not Bishops Perhaps because they are loath to bee called away from Princes Courts But that you may know Priests haue their interest in Councels at least Sir by conniuence of Bishops as in diuerse other things as we read in the Canons Athanasius a Deacon stood the church in good stead in the Nicen Councel yea an idiot a man wholly illiterate confuted a Philosopher one of the Princes of the world as S. Paul calls them In Conc. Moguntino three turmae were set apart
Episcoporum one Abbatum another and the third of Laymen that is lesse then Priests as you are wont to reckon I say nothing of S. Ambrose made a Bishop before baptized and Nectarius an Archbishop Sozom lib. 7. cap. 8. So much shall suffice to your second Chapter To his third Chapter 1. Places of the Fathers S. Cyprian and S. Hierome 2. The Bishop farre from Ievinianizing 3. Nothing is deducible out of his doctrine which fauours the Popedome § 1. THe Fathers follow First S. Cyprian de vnitate Ecclesiae Whereas the Cardinall had said that Cyprian makes Peter the head the roote and the fountaine of the Church the Bishop most truly and soundly answered not Peter of the Church but the Church her selfe head of the members belonging to her roote of the branches shooting out of her fountaine of the waters issuing forth from her c. one in substance but many in propagation which is no new thing in this mysterie or in any such bodie as the Philosophers call deiuncta corpora rising of many moities into one summe Nay lastly S. Cyprian to shew whome he speakes of calls her matrem mother in plaine tearmes which is not mother Peter but the Church saies the Bishop And this so vexes the gall of our Iesuit as you would not thinke For indeede what more compendious victorie could there be insomuch as F. T. is faine to say that Cyprian had no occasion to name Peter there but the Church onely like the Rhemists annotation vpon 16. to the Rom. that Peter was out of towne when he should haue beene saluted by Paul so we must beleeue iust there the occasion failed of naming Peter whereas in all the other current he onely is meant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Chrysostome saies most excellently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist 190. ad Pentadiam Diaconissam Such a thing is truth in one short word shee confutes the cauiller and stops his mouth For the words lying thus as they doe in Cyprian Vnum tamen caput est origo vna vna mater foecunditatis successibus copiosa yet the head is but one the spring but one the mother but one plenteous in her blessed and happie fruitfulnesse who can imagine that Peter is the head here and the church the mother and not rather that the whole sentence belongs but to one whether that be Peter or the Church or whosoeuer For as the sentence runnes on in an euen line so doubtlesse it comprehends but one and the same subiect But Peter is not the mother as F. T. confesses Therefore neither the head nor the spring nor any thing els And indeede so it followes in S. Cyprian Illius foetu nascimur illius lacto nutrimur illius spiritu animamur shee breeds vs feedes vs and enliues vs which may well be vnderstood of the Church our mother but of whome else whether Peter or any other I see not I confesse I S. Austen so lib. 2. contra Crescon Grammat c. 35. 36. and againe l. 3. contra eundem c. 58. 65. vnderstands these words quoting S. Cyprian not of Peter but of the Church And I meane the words de fonte riuo de sole radio that I may fetch it as high as F. T. himselfe euen from the place where if any where S. Cyprian speakes of Peter by his owne acknowledgement And Pamelius their owne author commenting vpon S. Cyprian though he greedily drawe all aduantages that may be from other places of this Father to establish the Popedome yet passes this ouer in deepe silence as nothing fauouring their desired Headship nay crossing it rather For he had read immediately before in the same place Hoc erant vtique eaeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus pari consortio praediti honoris potestatis i. The rest of the Apostles were vtterly the same that Peter was endewed with equall fellowship both of honour and power Where by the way we may note S. Ambrose and S. Cyprian their agreement about this point not onely for matter but for words For so Ambrose before quoted Hoc erant quod Paulus and here Cyprian Hoc erant quod Petrus As if there were no diffeâ—… neither betweene Peter and Paul nor betweene the other Apostles and them both For quae alicui tertio vna sunt inter se quoque vna or aequalia saies the light of nature Will you know then why he makes mention of Peter in singular Sed exordium ab vnitate proficiscitur vt ecclesia Christi vna monstretur But the beginning proceedes from vnity or from one man to shew that the Church of Christ is but one How does the beginning proceede from one but as S. Austen shewes in the place before quoted Onely Peter was spoken to that others beeing not excluded yet this pretious vnitie might be commended in one As we read vnder Salomon that the people were all like one man and Act. 2. in the first times of the new Testament the people were all of one heart and one minde Where by the way you see how Salomon prefigured Christ and those times these latter with strange accordance And if this become the people how much more the pastors or the master builders that they should all set to their worke like one man To which nothing can be more contrary then the Popish vsurpation ouer-bearing other pastors which neuertheles they would ground vpon these places for vnity S. Cyprian also declares his owne meaning in the same place to be as I haue said in these words Quamnis omnibus Apostolis parem tribuit potestatem though our Sauiour gaue equall power to all his Apostles tamen vt manifestaret vnitatem disposuit originem eius ab vno incipientem yet to shew the vnity so he construes monstretur not as if that Church could be pointed to with the finger from whence other Churches receiue their vnity as F. T. may imagine but vt manifestaret vnitatem to make knowne the vnity of the Catholicke body and that the Church is but one congregation of the faithfull though branched and billetted out into sundry parcells he tooke order that her originals should beginne at one which is short of authority and much more of supremacie but most of all of the monarchy that the Iesuites would crowne Peter with by vertue of this place And when the same Cyprian a very few lines afore the words last alleaged makes this to be the cause of abuses in the Church quòd ad veritatis originem non reditur nec caput quaeritur nec magistricoele stis doctrina seruatur what is plainer then that by caput which they so catch at he meanes nothing else but the originall verity which our Sauiour Christ first deliuered euen that same Sic ab initio as both origo veritatis doctrina coelestis magistri declares which encompasse the word Caput like two torches of both sides of it to giue light vnto it that
What then though the same in another place be done vpon all that is the Church is said to be built vpon all the Apostles and all to receiue the Keyes of the kingdome of heauen and the strength of the Church to be equally grounded vpon them all Yet indeede one is chosen among the twelue that a Head beeing appointed occasion of schisme might be cut off Is this no cooling card to the other authoritie For you that tell vs of dice I may doe well to speake to you in a sutable metaphore and not abhorring from your trade As the Philosophers say the braine in a mans bodie tempers the heat of the heart beneath so doe not the words precedent allay the force of these latter which yet the Cardinall onely set before vs For the threefold equalitie which S. Hierome before ascribed to all the Apostles one of their equall interest in the foundation another in the keyes of the kingdome of heauen and the third which is reiterated for deeper impression of bearing the whole strength or stresse of the Church leaues onely now this sense of caput that Peter was chosen to haue such a kind of Headship that is of prioritie among the twelue as should not derogate from paritie and yet exclude schisme or garboyle or confusion Which is the primacie of order that we haue often told you of and you would faine diuert to a primacie of Maiestie I could not answer your fallacie in a directer fashion yet I know you haue replies as that caput in the last place addes great force to super quem fundata est in the first Which we remit to the iudgement of the indifferent Reader whether so many equalities yeelded to the Apostles in the words afore doe not rather force vs to construe caput as hath beene sayd not derogating from the equality of their power in the keyes nor from bearing the groundworke of the Church ioyntly that is as you construe it from beeing gouernours thereof Besides that Caput is onely a borrowed word and signifies primum or the first in that kinde which we grant to Peter with all readines and lastly tempered with such a modest clause to keepe out schisme or disorder onely § 9. You say there is more daunger of schisme nowe then among the twelue For they were confirmed by speciall grace we not so And therefore they were not so likely to runne into schisme for which they should haue a head As though Paul and Barnabas were not running into a schisme a paroxysme at least that is the first grudging of the other ague as though when Peter confirmed his brethren tu confirma Luk. 22. 32. they had the lesse vse of him as their head against a schisme And though the will of God be to confirme some here yet not without meanes neither at first to rectifie them nor afterward to continue them in their good course to the ende Of which meanes this might be one of which S. Hierome speakes Was any man more confirmed then S. Paul rapt into the third heauen c. yet he struggles with his nature least preaching to others he should be a reprobate himselfe So here Besides that this schisme which our Sauiour preuented by appointing an Head as S. Hierome saies might be schisma populorum not Apostolorum and therefore he saies vt occasio schismat is tolleretur that the Christian people seeing who was eminent in the Colledge of the Apostles might not euery one rashly set vp their principall and so fall into schisme § 10. But at least we neede a Head now a daies as much as they As if we haue not our Head in our manifold regiments Dedit quosdam pastores Eph. 4. Obedite praepositis Hebr. 13. Terribilis sicut castrorum acies ordinata and so forth Is there no Head but of an vniuersall Bishop yea theirs was of order onely and to shun confusion ours of power and commands subiection Besides Kings and Princes which God hath giuen to our times as to feede his Church and to giue them milke which very milke is Discipline so to bring home wanderers from the high waies and the hedges to the feast of the great King that 's to suppresse schismes as S. Austen often but namely contra Gaudent l. 1. c. 25. § 11. For where you tell vs that Princes may cause these schismes themselues and so contemning spirituall censure and proceedings must either be hampered with another coerciue power extending to bodies and to estates or els all runne to nothing and the Church be cleane extinguished you bewray your spirit sufficiently and a man may read your drifts in your forehead which at another time you would so faine couer and smooth ouer Sermo tuus indicat te may be our speech to the Pseudo-Peter as was once to the true Doe you thinke then that S. Hierome would giue this leaue to Priests or the Prince of Priests as you would haue him to bind Kings in materiall chaynes and to load their Senators with such iron fetters as no metaphore hath mollified to vse such other violence as commonly goes herewith Though of you I lesse wonder if you giue them iron in their chaynes to whome you haue giuen it in their crownes as Clement to Charles if Platina say true in Clem. 7. But to S. Hierome How then does he construe these words of Dauid Against thee onely haue I sinned to haue been spoken in that sense because Dauid was a King and not to be proceeded against by any temporall punishment or coactiue hand of a mortall man How does he say in his Epistle to Heliodore de obitu Nepotiani that a King rules men against their wills a Bishop no farther then they will themselues They subdue by feare these are giuen vs for seruice and many the like How does Basil vpon the 37. Psalme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and he knew his power as he bore his name A King is subiect to no iudge How does Chrysostome professe so often that he can goe no further then words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shepheard though he be yet he may not fling a stone at a wolfe but rate him onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Again in his 2. de Sacerd. c. 2. 3. at large againe in the Homil. which is not extant in Greeke but in Latin onely Cum ageretur de expulsione S. Iohannis Statis omnes non ferro sed fide deuincti Tom. 5. And in Act. Apost hom 3. in Morali the people to the Minister are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not subiect to him or in his hands but hauing their obedience free in their owne power Againe in the same place within a fewe lines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Magistrates rule by feare so doe not these viz. the Ministers And yet more frankly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There things are caried by order and by appointment here
that is to Rome saies Balsamon that is to the Pope say we and you will not denie Which how could S. Austen and others haue done I would faine know of you if they had beene perswaded of his vniuersall power ouer the Christian world § 11. Here you cast mysts and fogs and raylings But passing by them as the Moone does by the barking of a curre-dogge let vs take you as you lie You deduct three points from the Bishops words as you say and you call them three lies of his in little more then three lines Vsuall modestie but let vs view your parts The first That the Pope had no further authoritie but ouer the Church of Rome in S. Austens time The second That no man might appeale to Rome out of Africk in those daies The third That S. Austen neuer acknowledged those three Popes Zozimus Bonifacius and Celestinus to be heads of the Church and yet cured S. Peters disease in them The first say you will be cleare by the discussing of the second and the third But how if the Bishop neuer affirmed the first neither is any such thing to be gathered out of his wordes What needes your second and third to refute this Why rather doe you not bend against the second and third for their owne sakes to shew that all Appeales were not cut off by the Fathers out of Africk to Rome or that S. Austen cured the swelling disease in the Popes aforesaid Does not this shew that you neither want impudence and yet want matter since the Bishops words that may sound that way to your first propositiō are only these If euer he be healed viz. the Pope let him be head of the Church of Rome as he was in S. Austens time but let no man appeale c. And is this as much as that the Pope had no authoritie ouer more then Rome whereas the Bishop neither denies his Westerne Patriarkship nor otherwise the great sway that he might iustly carrie throughout the rest of Christendome out of the eminencie of his place especially if ioyned with vertues answerable though still his Diocesse were but particular But as for Appeales what more plaine for the proouing that S. Austen censured all such Appellants out of Africk to the sea of Rome with excommunication then that which we read in the Councel of Milevitum Can. 22. enacted both by him and diuers other Bishops there Whosoeuer shall think fit to appeale beyond the Sea let no person within Africk receiue him to fellowship or to communion First therefore you turne away and will not vnderstand till diuers sections after any such Canon or Councell but tell vs of a letter written to Pope Celestine by the African Bishops which you say was petitorie but containing no Decree nor demand as altogether resting in Celestines pleasure whether he would graunt it or no. I will set downe the words that the truth may be seene Though this I must premise that it was nothing vnbeseeming the holy Fathers to vse reuerēt termes euen of petition and request to Pope Celestine when they sued for no more then their owne right as the Apostle S. Peter and diuers others in the like cases I beseech you brethren abstaine c. Sapientem omnia priùs quà m armis experiri decet it is the old saying and Responsio mollis frang it iram So here Strictè exigo strictè praecipio is for the Pope to his Catholiques whome he makes conies But the words are these Our due salutations remembred and done We entreat and earnestly pray you that hereafter you will not lightly giue audience to those that come from hence to you neither any more receiue such to the communion as we excommunicate because your Reuerence shall easily perceiue that order taken by the Nicene Councell For if there appeare a prouiso for inferiour Clerkes and lay-men how much more would the Synode haue the same obserued in Bishops that beeing excommunicated in their owne Province they should not be suddenly hastily or vnduly restored to the communion by your holinesse And likewise your holines must repell these wicked refuges of Priests and other Clergie men to Rome as becommeth you for that by no determination of the Fathers this is derogated from the Church of Africa and the Nicene Canons doe most euidently commit both inferiour Clergie-men and the Bishops themselues to their owne Metropolitans No doubt they most wisely and rightly prouide that all matters should be ended in the places where they first arose neither shall the grace of the holy Ghost be wanting to any Prouince by the which equitie may be grauely weighed and stoutly followed by the Priests of Christ especially whereas euery man hath libertie if he mislike the iudgement of those that heare his cause to appeale to the Councells of his owne Prouince or to a generall Councell Or how shall the iudgement ouer the Seas at Rome be good whereto the necessarie persons of the witnesses either for sexe or for age or sundrie other impediments cannot be brought FOR THAT ANY SHOVLD BE SENT as Legates FROM YOVR HOLINES SIDE VVEE FINDE DECREED BY NO SYNOD OF THE FATHERS § 12. And be here no words but supplicatorie wil you say When they vrge so vehemently that the Nicene Councel tooke order to the same purpose that causes should not be remooued from place to place alluding to the 5. Canon of that Councell and to the latter end of the fourth doe these men thinke it is a matter of meere graunt or wholly depending of the Popes pleasure when they cal such a refuge a wicked refuge of them that runne to Rome doe they not shew what opinion they conceiue of it Is it in the Popes power to license wickednesse or if it bee nowe was it so then Nay when they say hee must repulse such stragling clients is must a word for suters and suppliants when they tell him in the same passage that it becomes him to stop such holes that wretched men would creepe out at doe they not plainely declare that they haue more confidence in it then in a meere sute or petition onely yea when they vrge againe that the Nicene Councell so ordered and no derogation was euer made to that Canon by any contrary constitution doe they leaue it free to the Pope to yeeld to yea or no No doubt say they they most wisely and rightly prouided that all matters should bee ended in the places where they first arose And would these men haue confest that the Pope might with iustice doe to the contrarie When they tell him That the grace of the holy Ghost is not so fastened to Rome but that it is to be foūd in other Prouinces too by the which equitie may be grauely waighed and stoutly followed by the Priests of Christ doe they not priuily taxe him for fondly ouerweening his owne sea if he thinke matters cannot bee ended at home without his interposing When they alledge that witnesses
