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A67922 Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.; Actes and monuments Foxe, John, 1516-1587. 1583 (1583) STC 11225; ESTC S122167 3,006,471 816

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tripled besides Annates and Palles whiche all together are thought to make the totall summe yearely goyng out of Fraunce to the Popes coffers ●f late yeares x. Myriades or Milliōs euery Myriade mountyng to x. thousand crownes Now what hath risen besides in other Realmes and Natiōs let other men coniecture Wherfore if the Gospell send vs to the fruites to know the tree I pray you what is to be thought of the Churche of Rome with these fruites of lyfe Or if we will seeke the Church in length and number of yeares where was this Church of Rome with these qualities then at what tyme the Church of Rome was a persecuted Church not a persecutyng Church And when the Byshops therof did not make Martyrs as these do now but were made Martyrs them selues to the number of xxv in order one after an other Or when the Byshops therof were elected exalted not by factiōs conspiring not by power or partes taking not by money or frendes makyng as they be now but by the free voyces of the people of the Clergy with the consent of the Emperour ioyned with all and not by a few cōspired Cardinals closed vp in a corner as they be now c. ANd yet if there were no other difference in the matter but onely corruptiō of life all that we would tollerate or els impute to the common fragilitie of man and charge them no further therein then we might charge our selues Now ouer and beside this deformitie of life wherein they are cleane gone frō the former steppes of the true Church of Rome we haue moreouer to charge them in greater pointes more nearely touchyng the substauntiall ground of the Church as in their iurisdiction presumptuously vsurped in their title falsely grounded and in their doctrine heretically corrupted In all which three pointes this latter pretenced Churche of Rome hath vtter sequestred it selfe from the Image and nature of the auncient and true Church of Rome and haue erected to them selues a new Church of their owne makyng as first vsurping a iurisdiction neuer knowen before to their auncient predecessors For although the Churche of Rome in the old primitiue tyme had his due authoritie and place due vnto that sea among other Patriarchall Churches ouer and vpon such Churches as were within his precinct bordering neare vnto it as appeareth by the Actes of Nicene Coūcell yet the vniuersall fulnesse and plenitude of power in both the regimentes spirituall temporall in deposing dispensing matters of the Church not to him belōging in taking Appeales in geuyng elections inuestyng in benefices in exēpting him selfe from obedience subiection of his ordinary power Magistrate with his coactiue power newly erected in the church of Rome was neuer receaued nor vsed in the old Romane church frō which they disagree in all their doings For although Victor thē bishop of Rome an 200. went about to excōmunicate the East Churches for the obseruation of Easter day yet neither did he proceede therein neither was permitted by Irenaeus so to doe And although Boniface the first likewise writyng to the Byshops of Carthage required of thē to send vp their appellatiōs vnto the Church of Rome alledgyng moreouer the decree of Nicene Coūcell for his authoritie The Byshops Clergy of Carthage assemblyng together in a generall Coūcell called the vj. Councell of Carthage to the nūber of .217 Byshops after they had perused the decrees in the autentike copies of the foresayd Nicene Councell foūd no such matter by the sayd Bonifacius alledged made therefore a publike decree that none out of that countrey should make any appeale ouer the sea c. And what maruell if appeales were forbiddē them to be made to Rome whē as both here in Englād the kyngs of this land would not permit any to Appeale frō them to Rome before king Henry the ij because of the murther of Thomas Becket beyng thereunto compelled by Pope Alexander the iij. And also in Fraunce the like prohibitions were expressely made by Ludouicus Pius an 1268. which did forbid by a publicke instrument called Pragmatica sanctio all exactions of the Popes court within his Realme Also by kyng Philip named Le bel an 1296. the like was done which not only restrayned all sēdyng or goyng vp of his subiectes to Rome but also that no money armour nor subsidy should be transported out of his Realme The like also after him did king Charles the v. surnamed the Wise and his sonne likewise after him Charles the vj. who also punished as traytours certaine seditious persons for appealyng to Rome The like resistaūce moreouer was in the sayd countrey of Fraūce against the Popes reseruatiōs preuētiōs other like practises of his vsurped iurisdictiō in the dayes of pope Martin the v. an 1418. Item when kyng Henry the vj. in England and kyng Charles the 7. in Fraūce did both accord with the Pope in inuesting in collatiō of benefices yet notwithstandyng the highe Court of Parliament in Fraunce did not admit the same but still maintayned the old libertie customes of the French Church In so much that the Duke of Be●hfort came with the kynges