as an Excâ—escence at the best in the body mystical subject and fit to be pared off as occasion served though on self-ends Reasons of State and to serve their several turnâ— by him as their needs required they did and do permit him to continue in his former greatnesse For Lewis the 11. King of France in a Councel of his own Bishops held at Lions cited Pope Iulius the 2. to appear before him and Laâ—strech Governour of Millaine under Francis the 1. conceived the Popes authority to be so unnecessary yea even in Italy it self that taking a displeasure against Leo the 10. he outed him of all his jurisdiction within that Dukedome anno 1528. and so disposed of all Ecclesiasticall affairs ut praefecto sacris Bigorrano Episcâ—po omnia sine Romani Pontificis autoritate adminâ—strarentur as Thuanuâ— hath it that the Church there was supremely governed by the Bishop of Bigorre a Bishop of the Church of France without the intermedling of the Pope at all The like we finde to have been done about six years after by Charleâ— the fift Emperor and King of Spain who being no lesse displeased with Pope Clement the 7. abolished the Papall power and jurisdiction out of all the Churches of his Kingdomes in Spain Which though it held but for a while till the breach was closed yet left he an example by it as my Aâ—thor noteth Ecclesiasticam disciplinam citra Romani nominis autoritatem posse conservari that there was no necessity of a Pope at all And when K Henry the 8. following these examples had banished the Popes authority out of his Dominions Religion still remaâ—ning here as before it did he Popeâ—Supremacy not being at that time an Article of the Christian Faith as it haâ—h since been made by Pope Pius the 4. that Act of his was much commended by most knowing men in that without more alteration in the face of the Church Romanae sedis exuisset obsequium saith the Author of the Tridentine History he had â—reed himself and all his subjects from so great a Vassaâ—lage Now as K. Henry the 8. was not the first Christian Pâ—ince who did de facto abrogate the Popes authority so was he not the last that thought it might be abrogated if occasion were For to say nothing of King Edward the 6. and Queen Elizabeth two of hiâ— Successoâ—s who followed his example in it we finde it to have been resolved on by K. Henry the 4. of France who questionlesse had made the Archbishop of Bouâ—ges the Patriarch of the Gallicane Church and totally withâ—rawn it from acknowledging of the authority of the See of Rome had not Pope Clement the 8. much against his will by the continual solicitations of Cardinal D' Ossat admittâ—d him to a formal Reconciliation on his last falling off to popery How neeâ— the Signeury of Venice was to have done the like anno 1608. the History of the Interdict or of the Quarrelâ— betwixt that State and Pope Paul the 5. doth most plainly shew This makes it evident that in the judgement and esteem of most Christian Pâ—inces in other things of the Religion of the Church of Rome the Popes Supremacy was looked upon as an incroachment and therefore might be abrogated upon betâ—â—◠〈…〉 been admitted in their several Kingdomeâ— By consâ—quence the doing of it here in England neither so injurious or unjust as your Zelots make it 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformation without the Approbation of the Popâ— or Church of Rome But here you say it will be replied that though the Pope 〈◊〉 not conâ—idâ—reâ— aâ— the 〈…〉 of the Church with reference wherâ—unto his super eminent jurisdiction was disputed in the former times yet it cannot be denied with reason but that he is the Patriarch of these Wâ—stern Churches and the Apostle in particular of the English Nation In these respects no Reformation of the Church to be made without him especially considering that the Church of England at that time was a Member of the Church of Rome and therefore to act nothing in that kinde but by consent of the whole according to that known Maxim of the Schools Turpis est pars ea quâ—e toti suâ— non cohaereâ—t This though it be a Triple Cord will be easily broken For first the Pâ—pe is not the Patriarch of the West One of the Patriâ—â—â—â— of the Wâ—st we shall easily grant him but that he is the Patriarch we will by no means yeeld To tell you why we dare not yeeld it I must put you in minde of these particulars 1. That all Bishops in respect of their Office or Episcopality are of equall power whether they be of Rome or Rhegium of Constantinople or Engubium of Alexaâ—dria or of Tanais as S. Hierom hath it Potnâ—ia divitiarum paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inâ—eriorem â—piscopum non faciâ— A plentiful Revenue and a sorry Competency makes not saith he one Bishop higher then another in regard of his office though possibly of more esteem and reputation in the eyes of men 2. That in respect to Polity and external order the Bishops antienâ—ly were disposed of into Sub et supra according to the Platform of the Roman Empire agreeable to the good old Rule which we finde mentioned though not made in the general Councel of Chalcâ—don that is to say {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} c. The 〈…〉 Civil State 3. That the Româ—n Empire was divided anâ—iently into 14 Juridical Circuitâ— which they called Diocesses reckoning the Praefecture oâ—Rome for one of the number six of the which that is to say the Diocessâ—s of Italie Africk Spain Britain Gaul and Illyricum occidentale besides the Pâ—aefecture of the City were under the command of the Western Emperoâ—s after the Empire was divided into East and West 4. That in the Pâ—aefecture of the City of Rome were contained no more than the Provinces of Latium Tuscia Picenum 〈…〉 and Lucania in the main land of Italy tâ—gether with the Islands of Sicilie Corsica and Sardinia 5. That every Province having sâ—veral Cities there was agreeable to this model a Bishop placâ—d in every City a Metropolitan in the chief City of each Province who had a superintendence over all the Bishops and in each Diocesse a Primate ruling in chief over the Metropolitans of the several Provinces And 6. though at fiâ—st only the three Primates or Arch-bishops of Rome Antioch and Alâ—xandria commonly and in vulgar speech had the name of Patriarchs by reason of the wealth and greatnâ—sse of those Cities the greatest of the Roman Eâ—pire and the chief of Europe Asia and Africa to which the Bishops of Hierusalem and 〈◊〉 were after added yet were they all of â—qual power amâ—ng themselveâ— and shined with as full a splendor in their proper Orbes as any of the Popes then did in the Sphere of Rome receiving all their light from the Sun of righteousnesse not borrowing it
from one another for which the so much celebrated Canon of the Nâ—cene Councel may may be proâ—f suâ—â—icient If not the Edicts of Iusâ—inian shall come in to help by which it was decreed that all Appeals in point of grievance should lie from the Bishop to the Metropolitan and from the Metropolitans unto the Primates the Patriarchs as he cals them of the several Diocessâ—s By which accompt it doth appear that the Patriarchâ—te of Rome was anâ—iently confined within the Praefecture of that City in which respect as the Provinces subject to the Pope were by Ruffinus called Regiones Suburbicariae or the City Provinces so was the Pope himself called Vrbicus or the City-Bishop by Optatus Aâ—er To prove this point more plâ—inly by particular instances I shall take leave to travel over the Western Diocesses to seâ— what marks of Independence we can finde among them such as dissenting in opinion from the Church of Rome or adhering unto different ceremonies and formes of worship or otherwise standing in defence of their own authority And first the Diocesse of Italy though under the Popes nose as we use to say was under the command of the Archbishop of Millaine as the Primate of it which City is therefore called by Athanasius {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the Metropolis or chief City oâ—Italy The Saturdaies fast observed at Rome and not at Millaine Quando Romae sum jejuno Sabbato quum hic sum non jejuno Sabbato as S. Ambrose hath it shewes clearly that the one had no dâ—pendence upon the other And yet the diffâ—rence of Divine Offices or Formes of worship is a more pregnant proof then this the Churches of Millain officiating for many ages by a Liturgie which S. Ambrose had a special hand in they of the Patriarchate of Rome following the old Roman Missals not fully finished and compleated till the time of Pope Gregory Whence the distinction of Ecclesiae Ambrosianae Ecclesiae Gregorianae extant in Bonaventure and others of the writers of the later times Crosse we the Seas unto the Diocesse of Africk governed in chief by the Pâ—imate or Archbishop of Carthage and there we finde S. Cyprian determining against Pope Stephen in the then controverted case of Rebaptization and calling him in his Epistle of Pompeius an obstinate and presumptuous man and a fauter of Hereticks no very great tokens of subjection if you mark it well The error of his judgement in the point debated I regard not here but I am sure that in defence of his authority and jurisdiction he was right enough and therein strongly seconded by the African Church opposing the incroachments of Zosimus Boniface and Celestine succeeding one another in the Roman Patrâ—archaâ—e prohibiting all appeals to Rome in the Councels of Milevis and Carthage and finally â—xcommunicating Lupicinus for appealing to Pope Leo the first contrary to the rites and liberties of the African Church Next for the Diocesse of Spain I look upon the Musarabick Liturgie composed by Isidore Archbishop of Sevil and universally received in all the Churches of that Continent 〈…〉 as the Amâ—rosian Office was in the Church of Mâ—llain the Roman or Gregorian Missal not being used in all this Countrey till the year 1083. At which time one Bernard a Frenchman and a great stickler in behalf of the Roman Ceremonies being made Archbishop of