Cùm tibi placet quod scribo noui cui placeat quoniam qui te inhabitet noui Hee meanes that the holy Ghost dwels in Simplicianus which would haue made a faire shew in a Popes style Largitor enim omnium munerum per tuam sententiam confirmauit obedientiam meam c. He speakes of obedience yeelded to Simplician who yet was not his superiour Againe In meo ministerio dixit Deus fiat factum est Hee calls it his ministerie or his seruice and sets him almost in the place of God In tuâ verò approbatione vidit deus quia bonum est At least there he makes him his God or his superiour directly Generally of all Bishops thus wee read in S. Austen Epist 168. In alijs ciuitatibus tantum agimus quod ad ecclesiam dei pertinet quaentum vel nos permittunt vel NOBIS IMPONVNT earundem ciuitatum Episcopi fratres consacerdotes nostri What is lesse in imponunt then in the iniungunt that you vrge Iniuncta nobis à Zozimo necessitas Yet here you see imponunt is an act that any Bishop might exercise towards S. Austen euen his brothers and fellow-priests fratres consacerdotes not onely Zozimus So Ruffinus in exposit symbol ad Laurent which Laurence was no Pope though he be called Papa there i. a reuerent personage One Laurentius stood with Symmachus for the Popedome I graunt but hee lost it as you knowe Well what saies Ruffinus He calls it pondus praecepti because Laurentius desired him to put his exposition which he had preacht vpon the Creede in writing the weight of his charge or the charge of his commandement Againe Astringis me vt aliquid tibi de side c. Yet Laurence had no power that I know of binding Ruffinus Lastly expositionis à te impositae necessitatem sayes he which answers word for word almost to that which you bring out of S. Austen Iniuncta nobis à Zozimo necessitas But of Zozimus saith hee hereafter wherein we will attend him § 19. First therefore of Liberius a most wretched proofe Certaine Arian hereticks obtained his letters for their restitution to the assemblie of Tyana and by vertue of them they were restored though they did but dissemble in that they feigned their conformitie with the Church of God inwardly remaining deepe Arians Is not this fit to be brought in behalfe of the Pope to shew how wel he stands vpon his watch how meete a man he is to inherit the trust of all Christian soules that suffers such knaues to beguile him in this sort As for that that Liberius letters were of force so should any other graue and worthie Prelates haue been vpon whose testimonie the Synod might relie especially when if there had beene no doubt of their repentance they should haue needed no other mediatour happily then themselues But because he hath quoted S. Basil in the margent let vs heare his words and see what confidence he puts in Rome or in the Bishop thereof Epist 74. thus he saies of Liberius and his restoring of Eustathius that Arian heretick which suspition to say truth Liberius was not free from enclining thither himselfe when time was The rather might he write in the behalfe of an Arian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Since therefore from thence he meanes from Rome and from the Westerne Churches this Epistle bearing inscription to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bishops of the West since from thence he hath receiued power to hurt the Churches and the libertie that you gaue him Liberius with the rest he to the subuersion of many hath abused it is necessarie that reformation should spring from the same place and that you should send word to the Churches for what cause he was receiued and how beeing changed since in his opinion he makes void the grace that was then giuen him not by Liberius so much as by the Fathers that is they of the Councell of Tyana of which before And in the same Epistle a little afore this place S. Basil giues two reasons why he implores the aide of the Italian Bishops in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The first is because if onely the Easterne Bishops appeare against Eustathius it may be thought to come of emulation and partialitie one Bishop of the same countrey opposing another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But you the farther of the better beleeued Which to say truth hath alwaies bin the Popes felicitie But you see he flies not to them for any vniuersal authoritie or prerogatiue as they imagin frō Peter deriued but for the distāce of the place which makes them seeme to be more incorrupt The second reason is from the consenting of many Bishops together and the power of that to preuaile with peoples minds when there shall be a concurrence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is But of with ioynt consent many shall auerre the same thing the very multitude of them that are of one minde will make it to be entertained without contradiction By which you see the Pope can doe little alone And so speakes Basil in his greatest extremitie euen when he needes the Pope most Else we know how sharply he can taxe Rome and giue the Popes their owne when occasion serues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Westerne pride saith he haereses propagant they spread heresies or multiplie heresies Epist 8. ad Euseb Samosat § 20. Of Iulius and Athanasius I spake before The same was the cause of Marcellus and Asclepas Paulus and Lucian and the rest restored as you say by Iulius Pope tanquam omnium curam gerentem as bearing care of all Tripart l. 4. c. 15. As if euery Bishop were not obliged to doe his seruice to the whole Church as farre as he can which were easie to demonstrate but that I haue done it before and quoted Origen very lately for the same yet Iulius the rather because the prime Bishop but prime in order onely and in a certaine excellencie propter sedis dignitatem as the Tripartite here speakes in the very words that this man quotes not propter auctoritatem S. Austen calls it Speculam his watchtower Besides that this same Iulius is many yeeres before S. Austen and yet he professes to reckon vp onely such as liued in S. Austens time Doe you not see how he labours to vtter his prouision Finally in Sozomene who reports the same matter and is quoted by this man to that very purpose cap. 2. num 8. In Sozomene I say lib. 3. c. 7. thus we read That the persons to whome Iulius wrote in behalfe of the aforesaid catholicke Bishops though they acknowledged the Church of Rome primas ferre apud omnes to be the chiefe Church in euerie bodies estimation as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the schoole of the Apostles and the mother citty of piety not for any succession into the authoritie of S. Peter in particular and yet
Reuerence which concerned the Church But if it were as they pretend it were more then negligence euen flat rebellion not to communicate with him about all such affaires But making it but negligence he shewes they sought for aduice onely or countenance not for leaue and grace when they referred to him Whereas S. Austen had spoke of the Popes applying his pastorall diligence to preuent the daungers of Christs weake members F. T. interprets it his power and authoritie ouer all the members of Christ which if the Bishop had so done to put in ALL where it was not in S. Austen to enforce an argument had beene cheating and coosenage and to be proclaimed in markets See chap. 2. § 31. Innocentius his testimonie of his owne precedencie carries small force with it and Erasmus hath found some cause to suspect this Epistle for counterfeit or at least censured it for one not worthie of Innocentius Whereas the Apostle Paul had said of himselfe Praeter ea quae extrinsecùs sunt cura omnium Ecclesiarum this man imitating him for you hold of Paul too as well as Peter reads it cleane contrarie Praeter ea quae intrinsecus sunt c. that you may see his Clerkship And yet you make him worse then in truth he is For whereas he more modestly Arbitramur referri debere c. you leauing out arbitramur auouch it peremptorily that about matters of faith all Bishops ought tareferre c. Is this good dealing Lastly if S. Austen and Alipius say of him concerning his rescript Rescripsit ad omnia eo modo quo fas erat c. he hath written backe to all as meete was they meane for matter and for the points in controuersie betweene Pelagius and the Church not for ought that he enterlaces of the ambition of his owne Sea And of these things hitherto To his fifth Chapter Of Origen Hilarie and Maximus their authorities § 1. AS I haue often complained of the tediousnes of this mate the onely inuincible armour that he fights with as certaine beasts make their parts good against the hunter by the euill sauour and sent they cast forth to annoy him beeing otherwise vnable to resist him in the encounter So he shewes it in this chapter more then any where els referring vs besides his prattle to former places of his booke for confutation of such points as he mislikes in the Bishops Answer As if no bodie had confuted his confutation of those Answers which the Reader of himselfe is able to doe I dare say if he haue perused but the former part of this booke without any further paines to be taken in that behalfe And yet euery where he remits vs to what hee hath done and said as altogether vnconquerable Now for that which is so firme in the Bishops Answer as not to be remooued by any meanes that he railes at and calls stale else why cannot he iterate his refutation againe as well as the Bishop repeat his Answer but it shames him that so many Arguments should stumble at one stone like the sonnes of Gedeon beheaded by Abimelech all at one blocke and therfore he falls to carping and deprauing Etiamne antidotum contra Caesarem said he So here the Bishops fault is to haue shewed the errour and not let the Cardinals fallacies to passe for currant § 2. That Origen and S. Hilarie in allowing the Church to be built vpon Peter with certaine other preheminences which they affoard him denie not but the rest had their fellowshippe in the same this is stale to F. T. and for that onely reason deserues to be misprized As if the fault were not so much in the weakenes of the answer as in the frequencie of repeating it to which his Battismes neuerthelesse and his abhominable Crambes giue the only occasion Whereas I thinke a bad answer is to bee accounted bad though but once giuen and a good the oftner it serues the purpose the more it bewrayes its owne strength and the aduersaries exigent that hath but one kind of way to assault the truth and therefore is still beat backe at the same doore Where what meruaile if the Bishop rest not satisfyed with this inference that those Fathers when they ascribe certaine excellencies to S. Peter and yet perhaps short of the supposed Monarchy by that meanes debarre the rest of the Apostles from their part therein whereas the Cardinall himselfe saies as much of S. Peter as you would thinke a man could possibly say to aduance his dignitie and yet meanes not but the Twelue were equall with him in the same Which were hard to alleadge now for the proouing of Peters excellencie aboue the other Apostles though we would argue for the Cardinall out of the Cardinals owne workes For example what can be more for Peters Monarchy ouer the Church then to say that he onely was made cheife Regent therof And yet summa potestas is by the Cardinall made common to all the Apostles not once but twice within fewe lines cap. 9. l. 1. de Rom. Pont. and againe in the same chapter Vnusquisque Apostolorum it a cur am gerebat totius Ecclesiae ac si ad SE SOLVM ea cura pertineret Euery one of the Apostles so managed the Church as if that care had onely belonged to him And cap. 11. Summa atque amplissima potestas is giuen to them all Shall we not ponder these words then henceforth in Authors if at any time they giue as much as this to Peter and be readie to acknowledge by the Cardinall his owne confession that Peter had no more then the rest of the Apostles in all this prerogatiue and therefore no Monarch § 3. Now that Origen followes an Allegoricall sense like to a Preacher as you say whereas the Preacher if any bodie should tell the plaine truth leauing the literall altogether it may shew his modesty and check your rashnesse that build so boldly vpon the literall sense if it bee true which the Cardinall in another place obserueth that the literal sense of things spoken to Peter is obscurer then the allegorical though that be hard to be beleeued too and is commonly found contrary by his leaue Yet thus he writes lib. 1. de Pont. Rom. cap. 12. Non negat Augustinus ad literam posse debere intelligi quae dicuntur de Iudâ Petro Iohanne Sed tantùm dicit literalem sensum saepe esse obscurum non facilè inueniri sensum autem mysticum esse multò illustriorem clariorem proptereà se omisso literali figuratè ea exponere loca voluisse That is S. Augustine denieth not so as hee would bring S. August too within the compasse of this dotage that things said of Peter Iudas and Iohn both may and ought to be literally vnderstood but onely he saies that the literall sense is ofttimes obscure and hard to sinde out where I wonder saies S. August so but