letters patēt to haue the Popes procurations reseruations admitted yet the court of Parliamēt would not agree to the same but the kyngs Procurator generall was fayne to go betwixt them as is to be sene in their Registers an 1425. the fift day of Marche In the dayes of the which kyng Charles the vij was setforth in Fraunce Pragmatica san●tio as they call it agaynst the Anna●es reseruations expectatiues and such other proceedyngs of the Popes pretenced iurisdictiō an 1438. Wherfore what maruell if this iurisdiction of the Popes Court in excommunicatyng in takyng Appeales and geuyng of benefices was not vsed in the old Church of Rome when as in these latter dayes it hath bene so much resisted And what should I speake of the forme and maner of elections now vsed in the Church of Rome cleane cōuerted from the maner of the old Church of their predecessors For first in those auncient dayes when as yet the Church remayned in the Apostles onely a few other Disciples the Apostles then with prayer and imposition of handes elected Byshops Ministers as by the Apostles Iames was made Bishop of Hierusalem Paule in Creta elected Titus and Timothe in Ephesus Also Peter ordayned Linus and Clement in Rome c. After which tyme of the Apostles when the Church began more to multiply the election of Byshops and Ministers stode by the Clergie the people with the consent of the chief Magistrate of the place and so continued during all the tyme of the Primitiue Church till the tyme and after the time of Constantine the 4. Emperour which Emperour as writeth Platina and Sabellic Enead 8. lib. 6. published a law concernyng the election of the Romane Byshop that
I suppose will and ought sooner runne and the word of Christ will sooner driue vs to our father then to the Priests Corban Marc. 7. So that this distinction here may haue place that as the one standeth vpon merite of vertue so the other standeth vpon mere duety of necessitie Pag. 362. col 1. These iurisdictions temporall and spiritual are compatible in one persone Aunswere I graunt pro ratione subiects That is in the subiect it selfe there is no cause to the contrary but these vocations may be exercised both of one persone as they haue beene of the Pope one after the other and so may contrary formes also and yet the Popes persone hath bene able to sustaine them both But now here is to be considered not what the nature of the subiecte is able to beare by Logicke but what order is taken heerein by the will of God whose order is thys That they which with Peter are called to the feeding of the flock shoulde leaue their fishing nettes and fishe for men and that they which labour in the warfare of the Lord should not intangle thēselues with the busines of this life wherby they may be more free to please him whose souldiours they are Tit. 2 c. Pag. 362. col 1. The iurisdictions temporall and spirituall are so distincted that they are not contrary c. Aunswer And what let is there then but our Queene nowe and other kings heereafter may haue the gouernement of both states as well Ecclesiasticall as temporall Seeing both the formes being compatible may concurre both in one subiect why not as well in the persone of the King within the Realme as in the person of the Pope without the Realme Pag. 363 col 1. God after the creation of the world c. vnto Noes time c. Aunswere If God vnto Noes time gouerning the worlde as king gaue sentence himselfe against Caine as yee say howe then did he that by the ministerie of aungels If he did it by the aungels his ministers Whether is more like then that to make for the Pope or rather for kings and princes whom the Scripture thrise in one chapter calleth the ministers of God to execute punishment to him that doth euill Rom. 13. Pag. 363. Noe also which offered c. Aunswere If offering of burnt sacrifices to God doe make a priest then was Caine also Abell Abraham Isaac and all Patriarches priests If hee had both temporall and spirituall iurisdiction vppon them which were in his Arke I maruell why hee did not curse ●hen the disobedyent crowe that returned not to him againe Pag. 363. col 1 Melchisedech likewise c. Answere Melchisedech properly did beare a figure of Christ both king and priest and of none other Pag. 363. col 2. A. I haue geuen to me c. Aunswere That Christ hath all power geuen him no man doubteth but yet the same Christ sayth that his kingdome is not of this world Neither would he be made a king in this worlde c. Non eripit mortalia qui regna dat caelestia hym Pag. 363. col 1. B. Whom Christ made his vicar c. Answere Here in one line bee two lies For neither had Peter the very same power in heauen and earth as Christ had neyther was hee the vicar of Christ. Pag. 363. col 1. C. As the offence of Ananias and Saphira was not temporall but spirituall so did Peter kill them not iudicially that is as a temporall iudge but spiritually that is by the power of the spirite which spirite wrought by him not as by a iudge but as a minister And although this acte of Peter was extraordinarie for a singular example yet notwithstanding let any prelate with the like power of spirit so do none wil blame him Pag 363 col 1. D. And so likewise the condemnation of Paule against the Corinthian was onely spirituall and not temporall Pag. 363. 