Toledo by practising with Alfonso the then King of Castile first introduced the Roman Missall into some of the Churches of that City and after by degrees into all the rest of those Kingdomes soon after the Chuâ—ches of France the greatest and most noble part of the Gallick Diocesse they were originally under the authority of the Bishop of Lions as their proper Primate not owing any suiâ— of sâ—rvice to the Court of Rome but standing on their own Basis and acting all 〈…〉 did The freedome wherewith Iâ—enaeuâ— the renowned 〈◊〉 of that City reproved the rashnesse of Pope Victor in the Case of Easter not well becoming an inferiâ—r Bishop to the Supreme Pastor shewes plainly that they stood on even ground and had no advantage of each other in respect of sub supra as Logicians say notwithstanding that more powerful Principality potentior principalitas as the Latin hath it which Irenaeus did allow him over those at home But a more evident proof of this there can hardly be then those large libâ—rties and freedomes which the Church Gallican doth at this time enjoy the remainders past all doubt of those antient rights which under their own Patriarch they were first possessed of not suffering the Decrees of the Councel of Trent that great supporter of the Popâ—dome to take place amongst them but as insensiâ—ly and by the practises of some Bishopâ— they were introduced cuâ—bing the Popes exorbitant power by the pragmatick Sanction and by the frequent Judgements and Arrests of Parliament insomuch â—s a Book of Cardinal 〈◊〉 tending to the advancement of the Papall Monarchy and another writ by Becanus the Iesuiteâ—ntiâ—uled Controvâ—rsia Anglicana in maintenance of the Popes supremacy weâ—e suppâ—essed and cenâ—uâ—ed anno 1612. Another writ by â—aspâ—r Schioppius to the same effect but with â—ar lesse modesty being at the same time burnt by the hands of the Hangman Finally for the Churches of the Diocesse of Britain those of Illyricum lying too far off to be brought in here they had their own Primate also the Archbishop of York and under him two Metropolitâ—nâ— the Bishops of London and Caer-leon And for a character of their Freedome or self subsistence they had four different customes from the Church of Rome as in the Tonsure and the keeping of the Feast of Easter wherein they followed the Tradition of the Eastern Churches So firm withall in their obedience to their own Primate the Archbishop of Caâ—r-leon on Vsh the only Archbishop of three which before they had that they would by no means yeeld subâ—ection unto Augustine the Monk the first Archbishop of the English though he came armed amongst them with the Popes authority Nor would they afterwards submit unto his successors though backed by the authority of the Kings of England acknowledging no other Primate but the Bishop of St. Davids to which the Metropolitan See was then translated untill the time of Henry the 2. when the greatest part of South Wales and the City of S. Davids it self was in possession of the English These were the Patriarchs or Primates of the Western Churches and by these Primates the Church was either governed singly but withall supremely in their several Diocesses taking the word Diocese in the former notion or in conjunction each with other by their letters of advice and intercourse which they called Literas Formatas and Communicatorias You see by this that though the Pope was one of the Western Patriarchs yet was he not originally and by primitive Instiâ—ution either the Patriarch of the West that is to say not the only one nor could pretend
to whom they had made themselves a kinde of voluntary slaves to him who justly challenged a natural dominion over them and secondly that that submission of theirs to their natural Prince is not to be considered as a new Concessiâ—n but as the Râ—cognition only of a former power In the next place I do not finde it to be contraâ—y to the usage of the primitive times I grant indeed that when the Church was under the command of the Heathen Emperorâ— the Clergy did assemble in their National and Provincial Synods of their own Authority which Councels being summoned by the Metropolitans and subscribed by the Clergy were of sufficient power to binde all good Christians who lived within the Verge of their Jurisdiction They could not else assemble upon any exigence of affaiâ—s but by such authority But it was otherwise when the Church came under the protection of Christian Princes all Emperors and Kings from Constantine the Great till the Pope carried all before him in the darker times accompting it one of the principal flowers as indeed it was which adorned their Dâ—adems I am not willing to beat â—n a common place But if you please to look into the Acts of ancient Councels you will finde that all the General Councels all which deserve to be so called if any of them do deserve it to have been summoned and confirmed by the Christian Emperors that the Câ—uncel of Arles was called and confirmed by the Emperor Constantine that of Sardis by Constans that of Lampsacus by Valentinian that of Aquiâ—eia by Theodosius that of Theâ—â—alâ—nica National or Provincial all by the Emperor Gratian that when the Western Empire fell into the hands of the French the Councels of Aâ—on Mentâ— Meldâ—n Wormes and Colen received both life and motion â—â—om Charles the Great and his Successors in that Empâ—re it being evident in the Records of the Gallican Church that the opening and confirming of all their Councels not only under the Caroline but under the Merovignean Family was alwaies by the power sometimes with the Presidence of their Kings and Princes as you may finde in the Collections of Lindebrogius and Sirmondus the Iesuite and finally that in Spain it self though now so much obnoxious to the Papal power the two at Bracara and the ten first holden at Toledo were summoned by the Writ and Mandate of the Kings thereof Or if you be not willing to take this pains I shall put you to a shorter and an easier search referring you for your better information in this particular to the learned Sermon preached by Bishop Andrewes at Hampton Court anno 1606. touching the Right and power of calling Assemblies or the right use of the Trumpets A Sermon preached purposely at that time and place for giving satisfaction in that point to Melvin and some leading men of the Scotish Puritans who of late times had arrogated to themselves an unlimited power of calling and constituting their Assemblies without the Kings consâ—nt and against his will As for the Vassallage which the Clergy are supposed to have drawn upon themselves by this Submission I see no fear or danger of it as long as the two Houses of Parliament are in like condition and that the Kings of England are so tender of their own Prerogative as not to suffer any one Body of the Subjects to give a Law unto the other without his consent That which is most insisted on for the proof hereof is the delegating of this power by King Henry the 8. to Sir Thomas Cromwell afterwards Earl of Essex and Lord high Chamberlain by the name of his Vicar General in Ecclesiastical matters who by that name pâ—esided in the Convocation anno 1536. and acted other things of like nature in the years next following And this especially his presiding in the Convocation is looked on both by Sanders and some Protestant Doctors not only as a great debasing of the English Clergie men very learned for those times but as deforme satis Spectacuâ—um a kâ—nde of Monstrosity in nature But certainly those men forget though I do not think my self bound to justifie all King Harrâ—es actions that in the Councell of Chaâ—â—â—don the Emperor apointed certain Noble-men to â—it as Judges whose names occurre in the first Action of that Councell The like we finde exemplified in the Ephesine Councell in which by the appointment of Theodâ—sius and Valentinian then Roman Empâ—rours Candidianus a Count Imperiall â—ate as Judge oâ— President who in the managing of that trust over acted any thing that Cromwell did or is objected to have been done by him as the Kings Commissioner For that he was to have the first place in those publick meetings as the Kings Commissioner or his Vicar-General which you will for I will neither trouble my self nor you with disputing Titles the very Scottish Presbyters the most rigid sticklers for their own pretended and but pretended Rights which the world affords do not stick to yeeld No vaâ—â—allage of the Clergy to be â—ound in this as little to be feared by their submission to the King as their Supreme Governour Thus Sir according to my promise and your expectation have I collected my Remembrances and represented them unto you in as good a fashion as my other troublesome affairs and the distractions of the time would give me leave and therein made you see 〈◊〉 my judgement fail not that neither our King or Parliaments have done more in matters which concern'd Religion and the Reformation of this Church then what hath formerly been done by the secular Powers in the best and happiest times of Christianity and consequently that the clamours of the Papists and Puritans both which have disturbed you are both false and groundlesse Which if it may be serviceable to your self or others whom the like doubts and prejudices have possessed or scrupled It is all I wish my studies and endevours aiming at no other end then to do all the service I can possibly to the Church of God to whose Graces and divine Protection you are most heartily commended in our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ By Sir Your most affectionate friend to serve you Peter Heylyn