is first very insolent for I beginne with your later that faith should be a meritour at Gods hands or a meritresse if you will haue it so I pray correct me if I speake amisse for you see whether your absurdities lead me wheras Charity not faith is the fons meriti the actuall deseruer by condignity at least as your selues hold for ex longinquo is another thing and expraeuiâ dispositione c. Where in truth you are so dazeled about this merit of Peters that you say you know not what ascribing that to his charity which is more proper to his faith and againe that to his faith which belongs to his charitie To be cheife in feeding you ascribe to his Loue to Amas me plus his Which is true in our Sauiours sense for exciting his care not in yours to inuest him in the supreame iurisdiction which rather requires the priuiledge of freedome from errour And here his deseruing to be the rock or the principall for bearing sway you impute it to his faith which is too yong to be a deseruer if it be not otherwise accommodated euen by your own doctrine This is one absurdity therefore Secondly that he should merit to be the rocke of the Church whereas a man canot merit that is not first in the Church as yourselues will not deny and so presupposeth the foundation is laid But in no sort can one merit to be the foundation thereof himselfe As S. August often shewes that the Redeemer of the world did not merit the coniunction of his flesh with the deity but beeing inuested once therewith then merited for vs and wrought saluation Whom although we should grant to haue merited to be the foundation of the Church the Iudge of the world c. yet you are not ignorant how it is held by your owne diuines namely per titulum secundarium hauing right to it before out of the worth of his hypostasis which in S. Peter is nothing so But especially if you will take to that of Maximus whom you quote a little after that S. Peter for rowing in a frigot or small boate was made Master and gouernour of the Vniuersall Church for what merit could there be of that in this And suppose that there is an orderly promotion among shipmen from the Lower roomes to the higher till they be Pilots and Admiralls c. or in like sort that the good Deacon gets himself a faire degree as S. Paul speaks to be made Priest Priest a Bishop Bishop a metropolitan c. yet you speake of a promotion in diuersissimo genere which is too too vncouth that S. Peter for steering his materiall vessell at the sea should be preferred to sit in the highest place of the Church and congregation of God Thirdly if this were true that you auouch of his merits S. Peter should not only haue merited for himselfe but for as many monsters miscreants as euer sate after him in that sea Which you doe well to shroud vnder the merits of S. Peter least they appeare too too vgly naked in themselues sauing that pallium breue as the Prophet Esay speaks their couering is too short and non est satis nobis vobis Matth. 25. What For them that beleeue not for them that apprehend not that concurre not in the least sort yea for them that were not borne when S. Peter liued could S. Peter merit As for Hildebrands dictates they are no gospel His words are neither slanders whē they are directed against vs nor testimonies of any force when they are produced for you And will you allowe no qualification of S. Hilaries word Whereas they that haue but tasted the auncient writers know that to merite is to obtaine and procure though by grace and fauour and no further to be vrged He attained then saith S. Hilary a supereminent glory Which glory may be in many things beside his primacie as the Bishop answered you of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Basils authority and calling it gloriam it seemes he rather points to our Sauiours approbation then to any reall preferment collated vpon Peter Gloria is in fame in predication and report as euen Tully will teach you Orat. pro Marcello which is nothing to office and to installment § 7. As for the coupling of S. Peters person with his faith his faith with his person which is the second point of the twaine about which you sweat and trauell sore casting vp mole-hils and mustering your Metaphysicks long vnskoured the Bishop neuer dreamt as you fantastically imagine that S. Hilary should giue this to a fleeting shadow or to faith without a subiect like your Accidents in the Eucharist which you welcome as well as S. Iames his hoste doth his guests that biddes them warme themselues without a fire feede without victualls and so you them to sit down without a chaire or a stoole Not so But if faith be the proper foundation of the Church as S. Hilary implies by his fiue-fold repetition Haec fides haec fides c. then was Peter in behalfe of his faith onely pronounced by our Sauiour the foundation of the Church Which is another thing then to be preferred for the merit of his faith to be the Churches foundation as you fondly dreame For so it might fall out that he should still remaine the foundation of the Church though he had cast of his faith wherewith he beganne which will not stand with S. Hylaries conceit of it and accordingly none other are at any time to bee reckoned the foundations of the Church but they that shall tread in the steps of faithfull Peter howsoeuer otherwise they may come neere him in calling For where is more promised to Peters successors by vertue of meere succession then to Abrahams children Rom. 4. Nay the adoptiue branch may not challenge so much to it selfe as the naturall Rom. 11. Succession saith Greg. Nazianzen is oft-times between contraries Sickenesse succeeds health night succeeds day so an vnworthy Bishop succeeds a worthy as Nazianzen instanceth So your Popes may Peter Irenaeus saith warily that we must obey those Priests in the Church of God which deriuing their succession from the Apostles together with their succession in Office haue receiued the certain gift of truth lib. 4. cap. 43. § 8. By this also the other places of S. Hilary are declared where he proceeds to call Peter the foundation of the Church as you expound them his person I graunt if ought at all as the Bishop also meant not a qualitie without a subiect which is your chimaera but in respect of his vertue not of his authoritie singular And as all the faithfull may come more or lesse neere to Peters faith so they haue all more or lesse a part in this prerogatiue as you heard lately out of Origen yet still without disturbing the Churches aray Neither perhaps
expresse knowledge of me since I was reuealed to the world For Deus Abraham Isaac was then all in all Henceforth we pray per Christum Dominum or per Christum filium and obtaine our suit in that forme of style As was prophesied long before Psal 60. 16. Adorabunt per eum they shall worship by him or pray by him which then was not performed now is Howbeit Origen not amisse puts them both together hom 7. in Ezech. vpon those words Incensum meum posuistis ante faciem eorum that is idolorum and incensum saies he is Orationes sanctorum out of the Apocal. Incense is prayer Si ergo instituti ad Orationem cum illam Deo debeamus offerre Deo Abraham Deo Isaac Deo Iacob Patri Iesu Christi ijs offerimus quae ipsi confinximus in tantum vt idolis incensum Dei proponamus c. that is If therefore whereas we are taught and trained how to pray we when as we should offer our praiers to God the God of Abraham the God of Isaac the God of Iacob and the Father of Iesus Christ shall offer them to such things as our selues haue deuised insomuch as we set the incense of God before idolls c. Note here three things First prayer is Gods incense as belonging to God onely Incensum Dei est oratio And to that we are trained nurtured and taught Instituti ad hoc And what else saies Origen Quòd debeamus orationem Deo offerre that we must offer our praiers to God not ante faciem eorum not to others Secondly he that offers it to any but God offers it to idolls quae confinximus ipsi which our selues haue deuised Vnlesse we haue warrant for so doing but warrant we haue none God neither giuing vs nor meaning to giue vs any As Tiberius forbad the Romanes to erect any Temple or image to him Nisi ego permittam adding immediatly Atqui ego non permittam that is vnlesse I licence you now I neuer meane to licence you You are Idolaters therefore you cannot auoide it though they bee Saints that you pray to vnlesse you can shewe a reuocation of Gods minde in this behalfe vnder his owne hand Thirdly the coniunction of Deus Abraham with Pater Christi the new Testament with the old Though now the former of these two resolues into the latter the God of Abraham into the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ in whome alone we must put our trust concerning the graunting of our praiers Your selues doe not much mention Abraham amongst the Saints nor Isaac nor Iacob which shewes their names were not put for meritorious but onely formall or legall as vpon whom went the promise which now in Christ alone is yea and amen that is perfectly perfect § 41. To returne to your method So for Dauids sake 1. King 11. God abated his wrath towards Salomon you say But Salomon neuer prayed to his Father Dauid in such a manner after he was dead How then God hauing promised in Dauids life time that he would not destroy his children though they transgressed his Lawes but onely chastice them with the scourge of men verifies this vpon Salomon now by force of his promise so made to Dauid What gather ye from hence Is it not lawfull to vrge God with his promise vnlesse we pray to the Saints As for Dauids diuinitie it was cleane otherwise No man may deliuer his brothers soule Psal 49. and Psal 6. In inferno quis confitebitur tibi Besides that Christ is often called Dauid in the old Testament as Suscitabo eis Dauid Regem ipsorum Ierem. 30. id est Christum saith Theodoret vpon that place and the holy things of Dauid Act. 13. And the Keyes of Dauid Apocal. 3. 7. who is that but Christ § 42. Moses and Paul their sauing diuers hundreths or one of them hundred thousands by their intercessions in their life time neither argues their particular intercession for vs now they are dead servierunt enim saeculo suo to speake with S. Peter and much lesse the lawfulnes of our recourse to them The like of Iob of others that you bring may be said Baruch me thinkes properly Bar. 4. 21. Clamabo ad altissimum in diebus meis I will crie to the most high in my dayes that is whiles I liue Meaning he should haue no place of doing so after death As S. Peter saies of preaching 2. Pet. 1. 13. and S. Paul also Phil. 1. 23. who else needed not to haue been in a strayte if after death he might haue succoured his people § 43. In your 59. Num. you bewray your selfe The ability of Saints to help men say you is to be ascribed not onely to the effect of their prayers but also to their power authority and dignity You fly then to the Saints as to the giuers of those things out of their power and authority which you aske in prayer not onely as suters to God for them in your behalfe What more grosse idolatry can there be then this Is not this that that you were wont to disclaime Where is now per Christum Dominum nostrum § 44. Well Num. 61. hauing talked your pleasure of the practise of Christs Church of the consent of antiquity of the custome of all ages c. at last you bethinke your selfe how all this will goe for currant when you shall come to a reckoning The Bishop say you will oppose to this effect that the authorities brought faile both in time as being later by 300 yeares then the challenge was and in vniforme consent for others also must be heard to speake as well as they if any thing will be done Yet you comfort your selfe thus that his MAIESTIE professeth to reuerence the Fathers more then euer the Iesuites did and yet they reuerence them all after the three first to many ages downward Who doubts but his MAIESTIE reuerences the Fathers both for infinite good that may be gotten by the reading of them and namely towards the discerning of the truth of points euen now controuerted in relligion though still with submission of his iudgement to holy Scripture and also reuerenceth them more by much then the Iesuits doe though the Iesuits happily reuerence more fathers then he For what pedaneous author haue not they made a father of Ye may say with him cōsidering their falsifications in this kinde Mutauit calceos pater conscriptus repentè factus est Nay now euerie Iesuite is a Father at first dash whether he write or no. And though his MAIESTIE hath dispensed so much with his height as by writing his Apology to encounter with them that are no Kings yet he will neuer be tried by them that are no Fathers And therefore you guesse well when you thinke you shall bee forced to looke farther backeward then you haue done yet if you well euict any thing It is true also that the Bishop saies although it anger you of the Cardinall that hee
hath done nothing in his Apologie in doing no more then so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had as good made no Apologie at all By the way it is pretty and worth the noting how you report the Bishops words Rex expectat in quadringentis annis c. though de quadringentis would haue fitted you better which you quote in the margent as the Bishops owne words and like enough to be so not in quadringentis But this is your Latine when you list to speake like your selfe and reforme Bishops for theirs If it be true as you say that the Fathers of the three first hundred yeares after Christ are so few and so scantie remaining to our daies you reckon but 7. or 8. though I suppose there are diuers more yet what ill luck haue you with them that can finde no footing of all your new-fangled superstition in any of their workes Not in Tertullian not in Origen not in Irena Ignace Lactance Melito Cyprian Iustine Clemens Arnobius Methodius Minutius the Cyrills Dionysius Athenagoras Theophilus c. not in Eusebius himselfe who liued there anewst and enclined to the Platonicks as did some others of the forenamed ranke Which Platonicks are thought to be somewhat fauourable to your fancie of worshipping Saints aboue the rest of the Philosophers And if the Fathers as you say write so few in an age does not this shew that the square of our faith is the Scripture not the Fathers for how if the Fathers had wrote nothing at all As of diuerse points you confesse your selfe they did not Num. 63. and Num. 66. And in the beginning of this Chapter you would make vs beleeue that the Apostles themselues had no commaundement for writing Might not the Fathers pennes much more haue stood still Yet you adde that the after-ages abounded with writers when persecution ceased and many worthy Volumes were spread abroad into the world It may well bee but as heresie is confounded many times by writing so some errours will creepe in withall and hardly can it be eschewed Abundabit scientia but abundabit iniquitas too Daniel the one our Sauiour Christ the other each of the same times of the world of the Church The Elephant oppresseth Eleazar in the fall So falshood gets some ground of truth euen in seeming to be foyled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was our Sauiours depositum which he left to the Church witnesse he in the Nicene Councell Apud Socr. lib. 1. cap. 8. not ventilation not disputation Wherein I may boldly say that truth of relligion comes in as much hazard to bee lost as our Sauiour was in the crowde and concourse at Ierusalem As in the ouerflowes of Nilus the corne feilds are the better and the fatter for it but serpents and Crocodyles come in amaine so whiles many pennes walke the originall puritie is lesse preserued It will be alwayes true which Tully saith Quò propiùs aberant à diuina progenie c. so from the Primitiue times eò acutiùs cautiùsque vena videbant recta tenebant which posteritie fayled in § 45. When you aske if we would not receiue the signe of the Crosse as proceeding from antiquitie vnles all the Fathers had stood for it why should we hold you long in suspence It is the vniforme consent of the godly Fathers that endeares the vse of that memorial to vs and had onely certaine singulars like starres in a darke night deliuered their opinion of it it should neuer haue found such entertainment at our hands for the antiquities sake And therefore you must muster a squadron of Fathers though I see it be troublesome vnto you for prayer to Saints not come in with your snatches and your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here and there if you will carrie it by the Fathers Where it may please you to remember that in the Conference at Hampton Court which you quoted so lately the Bishop that you now write against brought Tertullian for the Crosse and the vse therof in baptisme in immortali lauacro you haue neither author for Inuocation of Saints so auncient nor piece of an author Yet you compare this with the signe of the crosse How vnfitly § 46. The Bishops you say are giuen to teach the Church if they may erre therein the Church may be deceiued and so all is marred As if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Austen doth not tell you of erring Bishops of deceiuing Bishops which the people fondly relyed vpon he in vaine recalling them and denouncing that the Bishops authority is no sanctuary to the erroneous See lib. de pastor cap. 10. Saepe hoc dicunt heretici securi sequimur Episcopos The heretikes haue this often in their mouthes 〈◊〉 are safe so long as we follow our Bishops It is a signe of heresie with S. Austen to follow the Bishops and their iudgement securely viz. without looking any further And in the 7. Chapter of the said booke hee applyes that to the Bishops of his time out of Ezek. 34. Quod errabat non reuocastis the wandring sheepe ye haue not called backe What remedy are the Bishops now against error And Si Episcopus constitutus in ecclesia catholica non bonam rationem reddit de oue quam non quaesierit errantem de grege Dei qualem rationem redditurus est haereticus viz. Episcopus qui non solùm non reuocauit ab errore sed etiam impulit in errorem Doe you see that Bishops doe not onely not bring from errour but lead into error yea thrust impell cap. 10. of the aforesaid And yet you thinke the onely antidote of Church errors lyes in the Bishops How much better S. Peter Habemus firmiorem sermonem propheticum We haue a surer testimony namely the holy Scripture not onely then the authority of any Bishops can be to preserue from error but then a voyce from heauen for of that speaks S. Peter which Satan may counterfeit and so likewise fayne himselfe a Bishop as well as change himselfe into an Angel of light Therefore S. Hilary saies that Christ would not let his Disciples beare witnes of him and yet no meane persons because he was to be approoued by other manner of witnesses namely the Law and the Prophets that is the Scriptures And S. Chrysostome Hom. 9. in cap. 3. ad Coloss Exhorting the lay-men to prouide them bookes the medicines of their soules as he calls them bids them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to tarrie for another Master not the Prelate himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he hides many things many times from them for enuie or for vain-glory Whereas the Scripture layes all open sincerely Is this a small prerogatiue of Scriptures aboue the Doctors S. Austen also cap. 11. of the booke aforequoted after he had lodg'd his sheepe like a good pastor in the mountaines of Israel that is as he interprets it in the authority of the diuine Scriptures he thus bespeakes them Ibi pascite vt securè