1. E. must be referred to the order c. Aunswere Christ woulde these causes to be referred to the hearing of the Churche for spirituall admonition but not for temporall iurisdiction of the prelates Pag 363. col 1. F. All things that the true Church doth truely binde are bound I graunt but first let the Pope proue his Church to be the true Church and himselfe to be the vniuersal head therof and then let him claime the keies Ibid. The two swords do as much signifie the two regiments as doe the two fishes wherewith Christ did feede foure thousande persones Ibid. Christ bad Peter put vp his sword and not to cast it away Ergo the Church may haue the temporall sworde Answere God geue you good morowe I haue brought you a capon Pag. 364. col 1. I. Know ye not the Saintes c. Aunswere S. Paule heere willing the Corinthians to pleade their matters not before the heathen but before the Saints meaneth the faithfull of the congregation not onely prelates K. In them was not the like reason c. Aunswere I graunt for Christ and true Christians is one thing Antechrist and hys Church is an other thing Ibid. As ye say the Apostles had no laisure to take lands and possessions for preaching but nowe for Lordly loytering you haue laisure inough Pag. 364. col 1. M. They are most fittest to beare temporal rule which followe neerest to God Prelates of the cleargie followe nearest to God Ergo Prelates of the Clergie are more meetest to beare temporall rule Resp. If God heere be taken for that God which is called the belly I graunt they seeme to followe nearer But if it be taken for the true God not I but their owne fruites life and doctrine and Esay also would denie their minor and say that this people draweth neare to me with their lips but their heart is farre from me Pag. 364. col 1. You are a chosen generation a royal Priesthode c. Aunswere This place of Peter was written not onely to persones Ecclesiasticall but to the whole congregation of the Saintes disparsed as the wordes following may declare Qui eratis quondam non populus c. And thus much concerning French matters which because they be Ecclesiasticall and beare wyth them some vtilitie to the diligēt reader such as list to search note and obserue the actes of men and course of religion I thought therfore here to place and adioyne next after the other contention before proceding betwene Philip the French king and Pope Boniface Albeit as touching the perfect keeping of yeres and time I am not ignorant that thys foresaid Parliament thus summoned and commenced against the French prelates falling in the yeare of our Lorde 1329. was to be referred rather to y● raigne of king Edward the i● Of whom now remaineth by the grace of Christ in order of historie to prosecute declaring first the instructions and informations of his father geuen to him in the time of his departing
health and communion with the seruaunts of the catholicke Church Of the which communion discipline and power he vaynely braggeth y● by the presumption of hys authoritie shal vniustly bynd or lose any maner of persō And he doth vniustly bynd what soeuer he be that curseth any man being willing to make satisfaction and bewayling hys boldnes beyng also vnco●●●et and not confessing the crime but rather cursing that party in vayne he curseth and condemneth himself turning his weapon vpō his own persō to destructiō O straunge and new found trechery proceeding from the sanctuary nay rather from 〈◊〉 whiche as high Priest seemeth to rule the church to be a Iudge ouer the Iudges Hildebrand was earnestly in hand with the Emperor that he should depriue those Bishops which came in by simonie The Emperour thinking as a zelous Prince that this commission had proceeded from the throne of God without delay obeyed the same and forthwith without any consideration or iudiciall order depriued certayne Bishops and thought that by this his obedience to Hildebrand be 〈◊〉 an acceptable sacrifice to God not knowyng the 〈…〉 But Hildebrand then agayne placed those whom the Emperour for 〈◊〉 at his commaundement had before deposed and those whom by that meanes he made to bea●● a hatefull heart to the Emperour he reconciled agayne vnto himselfe in great familiaritie and by many and great othes taken of thē for their fidelitie towards him he promoted aboue al the rest And thus by these prankes the Imperiall seat of the king beyng shortly after empaired destitute almost of frends he craftily purchasing the friendship and fauor of the greatest princes the better to bring his matters to passe sodainly agayne without any lawfull accusation without any canonicall vocation without all iudiciall order excōmunicated the Emperor so obedient alwayes vnto him set the Princes of the Empire all agaynst him And notwithstandyng as the Apostle sayeth that no man ought to circumuent his brother in his busines as much as in him lay he rather mortified and killed him then brotherly corrected him Thus the Emperor beyng many wayes circumvented as excommunicate besides the canonicall order and by the consent and counsail of Hildebrand spoiled of the greatest part of his Imperiall honour and ouercharged with great warres and slaughters of hys owne subiects in vayne desired he and sued for to haue the Canon read and heard causing