THE WAY and MANNER OF THE REFORMATION OF THE Church of England DECLARED and JUSTIFIED Against the Clamors and Objections of the Opposite Parties By PETER HEYLYN D. D. MALACH. 2. 7. Labâ—a Sacerdotis custodient Sapientiam legem requirent ex ore ejus quia Angelus Domini Exercituum est Heb. 13. 17. Obey them that rule over you and submit your selves for they watch for your souls as they that must give account that they may do it with joy and not grief LONDON Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet M.DC.LVII TO THE READER THe occasion which induc'd me to the writing of this Discourse hath been already touched at in our general Preface and shall be shewn thee more at large in the following Preamble or Introduction Let it suffice thee now to know that it was done on an occasion really given and not in supposition only the better to bring in the Design which I have in hand and that it gave such satisfaction to the Party for whose sake it was undertaken that it was thought fit by some to have it publisht for the Use of others But being published by a faulty and imperfect Copy I caus'd it presently to be call'd â—in not willing it should goe abroad though without my Name till it were able in some measure to defend it self if not to justifie the Authour Being now set upon a resolution which God bless me me in of vindicating this poor Church as far at least as in me is in her Forms of Worship her Government and establisht Patrimony together with the Times and Places destinate to her Sacred Offices I have thought good to place this Tractate in the Front as a Praecognitum or necessary Manuduction unto all the rest The way and manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified cannot but give a good Relish unto all that follows being no other then the Essentiall parts and branches of that Reformation If thou art satisfied in this it will be a faire Omen to me that the rest may not prove unwelcome And that thou mayst peruse it with the greater chearfulness I will not keep thee longer in the Entrance of it it being no good Husbandry to waste that Friend in petit Matters whom we endeavour to preserve for nobler favours And so fare thee well The Contents of the Chapters SECT. I. THe Introduction shâ—wing the Occasion Method and Design of the whole Discourse pag 1. 1. Of Calling or Assembling the Convocation of the Clergie and the Authority thereof when convened together 3. 2. Of the Ejection of the Pope and vesting the Supremacy in the Regal Crown 10. 3. Of the translation of the Scriptures and permitting them to be read in the English tongue 13. 4. Of the Reformation of Religion in the points of Doctrine 19. 5. Of the Reformation of the Church of England in the forms of Worship and the times appointed thereunto 28. 6. Of the power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the directing of the people in the publick duties of Religion 34. 7. An Answâ—â— to the main Objections of either Party 38. SECT. II. 1. That the Church of England did not innovate in the Ejection of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Regal Crown pag. 46. 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformationâ—ithout the approbation of the Pope or the Church of Rome 52. 3. That the Church of England might lawfully proceed to a Reformation without the help of a General Councell or calling in the aid of the Protestant Church 62. 4. That the Church did not innovate in translating the Scriptures and the publick Liturgie in to vulgar Tongues and of the Consequents thereof to the Church it self 70. 5. That the proceedings of this Church in setting out the English Liturgie were not meerly Regal and of the power of Soveraign Princes in Ecclesiastical affaires 79. 6. That the Clergie lost not any of their just Rights by the Act of submission and that the power of calling and confirming Councels did antiently belâ—ng to the Christian Princes 86. The Errata of the First Part to be thus Corrected Pape 1. for New read Your p. 8. r. convâ—niâ—ntly p. 9. r. pâ—iviledged p. 9. r. ejection p. 11. l. 10. r. enact p. 12. l. 22. r. final p. 13. l. 16. to Phil. and Mary add yet were they all revived in the 1. of Elazabeth p. 19. l. 19. r. Sacraments p. 25. l. 17. r. not on it p 30. r. Holbeck p. 34. r. Warham p. 56. l. 11. r. four p. 58. l. 7. r. Canon Law p 63. l. 27 r. come p. 76. l. 6. dele to the Popes authority on the one side or the other side p. 72. l. 7. r. of it into the p. 84. l. 22. r. formerly p. 93. l. 23. r. continued p. 95. l. 7. r. humble p. 181. l. 1. r. we shall see hereafter p. 194. l. 6. r. one new body p. 251. l. 20. r. Nicomedia p. 254. l. 2. r. derived p. 258. l. 1. r. Sabbath p. 292. l. 10. r. hint p. 296. l. 21. r. praefantes p. 300. l. 23. r. cure p. 342. l. 3. dele Greek and The Way of the Reformation of the Church of England Declared and Justified c. The Introduction Shewing the Occasion Method and Design of the whole Discourse My dear Hierophilus 〈◊〉 company is alwaies very pleasing to me but you are never better welcome then when you bring your doubts and scruples along with you for by that means you put me to the studying of some point or other whereby I benefit my self if not profit you And I remember at the time of your last being with me you seemed much scandalized for the Church of England telling me you were well assured that her Doctrine was most true and orthodox her Government conform to the Word of God and the best ages of the Church and that her publick Liturgie was an extract of the primitive Formes nothing in all the whole Composure but what did tend to edification and increase of piety But for all this you were unsatisfied as you said in the waies and means by which this Church proceeded in her Reformation alledging that you had heard it many times objected by some Partisans of the Church of Rome that our Religion was meer Parliamentarian not regulated by Synodical Meetings or the Authority of Councels as in elder Times or as Dr. Harding said long since in his Answer unto B. Iewel That we had a Parliament Religion a Parliament Faith and a Parliament Gospel To which Scultingius and some others after added that we had none but Parliament Bishops and a Parliament Clergy that you were apt enough to think that the Papists made not all this noise without some ground for it in regard you have observed some Parliaments in these latter daies so mainly bent to catch at all occasions whereby to manifest their power in
Ecclesiastical matters especially in constituting the new Assembly oâ— Divines and others And finally that you were heartily ashamed that being so often choaked with these Objections you neither knew how to traverse the Indictment nor plead Not guilty to the Bill Some other doubts you said you had relating to the King the Pope and the Protestant Churches either too little or too much look'd after in our Reformation but you were loth to trouble me with too much at once And thereupon you did intreat me to bethink my self of some â—it Plaster for the Sore which did oft afflict you religiously affirming that your desires proceeded not from curiosity or an itch of knowledge or out of any disaffection to the Power of Parliaments but meâ—rly from an honest zeal to the Church of England whose credit and prosperity you did far prefer before your life or whaâ—soever in this world could be dear unto you Adding withall that if I would take this pains for your satisfaction and help you out of these perplexities which you were involved in I should not only do good service to the Church it self but to many a wavering member of it whom these objections had much staggered in their Resolutions In fine that you desired also to be inâ—ormed how far the Parliaments had been interessed in these alterations of Religion which hapned in the Reignâ— of K. Hen. the 8. K. Edw. the 6. and Qâ—een Elizabeth what ground there was for all all this clamour of the Papists and whether the Houses or either of them have exercised of old any such Authority in matters of Ecclesiastical or Spiritual nature as some of late have ascribed unto them Which though it be a dangerous and invidious subject as the times now are yet for your sake and for the Truths and for the honour of Parliaments which seem to suffer much in that Popish calumny I shall undertake it premising first that I intend not to say any thing to the point of Right whether or not the Parliament may lawfully meddle in such matters as concern Religion but shall apply my self wholly unto matters of Fact aâ— they relate unto the Reformation here by Law established And for my method in this businesse I shall first lay down by way of preamble the form of calling of the Câ—nvocation of the Clergy here in England that we may see by what Authority they proceed in their Constitutions and then declare what was acted by the Clergy in that Reformation In which I shall begin with the ejection of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Crown Imperial of this Realm descending next to the Translation of the Scriptures into the English Tongue the Reformation of the Church in Doctrinals and Formes of Worship and to proceed unto the Power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the direction of the people in the Exercise of their Religion concluding with an Anâ—wer to all such Objections by what party soever they be made as are most mateâ—ial And in the canvassing of these points I doubt not but it will appear unto you that till these late busie and unfortunate Times in which every man intrudeth on the Priestly Function the Parliaments did nothing at all either in making Canons or in matters Doctrinall or in Translation of the Scriptures next that that litâ—le which they did in reference to the Formes and Times of Worship was no more then the inflicting of some Temporal or legal penalties on such as did neglect the one or not conform unto the other having been first digested and agreed upon in the Clergy way and finally that those Kings and Princes before remembred by whose Authority the Parliaments did that little in those Formes and Times did not act any thing in that kinde themselves but what was warranted unto them by the word of God and the example of such godly and religious Emperors and other Christian Kings and Princes as flourished in the happiest times of Christianity This is the sum of my design which I shall follow in the order before laid down assuring you that when you shall acquaint me with your other scruples I will endevour what I can for your satisfaction 1. Of calling or assembling the Convocation of the Clergy and the Authority thereof when conveen'd together ANd in this we are first to know that anciently the Archbishop of the several Provinces of Canterbury and York were vested with a power of Convocating the Clergy of their several and respective Provinces when and as often as they thought it necessary for the Churches peace And of this power they did make use upon all extraordinary and emergent cases either as Metropoliâ—ans and Primates in their several Provinces or as Legati nati to the Popes of Rome but ordinarily and of common course especially after the first passing of the Acts or Statutes of Praemuniri they did râ—strain that power to the good pleasure of the Kings under whom they lived and used it not but as the necessities and occasions of these Kings or the distresses of the Church did require it of them and when it was required of them the Writ or Prâ—cept of the King was in this form following Râ—x c. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri N. Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae Primati Aâ—ostolicae sedis Lâ—gato salutem Quibusdam arduis urgentibus negotiis dâ—fâ—nsionem securitatem Eccleâ—ae Anglicanae ac pacem tranquillitatem â—onum publiâ—um defensionem Regni nostri subditorum nostrorum ejusdâ— m concernentibus Vobis in Fide dilectione quibus nobis tenemini rogando mandamus quatenus praemissis debito intuitu attentis ponderatis universos singulâ—s Episcopos vestrae Provinciae ac Decanos Priores 〈…〉 non exemptos nec non Archidiaconos Conventus Capitula Collegia totumque Clerum â—ujuslibet Dioceseos ejusdem Provinciae ad câ—nveniendum coram vobis in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis cumomni celeritate accommoda modo debito Convocari faciatis Ad tractandum consentiendum concludâ—ndum super praemissis aliis quae sibi clarius proponentur tunc ibidem ex parte nostra Et hoc siâ—ut nos statum Regni nostri ac honorem utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis Teste meipso c. These are the very words oâ— the antient Writs and are still retained in these of later Times but that the Tiâ—le of Legatus sedis Apostâ—licae then used in the Archbishops stile was laid aside together with the Pope himself and that there is no mention in them of Abbots Priors and Convenâ—s as being now not extant in the Church of England And in this Writ you may observe first that the calling of the Bishops and Clergy of the Province of Canterbury to a Synodical Assembly belonged to the Arch bishop of that Province only the
of their money which as it doth at large appear in the Records and Acts of the Convocation so it is touched upon in a Historical way in the Antiq. Britan. Mason de Minist. Anglic. and other Authors by whom it also doth appear that what was thus concluded on by the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury was also ratified and confirmed by the Convocation of the Province of York according to the usual custom save that they did not buy their pardon at so dear a râ—te This was the Leading Card to the Game that followed For on this ground were built the Statutes prohibiting all Appeales to Rome and for determining all Ecclesiastical suits and controversies within the Kingdoms 24 H. 8. c 12. That for the manner of electing and conseâ—rating of Arch-Bishops and Bishops 25 H. 8. c. 2â— and the prohibiting the payment of all Impositions to the Court of Rome and for obtaining all such dispensations from the See of Canterbury which formerly were procured from the Popes of Rome 25. H. 8. c. 21. Which last is built expresly upon this foundations That the King is the onely supream Head of the Church of England and was so recognized by the Prelates and Clergy representing the said Church in their Convocation And on the veâ—y same foundation was the Statute raised 26 H. 8. c. 1. wherein the King is declared to be the supream Head of the Church of England and to have 〈…〉 which were annexed unto that Title as by the Act it self doth at full appear Which Act being made I speak it from the Act it self onely for corroboration and confirmation of that which had been done in the Convocation did afterwards draw on the Statute for the Tenths and first fruiâ—s as the point incident to the Headship or supream Authority â—6 H. 8. c. 3. The second step to the Ejection of the Pope was the submission of the Clergy to the said King Henry whom they had recognizanced for their supream Head And this was first concluded on in the Convocation before it was proposed or agitated in the Houses of Parliament and was commended onely to the care of the Parliament that it might have the force of a Law by a civil Sanction The whole debaâ—e with all the traverses and emergent difficulties which appeared therein are specified at large in the Records of 〈◊〉 Anno 1532. But being you have not opportunity to consult those Records I shall prove it by the Act of Parliament called commonly The Act of submission of the Clergy but bearing this Title in the Abridgment of the Statutes set out by Poulton That the Clerâ—y in their Convocations shall enact no constitutions without the Kings assent In which it is premised for granted that the Clergy of the Realm of England had not onely acknowledged according to the Truth that the Convocation of the same Clergy is alwayes hath been and ought to be assembled alwayes by the Kings Writ but also submitting themselves to the Kings Majesty had prâ—mised in verbo Saceâ—dotis That they would never from henceforth presum to attempt allcadge claim or put in ure enact promulge or execute any new Canons Constitutions Ordinances provincial or other or by whatsoever other name they shall be called in the Convocation unless the Kings most Royal Assent may to them be had to make promulge and execute the same and that his Majesty do give his most Royall Assent and Authority in that behalf Upon which ground-work of the Clergies the Parliament shortly after built this superstructure to the same effect viz. That none of the said Clergy from thenceforth should presume to attempt alleadge claâ—m or put inâ—ure any Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial or Synodals or any other Canons nor shall enact promulge or execute any such Canonâ— Constitutions or Ordinances Provincâ—sâ— by whatsoever name or names they may be called in their Convocations in time coming which alwayes shall be assembled by the Kings Writ unless the same Clergy may have the Kings in st Royal Assent and Licence to make promulge and execute such Canons Constitutions and Ordinances Provincial or Synodical upon pain of every one of the said Clergy doing the contrary to this Act and thereof convicted to suffer imprisonment and make fine at the Kings Will 25 H. 8. c. 19. So that the statute in effect is no more then this an Act to binde the Clergy to perform their promise to keep them fast unto their word for the time to come that no new Canon should be made in the times succeeding in the favour of the Pope or by his Authority or to the diminution of the Kings Râ—yal Preâ—ogative or contrary to the Iuwes and statutes of this Realm of England at many Papal Constitutions were in the former Ages Which statute I desire you to take notice of because it is the Rule and Measure of the Churches power in making Canons Constitutions or whatsoever else you shall please to call them in their Convocations The third and small Act conducing to the Popes Ejection was an Act of Parliament 28. H. 8. c. 10. entitâ—led An Act exâ—inguishing the 〈◊〉 of the Bishop of Rome By which it was enacted That if any person should extoll the Authority of the Bishop of Rome he should incur the penalty of a praeminire that every Officer both Ecclesiastical and Lay should be sworn to renounce the said Bishop and his Authority and to resist it to his power and to repute any Oath formerly taken in maintenance of the said Bishop or his Authority to be void and finally that the refusal of the said Oath should bejudged High Treason But this was also usher'd in by the determination first and after by the practice of all the Clergy For in the year 1534 which was two yeares before the passing of this Act the King had sent this Proposition to be agitated in both Vniversities and in the greatest and most famous Monasteries of the kingdom that is to say 〈…〉 Romans dejure competat plusquam alii cujamque Episcoâ—o extero By whom it was determined Negatively that the Bishop of Rome had no more power of right in the Kingdom of England than any other forreign Bishop Which being testified and returned under the hands and seales respectively the Originals whereof are still remaining in the Library of Sr Robert Cotton was a good preamble to the Bishops and the rest of the Clergy assembled in their Convocation to conclude the like And so accordingly they did and made an Instrument thereof subscribed by the hands of all the Bishops and others of the Clergy and afterwards confirmed the same by their corporal Oaths The copies of which Oaths and Instrument you shal finde in Foxes Acts and Monuments Vol. 2. fol. 1203. and fol. 1210 1211. of the Edition of Iohn Day Anno 1570. And this was semblably the ground of a following statute 35 H. 8. c. 1. wherein another Oath was devised and ratified to be imposed upon the Subject for