pascatis Quicquid inde audieritis hoc vobis bene sapiat quicquid extra est respuite And againe Audite vocem pastoris colligite vos ad montes Scripturae sanctae No doubt these are the mountaines that our Sauiour bids vs flie vnto vnder Antichrists persecution that is yours Ibi sunt deliciae cordis vestri addes S. Austen ibi nihil venenosum nihil alienum And lastly when he hath shut them into that sheepcoat and pend them vp in that fold for he vrgeth the word Erunt stabula earum illic he giues them leaue to triumph and say in this wise Bene est verum est manifestum est non fallimur This he calls requiescere in stabulis illic to rely vpon Scripture not vpon the Bishops authoritie Now it is well with vs now we are right now the case is plaine now we are not deceiued when the Scripture first saies it What should I tell you here either of Cyprians licensing the people of God the flocke of Christ to renounce their wicked Bishop not partake with his seruices lib. 1. Ep. 4. or of the third Canon of that famous Councell of Ephesus which enioynes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Councell giues charge Not to submit to the authoritie of any backe-slided Bishops or Bishops departed that is departed from the truth There may bee Apostaticall Bishops then departers from the truth had you no such Popes aske Lyra aske Genebrard and they are not to be regarded And euen in those which deserue not to be called Apostatae by so heauie name because they fell not so fowly simpliciter errantes as S. Austen calls them de Bap. l. 4. c. 5. yet their lighter errors their moales as I may terme them like that in Cyprians owne breast which S. Austen saith was couered with the dugges of his charitie they make no authoritie for others to follow them least Vincentius Lerinensis pronounce his doome vpon them thus though wondring at it himselfe O mira conuersio absoluuntur Magistri condemnantur discipuli O strange passe The thiefe scapes and the receiuer is hangd the inuentor goes away scotfree and the scholler perisheth in his prone credulity Which you may doe well to take heed of in the present question of praying to Saints if any passion from a multitude or a single Christian hath drawne forth a vowe a prayer or such like if any suddaine motion hath transported further then should yet to beware how you make an article of it § 47. As for that you say the Fathers whome you quote about this point were agents in the Councells which the King and the Bishop professe to reuerenee it is one thing what the Fathers say in seuerall as it were solitarij in tecto another when they meet Synodically in a Councell Is there no grace belonging to Councells Why is it not said then vbi vnus but vbi duo aut tres in nomine meo naming the first multitudes to shew the vertue of an assembly where farre more meet then two or three You haue first no Councells for your supplication to Saints for miserable are your proofes of Flauianus and Proterius they haue toucht the Diamond but they cannot draw like the Diamond they are of kin to the Councell but they are not brought within the Canon Neither againe haue you all the Fathers no not of one whole age among the fiue no not of the later and weaker in authority neerer the bottom and those that you haue they write dispersedly neuer so much as ioyned in domesticall conference which is a great derogation in regard of the credit that goes with lawfull Synods although lesse generall And lastly though you neuer lyn vaunting and prating what you haue produced out of the Fathers as if it were so peremptory yet wee hauing examined and perused them before finde not one of them to depose so pregnantly on your side but that he may be avoided If the streame of the Fathers not onely of one age as you idly crake but sundry ages together could preuaile any thing with you you would neuer haue defined so proudly and so irreligiously of the conception of the Blessed Virgin without sinne of which see Canus your owne author with his legion of Fathers nor giuen sentence against the Dominican for the Franciscan As for the place to the Ephes which you quote to shew that God hath placed Pastors in the Church to defend it from errour Dedit quosdam pastores c. Eph. 4. It is by way of industrie in dispensing Gods word not of infallibilitie that they cannot possibly erre Where vision ceases though the Pastors be neuer so many yet the people perish yea many Pastors are the cause saith God why my vine is destroyed I made indeede my Couenant with Levi and the Priests lips should preserue knowledge Mal. 2. but the Priests oft times depart out of the way and they cause many to stuÌ„ble in the Law IN THE LAVV saith God by misinterpreting it no doubt they haue corrupted the Couenant of Levi saith the Lord of hoasts This in the old TestameÌ„t In the new what If the salt be vnsauoury to the dunghil with it saith our blessed Sauiour of his times Out of you shall come fierce wolues saies S. Paul Act. 20. speaking of theÌ„ soone after that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops and Priests as S. Chrysost construes it Tom. 7. D. H. Savile p. 219. There shall be false teachers among you as well as in that people saies Peter whome you build vpon 1. Pet. 2. 1. And he addes moreouer bringing in priuily damnable heresies This of yours is priuie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 take heede it be not damnable I haue acquitted the Fathers in my former speech I applie this to you § 48 But S. Austen you say thought the testimonie of sixe Bishops sufficient to conuince Iulian the Pelagian about originall sinne and the baptisme of young infants He meanes sufficient to tame Iulians pride and haughtie humor after he had laid him on his backe with Scripture-arguments which is not all one with deciding the question by the Fathers authoritie Iulian had called Originall sinne Manichaismum S. Austen alleadges those Fathers for it that were knowne to be no Manichees Itâ—â—e tibi fili Iuliane nos omnes Manichai esse videmur l. 1. c. 4. not 2. as you quote it So is it one thing ad hominem and another adrem disputare As likewise it is one thing vincere and another thing triumphare as that memorable Dr. Whitakers was wont to say in this case The Fathers and all come in at the triumph like those that waited on our Sauiour into Hierusalem but it is the Scripture that strikes the stroke Neither doth S. Austen mislike that saying of Iulian l. 1. c. 7. that Scripturarum authoritas goes before eruditio Sanctorum In the establishing of a truth the authoritie of Scripture goes before the learning
Christian nor doctrine and preaching 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tom. 6. Savilian p. 167. Therefore without question not appointed of God And in another place he will tell you Hom. 25. in Epist ad Hebr. that what S. Paul writes to the Corinthians when he exhorts them to the highest virginitie that may be and in Christian virginitie Sir all is contained you neede not be sollicitous for the other two vowes 1. Cor. 7. 34. the Christian virgin takes care onely how to please the Lord and that shee may be holy both in bodie and spirit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 going with her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he speakes not to Monks whereof there was none then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not the print of a Monks foot in all the church but to lay-men and lay-women As who would say he prescribes no stricter rules in all that Epistle where neuerthelesse he sheweth them the more excellent way and exhorts to virginitie and to an vndiuided connexion with the Lord Christ alwaies such as no Monke of them all can come neerer to him yet stricter rules I say he giues not to any by S. Chrys verdict then are obserued de facto meet to be obserued in the generall of Christianitie emongst all that belong to the mysticall bodie Men or women Clerks or lay though your Monks like mungrells are neither of them both but Minotaures and mixtum genus many times proleque biformis like Don Iohn of Crete And in another place he saies that there is not a maid left this day in all the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 1. Tim. c. 2. Hom. 8. in extremo The honourable state of maidenhead is quite decaied in the Church And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The world abroad laughes at vs Virgins Vniustly trow you No. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the maides that are called maides haue brought this contempt vpon themselues Yet you thinke we haue no Church because we haue no maidenhead forsooth with your many more god-morrowes formally vowed now and professed amongst vs. Yea he tells vs of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expelling halfe the virgins that is fiue of ten in the parable of the Gospel as who would say he would happily doe the like if in strict visitation he should come among the Nonneries now a daies Once he doubteth not to affirme that the Virgins beeing reiected by our Sauiour Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they that came without virginitie if fraught and flourishing with other fruits of righteousnes were most honourably and most comfortably receiued by him And are receiued no doubt daily Where because I spake of the visitations of Nonneries a little before you may call to minde what happened here in England long before King Henrie the eights daies whome you haue not yet forgiuen his dismissing of your sisters and demolishing their cloisters though God knowes it was high time But I meane vnder the raigne of King Henry the third as Matthew Paris with other historians recordeth that the virginitie of your Nonnes was faine to be explored by certain visitors in Commission for repressing the scandall euen by nipping of their dugges to see if any milke would come out to detect their incontinencies Such vnnaturall remedies did the vnreasonable courses then held by your sister-hoods driue the Magistrate vnto But it is enough forvs that Chrysostome not onely censures the professed of his time which neuerthelesse were not halfe so rancke and so degenerate as haue yours been since but denyes Monkerie to come of God or of diuine institution when it is at the best There was not then saies he a footesprint of a Monke in all the Church And againe Monkerie is no matter of Christian faith or doctrine What meruaile then if a plant not planted by God the heauenly husbandman be afterwards rooted out when it turnes intollerable And I insist the willing lier vpon Chrysostomes authoritie though I might alleadge many others if I were disposed because your Cardinal in his Preface to his Defence of Monkerie where he reuells in his kingdome of Rhetorique most gloriously hath no greater authority then S. Chrysostomes to confute vs or to countenance the honour of the Monkish profession You shall heare his words Probat hoc iâ—primis totius Graeciae eximium decus S. Iohan. Chrysostomus Is alibi Homilia 8. in Matthaeum sic Si quis nunc ad Aegypti veniat solitudines paradiso prorsus omnem illam eremum videbit digniorem innumerabiles Angelorum caetus in corporibus fulgere mortalibus c. Suppose all this Sir but how long to last Did not Monkes warpe euen in Chrysostomes dayes Does not the Councell of Chalcedon not farre off from his time finde a difference in Monkes as if all were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pure Monks or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but some mungrell counterfeit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hauing Monkerie for a cloake or a vizard as S. Paul hath his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his true Nonne as you would call her not a false sister 1. Tim. 5. 3. As for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Monke that liues in pleasure and delicacie and idlenesse is dead aliue What meruaile then if King Henry turned them out of doores Are we not wont to doe so by dead men And Remigius most excellently vpon those words of the Apostle Ephes 6. 14. State succincti lumbos in veritate hauing your loines girt about with truth With truth saies he because nothing does so encroach vpon the professions of strictnes to their vtter disgrace as dissimulation and hypocrisie contrary to truth Yet your Cordeleirs weare restem pro veritate a rope about their loines the very habite of hypocrisie and extreame disguisement in stead of that sinceritie which the Apostle here prescribeth as the comeliest ornament for a Monks backe Before S. Chrysostomes time also the Councell of Gangra an auncient Councell finds wefts in Monks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pretending holinesse to their deeds of slothfulnesse or of cruell vnnaturalnesse in abandoning their owne parents vnder colour of conscience and freedome of contemplation Can. 16. or else neglecting their children as it is Can. 15. And S. Cyprian auncienter then any yet named de Duplici Martyrio if at least that be his booke he continues the same distinction as it were of Ieremies two baskets the one full of good and holesom figs the other most sowre and most distastfull as commonly it comes to passe that the corruption of the best prooues the dismallest so of Monachi qui verè Monachi sunt Virgines quae verè Virgines sunt that is of Monks which are Monkes indeed and Virgins which are chast and Virgins indeede Neque enim locus desertus saccus pro veste c. sed caeteris omnibus perditiores se produnt And His tectus involucris sublitet animus
with names or glorious titles vnles it be nomen cum fide the holding of his name with the not denying of his faith ver 13. of the same Chapter Whereas the Papists leauing to be called by his name the name Christians which the Scripture onely recordeth may well be suspected to haue renounced his faith too giuen him ouer cleane For the holy Ghost wee see couples them both together § 41. Yet the Adioynder is peremptory num 32. that the name Catholique cānot be vsurped by heretikes but is a most true and proper note of the true Church and num 33. that the name and the thing expressed by the name doe alwaies so concurre that they are neuer separated And againe num 34. that heretikes or hereticall congregations neuer did or could vsurpe the name Catholique but the same hath alwayes beene and euer shall bee peculiar to the true Church and that the name and the thing signified by the name doe euer concurre Thus he But what such priuiledge I wonder hath the name Catholique supra omne nomen aboue all names els or why should that only cleaue to truth and the truth to it whereas all other names may be diuorced from it May the name Christian be rent from the Church by the furiousnes of Iulian labouring to extinguish the whole body of Christians and yet Christianity suffer no disparagement thereby as Theodoret witnessed in most plentifull manner a little before and cannot the name Catholique be borrowed of the Church by the hand of some crafty intruder or other but the Church shall no longer be her selfe Yet the name Christian implyes Christ in it which is the head that we hold by and the Prince of our Congregation Secondly Scripture recordeth it and thirdly it seemes giuen by diuine inspiration 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Neither of which agrees to the name Catholique No nor yet to the Gnostiques a high name too and from the abundance of knowledge which they attributed to themselues Whom S. Paul is thought to twit 1. Tim. 6. 12. giuing vs withall to vnderstand that there may be falshood in names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the falsly called Gnostiques Of Apostolike Angelike and if there bee any other I might say the same Why should the name Catholique be more sacred then they why lesse exposed to hereticall vsurpation For Catholique and Apostolike either draw in an equalitie or at least Apostolike is not inferiour to Catholique Angelike one would thinke were aboue them both And if the name Catholique still goes where the true Church goes how are the Catholiques themselues not Catholiques or not knowne by that name as sometimes it fared witnesse S. Austen but transformed into the titles of certain newfangled sectaries the Traducians the Macarians the rest of that rabble before rehearsed Is it like that the heretikes wil not call thēselues Catholiques as the Adioynder pretends whē they take from Catholiques the very name Catholike and cloth them with other of their own deuising Though S. Austen most directly contra Epistol Fundamenti cap. 4. the booke that the Adioynder himselfe here quotes sayes that omnes haeretici se Catholicos dicivolunt all heretikes would be called Catholiques and Lactantius Institution lib. 4. cap. 30. that all heretikes suam esse potissimùm Catholicam putant Ecclesiam they thinke themselues Catholiques and the Catholique Church theirs in a prime degree How then shall we beleeue that of Cyrill of Hierusalem for wee will suppose it to be Cyrills for this once which Bellarmine first alleadged and the Adioynder here referres vs to that no heretake will presume to call his sect Catholique or to point to his own faction if the question be askt of the Catholique Church as if that word were such a scare to him Does not this shew that the Bishop most aduisedly answered to those authorities when hee answered in the words which the Adioynder carps here that De nomine lis nulla inter nos intercedit sed vtripotiùs è re nomen habeant We stand not vpon the name it hath beene shewed in the precedents that there is no cause to stand vpon names but which of vs hath the most right to inherite the name the glorious name as S. Iames sayes quod inuocatur super nos by which we are called As for S. Austen he might say that tenet me postremò ipsum nomen Catholicae reckoning the name Catholique among the last arguments which perswaded him to continue in the vnity of the Church and preferring like enough diuerse forcibler before it or els this would haue mooued him but little Nay when the Bishop tells you that in case it were graunted for he doth but graunt it wee beleeue it not that it is true as you say when search is made after the Catholique Church wee point to your Church yet you cannot deny on the other side but if the Catholique Reformed be asked after a man will point to ours and not thinke of yours for any such mention does not this abate your lofty swell as much as the other sond supposall serued to pricke you vp in pride For Catholique reformed is a more tollerable addition and more agreeable to all good rules of reason and of faith then Catholique Romane is at any hand which is your monstrous contradiction in adiecto as I may so call it euen within two words And as Catholique to Christian by the verdict of Pacian which you are wont so to stand vpon or Apostolike to Catholique in the most Orthodox style and some auncient Creeds Credo sanctam Catholicam Apostolicam So Catholique to be determined by Reformed Catholique after that such a sea of corruptions hath flowed in euen by your owne confessions I pray what repugnance hath it either to sound reason or to auncient custome or to any good ground and principle of the Church or how doth it not iustifie our Church aboue yours to be that Vbi cubas which wee so seeke for § 42. But Satyrus beeing cast a shore you say amongst a company of schismatikes askt if they agreed with the Catholique Bishops expounding himselfe to meane the Church of Rome Where first you see the prerogatiue is not the Bishops of Rome but the Churches of Rome if any be Else why doth he fall so suddenly from the mention of Bishops to the mention of a Church but that he meanes a Church containing in it many Bishops and therefore not the Sea of Rome precisely as now it is taken But as for the point in hand whether the Romane faith and the Catholique bee all one because Satyrus interpreted his meaning in that sort me thinks the Bishop most compleatly answereth him and so vntieth the knot that you would faine tie vs in as he yet tieth you fast enough in a farre tougher knot at the same instant Sciebat enim c. For hee knewe saies the Bishop that the Bishop of Rome was then a Catholique a
prouide for the safetie of the Church vijs modis as they traiterously reach and vpon that ground disclaime the authority of infidels but to cōmit our cause to him that iudges iustly c. Does not the point I say in hand about the Princes Supremacie spring a great deale clearer from these words especially beeing exemplified by our Sauiours practise and explained as of late by S. Peters commentarie that we must not repugne the infidel Magistrate nor flie to any higher tribunal in earth but commit our cause to God onely then Campians rebellion can be patronized by the Creed which he so vainly desired to haue rehearsed at his death That so we may fetch it not onely out of the Creed which you see how well we may without crossing the Bishop and yet wringing the Adioynder when he thinks hee is safest but out of the Pater noster too which is the second part of Catechisme wherein now we are As for the Commaundements and the Law of Moses to them I haue spoken sufficiently already and the Adioynder denies it not Also he seemes to graunt it of the Pater-noster though we should not euict it as we haue The Sacraments onely remaine which are the fourth part of Catechisme shall we see how this truth appeares from them too that the scoffing Adioynder may bee concluded euery way for all his descants First then as we are not baptized into the name of the Apostles Paul or Cephas 1. Cor. 1. 13. nor any of their successors but into the name of Christ and the obedience of the doctrine which he brought Math. 28. 20. which we haue shewed already how fauourable it was to Princes and therefore Baptisme speakes for their supremacy not for the Popes So in the other Sacrament which is the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in which we are to preach the Lords death vntill he come 1. Cor. 11. 26. we haue a farre clearer glasse of the aforesaid assertion for so much as his death was nothing but his submission to the Ciuill Magistrate who vniustly persecuted him to the very death Which Saint Paul thinks worth the noting when he fashions his scholler Timothy least he should turne aside to faction and to Iesuiticall garboyles 1. Tim. 6. 13. Or else what needed S. Paul to name Pilate in that place But it is reason that the Supremacy should be confirmed from euery place Yet our Sauiours obedience ended not in death no not the death of the crosse mortem autem Phil. 2. but there is a step after death wherein also it was most eminent In that Ioseph of Arimaethea begd his body of the Magistrate by his inspiration no doubt and aduentured not to vsurpe vpon it no not for the vse of buriall when he was dead without leaue See we what a subiect we haue of our Sauiour what a proclaimer of the Supremacie belonging to Princes Both in wombe and tombe both an embryo and a corps both afore birth and after death and straight afore death and straight after birth an early beginner and a most constant perseuerer euen somewhat beyond the tearm prefixed for vsque ad mortem was wont to be the last Reuel 2. 10. if any man can goe further let him Shall we see what followes now in the Adioynder § 57. Marry Sir if the Supremacy be not a matter of faith and yet we haue seen how neer of kin to the Creed though nothing is truer then the Bishops saying that it is not an article nor de fide properly but what then does the Adioynder infer thinke you First that we may not sweare to it then that it is not to be gathered out of Scripture neither expressely nor by consequence also that we may choose whether wee will beleeue it or no and a great many more such idle collections for want of setting out from a right ground 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saies the Poet in Suidas that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So here All falls to ground because his ground failes For shall we sweare to nothing but to the articles of faith How many oaths are taken in Courts daily both assertory and promissory yea and without the Courts too that are no way so much as bordering vpon the Articles of faith and much lesse of the ranke of them properly so called Insomuch as this one place if there were none other in the booke is of force to shew the toyishnesse of our Adioynder or else his sottishnesse or for certaine his egregious impudence and boldnesse that dares abuse his Readers in such vile sort as to perswade them that they may not sweare to the Kings Supremacy because the Bishop said it is no article of faith Does not the Bishop say it is a point of perswasion though it be short of faith and that not waueting but firme stedfast and vndoubted Therefore also he prooues it by places of Scripture though we may swear to many things which are not euident by the Scriptures and we sweare so daily Shall I not sweare that King Iames is lawfull King in his Dominions and also Supreame to all persons of the same as it followes in the oathes both of Supremacie and of Allegeance vnlesse I read it in the Creed or else in Scriptures But the Diuines and the Canonists hold him guiltie of sinne that sweares to a thing which hee doth not certainely beleeue What vnles he beleeue it by the Christian faith or the Christian beleefe properly so called Like as the Incarnation of Christ his passion his resurrection his ascension into heauen with the rest of those mysteries which either the Godhead in Trinitie or his blessed person containeth in it selfe You see what a dizzard either the Adioynder is himselfe or forswearing all shame chasing away the blood he would make his Readers For faith being a word of diuerse significations as Canus and Valentia and the whole crew of them can tell him he distinguishes not the faith of intellectuall verities touching the mysterie of saluation reuealed by God from that which is a certaine perswasion of the mind either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the truth of things which S. Gregorie can tell him that we haue of many more then come into the Creed yea or the main Scripture either or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the lawfulnesse of any action which we are to performe Of which kind it is said Whatsoeuer is not of faith is sinne that is whatsoeuer we doe with a perplexed conscience wanting full resolution but not Whatsoeuer falls not within the compasse of those principles by which the Christian religion differs from the heathen and are comprised in the Creede By that meanes we might not sweare vpon the Pater noster neither if we may sweare to nothing but that which is Creede which the Adioynder meant to leaue vs I dare say of his honestie when he had taken away the other And yet oathes de credulitate also are daily
the Kings of the Newe Testament c. But why should he taske vs to shew when this Translation as he calls it was made vnlesse first hee shew a Commission for himselfe to enioyne vs such trifling peice of worke rather then he or his fellowes prooue if they can for their blood that the old authority was euer taken from Kings and giuen to Church-men hee calls them Apostles here but his meaning is Popes and Termagaunts and Hildebrands Yet the new Testament I can tell him is no backe-friend to Kings whatsoeuer he thinke of it This hath partly appeared out of that which hath been said And if Kings be Soueraigne by the right of their place Constantine shall not lacke it because Nero hath abused it but Nero shall haue it though Constantine onely employ it as hee should leauing the other to his iudge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Cor. 5. 13. God iudges those whome man may not iudge which is so much the terribler as S. Chrysostome notes well vpon that place § 65. The more excellent priesthood that he would faine coine and setvp in the new Testament to defie Kings with is a most excellent fancy as he aboundeth with many of them vulesse he measure excellencie by no vulgar ell Which the Iesuites will not Dextra mihi Deus est telum They call the Church indeed a spirituall body as this prater doth soone after Numb 50. but their cubite is not Christian nor their sicle of the Sanctuary their arme is meere flesh that they trust to finally So was not the Apostles vnder whose name they march of whome he that said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. Cor. 3. 8. sayes soone after in the same Epistle vnderstanding his calling which these are strangers to c. 10. v. 3 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. If they hold to the first let them take in the second The spirit ioynes them who shall separate them And now lastly to his Numb 45. 46. where he dares do nothing without a precept of Scripture for it so tender conscienced he is wax'd of late Scripture wants no precepts of submission to Princes euen in the highest Clergy-man that a concerning the most sacred duties but Malchus venter amiseruns aures Sloth and Surlynesse haue no eares to heare with they will not suffer them to heare what the Spirit saith vnto the Churches Returning into our way I thinke it long till I dissolue his last cauils § 66. Where seeking to make the Bishop to contradict our Diuines about the extent of Supremacie he yeelds him such testimony of consent with them all in his very first words euen those that seem to be furthest off as none greater shall need for this time to shew how much at ods he is with himselfe that would faine set enmitie between the Bishop and others I make no doubt saies he but all the Puritanes of England and Scotland will subscribe to this c. To what trow you To the Bishops declaration and defence of Supremacie God grant it I beseech him if our sinnes hinder not Wherin is it short then what halteth or what faulteth the Bishops iudgement about Supremacie First he makes it externall then tantum vt nutritis onely as a foster-father a tutour to the Church to cherish it and to defend it But more then externall gouernment who hath of it sauing God alone and his holy Spirit Who can worke vpon our inward man The very Minister Bishops pierce not hither with their Sermons their Censures their Sacraments or what you will The well is deep and they cannot reach it without another manner of plummet then their owne Ego vox saith he and that is all euen the Baptist himselfe the most stout in his generation Till Christ came they caught nothing though they fisht all night Nemo pugnauis in valle Terebinthi donee Dauidveniret ad praelium What is Paul or what is Apollos 1. Cor. 3. 5. and they are made to be iust nothing there ver 7. that is Nothing but Ministers and externall instruments working so farre as God shall giue leaue nay grace rather and concurrence with their labours else they are but blunt and nothing can bee effected On the other side if God concurre with the Magistrate and ioyne the internall hand to the externall the sword of the Lord to the sword of Gedeon no lesse is done then by the ministers tongue or whatsoeuer more wholesome seruice he may performe yea that which the Minister cannot doe with his tongue the Magistrate ofttimes with his hand brings to passe Os gladij enters farther then gladius oris with the wantons of this world that haue set shame farre from them Ebal then Gerizim preuailes more if that mortifie thousands this ten times as many Quia meliores quidem sunt quos dirigit amor sed tamen plures quos timor corrigit See S. Austens report of this found true by experiment to spare the enlarging of farther doctrines and S. Chrysostome in the Appendix at the end of this Chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the needle is said to make way for the silke So that hitherto the Magistrate is not excelled by the Minister in that which they call internall gouernement The Adioynder saies God hath communicated this to man but I rather thinke he hath reserued it for himselfe to be the Lord of hearts and Bishop of soules fingens sigillatim cordaeorum But if he meane by the internall gouernement of the Church the administring of Sacraments the preaching of the word the inflicting of censures c. herein I graunt the Minister is sole conuersant the Prince meddles not with the execution but what derogation is this to the Supremacie or who euer of our Diuines went farther then so in this point So as hitherto there is neither errour against the truth of God nor yet singularitie against the iudgements of men in the Bishops doctrine about the Supremacy § 67. Now for that that he calls him â—…itium a foster-father or intorem a guardian or whatsoeuer of the same kind why he calls him as the holy Prophet before had called him and entitled him by that name when he promiseth the greatest benefit that euer befell the Church I meane of mediate and externall benefits still Erunt Reges nutritij tui Reginae nutrices tuae Esa 49. Kings shall be thy nursing fathers and Queenes whom you contemne what meruaile when Kings thy nursing mothers c. Is this a small authoritie ouer the Church thinke you which the Apostle S. Paul borrowes of the Prophet Esay to notifie his affection towards the Thessalonians by 1. Thess 2. 7 affection and yet not void of authoritie and ruie rule and authoritie and yet louing and fatherly not tyrannous not insulting What is more in the Pastor then in the Nutritius in Feed my lambes then in