the more cleer asserting of the Kings Supremacy and the utter exclusion of the Popes for ever which statutes though they were all repealed by an Act of Parliament 1 and 2d of Phil. and Mary c. 1. save that the name of supream Head was changed unto that of the supream Governour and certain clauses altered in the Oath of Supremacy Where by the way you must take notice that the statutes which concerns the Kings Supremacy are not introductory of any new Right that was not in the Crown before but onely declaratory of an old as our best Lawyers tell us and the statute of the 26 of H. 8. c 1. doth clearly intimate So that in the Ejection of the Pope of Rome which was the first and greatest step towards the Work of Reformation the Parliament did nothing for ought it appeares but what was done before in the Convocation and did no more than fortifie the Results of Hely Church by the addition and corroboration of the Secular Power 3 Of the Translation of the Scriptures and permitting them to be read in the English Tongue THE second step towards the Work of Reformation and indeed one of the most especial parts theâ—eof was the Translation of the Bible into the English Tongue and the permitting all sorts of people to peruse the same as that which visibly did tend to the discovery of the errours and corruptions in the Church of Rome and the intollerable pride and tyranny of the Romane Prelates upon which grounds it had been formerly translated into English by the hand of Wiâ—kliff and after on the spreading of Luthers Doctrine by the paines of Tindal a stouâ— and active man in King Henries dayes but not so well befâ—iended as the work deserved especially considering â—â—at it hapned in such a time when many printed Pamphlets did disturb the State and some of them of Tâ—â—dals making which seemed to â—end unto sedition and the change of Government Which being remonstrated to the King he caused divers of his Bishops togâ—ther with sundry of the learn d'st and most eminent Divines of all the Kingdom to come before him Whom he required freely and plainly to declare aâ—wel what their opinion was of the foresaid Pamphlâ—â— as what they did think fit to be done concerning the Translation of the Bible into the English Tongue And they upon mature advise and deliberation unanimously conden ned the aforesaid Bâ—oks of Hâ—râ—sie and Blasphemy no smaler crime then for translating of the Scriptures into the English Tongue they agreed all with one assent that it depended wholly on the will and pleasure of the Soveraign Pâ—ince who might do thâ—rein as he conceived to be most agreeable to his occasions but that with reference to the present estate of things it was more expedient to explain the Scripture to the people by the way of Sermons then to permit it to be read promiscuouâ—â— by all sorts of men yet so that hopes were to be given unto the Laity that if they did renounce their errours and presently deliver to the hands of his Majesties Officers all such Bookes and Bibles which they conceived to be translated with great fraud and falshood as any of them had in keeping his Majesty would cause a true and catholike Translation of it to be published in convenient time for the use of his Subjects This was the sum and substance of the present Conâ—erence which you shal finde laid down at large in the Registers of Arch-Bishop Warham And according to this advice the King sets out a Proclamation not onely prohibiting the buying reading or translating of any the aforesaid Bookâ—s but straitly charging all his Subjects which had any of the Bookes of Scripture either of the Old Testament or of the New in the English Tongue to bring them in without delay But for the other partâ— of giving hopes unto the people of a true Translation if they delivered in the false â— or that at leasâ— which was pretended to be false I finde no word at all in the Proclamation That was a work reserved unto better times or left to be solicited by the Bishops themselves and other Learned men who had given the counsel by whom indeed the people were kept up in hope that all should be accomplished unto their desires And so indeed it proved at last For in the Convocation of the year 1536. the authority of the Pope being abrogated and Cranmer fully setled in the See of Canterbury the Clergy did agree upon a form of Petition to be presented to the King That he would graciously indulge unto his subjects of the Laity the reading of the Bible in the English Tongue and that a new Translation of it might be forthwith made for that end and purpose According to which godly motion his Majesty did not onely give Order for a new Translation which afterwards He authorized to be read both in publique and private but in the interim he permitted CROMWEL his Vicar-General to set out an Injunction for providing the whole Bible both in Latine and English after the Translation then in use which was called commonly by the name of Matthewes Bible but was no other then that of Tindal somewhat altered to be kept in every Parish Church throughout the Kingdom for every one that would repair unto and caused this mark or character of Authority to be set upon them in red Letters Set forth with the Kings most gracious Licence which you may see in Fox his Acts and Monum. p. 1248. and 1363. Afterwards when the new Translation so often promised and so long expected was compleat and finished printed at London by the Kings Authority and countenanced by a grave and pious Preface of Arch Bishop Cranmer the King sets out a Proclamation dated May 6. Anno 1541. Commanding all the Curates and Parishioners throughout the Kingdom who were not already furnished with Bibles so authorized and translated as is before said to provide themselves before Al. hallowtide next following and to cause the Bibles so provided to be placed conveniently in their several and respective Churches straitly requiring all his Bishops and other Orâ—inaries to take special care to see his said commands put in execution And therewithal came out Instructions from the King to be published by the Clergy in their several Parishes the better to possesse the people with the Kings good affection towards them in suffering them to have the benâ—fiâ— of such Heavenly Treasure and to direct hem in a course by which they might enjoy the same to their greater comfort the reformation of their lives and the peace and quiet of the Church Which Proclamation and Instructions are stil preserved in that most admirable 〈◊〉 of Sr Robert Cotten and unto these Commands of so great a Prince both Bishops Priests and People did apply themselves with such cheerful reverence that Bonner even thaâ— bâ—oud◠〈◊〉 as he after proved caused six of them to be chained in several places of St Pauls Church in
seemed best never advising with the Parliament but upon the post-fact and in most cases not at all And first for Doctrinals there was but little done in K. Henries time but that which was acted by the Clergy onely in their Convocation and so commended to the people by the Kings sole Authority the matter being never brought within the cognizance of the two Houses of Parliament For in the year 1536. being the year in which the Popes Authority was for ever banished there were some Articles agreed on in the Convocation and represented to the King under the hands of the Bishops Abbots Priors and inferior Clergy usually called unto those Meetings the Original whereof being in Sr Robert Cotton's Library I have often seen Which being approved of by the King were forthwith published under the Title of Articles devised by the Kings Highness to stable Christian quietness and unity amongst the people In which it is to be observed First that those Articles make mention of Sacraments onely that is to say of Baptisme Penance and the Sacrament of the Altar And secondly That in the Declaration of the Doctrine of Iustification Images honouring of the Saiuts departed as also concerning many of the Ceremonies and the fire of Purgatory they differ'd very much from those Opinions which had been formerly received in the Church of Rome as you may partly see by that Extract of them which occurs in Fox his Acts and Monuments Vol. 2. fol. 1246. For the confirming of which book and recommending it to the use of the people His Majesty was pleased in the Injunctions of the year 1536. to give command to all Deans Parsons Vicars and Curates so to open and declare in their Sermons and other Collacions the said Articles unto them which be under their Cure that they might plainly know and discern which of them be necessary to be believed and observed for their salvation and which dâ— onely concern the decent and politique Order of the Church And this he did upon this ground that the said Articles had been concluded and condescended upon by the Prelates and Clergy of the Realm in their Convocation as appeareth in the very words of the Injunction For which see Fox his Acts and Monuments fol. 1247. I find not any thing in Parliament which relates to this either to countenance the work or to require obedience and conformity from the hand of the people And to say truth neither the King nor Clergy did account it necessary but thought their own Authority sufficient to go through with it though certainly it was more necessary at that time then in any since The power and reputation of the Clergy being under foot the King scarce setled in the Supremacy so lately recognized unto him and therefore the Authority of the Parliament of more use then afterward in Times well ballanced and established 'T is true that in some other year of that Princes Reign we finde some use and mention of an Act of Parliament in matters which concerned Religion but it was onely in such Times when the hopes of Reformation were in the Wane and the Work went retroâ—â—â— For in the year 1539. being the 31. H. 8. When the Lord 〈◊〉 power began to decline and the King was in a necessity of complyance with His Neighbouring Princes there passed an Act of Parliament commonly called the statute of the six Articles or the Whip with six strings In which it was enacted That whosoever by word or writing should preach teach or publish that in the blessed Sacraments of the Altar under form of Bread and Wine there is not really the naturall body and bloud of our Saviour Iesus Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary or affirm otherwise thereof then was maintained and taught in the Church of Rome should be adjudged an Heretick and suffer death by burning and forfeit all his Lands and Goods as in case of High Treason Secondly That whosoever should teach or