Nourish my children And yet Pasce implyes such a Supremacy with you as there needs none greater Nutricare is nothing because the Bishop vses it Vnles you thinke that Peter may rule them like beasts because of Pasce oues meas the Kings gouernement beeing more ciuill and humane because Erunt Reges nutritij tui for you cauill the Bishop here for praesidium bumanum as well as externum Which should prouoke our men me thinkes to embrace the Kings gouernment rather then the Popes if they be men indeed sith the one professes violence and borishnesse of himselfe the others milde proceedings are acknowledged by his aduersarie Though againe we might say that our Sauiour neuer meant so vilely or so basely as to set his Prelates ouer vs like keepers ouer beasts whom he would not haue to gouerne as common Princes doe their subiects Vo◠autem non sie but rather more gently And yet if any list to straine the metaphor to these rigors perhaps Nutri when we haue done all is as much as Pasce and enforces as absolute a gouernment as that a child at those yeares not much differing from a beast nay verily short of it both for want of iudgement and so easie to be ouer-ruled and out of lacke of force or bodily strength to defend assaults and so as easily curbed and subdued § 68. Lastly I dare affirme that if the Adioynders malice had but laine that way he would as soone haue cauilled the Bishop for amplifying as now he does for depressing beyond due the Supremacie of Kings by the consequence of those words Hee makes but a pupill nay a perpetuall babe would he haue said of the Church And He will haue Kings to take vpon them like gouernours or foster-fathers ouer a yong child in the cradle Though we haue shewed before that for so much as some read Erunt Reges dispensatores tui in that place of Esay the Dispensator though he were no King is of singular authoritie ouer the pupill whosoeuer though happily he be of the Royall breed as Ausonius boasts in a certaine Epigramme that the Princely imps were subiect to his seruler the Apostle testifying as much Gal. 4. 1. 2. that the heire himselfe differs not from a seruant though he bee Lord of all whiles he is in his nonage but is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is vnder dispensators 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vntill the time appointed by his father This is that which S. Chrysostome sayes in 13. ad Rom. and yet not meaning to mocke that the Priest hath a primacy indeed but in altero saeculo in the other world if the Pope could be content to tarry for it so long But howsoeuer that be I hope the Nurse her selfe may waken the child as well as lull it asteepe chide it and sneb it as well as giue it the dugge yea correct and chastize it as well as dandle and hugge it which is all that we striue for in this question that the Prince may censure the offending Church-man and reduce him into order a thing that F. T. cannot abide to heare of and yet complaines that the Bishop minceth the Supremacie Whereas Supremacy without this cannot stand for certaine nor yet Defence of the Church which he allowes to Kings Numb 48. but this graunted they are both safe as much as we desire § 69. Yea but the Parlament goes further saith the Adioynder yeelds much more to King Henry the eight then this comes to To whome marke I pray what I answer briefly Suppose it did Let the Lawyers be consulted that were the authors We studie not States-matters as the youth of Rome may doe vnder the famous conduct of P. R. and F. T. their leaders seasoning their lyonets with such morsels euen betimes and swearing their Anniballs scarce twelue yeares old at the Altars to disturbe their countries peace in time Besides the Papists contest against the gracious gouernement of the KINGS MAIESTIE that now is and exclaime vpon the Supremacie that he now challengeth which we also defend What is that to the times of King Henry the eight or what are King Henries times to vs § 70. And yet to answer him a little more strictly in ipsis terminis It was ordained saies he ann 26. Hen. 8. c. 1. in these words Bee it enacted c. that the King our Soueraigne Lord his heires and Successors Kings of this Realme shall bee taken accepted and reputed the onely Supreame Head of the Church of England called Anglicana Ecclesia and shall haue and enioy annexed and vnited to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme as well the title and style thereof as all Honiars Dignities Preheminencies Iurisdictions Priuiledges Authorities Immunities Profits and Commodities to the said Dignitie of Supreame Head of the same Church belonging Thus farre belike the Statute And what from hence gathereth Mr. Adioynder I will set downe his words So saith the Statute quoth hee which must needes bee vnderstood to giue spirituall authority when it giueth all that power Dignity and Iurisdiction which belongeth to the Head of the Church c. Much for sooth This spirituall Iurisdiction haunts them terribly you see euerie where scares them But why so good now For seeing that the Church is a spirituall and Ecclesiasticall body it must needs be gouerned by a spirituall and Ecclesiasticall power residing in the Head thereof c. Obserue his elegancies Ecclesia est corpus Ecclesiasticum The Church is a Church-bodie first Is not this delicate But then againe The same Church is abodie and yet a spirituall bodie to Mr. Adioynder in his most curious descriptions And yet I hope not like S. Paule spirituall body after the Resurrection 1. Cor. 15. which is called spirituall because it is plyable and obedient to the motions of the Spirit as we are taught by S. Austen in his Enthiridion but as it shall please his wisedome at more leisure to interpret In the meane while if the Church because it is a spirituall body as he speaks at least must therefore haue no Head but one that is endued with like spirituall authoritie consider the consequents and marke what a confusion they would bring vpon life while they wilfully peruert our meaning in the question For how many are heads and principalls to others which yet partake not of the faculty that they deale in And good reason For the persons of men liuing and conuersing in such or such a Commonwealth are subiect to the gouernour thereof and he the Head of them without any reference to their particular trades or professions that they follow Else how shall a woman be Queene ouer souldiers as the Papists will not deny but in temporalibus shee is and yet no souldier nor fit to beare armes How is a King the Head of Philosophers liuing within his Dominions whether Platonickes or Peripatetickes or whome you will though he be neither Master nor Disciple of their sect no way ingraffed into their societie
How is the Pope himselfe head of hereticall and Apostaticall Priests and yet not combined with them in their heresie or Apostasie How of the Iewes in his Dominions of whome he is Head at least as Temporall Prince as you conceiue Are there not diuers Superintendents of whole Vniuersities and Scholasticall congregations throughout the world which neuer were trained in the schollership or learning of those places And yet they may proceede against the Diuines that are therein in matters of Christianitie as for omitting of Sermons of Theologicall Disputations also false doctrine in them c. though they themselues be no Priests and the others are Yea why may not KINGS beare authoritie ouer Priests and Spirituall persons though themselues be none as well as there be diuers Rectors and Gouernours of particular Colledges throughout the Realme and that also perhaps according to the auncient Statutes who beeing no Priests nor Spirituall men themselues haue authoritie neuertheles ouer the whole companie and among the rest ouer the Priests too So as first the King by vertue of his place may exercise power ouer them that are Spirituall or Priestly persons though himselfe be none and yet the sounder Antiquitie hath seemed to descrie some such thing in Kings but then the law of God ordaining him moreouer a Nursing-father to his Church that is a defender and prouider in all points for the blessed and happie estate therof as the Reuerend Bishop here most godlily argueth and most stoutly auerreth though the Adioynder thinke him cold in the cause he is not onely a Head but a kind and louing Head one that knowes Ioseph And practising this Almightie God will reward him accordingly if otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let him thank himselfe as the Canons speake For God will not hold him guiltlesse in iudgement though the impatience of men may not wreake their quarrell The Adioynder saies the Catholikes meaning the Papists will not deny this but that they affirme and teach that Kings are for the nourishment and defence of the Church as much as either the Prophet Esay or the Bishop of Ely himselfe c. Which if it be so I see not but the question euen by that which hath been said may be alreadie at an ende § 71. But so is not our labour thanke the Adioynder for it who mingling his Parlaments here together with his Paralogismes thus goes forward It is further yet enacted saies he by our Parlaments that King Henry the eight might not only visit all Ecclesiasticall persons and reforme all kind of errors heresies and abuses in the Church of England but also assigne 32. persons to examine all manner of Canons Constitutions and Ordinances Prouinciall and Synodicall And further to set in order and establish all such Laws Ecclesiasticall as should be thought by him and them conuenient to be vsed and set forth within his Realmes and Dominions in all spirituall Courts and Conuentions and that such Lawes and Ordinances Ecclesiasticall as should be deuised and made by the Kings Maiestie and these 32. persons and declared by his Maiesties Proclamation vnder his great Seale should be onely taken reputed and vsed as the Kings Laws Ecclesiasticall c. § 72. Then Numb 51. Furthermore King Henrie made the Lord Cromwell his Vicar generall for the exercise of his Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction by vertue whereof the said Lord Cromwell ordained Ecclesiasticall Lawes and Iniunctions and published them vnder the Seale of his Vicariate directing them to all Archbishops Abbots and the rest of the Clergie And albeit Queene Elizabeth did not vse in her style c. Thus he § 73. And what of this Or how does this shew that King Henry the eight assumed vnto himselfe any Ecclesiasticall authoritie or Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall which is the summe of the Question betweene you and vs For as for the assigning of persons to examine Canons and Constitutions Prouinciall or Synodicall and to set in order and establesh all such Lawes Ecclesiasticall as should be thought meete c. I redemaund in one word What if those persons were Ecclesiasticall men What inconuenience was in that Sure nothing to the contrarie appeares by your writing and much lesse by the Act of Parlament here quoted Nam quibus non licet cognoscere per se licet tamen cognitores dare saith the Law It might be so here then Though suppose it were otherwise Did you neuer heare of Constantine threatning the Bishops in his own persō that about their courses in Eclesiasticall affaires What he did by himselfe why might not others from him by his appointing direct Iniunctions to the Archbishops Abbots the rest of the Clergie which you take in so ill part here at my Lord Cromwells hands that he should presume to doe though King Henrie deputed him and the Act of Parlament which you quote allowed him Did not Emperours ordinarily commaund Bishops Remember Mauritius to your great S. Gregorie remember Marcian and diuerse more You heard but euen now what Cyrill saies to Theodosius that he commanded the Priests and in an Ecclesiasticall matter to purge the Church from impieties and blasphemies and till that was done he would not enter And if they by themselues thus why not by others such as they please to appoint for them Neither was that the meaning of the Act of Parlament that no Canons should be Canons without the Kings authoritie as yo would faine wrest it to augment your cauills but that Canons should not bee forcible in the nature of Lawes without the Kings consent as reason is and practise hath euer beene and the words themselues import as they are quoted by you viz. that such Laws and Ordinances Ecclesiasticall should only be reputed as the KINGS LAVVS which himselfe or they for him had ratified and approoued c. What more equall § 74. And what maruell now if Queene Elizabeth claimed as much as her father King Henrie did before her and the Parlament was not nice to assent to her in that behalfe For of all the graunts that were made to that Queene there is nothing vnnaturall nothing vnciuill nothing that wee should blush for at this day Yes power say you to reform correct c. That is in foro externo or power coactiue vindicatiue power which is onely the Princes not the Spirituall mans For so it followes Any authoritie that hath heretofore been or may lawfully be exercised or vsed for the Visitation of the Ecclesiasticall state for ORDER reformation correction c. Here is nothing but the obiect Ecclesiasticall persons that you should bee so scandalized with in this period for that same any is any compulsiue Power which is propriagladij witnesse Bonauenture and not clauium in 4. Dist 18. qu. 3. Resp ad penult whom neuerthelesse we haue prooued and are readie to prooue that they are censurable by Princes and their subordinate officers though the beast gnaw her tongue
227. 3. Honour and glorie to God and to the Saints but in a most infinite disproportion and therefore inferring no faith in them no prayers to them p. 227. 4. The place in Genesis Invocetur nomen meum super pueros hosce makes nothing lesse then for innocation of Saints departed p. 227. 228. 5. S. Chrysostomes Liturgie hath no praying to Saints in it p. 228. 6. Popular practise is no common place of proofe p. 229. 7. The Adioynder quoting the Councell of Gangra for one point in hand viz. prayer to Saints neither obtaineth that and is foyled in diuers others by the said Councell p. 229. 230. 8. Prayer to God onely is de luce or de lege ipsius naturae p. 230. 231. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Currere is not alway to runne with the mind to pray vnto as the Adioynder would p. 231. 10. Wee must runne to succour Magistrates not onely against wrong but though themselues doe the wrong to priuate persons if they againe turne vpon them p. 232. 11. One thing to pray to Saints an other at the memories and Oratories of Saints Which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will beare well enough in S. Chrysostomes text according to the learned Bishops interpretation p. 232. 233. 12. Hauing relliques and worshipping relliques is not all one p. 234. 13. Mamas his God worshipped by the Christians is not Mamas himselfe the godly Martyr Impudent defence of a corrupt Translation against the originall greeke text of S. Basil by the Adioynder p. 235. 14. The like concerning Eusebius and the Cardinalls best excuse is Non putaram that the Translator deceiued him p. 236. 15. Adoremus for adornemus iustified by the Adioynder to be good because the Italian prints so haue it ibid. 16. To embrace relliques with faith is not to worshippe them p. 237. 17. To touch them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to worship them The Adioynders Pseudo-Criticks about this answered p. 238. 239. 240. 18. Wee may pray to God onely and yet to Saints too The Adioynders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or pretty iugling p. 241. 19. Ephrems Tomes and Vossius his Grott ibid. 20. Calling vpon Saints militant to pray for vs is not all one with praying to the Saints triumphant Priests and Prayers are for God onely and not for any creature by Tolets confession p. 242. 21. Ephrems diuine testimonie against praying to Creatures His humble confession of inherent sinnefulnes and that mortall remaining in himselfe after regeneration p. 243. Note that whereas the Adioynder auouches Ephrems works quoted by Card. Bellarm. to be sincere which the reuerend Bishop notwithstanding excepts against as counterfeit the Card. in his Suruay of Ecclesiasticall writers confesses of himselfe that hee neuer read Ephrem It seemes therefore not so worthy else why should hee contemne him And yet hee quotes him May wee not aske him now Quis ei laborat his owne words of the King but better applyed 22. The Bishops two golden Caueats in this Question of Inuocation as it is maintained by the Fathers One that they bee brought to speake thereof as de re ad salutem necessaria or else not to be regarded for such is the Papists imagination of it now The other to respect not so much practise as sanction p. 244. 245. 23. God heares one prayer of our own making and for our selues sooner then an hundreth of other intercessors for vs c. ex Chrysost latè p. 244. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is nothing without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 245. 25. The Cardinalls quotation of Chrysostome for Prayer to Saints enlarged by the Adioynder which though all be granted nothing is prooued p. 246. 26. It is a cleere argument of the Deity to be prayed vnto p. 247. 27. S. Cyrills weighty verdict against the worshipping of Creatures yea and of the LORD CHRIST himselfe but that hee is IMMANVEL very GOD. p. 248. 249. 28. Maximus prayeth not to Agnes in his Panegyricke p. 250. 29. And much lesse Nazianzene to the blessed Virgin nor yet exhorteth others 250. 251. CHAP. 7. 30. THe Fathers Apostrophes conuince not for the hearing os Soules departed Vsed by them vsed by the holy Scripture to creatures deuoyd both of sense and vnderstanding p. 253. 31. No praying to those Saints whose condition is vncertaine Therefore Prayers conditionall are but Rhetoricall flourishes and not to be salued by Purgatory as the Adioynder would a fitten by a fancy p. 254. 32. No daunger to say the Fathers played the Orators p. 255. 33. And namely Nyssen of whom see Baronius for this matter Tom. 4. Anno. Dom. 369. Num. 65. citaritem Epist obiurgator Greg. Naz. ad ipsum p. 257. 34. Against pictures and puppets vnmeet for Churches p. 256. 257. S. Austens authority there to be enlarged ex l. 1. cap. 10. de consensu Euangel Non mirum si à pingentibus fingentes decepti sunt Hee speakes to the Papists 35. Vbicunque fueris poruerted by the Adioynder restored to his true sense and the Bishops collection vpon these words maintained p. 258. 36. The Fathers were professed Rhetoricians p. 259. 37. The Bishop answering S. Ambrose by S. Ambrose vseth no derogation to the holy Father Coniecture vnder correction of the same place p. 259. 260. 38. The Adioynders blasphemies boldly blending our workes with Christs botching and peicing his most perfect righteousnes with our imperfect p. 261. 39. S. Ambrose not for Merits though hee plainely condemne Motions to Saints p. 262. 40. God needing no relator will haue no Mediatour but onely Christ ibid. 41. Prayer is sacrifice therefore Gods due alone ibid. 42. S. Ambrose excluding all created Mediators excludes not Christ as the Adioynder feareth p. 263. 43. The Saints not onely doe not or may not but cannot make request for vs to God as Christ doth And wherein standeth Christs intercession p. 263. 264. 44. Adoration and prayer the highest offices that wee can performe to God himselfe by S. Ambroses iudgement p. 264. 45. The Adioynder hunted out of his eluish shifts wherewith he would elude S. Ambroses place brought by the Bishop p. 265. 46. Mistakes of memorie not sonticall p. 266. 47. The Fathers with ioynt consent define Prayer by our reference to God onely as likewise the Pater noster doth our Sauiours deare depositum which he bequeathed to his Church at the request of his Disciples Luke 11. and is our safest platforme still to follow p. 267 48. S. Ambrose might haue cause to omit the mention of Saints praying for vs though he denie it not but not ours to Saints if it did concerne vs. p. 267 49. Paul Tertullian Ambrose against Prayer to Saints p. 268 50. Theodosius praied to God onely p. 269. Ruffinus his words of him are lib. 2. cap. 33. Quam supplicationem pij principis certi milites à Deo esse susceptam And againe Imperatoris illam precem quam Deo fuderat And least
we think he might pray to God at one time to the Saints at another Ruffinus shewes what his custome was Proiectis armis ad SOLITA se vertit auxilia prostratus in conspectu Dei Tu inquit Omnipotens Deus nosti quia in nomine CHRISTI filij tui c. 51. Churches to Saints and Sacrifices to Saints in the Popish relligion though they professe against it and so condemne themselues with their owne mouthes for Idolaters Gregorius de Valentia his friuolous excuses of this matter p. 270 52. The Papists bring no Church-decree for their prayer to Saints when they crake of the Church most What the authoritie of the Church is presuming beyond Scripture p. 271. 272 53. The pillar of truth ibid. vpon which place S. Chrysost saies that Truth is the pillar of the Church 54. Epiphanius compares heresie to a shrew To be curbed at first not let haue her will Most true in this matter about praying to Saints The people once attempting it out of a semblance of zeale the contagion multiplies to such an intolerable height as the Papists themselues cannot chuse but rue it p. 273 55. And yet Theodoret is not absolute for praying to Martyrs ibid. largè 56. Parsons scoffing at some Martyrs of our Church of meane occupations But not Theodoret so nor the holy Scripture p. 275 57. Speeding vpon Supplication to Saints and Angells no good argument of the lawfulnes of that practise ibid. 58. The Bishop not to blame about searching this question both by Scripture and Reason which the Adioynder himselfe doth by deceit ill experiments p. 276 59. Prayer to Saints necessarie to saluation and againe not necessarie The Adioynders giddines p. 276 60. Neither relation of Angells nor reuelation from God such as the Adioynder conceiteth are of force to make the Saints alway fit to be praied to ibid. 61. The Scripture is the touch-stone in all controuersies And it it an idle thing to prate of the Church in any such comparison But specially for the triall of matters of this nature p. 277. 278 62. Practise Custome Multitude how to be valued against Scripture p. 280. 1. King 28. Elias to Baals Priests Quia vos plures estis Idem de se ipso 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secundum 70. Sed Esa 41. 14. Ne time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cui respondet Luc. 12. 32. 63. The Bishops exposition of S. Austen is defended against the Adioynders iutricate Morosophies p. 281 64. Euery King is SVPREAME HEAD in his Dominions though the Adioynder gnash his teeth at it and that not only to English Protestants but to French Papists p. 282 65. Inuocation of Saints if repelled from Sacrifice repelled from Seruice and so not to be vsed p. 282 66. Slender aduantage of the buriall place after death p. 283 67. More experiments of the Adioynders skill in Latine ibid. 68. Whatsoeuer the burying place aduantage the dead no consequence from thence of praying to Saints out of S. Austens words p. 284 69. No Popish Purgatorie p. 284. 285. 286 70. Lawfull to pray for things alreadie obtained p. 286. Alphons de Castro contra Haeres V. Purgator p. 895. Melius respondemus non semper dubitari de illis quae potuntur c. in eandem sententiam largè where he graunts we may pray for deliuerance from Hell viz. from the iawes of the Lyon and the Tartarean lake although we be perswaded that they are deliuered already whome we pray for 71. Prayer to Saints for the iust price of a newe cloake The Adioynders needy proofes from the practise of a poore Cooke p. 287. CHAP. 8. 72. THe Councell of Laodicea is against praying to Angells Accurseth them that vse it Brandeth them as for sakers of the L. Christ And all this by Theodorets construction of it in his Comm. vpon the Epistle to the Colossians In which Colossians S. Paul first reprooued that vice and it remained there till the time of the Councell of Laodicea saith Theodoret which was held not farre from the Citie Colossi p. 289. 290. 291. 73. S. Chrysostomes notable enforcing of the Apostles text for praying to God onely and neither to Saints nor Angels whome he excludes directly p. 292 293 294 74. The Angel is Christ So Bellarm. himselfe de Mal. 3. lib. 5. c. 1. de Christo Mediatore Other Angels reuerence godly men so farre they are from receiuing worshippe of them And this by Gregorie and their owne writers testimonie p. 295 75. The good offices and attendance that Angels performe to vs by Gods appointment prooue not that wee may pray to them but to God that sends them and sets them on worke p. 296 76. Of euery mans particular Angell Chrysost apud Melissam lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facit malos mortales non habere custodem Angelum nisi tenebrarū quòd quidam angeli natales 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à nobis nosve ab illis Molina's smart deuise that seuerall brotherhoods of Fryers haue seuerall Angels forsooth to attend them c. ibid. 77. Haeresie a shrew by Epiphanius description of her To be yoakt at first and not let haue her will She will haue the last word whatsoeuer come of it ibid. 78. Angels not our gouernours specially in the new Testament Themselues ministring spirits to S. Paul Therefore not our Masters p. ead 297 79. The Adioynders wriglings to shift off the Canon of the Councell of Laodicea but all in vaine ibid. 298 80. Worship of Angels more directly condemned by the Auncient Fathers then of the Saints The cause why Yet that falling this cannot stand euen à maiori ibid. 81. Theodoret violates not the Canon of Laodicea nor his own doctrine deliuered in his Commentaries Hee prayes not to Saints And yet if he did his rule were to bee aboue his practise p. 298 82. The Adioynder cauills the Bishop for oppugning their praying to Saints by Reasons yet himselfe brings most pitifull ones why we should doe so p. 288. 289 83. The Adioynder so impious as if the Saints cannot heare vs to question how Christ himselfe can in his manhood Esa 59. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Adioynder saith Yea. ibid. 84. Vnlike comparisons vsed by the Adioynder p. 300 85. The Angels discerne not the secrets of hearts ibid. 86. The Adioynders examples slow to prooue his intents His authorities rather more quoting that for Athanasius which quotes Athanasius quaest 23. And yet against himselfe Cordium cognitor solus est Deus Nec enim vel Angeli cordis abscondita videre possunt quaest 27. ad Antiochum p. 301 87. Martyrs pray onely for the Church in generall p. 302 88. S. Gregories speculum and how the Saints see all things in God p. 303 89. The Angels are not said to offer our prayers to God ibid. 304. 90. The Rhemists make one Angell to mediate for another and one heauenly Saint for another because else they cannot construe that in
Iohan. Adioynd num 44. Col. S. Chrysostome saies he giues vs to vnderstand that whereas S. Iames was onely Bishop of Hierusalem and the countries adioyning c. S. Peter had the charge of the whole But if we heare Bellarm. de Pontif. Rom. l. 1 c. 27. Caeteri Apostoli missi sunt ad certas prouincias Paulus ad omnes Gentes sine cortae provinciae determinatione Et ipse de se ait Plus omnibus laboraui At least as Eutalius Diaconus for so they write him praesat in Epist Pauli Petrus Paulus inter se partili sunt vniuersum orbem in which diuision Paul had the better euery way Conim in locum Genebeard construes this both of all the Apostles citing Arnobius Pro 12 Patriarchis 〈◊〉 12 Apostoli and also of all the faithfull who are called sonnes saies he because begotten through the Gospel And he addes that they doe gerere vices Christi how will the Pope like this and that their Soueraigntie here mentioned stands in the iâ—â—tation of the vertues and worthines of their auncestors And lastly this he calls the eternall succession Genebrard in Psalm 1. Pet 2. 5. 〈◊〉 linyâ—d c. 〈◊〉 num 56. Masson in vitâ Pâ—â— V. Epist 7 quae ad Smymeniâ—s Apud Gelas Cyzic p. 172. ex edit Morel per Salâ—oreum Iesuitam Episcopus habet locum capitis ecclesiae post Christum preshyter Seraphicum D aconus Cherubicum No Pope then but Anti-christ See him ad longum num 40. c Moses and Salomo two famous patternes of gouernment in Scripture each of them complaining of the great multitudes of people committed to their charge and yet but a handfull to the now Christian maruell that Peter neuer did of his if all was so entirely recommended to him as they fable See 1. King 3. and Numb 11. 14. As for Quu ad baec idoneus that is Pauls not Peters Adioyn Seeing that Peter was made head of the Apostles 〈◊〉 of the Church the Bishop cannot denie the same authoritie to S. Peters successors for the same reason especially since the succession of all the Apostles is failed in other Churches sauing onely in the Church of Rome by our Sauiours prouidence c. * Homil 55. in Act 2. a Praefat. in Epist Pauli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pro Lege Manil. b In Athanas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Pertinax himselfe in Herodian lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Much more true in the Episcopall throne then the Imperiall Primas 〈◊〉 in Epist Paul giues this reason why the Epistle to the Romanes is set first quiae scripta erat ad inferiores I suppose it should be infirmiores by that which followes But that helps but little And comparing all the churches to which the Apostle wrote he makes Rome simply the worst And wheras now a daies they conceit it to be such an armorie of faith against all defects he makes them so simple that he saies nihil intelligebant They vnderstood nothing at all As for their morall perfections see Salvian de gubernat dei l. b. 7. Viciositas impuritas quasi germanitas quaedam est Romanorum hominum quasi mens atque natura quia thi praecipuè vicia vbicunque Romani Et ibid. Omne impuritatis scelus omnis impudicitiae tur pitudo à Romanu admittitur a barbaris vindicatur Et Auaritiae inhumanitas proprium est Romanorum penè omnium malum Et Indurauerunt facies suas SVPER PETRAM This is the super petram that he acknowledges in Rome And least you thinke he excuses them from peruerse faith in the midst of so many morall corruptions lib. 5. he saies Ipsae haereses barbarorum de ROMANI MAGISTERII prauitate fluxerunt See Bernard de Consyd ad Eugen lib. 4 c. 1 2. Quid tam notum seculis quà m proteruia fastus Romanorum c at large Yet of late a French parasite Flor. Rem praises that sinke which is the worse for continuance without all question as the Paradise of God and the dugge of heauen For he saies it signifies mamilla in the Hebrew childishly enough De orig haer l. 5. c. 4. num 5. 6. c. One thing I allow that he obserues that it was ab initio obnoxia incendijs alway in danger of fire since first it was a citic that we may beleeue that one day it shal be burnt cleane downe as it is in the Reuelation numb 2 ipso fine Praefat. Anchor Idem Origen in Matth. vide c. 5. huius Masson in Marcello 2. Cap. 1. Idem habet S. Cyprian tract de idolorum vanit Rex vnus est apibus dux vnus ingregibut Vide Hieron in epist ad Rustuum Grues vnum scquuntur ordine literato It is a scholler-like order to be subiect to Monarchy in the politicke estate Also Chrysost most excellently Com in 13. ad Rom. which comment vpon all that discourse of the Apostle for obedience to Magistrates though they be infidels the Iesuites are so confronted with as if it had beene purposely written against their new-fangle deuises finds the like euident prints of soueraigntie in Bees in Cranes in flocks of sheepe c. yea in the bottome of the sea emong the fishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hence Seneca perhaps l. 1. de Clemen c. 19. Natura Regem commenta est b On the other side our Sauiour Christ came into the world when intrusion and vsurpation of Kingdomes was â—ifest as if his errand had been emong others to giue Monarchies their right and to cut short the encroachers sayes Haymo Halberstat conc hyem in Epiphan Dom. Quia enim deficientiâ—… principibus ex Iudi alienus extraneus atque falsus c. De Rom. Pontif. lâ—b 1 c 12. ex Chrysost Hieron Aug. Petrus pro omnibus locutus est Adde Cyprian l. 1. ep 3. ad Coâ—… Petrus vnus pro omnibus loquent ecclesie vâ—â— respondent Capâ—…ag 25. 26. c. Mart. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 captivut pastor non Rec pastor as the Papists would Vide Ioseph l. 1. contra 〈◊〉 Hierom. epist ad Magnum * A pud Theod in Eccl. lust l. 5. c. 4. * At least Martinianus consented to marrie a maid called Maxima which you may do well to see Mr F. T. whether you will allow to Church-men or noâ—… though we heare you haue taken this libertie to your selfe whatsoeuer you are num 12. So cap. 1. huâ—us Alâ—â—ate not finding the vncertaine Epistle of Pope Iohn in some auncient copyes suspects the heretiques as he cals theÌ„ to haue raced it out In like sort Florimund Remund 〈◊〉 orig haeres part 1. shews himself very much offended with those of our Diuines that traÌ„slated Greek authors either historians or dogmatists c. * Numb 16. 3. a 1. Sam. 17. 28. b Brisson in Persicis Cic. in Pis Plut. And indeede Pope Nicholas argues so in gond earnest out of that place from Benedicitur to Mâ— lâ—dâ—â—ur Epist ad
the father in ren eÌ„brance of me and my pretious and powerfull sacrifice S. Chrysostome also saying to this purpose that the time of praying is while the King is set i. during the communion and so long he graunts any thing I thinke the Bishop will not diuie her that 〈◊〉 Ambrose might very lawfully haue dâ—sired the people to pray to God to represent Theodosius in his children though S. Ambrose say Tu solu◠〈◊〉 ganduâ—… 〈◊〉 c Therefore Tu solu◠〈◊〉 duâ— may stand with prayer to Saints Adioyned Another shift of the Adioynd Consuted three wayes 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Conâ— Neocaesar Can. 4. Adioynd num 34. Cap. 3. hulus Basil Orat. in Iulittam Nyssen Orat. 1. itemque 2. de Orat. dom Chrysost hom 3. in Gen. Damase l. 3. de side Orthod c. 24. And Clichtoueus in his CoÌ„ment vpon Damas calls it completam definitionem orationis a perfect de sinition of prayer Sylvester Nauarrus diuers other Papists retaine the same Indiuidua sunt insimta Christ is better then tenne Angels that is then all saith Albinus Alcuin De peenitent Christ fits at the right hand of God to make request for vs. De ciuit dei lib. 8. c. 27. Sic Greg. de Val. T. 3. Comm. Disp 6. q 11. puncto 5. de Idololatria Vide eundem Greg. vbi suprà frigidissimè hoc alia defendentem Atque iterum in libris de rebus fidei controuerfis lib. singulari de Idolol eadem ad verbum repetentem * Nehem. 15. 14. Remember me O my God conâ—â—râ—…g what I haue done for the house of God c. in fine Remember me O my God for good Cant. 1. 7. Cant. 3. 5. If the Church be of such authoritie for beeing the pâ—llâ—r of truth what shall we say of him that beares the Church it selfe not the Pope but Chrysostome◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In concione apud Georg. Alex. in vita cius Ioseph Antiq. l. c. 3. Ex 8. lib. de Graec. morbis curandis Contr. Collyrid In his Three Conversions of England but namely part 3. in the moneth of March Chap. 7. It followes not-onely that c. but that Saintsheare the prayers that are made vnto them seeing that they obtaine the graunt therof and giue succour to their suppliants Adioynd numb 45. De scriptor Ecclesiasâ— * Full of faith and reason * A fitof contradiction between the Adioynd himselfe in num 29. and num 55. where he calls it a necessarie duty vnlesse he mean necessarie but not to saluation to destruction rather a De ciuit dei * Concil Tolet. 3. can 11. Irreligiâ—sa Consuetudo est quam vulgut agere consuâ—…t in seâ—â—iâ—â—tatibus Sanctorum Both Custome and Multitude are to be condemned if they be wrong Cic. de leg ex 12. tab To balke the Law of God is to decline to heresie Apud Theodoret. hist l. 4. c. 1â— Apud Gelas Cyzic Apud Lipâ—… In Epist 5. Cant Can. loc com de Pont. Rom. autho rit a De Orat. dominic Obserue that word Obseruance For by that Greg. de Val. his distinction is taken away that denyes the worship of relligion to Saints but graunts the worship of Obseruance See hereafter Cap. 8. b Aquine further quotes Deut. 4. Haec est sapientia vestra c. and Act. 20. Non sub erfugi annunciare vobis OMNE consilium Dei Euen as we doe against the Papists denying the Scriptures sufficiencie Adiovnd ex Hiâ—… contia Lucifer cap. 4. alijs Toâ—ius orbis in hanc partem consensâ—â— instaâ— praecepti obtinâ—ret But euery bodie may see that he speakes not this dogmatically but insultingly ouer his aduersaries after he had foyled them otherwise sufficiently by Scripture Adioynd Numb 60. As if a man should say that for a man to be recommended to the prayers of the Bishop of Ely is not to â—raue the help of his prayers in particular but to wish that the Kings MAIESTIN and all English Protestants may pray for 〈◊〉 * S. Hieron in Ep. Pauli item Chrysost Aug. in varijs locis S. Athan. in Epist ad Serapion Baronius Annal. Tom. 2. Anno 226. sect 12. brings another reason out of Maximus as if the very neighbourhood of the Saints bodies auailed the soules of them that lie buried by them against damnation so does superstition encrease in despight of S. Austen here after once it hath broken loose yet Maximus hauing ascribed somewhat to the Saints dares not rest there but brings vs home to our selues againe as time was saying Attamen consocij sanctitate Hymn Adioynd Numb 62. The prayer whereof S. Austen speaketh here cannot be said to be made generally to Christ and to all his mysticall bodie â—ccording to the Bishops glosse but particularly 〈◊〉 Sanctis tanquam 〈◊〉 to the sâ—… Saints as to their patrones and eidens Maytyri to the same Martyr by whose tombe the bâ—dies of the dead are buried S. Cyprian lib. 3. Epist 6. lib. 4. Ep. 5. Meminit oblationum pro marlyribus Sacrificia proijs inquit somper offerimuâ— Whereas one cannot offer praiers for a Martyr without doing him inâ—…ie faith S. Austen Those oblations therefore neither were prayers nor went with praiers S. Epiphan alsoâ—…resi â—…resi Aâ—… thus hath reciting whom they pray for Proiâ—stis Patribus Patriarchis Prophetis Apostolit Euangelstis Martyribus Confessoribus Episcopâ—… Ana. horetâ—… ac pro â—…iuer so ordâ—… Massaeus in de vita Ignat. l. 2. c. 6. S. Ambrose saith of Valentinian that hee is in luce perpetua in tranquillitate diuturna in detectatione florentiâ— in light never sayling in rest aâ—xaies lasting and in flourishing delectation How much short of heauen then I would faine knowes * Confess l 9. c. 13. Aug. de cluit dei l. 22. c. 8. The Councell forbids praying to Angels The Papists maintaine cultuÌ„ Angelorum Angels worship which is idolatry by Theodorets exposition of the Councell of Laodicek Not vnlike to Quâ—… Mambre in Sozom. lib. 1. c. 3. at which Pars pieces deo omnium mederatori fundunt pars â—bi Angelâ—s invoâ—ant Quisque prout singulorum poscit relligio c. So that one and the same relligion calls not vpon God Angels yet F. T. would haue it so which is the worse Vbi supra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Pet. 4. 3. Ierem. 2. 13. Rom. 5. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 6. Christian inuocation hath this property ' that one person beeing praied to all are praied to Which is not so in prater to Saints For neither if one Saint be called vpon another is nor if the Saint be praied to therefore is God called on And this latter much lesse Because God and the Saints are farther off in nature then the Saints betweene themselues Which shews how repugnant praier to Saints is to the Christian inuocation Eph. 2. 18 We haue accesse to the father through Christ in one Spirit The whole Trinitie is named but no Saint needfull to