preach that the Communion of the blessed Sacrament in both kindes is necessary for the health of mans soul and ought to be maintained Thirdly Or that any man after the Order of Priesthood received might marry or contract Matrimony Fourthly Or that any woman which had vowed and professed chastity might contract Marriage Fifthly Or that private Masses were not lawful and laudable or agreeable to the Word of God Or sixthly That curicular Confession was not necessary and expedient to be used in the Church of God should suffer death and forfeit Lands and goods as a Fellon 31 H. 8. c. 14. The rigour of which terrible statute was shortly after mittigated in the said Kings Reign 32 H. 8. c. 10. and 35 H. 8. c. 5. and the whole statute absolutely repealed by Act of Parliament 1 E. 6. c. 12. But then it is to be observed first that this Parliament of K. H. 8. did not determine any thing in those six points of Doctrine which are therein recited but onely took upon them to devise a course for the suppressing of the contrary Opinions by adding by the secular Power the punishment of Death and forfeiture of Lands Goods unto the censures of the Church which were grown weak if not unvalid and consequently by degrees became neglected ever since the said K. Henry took the Headship on Him and exercised the same by a Lay Vicar General And secondly you must observe that it appeareth evidently by the Act it self that at the same time the King had called a Synod and Convocation of all the Archbishops Bishops and other learned men of the Clergy that the Articles were first deliberately and advisedly debated argued and reasoned by the said Archbishops Bishops and other learned men of the Clergy and their opinions in the same declared and made known before the matter came in Parliament And finally That being brought into the Parliament there was not any thing declared and passed as doctrinall but by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and other learned men of the Clergy as by the Act it self doth at large appear Finally Whatsoever may be drawn from thence can be only this That K. Hâ—n did make use of his Court of Parliament for the establishing and confirming of some points of Popery which seemed to be in danger of a Reformation And this compared with the statute of the 34 and 35 prohibiting the reading of the Bible by most sorts of people doth cleerly shew that the Parliaments of those times did rather hinder and retard the work of Reformation in some especial parts thereof than give any furtherance to the same But to proceed There was another point of Reformation begun in the Lord Câ—â—mwels time but not produced nor brought to perfection till after his decease and then too not without the Midwifery of an Act of Parliament For in the year 1537. the Bishops and others of the Clergy of the Convocation had composed a Book entituled The Institution of a Christian Man which being subscribed by all their
singing-men to sing them and prescribed Vestments also to thesâ—singing-men by no other power then the regal only None of the Priâ—sts consulted in iâ— for ought yet appears The like authority was â—xercised and enjoyed by the Christian Emperors not only in their calling Councels and many times assisting at them or presiding in them by themselves or their Deputies or Commissioners but also in confirming the Acts thereof He that consults the Câ—de and 〈◊〉 in the Civil Lawes will finde the best Princes to have been most active in things which did concern Religion in regulating matters of the Church and setting out their Imperial Edicts for suppressing of Hereticks Quid Imâ—eratori cum Ecclesia What hath the Emperor to dâ— in matters which concern the Church is one of the chief Brand marks which Optatus sets upon the Donatists And though some Christians of the East have in the way of scorn had the name of Melchites men of the Kings Religion as the word doth intimate bâ—cause they adhered unto those Doctrines which the Emperors agreeable to former Councels had confirmed and ratified yet the best was that none but Sectaries and Hereticks put that name upon them Neither the men nor the Religion was a â—ot the worse Nor did they only deal in matters of Exterior Order but even in Doctrinals matters intrinsecal to the Faith for which their Enoticon set out by the Emperor Zeno for setling differences in Religion may be proof sufficiâ—nâ—â— The like authority was exercised and enjoyed by Charles the Great when he attained the Western Empire as the Capitulaâ—s published in hiâ— Name and in the names of his Successors do most clearly evidence and not much lesse enjoyed and practisâ—d by the Kings of England in the elder Times though more obnoxious to the power of the Pope of Rome by reason of his Apostleship if I may so call it the Christian Faith being first preached unto the English Saxons by such as he employed in that holy Work The instanceâ— whereof dispersed in several places of our English Histories and other Monuments and Records which concern this Church are handsomely summed up together by Sir Edward Coke in the fift part of his Reports if I well remember but I am sure in Cawdâ—ies Case entituled De Iure Regis Ecclesiastico And though Parsons the Iesuite in his Answer unto that Report hath took much pains to vindicate the Popes Supremacy in this Kingdome from the first planting of the Gospel among the Saxons yet all he hath effected by it proves no more thâ—n this That the Popes by permission of some weak Princes did exercise a kinde of concurrent jurisdiction here with the Kings themselves but came not to the full and entire Supremacy till they had brought all other Kings and Princes of the Western Empire nay even the Emperors themselves under their command So that when the Supremacy was recognized by the Clergy in their Convocationâ—o K. H. 8. it was only the restoring of him to his proper and original power invaded by the Popes of these later Ages though possiâ—ly the Title of Supreme Head seemed to have somewhat in it of an 〈◊〉 At which Title when the Papists generally and Calvin in his Comment on the Prophet Amos did seem to be much scandalizâ—d it was with much wisdome changed by Q. Elizabeth into that of Supreme Governour which is still in use And when that also would not down with some queasie stomachs the Queen her self by her Injunctions published in the first year of her Reign and the Clergy in their Book of Articles agreed upon in Convocation about five years aâ—ter did declare and signifie That there was no authority in sâ—cred matters contained under that Title but that only Prerogative which had bâ—en given alwaies to all godly Princes in holy Scriptuâ—es by God himself that iâ— That they should rule all Estates and degrees committâ—d to their change by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and to restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil dâ—ers as also to exclude thereby the Bishop of Rome from having any jurisdiction in the Realm of England Artic. 37. Lay this unto the rest before and tell me if you câ—n what hath been acted by the Kings of England in the Reformation of Religion but what is warranted unto them by the practise and example of the most godly Kings of Iewry seconded by the most godly Emperorâ— in the Christian Church and by the usage also of their own Predecessors in this Kingdome till Papal Usurpation carried all before it And being that all the Popes pretended to in this Realm was but Usurpation it was no wrong to take that from him which he had no right to and to restore it at the last to the proper Owner Neither Prescription on the one side nor discontinuance on the other change the case at all that noted Maxim of our Lawyers that no prescriptionâ—indes the King or Nullum tempus occurrit Regi as their own words are being as good against the Pope as against the Subject This leads me to the second part of this Dispute the dispossessing of the Pope of that supreme Power so long enjoyed and exercised in this Realm by his Predecessors To which we say that though the pretensions of the Pope were antient yet they were not Primitive and therefore we may answer in our Saviours words Ab initio non â—uit sic it was not so from the beginning For it is evident enough in the course of story that the Pope neither claimed nor exercised any such Supermacy within this Kingdome in the first Ages of this Church nor in many after till by gaining from the King the 〈◊〉 of Bishops under Henry the â— the exemption of the Clergy from the Courts of Justice â—nder Henry the 2. and the submission of King Iohn to the See of Rome they found themselves of strength sufficient to make good their Plea And though by the like artifices seconded by some Texts of Scripture which the ignorance of those times incouraged them to abuse as they pleased they had attained the like Supremacy in France Spain and Germany and all the Churches of the West yet his incroachmâ—nts werâ— opposed and his authority disputed upon all occasions especially aâ— the light of Letters did begin to shine Insomuch as it was not only determined essentially in the Councel of Constance one of the Imperial Cities of High Germany that the Councel was above the Pope and his Authority much 〈◊〉 by the Pragmatick Sanction which thence took beginning but Gerson the learned Chancellor of Paris wrote a full discourse entituled De auferibilitate Papae â—ouching the totall abrogating of the Papall Office which certainly he had never done in case the Papall Office had been found â—ssential and of intrinsecal concernment to the Church of Christ According to the Position of that learned man the greatest Princes in these times did look upon the Pope and the Papall power