3. confes c. 6. * lib. 1. c. 30. Pro irritamentâ— nomen Christi Nisi velit dicere illectamentum ve qui Graecè forâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Adâ—…candos sâ— simplices Quod sic quadiat vel magis Ier. 7. 7. Rat. 5. De praedest sanct c. 16. Vide Esa 48. 1. ex tralat 70. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod per exprobrationem dicitur Rhem. in 1. Pet 5. 13. alij passim Comm. loci 2. Tim. 2. 19. Discedat ab iniquitate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much more 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Iesuites The characters of Christianity beeing not names and notions but as it is in the same Epistles 1. Tim. 1. 19. Faith and good conscience or Faith and loue 2. Tim. 1. 13. Origen Tract 2â— in Matth. 24. Di. cebatur Iesus sed erat latre â—…bil habens Iesu praeter nomen Barabaâ— the first Iesuite for whoÌ„ the people refused Christ So now vers 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cassand Consult ad Art 7. pag 56. Proprium est schismatis sibi sole nomen proprietatem Ecclesiae arrogare Yet the Iesuites are so confident there that Audito Ecclesiae nomine hostis expalluit Camp 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Idem Theod Com. in Philip. 4. Non quicunque se sanctum nominat sanctus est sed qui credit Domino Iesu quique vitam ex eius legibus instituit Lib contra Auxent We haue Abraham to our Father Ioh. 8. Euill life euill doctrine which is Nilus his argument too against the Pope cx 1. ad Tim. c. 1. Vnlesse they meane that Catholique implies multitude and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the scripture speaks when it would expresse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sic. lib. Iudith But that is refuted elsewhere Suprà allegat 2. 7. Note that S. Austens last is Bellarmines first de not Ecc. c. 4. Cathelica Catapolica vt praeclarè Episcop Adâ—… in Institut Cheregati Legati sui ad Comit Norimberg Vide Faiâ—… â—…m c. Sâ—… in hac sede non sâ—… Ecclesia aliquot tam annis multa abominanda fuisse abusus in spiritualiâ—… excessus in mandatâ— OMNIA denique in peruersâ—m mutata The Church of Rome was mentioned by Sâ—…rus 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 infâ—ll bâ—â—nesse but for her â—â—tâ—…sneâ— Must needs follow Damasus raigneth Damasus his raigne So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnder Pontius Caesars deputy 1. Tim. c. 13. 10 as not onely the yeares are counted by the Caesars but Christ himselfe is subiect to Caesars deputie For the Rhemist themseluâ—s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnder in this place And it appeares by his mothers being taxed Luk. â— for Partus sequitur ventâ—â— that Christ was vnder Caesar in the verie wombe The least and the greatest subiect that Caesar had Iesus inter omnes scriptur sanctificat omnes Orig. hom 11. in cap. 1 2. Lucae It must needs follow Honorius and Liberius not their raigue but their time See Answ to his 4. chap. before lib. 20. contra Faust c. 23. Num. 34. Num. 37. Athenaeus De Guido V. baldo c. Hâ—…our her before the people * He that saies three dent's not they were â—â—ure but shewes that he loues to speake within compasse Euthymius and Theophylact. vpon Ioh. 10. con strue this doore to be the Scriptures For by them saith Theopâ— we are brought to God as through a doore he is brought to speak with a man that hath an errand to him To the same purpose Euthym adding that Christ was the true shepheard and entred by the doore quia vtens Scripturis secundum eas gubernam Whereas the clamberer vp another way who but the Pope Lib de Baptism Matth 10. 8. 1. Pet. 4. 10. Adioynd c. 2. Num. 50. Euery Pastor ought to haue not only as much care of the whole Church as euery other man but also much more then others by reason of his function and office which doth extend it selfe to the whole Church it beeing euident that what authoritie soeuer any man hath in any part of the Church it is giuen him for the good of the whole and finally tendeth thereto Againe Numb 52. Whosoeuer is Pastor in any one part of the Church is capable of Pastorall inrisdiction in any other though he be restrained limited to a certaine part to avoid confusion in which respect the Priests in euery Diocesse are Priests throughout the whole Church and may minister Sacraments any where in cases of necessitie and a Bishop in any place is euerie where a Bishop and one of the Magistrates and Pastors of the Church and therefore hath a voice right of suffrage in all Generall Councels though they be held out of his Diocesse c. * Rhem. Test Annot. in Luc. 22. v. 19. Mat. 26. ver 20. Ambnin locum alij qui cum sequuntur Com. in Epist ad Gal. cap. 1. Com. in Epist ad Gal. cap. 1. Philip. 1. 18. Iren. l 4. c. 43. Charisma veritatis certum Panegyâ— in Athanas 〈◊〉 Single succession is a simple thing Huge Card. in 2. Thess 2. Deficient à fide Non successions locali sed tamen mentali corruptions doctrinae Vide Sylu. V. Ordo alios Others reckon of a Grecian Bishop vsed in this consecration Eudoem Parall p. 243. But so doe lyers agree betweene themselues Doth not this also encrease the credit of our Register For that is constant while the impugners of it are at variance * Homo nihili Laert. Nâ—te that in the Register there is mention of two more Bishops to whome the Commission was directed then were present at the consâ—cration Which to me seemes to argue the sincerity of the Register against the Adioynders â—â—alâ—…s exceptions For elâ— why might not this ods haue beene silenced And yet the absence of two doth not invalidate the busines sith the Commission is content with any foure Lucan Adioynd in Append. num 4. Citing Stapletonâ— Counterblast against Bishop Horne fol. 301. And therefore you are indeed no true Bishops neither by the Law of the Church neither yet by the Lawer of the Realme for want of due consecration expressely required by an act of Parliament renewed in this Queenes dayes in Suffiagan Bishops much more in you Who is the scorpion now that carries the remedy against his own poison about him The Adioynders sweet compatison cap. 10. num 70. The Bishops preuaricating about the Supremacie yea his extenuating abasing of it as the Adioynder doates now in the latter ende of his Booke Numb 71. The opinion of learned strangers concerning the Bishops c. Adioynd Hesiod Sic Anselm Dionys Carth. in locur Bruno etiam Glossa apud Lyran Lâ—â—ich Hadâ—mer Papist Theophylact refert ad Discite à me quia mitis humilis item ad lotion em pedú Diseipulorum Euthymius fire is est Oecumenius vocat quide in doctrinam fidei Sed intellige vel lato nomine fidem repote reuelationem omnem diuinae voluntatis vel
the Church may stand without such helpe or countenance of authoritie as in the times of persecution God supporting it c which is most true Therfore he saies So fore forth as it requires c. In Politico * Lib. 2. c. 11. Sand. bis hoc agnoseit repetit idem c. 12. in initio Negavimus cum Augustino licuisse Petro c. Fatente Tullio Cat. 1. Non modo non contamtuarunt sed etiam honestarunt b Et Rom. 13. alibi sape describens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab insigni gladij Et Dei minister 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nisi divina ministeria cui qua sordeant quod ne de Pontificâ— quidem concedendum est quamvis excelso Nec sibi adeò placeat Sanderâ—â— tamen in haue sententiam multa stultissimè quasi ex Augustino de omnibus Apostolis 〈◊〉 ferre gladâ—â—â— nee tamen permissis educere Lib 2. de clave David cap. 11. 3. 4. c For Preaching is actus Iurisdictionis to the Canonists And the Scripture giues it so 11. Tim. 2. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Connexa sunt Doctrinâ— genus 〈…〉 Med. * 2. Tim. 2. 4. 5. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost Orat. 5. in Oziam Et. 2. Cor. 5. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et tertiùm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Planissimè tamen ad Philem. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Yea Mr. Sanders himselfe might not exhort his Irish souldiers to fight against Queen Elizabeth by this reason and yet for what other cause came hee thither e We must be readie to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 euen Churchmen and all at the Princes commandement T it 3. 1. Therefore Priestly functions are either not good let M. Sanders chuse or the King may commaund and enforce to them * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theodoret. l. 5. hist c. 23. Invenal * Vide cap. 4. Sed Chrys 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tom. 6. D. H. Sauilij 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. If I should say to thee Goe and reforme a King offending wouldst thou not say I were madde viz. reforme him in the coerciue kinde Els 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as there it followes A minister may doe it concionatoriè But a priuate man not so much as in words a S. Austen acknowledges Iurisdiction in the Kings Sword namely in regard of Gouernment and compulsion Adversus Epist Parmen 1. c. 8. a As Bulgaria Cyâ—…s Carthage Iustinianea c. b Hieron ad Huagr Aug. in Quaest vet Novi Test Quaest 10â— Quidam Falcidius duce stultitia Romanae civitatis iactantia c. c Concil Nicen. c 18. Concil Ancyr c. 13. item c. 18. Concil Neocaesar c. 13. c. Tom. 5. Edit Eton. * Pythag. apud Laert. l. 〈◊〉 Chrys Hom. 23. in 13. ad Rom. Heare this yee Iesuits complainers of persecution molestation * Yet the Pope is not aboue an Apostle I hope at the highest b The cause of relligion doth not acquit froÌ„ subiection This is against Vsurpers intruders onely * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vt haeâ— sit legitemè succedentium in regnum ille autem invasor esse alieni iuru queat Gouernment is necessarie Paritie begets contention Gouernment is naturall Monarchie is naturall that is most agreeable to Nature The Iesuites obiection against Pauls subiectioÌ„ Answered by himselfe Subiection is dutie in the very best not curtesie e The Apostles called traytors but their doctrine refutes it not onely their practise whereas the Iesuites both practise and doctrine confirmes it f A true Apostle need not feare to preach the mysteries of his Message before any Infidel-Gouernour but a Iesuite may least there be LVPVS in fabula as they sticke not to call him Heauie disasters fall vpon Traytors God and men take part against the Traytor Other argumeÌ„ts ab vtili of beeing subiect to Magistrates The Romanes alwaies noted of pride contumacie to Magistrates Bern. alij Euen Nero this Harken you Iesuites you that think the bands of all goodnesse are dissolued if an infidell Prince be but endured or obeyed * Monarchs are the Ministers of God for our saluation * The Minister is perswasiue the Magistrate may be coactiue but both of them deale in the same matters viz. matters of the conscience Quare idem alibi Chrysost vide locum paulo infra 〈◊〉 deum tractidisse nos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et quidem non paulo magis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vt cum sic obiter effingam y Where are they that see nothing but a sheepe in the Lay sore of what condition soeuer What lacks he of a Pastor that is a Pastors worke-fellow an ayder and assister of him sent of God for that end Nay the one by his sawes the other by his Laws Witnesse S. Chrysost z Where are they also that say earthly Princes are not of God but humane creatures crept out of the dust I ween Whom Plato makes the prime sonnes of God and of the golden choicest generation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sed alibi in sua verba constaÌ„s Tom. 5. D. H. Sauile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et Non dicit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bonauent quidem in 4. Dist 4. Qu. 3. respon ad obiecta notat quòd nemo vnquam effûgit poenam gladij sub indicecum caetera poenarum genera miraculo effugeret That we may see what a prehemineÌ„ce goes with the sword how God assists his owne depositum entrusted to the Kings hands c Nero nesciens sustentat omnia Wicked Magistrates vnwilling holde vp the state Where is the assistance that they challenge to the Pope to ouerrule his tongue against his wit least he pronounce false defining in his Consistorie Or what prerogatiue is that to this d See S. Prosper de vita couteÌ„pl l. 3. c. 7. In virtutem plerumque de necessitate proficitur c. e The Magistrate prepares the soules of his subiects saith S. Chrysost Yet the Iesuites say he must be no dealer in soule-matters f Magistrates iustly tearmed the Ministers of God g The conscience of a good turne viz. receiued of God in his institution of Commonwealths is that which should mooue vs to be subiect to the ciuil Magistrate for conscience sake as S. Chrysost here expounds it 2. Tim. 2. 1 3. c. Dispossession follows not froÌ„ abuse of place Subiection is â—â—e and not to be denied but paid with all â—…e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Harken Iesuites that stand vpon your nobilitie either of Priesthood or Christianitie Hora tua nondum venit The Priests Su premacie is in altero saeculo a The more we honour Magistrates the more honourable wee show our selues but scorning them wee are base b Subiection of Christians is a meane to draw Infidels to the Faith resistance alienates How crosse is Chrysost and Christ first of all to the Iesuites doctrines in euery point For they say if we obey the faith goes downe our profession is disparaged the Infidells will insult c. Chrysost omnia contra Medina tamen l. 4. contr 6. pag. 310. edit Venet. Vetus pictura ingentem habet auctoritatem viz. ad probandas conclusiones Theologicas Like columna Simeonis first 12. degrees high then 22. then 36 and more Vide Cedren p. 279. Cassander Wicelius Tilman Eredenbach c. The whoore growes bolder The first Iesuites called suij Christi Christs fellowes that you may know their humblenesse from their very cradle Massaus alij Certè 2. Tim. 3. 8. Resistentes doctrinae comparantur cum ijs qui restitere miraculis quasi ipse iam successerit in corum locum sibiâ— probatio maxima sit Porro ostenditur inuicta esse absque alio adminiculo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At fortè parùm apertè Imò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oppugnantium idque velut olim sub Mose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Denique Chrylost in 3. Tim cap. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notat Christum non statim vt natus est operatum esse miracula Serò qsâ—ippè post in Cana Galil Ioh. 2. Et tamen sermones eius obtinebant pondus iam pueri videâ—anturque digni quos Maria corde conseruaret Inter quos porrò fuerat de Patre eius Deo Quod dogma maximum Valet ergò Doctrina sine Miraculis A Iesuite-Priest acknowledges a miracle in the detection of his Treasons Sed quem alij vt video Andronicum Quod hic obiter tractatur de Mose quòd Rex aut Regis instar p. 508 in marg vt antè p. 396. quamuis nondum introductâ Regni formâ in populum etsi olim vellicatum est in Reuerendo Episcopo à vesanientibus Papistis tamen recipit confirmationem à S. Hieron com in Esa 51. qui de Abrahamo ipso sic scribere non dubitat Nos sumus genus domini regale sacerdotale qualis fuit Abraham qui rex appellatus est caeteri sancti de quibus scriptum est NOLITETANGERE CHRISTOâ—MEOS