unto their Rights as any of their Sees were ruined by the barbarous Nations and consequently his consent not necessary to a Reformation beyond the bounds of his own Patriarchate under that pretence Let us next see what power he can lay claim unto as the Apostle in particular of the English Nation Which memorable title I shall never grudge him I know well not only that the wife of Ethelbert King of Kent a Christian and a daughter of France had both her Chappel and her Chappellane in the Palace Royal before the first preaching of Austin the Monk but that the Britains living intermixt with the Saxons for so long a time may be supposed in probability and reason to have gained some of them to the Faith But let the Pope enjoy this honour let Gregory the Great be the Apostle of the English Saxons by whom that Augustine was sent hither yet this enâ—iâ—uleth his Successors to no higher Prerogatives then the Lords own Apostles did think fit to claim in Countreys which they had converted For neither were the English Saxons Baptized in the name of the Pope they had been then Gregoriani and not Christiani or looked upon him as the Lord of this part of Gods 〈…〉 S. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles did disclaim the one S. Peter the Apostle of the Iewes did disswade the other The Anglican Church was absolute and Independent from the first beginning not tyed so much as to the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome it being left by Gregory to the discretion of Augustine out of the Rites and Rubricks of such Churches as he met with in his journey hither these of Italie and France he means to constitute a form of worship for the Church of England And for a further proof hereof he that consults the Saxon Councels collected by that learned and indâ—striouâ— Gentleman Sir H Spelman will finde how little there was in them of a Papall influence from the first planting of the Gospel to the Norman Conquest If we look lower we shall finde that the Popes Legat a Latere whensoever sent durst not set foot on English ground till he was licensed and indemnified by the Kings Authority but all Apâ—eals in case of grievance were to be made by a Decree of Henry the 2. from the Archdeacon to the Bishop from the Bishop to the Metropolitaâ— Et si Archiepiscopus defecerit in justitia exhibenda ad Dominum Regem deveniendum est postremo and last of all from the Metropolitan to the King himself no Appeal hence unto the Pope as in other places that the Clergy of this land had a self-self-authority of treating and concluding in any businesse which concerned their own peace and happinesse without resorting â—o the Pope for a confirmation Out of which Canons and Determinations made amongst our sâ—lveâ— Lindwood composed his Provincial though framed according to the method of the Roman Dâ—cretal to be the standing body of ouâ—Common-Law that on the other side neither the Canons of that Church or Decretals of the Popes were câ—ncluding here but either by a voluntary submission of some â—â—â—ning and ambitiouâ— Pâ—â—lates or as they were received Synodically by the English Cleâ—gy of which the conâ—â—itutions made by Oâ—he and Othebâ—n Legâ—ts a lâ—tere from the Pope may be proof sufficient aâ—d finally that Ansâ—â—m the Aâ—chbishâ—p of Canterbury was welcomed by Pope Vâ—ban the 2. to the Councel of Bâ—ri in Apulia tanquam alterius orbis Papa as in William of Malmesbury tanquam Patriarcham Apostolicum as Iohn Capgrave hath it as the Pope Patriarch and Apostolick Pâ—â—â—or of another World Divisos orbe Britaâ—â—os as you know who said Which tiâ—les questionlesse the Pope would nâ—ver have conâ—â—â—red upon him had he not been as â—bsolute and supreme in his own jurisdiction succeeding in the Patriarchal Rights of the British Diocesse as the Pope was within the Churches â—ubject unto his Auâ—â—ority And this perhâ—ps might be the reason why Innocent the 2. bestowâ—d on Theobald the third from Ansâ—lm and on his Suâ—cessoâ—s in that Sâ—e the Title of Legati nâ—ti that they might seem to act rather in the time to come as Servants and Ministers to the Pope then as the Primatesâ—nd chief Pastors of the Church of England And by all this it may appear that the Popes Apostleship was never looked on here as a matter of so great concernment that the Church might not lawfully proceed to a Râ—formation without his allowance and consent Were that plea good the Germans might not lawfully have reformed themselves without the allowance of the English it being evident in story that not only Boniface Archbishop of Menâ—z called generally the Apostle of Germany was an Engglish man but that Willibald the first Bishop of Eystel Willibadâ—he first Bishop of Bremen Willibrod the first Bishop of Vtreoht Swibert the first Bishop of Virâ—â—em and the fiâ—st converterâ— of those parts were of England also men instigated to this great work all except the first not so much by the Popeâ— zeal as their own great piety By this that hath been said it is clear enough that the Church of England at the time of the Reformation was not indeed a Member of the Church of Rome under the Pope aâ— the chief Pastor and Supreme Head of the Church of CHRIST but a Fellow-member with it of that Body Mystical whereof CHRIST only is the Head part of that â—â—ock whereof he only iâ— the Shephâ—rd a sister Church to that of Rome though with relation to the time of her last conversion but a younger Sister And if a Fellow-member and a Sister-Church she might make use of that authority which naturally and originally was vested in her to reform her self without the leave of the particular Church of Rome or any other whatsoever of the Sister-Churches The Church is likened to a City in the Book of God a City at unity in it self as the Psalmist cals it and as a City it consisteth of many houses and in each house a several and particular Family Suppose this City visiâ—ed with some general sicknesse may noâ— each family take care to preserve it self advise with the Physitian and apply the Remedy without consulting with the rest Or if consulting with the rest must they needs ask leave also of the Maior or principal Magistrate take counsel with no other Doctors and follow no other course of Physick then such as he commends unto them or imposeth on them Or must the lesser languish irremediably under the calamity because the greater and more potent Families do not like the cure Assuredly it was not so in the primitive times wheâ— it was held a commendable and lawfull thing for National and particular Churches to reform such errors and corruptions as they found amongst them nor in the Church of Iudah nâ—ither when the Idolatries of their Nâ—ighbours had got ground upon them Though Israâ—l transgress◠〈◊〉 not Judah sin saith the Prophet Hosea chap. 4. Yet Israel
so lesse partial in this cause The like done hâ—re in England by the care of Athelstan causing a Translation of the Saxon Tongue the like done by Methodâ—us the Apostle Genâ—râ—l of the Sclaves translating it into the Sclavonian for the use of those Nations not to say any thing of the Syriack Aethiopick Arabick the Peâ—sian and Chaldaean Versions of which the times and Authors are not so well known And what I pray you is the vulgar or old Latine Edition of late times made Authentick by the Popes of Rome but a Translation of the Scriptures out of Greek and Hebrew for the insâ—ruction of the Roman and Italian Nations to whom the Latine at that time was the Vulgar Tongue And when that Tongue by reason of the breaking in of the barbarous Nations was worn out of knowledge I mean as to the common people did not God stir up Iames Archbishop of Genoa when the times were darkest that is to say annoâ—290 or theâ—eabouts to give some light to them by translating the whole Bible into the Italian the modern Lanâ—uâ—ge of that Countrey As he did Wiâ—lef not long after to translate the same into the English of those times the Saxon Tongue not being then commonly understâ—od a copy of whose Version in a fair Velom Manuscript I have now here by me by the gift of my noble Friend Charles Dymoke Hereditary Champion to the Kings of England So then it is no innovation to translate the Scriptures and lesse to suffer these Translations to be promiscuously read by all sorts of people the Scripture being as well MILK for Babes as strong Meat for the man of more able judgement Why else doth the Apostle note it as a commendâ—ble thing in Timothy that he knew the Scriptures from his childhood and why else doth S. Hierom speak it to the honour of the Lady Paula that she made her maids learn somewhat daily of the holy Scriptures Why else does Chrysostome call so earnestly on all sorts of men to provide themselves of the holy Bibles {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the only Physick for the Soul as he cals it there inviting to the reading thereof not only men of learning and publick businesse but even the poor Artificer also as is acknowledged by Senensis whom before we mentioned And why else doth S. Augustine inform his Auditors that it sufficeth not to hear the Scriptures read in the Congregation unlesse they read also in their private Hoâ—ses Assuredly if Boyes and Girles if Servants and Artificers are called upon so earnestly to consult the Scriptures tâ— have them in a Tongue intelligible to them in their private Faâ—ilies and are commended for so doing as we see they are I know no rank of men that can be excluded Let us next see whether it be an Innovation in the Church of CHRIST to have the Liâ—urgies or Commâ—n-prayers of the Chuâ—ch in the Tongue generally understood by the commâ—n People which make the greatest number of all Church Assemblies And first we finde by the Apostle not only that the publick Prayeâ—s of the Church of Câ—rinth were celebrated in a language which they understood but that it ought to be so also in all other Churches Except saith he ye utter by the voice words easie to be understood how shall it be known what is spoken How shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned say Ameâ—to thy giving of thanks and consequently to thy Prayers also if he understand not what thou sayest 1 Cor. 14. 9. 16. What say the Papists unto this Do not both Lyra and Aquinas expresly grant in their Commentaries on this place of Scripture that the common Service of the Church in the Primitive times was in the common vulgar language Is not the like affirmed by Harding in his Answer to Bishop Iewels challenge Art 3. Sect. 28. Adding withall that it was necessary in the Primitive times that it should be so and granting that it were still better that the people had their Service in their own vulgar Tongue for their better understanding of it Sect. 33. Having thus Confitentes reos we need seek no further and yet a further search will not be unprofitable And on that search it will be found that the converted Iewes did celebrate their divinâ— Offices â—ractatus oblationes as the Father hath it most commonly in the Syriack and sometimes in the Hebrew tongue the natural â—anguages of that people as is affirmed by S. Ambrâ—se in 1. ad Cor. cap. 14. and out of him by Durand in his Râ—tiâ—nâ—le Divinorum Eckius a great stickler of the Popes affirmeth in his Common places that the Indians have their Service in the Indian tongue and that S. Hierome having translated the whole Bible into the Dâ—lmatick procured that the Service shâ—uld be celebrated in that Language also The like S. Hâ—erome himself in his Epistle to Heliodorus hath told us 〈◊〉 the Bessi a Sarmation people the like S. Basil in his Epistle to the Neâ— caesareans assures us for the Aegyptians Libyans Palestinians Phenicians Arabians Syrians and such as dwell about the Bâ—nks of the River Euphrates The Aethiopians had their Mâ—ssal the Chaldeans theirs each in the language of their Countryes which they still retain So had the Mâ—scovites of old and all the scattered Churches of the Eastern parts which they continue to this day But nothing is more memorable in this kinde then that which Aenaeas Silvius tels of the Sclavonians who being converted to the Faith made suite unto the Pope to have the publick Service in their natural Tongue but some delay being made therein by the Pope and Cardinals a voice was heard seeming to have come from Heaven praying Omnis Spiritus laudet Dominum omnis lingua conâ—iteatur ei whereupon their desires were granted without more dispute Touching which Grant there is extant an Epistle from Pope Iohn the 8. to Sfentopulcher King of the Moravian Selaves anno 888. at what time both the Latine Service and the Popes authority were generally received in those parts of Europe Which Letter of Pope Iâ—hn the 8. together with the Story above mentioned might probably be a chief inducement to Innocent the 3. to set out a Decree in the Lateran Councel importing that in all such Cities in which there was a concourse of divers Nations and consequently of different Languages as in most Towns of Trade there doth use to be the Serviâ—e should be said and Sacraments administred Secundum diversitates nationum linguarum according to the difference of their Tongues and Nations And though Pope Gregory the 7. a turbulent and violent man about 200 years afâ—er the Concession made by Iohn the S. in his Letter to Vratislaus King of Bohemia laboured the cancelling of thâ—t priviledge and possibly might prevail therein as the â—imes then were yet the Liburnians and Dalmatians two Sclavonian Nations and bordering on Italy the Popes proper seat do still enjoy the benefit of that
but a Regular way Kings were not Kings if regulating the external parts of Gods publick worship according to the Platformes of the Primitive times should not be allowed them But yet the Kings of England had a further right as to this particular which is a power conferred upon them by the Clergy whether by way of Recognition or Concession I regard not hâ—re by which they did invest the King with a Supreme Auâ—hority not only of confirming their Synodical Acts not to be put in exâ—cution without his consent but in effect to devolve on him all that power which firmly they enjoyed in their own capacity And to this we have a paralled Case in the Roman Empire in which there had bâ—â—n once a time when the Supreme Majesty of the Sâ—ate was vested in the Senate and people of Rome till by the Law which they called Lex Regia they transferred all their Power on Caesar and the following Emperors Which Law being passed the Edicts of the Prince or Emperor was as strong and binding as the Senatus Consulta and the Plâ—bisâ—ita had been before Whence came that memorable Maxim in Iustinians Iustitutes that is to say Quod Principi placuerit legis habet vigâ—rem The like may be affirmâ—d of the Church of England immediately before and in the reign of K. Henry 8. The Clergy of this Realm had a Self-authority in all matters which concerned Religion and by their Canons and Determinations did binde all the subjects of what rank soever till by acknowledging that King for their supreme Head and by the Act of submission not long after follâ—wing they transferred that power upon the King and on his Successoâ—s By doâ—ng wherâ—of they did not only diâ—able themselves from concluding any thing in their Convocations or puâ—ting â—heir results into execution without his conâ—ent but put him into the actual pâ—ssession of that Authoriâ—y which properly beâ—onged to the supremacy or the supreme Head in as â—ull manner as 〈◊〉 the Pâ—pe of Rome or any dâ—lâ—gated by and under him did before enjoy it After which 〈◊〉 whatsoever the King or his Successors did in the Râ—formâ—tion as it had vertually the power of the Convocations so was it as effectual and goâ—d in law as if the Clergy in their Câ—nvocation particularly and in terminis had agreed upon it Not that the King or his Successors were hereby enabled to exercise the Kâ—iâ—s and determine Heresies much lesse to 〈◊〉 the Word â—nd administer the Sacramentâ— as the Papists â—alsly gave it out but as the Heads of the Ecclesiastical Body of this Realm to see that all the members of that Body 〈◊〉 perform their duties to rectifie what was found amisse amongst them to preserve peace between them on emergent differences to reform such errors and corruptions as are expresly contrary to the word of God and finally to give strength and motions to their Councels and Determinations tending to Edification and increase of Piety And though in most of their proceedingâ— toward Reformation the Kiâ—gs advised with such Bishops as they had about them or could assâ—mble without any great trouble or inconvenience to advise witâ—all yet was there no necâ—ssity that all or the greatest partâ— of the Bishops should be drawn together for that purpose no more then it was anciently in the Primitive Times for the godly Emperors to câ—ll together the most part of the Bishops in the Roman Empire for the â—stâ—blishing of the matters which comâ—erned the Church or for the godly Kings of Iudah to call together the greatest part of the Priests and Levites before they acted any thing in the Reformation of those corruptions and abuses which were crâ—pt in amongst them Which being so and then withâ—â—l considering as we ought to do that there was nothing aâ—tered here in the state of Râ—ligion till either the whole Clergy in their 〈…〉 the Bâ—shops and most eminent Church-men had resolved upon it our Religion is no more to be called a Regal then a Parliament-Gospel 6 That the Clergy lost not any of their just Rights by the Act of Submission and the pâ—wer of calling and confirming Councels did anciently belong to the Christian Princes If you conceive that by ascribing to the King the Supreme Authority taking him for their Supreme Head and by the Act of Submission which ensued upon it the Clergy did unwittingly ensnare themselves and drew a Vasâ—allage on these of the times succeeding inconsistent with their native Rights and contrary to the usage of the Primitive Church I hope it will be no hard matter to remove that scruple It 's true the Clergy in their Convocation can do nothing now but as their doings are confirmed by the Kings authority and I conceive it stands with reason as well as point of State that it should be so For since the two Houses of Parliament though called by the Kings Writ can conclude nothing which may binde either King or Subject in their Civil Rights untill it be made good by the Royal Assent so neither is it â—it nor safe that the Clergy should be able by their Constitutions and Synodical Acts to conclude both Prince and People in spiritual matters untill the stamp of Royal Authority be imprinted on them The Kings concurrence in this case devesteth not the Clergy of any lawful power which they ought to have but restrains them only in the exercise of some part thereof to make it more agreeable to Monarchical Government to accommodate it to the benefit both of Prince and People It 's true the Clergy of this Realm can neither meet in Convocation nor conclude any thing therein nor put in execution any thing which they have concluded but as they are enabled by the Kings authority But then it is as true withall that this is neither inconsistent with their native Rights nor contrary unto the usage of the Primitive Times And first it is not inconsistent with their native Rights it being a peculiar happinesse of the Church of England to be alwaies under the protection of Christian Kings by whose encouragement and example the Gospel was received in all parts of this Kingdome And iâ— you look into Sir Henry Spleman's Collection of the Saxon Councels I believe that you will hardly finde any Ecclesiastical Canons for the Government of the Church of England which were not either originally promulgated or after approved and allowed of either by the Supreme Monarch of all the Saxons or by some King or other of the several 〈◊〉 directing in their National or Provincial Synods And they enjoyed this Prerogative without any dispute after the Norman Conquest also till by degrees the Pope ingrossed it to himself as before was shewn and then conferred it upon such as were to exercise the same under his authority which plainly manifests that the Act of Suâ—mission so much spoke of was but a changing of their dependance from the Pope to the King from an usurped to a lawful power from one