him by force and violence at Canusium in the presence of Hildebrand to accuse himselfe by his owne confession Say you now I pray you all such as loue iustice and loue not to leane either vpon the left hand or els the right hand in the fauour of any person Say your mindes whether that such a confession beyng inforced vpon neuer so poore a man much lesse vpon an Emperor ought at such a tyme to be preiudiciall or not Or whether he which extorted the same confession is guilty of the Canon Or els he which beyng so peruersly iudged suffered the iniury of a most peruerse iudge Which also most paciently and publikely suffred this violence with lamentable affliction vpō his bare feete clothed in thinne garments in the sharpe winter which neuer was vsed and was three dayes together at Canusium made a spectacle both of angels and men and a ludibrious mocking stocke to that proud Hildebrand Neuer trust me if that 14. Cardinals the Archdeacon himselfe and he that is called Primicerius beyng all wise and religious men besides many other of y● clarks of Laterane to the iudgement and priuiledge of whose holy seat the whole world is obedient waying and considering his intollerable apostasie departed not from participating and refused from communicating with him This glorious Hildebrand his affinitie by their new authoritie breaking the decrees of the Calcedone Councel not onely in wordes but also in publike writings haue agreed that it is tollerable both to baptise and communicate beyng out of the church of God and how blynd these men were and also what heretikes they be their own writings do declare What a mischiefe is this saith Benno they presume to iudge of the Church which swarme them selues in all errours who also esteeme the veritie but as a lye and least their poysoned falshood both in words writings should appeare they haue like subtill poysoners the sooner to deceiue mixed hony therwithall A lye sayth S. Augustine is euery thing pronounced with the intent of deceauing other It were too long and tedious here to recite all the detestable doyngs and diabolicall practises of coniurings charmes and filthy sorceries exercised betwene hym and Laurentius Theophilact otherwyse named Pope Benedict the 9. wherof a long narration foloweth in the foresayd epistle of Benno to the cardinals to be seen to whom the reader may repaire who so hath either laisure to read or mynd to vnderstand more of the abhominable partes and diuelish artes of this Hildebrand Thus hauing sufficiently alledged the wordes and testimonies of Benno and Auentinus concerning the actes and factes of this Pope Now let vs proceed in the order as followeth in his story to set forth the miserable vexation which the vertuous and godly Emperour sustayned by that vngodly person About what time Hildebrand was made Pope Henricus the 4. Emperour was incombred and much vexed with ciuill dissention in Germany by reason of certayne greuances of the Saxons against him his father Henricus the 3. Whereupon the matter growyng to sedition sides were taken great warres ensued betwixt 〈◊〉 Duke of Saxony Henricus the Emperour This 〈◊〉 tyme seemed to Hildebrand very opportune to worke his feates whose study drift was euer 〈◊〉 the beginning to aduaunce the dominion of the Romish fear aboue al other bishops and also to presse down the authoritie of the temporall enters vnder the 〈◊〉 men of the Church And although he went about the same 〈…〉 traynes and actes set forth to 〈…〉 he thought more effectuously to accomplish his purposed intent after that he was exalted thether where he would be And therefore now bearing himselfe the bolder by the authority of S. Peters throne first he began to pursue the acte set out by his predecessor as touching simonie cursing and excommunicating whosoeuer they were that receiued any spirituall liuing or promotion at lay mens hands as all such as were the geuers therof For this he called than Simonie that vnder that colour he might defeat the temporal potestates of their right and so bring the whole clergy at length to the lure of Rome And forasmuch as y● emperour was the head thinking first to begin with him he sendeth for him by letters and Legates to appeare in the councel of Laterane at Rome But the Emperour busied in his warres against the Saxones had no laysure to attend to councels Notwithstanding Gregorius the Pope procedeth in his councel rendring there the cause and reason before the bishops why he had excommunicate diuers of
will not name And here now commeth in the Argument of Pighius Hosius and Eccius to be aunswered vnto who arguyng for the antiquitie and authoritie of the Church of Rome reason on this maner Da That for somuch as an ordinary a knowen Church visible must here be knowen cōtinually on earth during frō the time of the Apostles to the which church all other Churches must haue recourse xi And seeyng then there is no other Church visible orderly known to haue indured from the Apostles time but onely the Church of Rome j. They conclude therfore that the Church of Rome is that Church wherunto all other Churches must haue their recourse c. To the which Paralogisme I aūswere thus that this word Durans Ecclesia the during Church in the Minor hath fallaciā aequiuoci For although the name of the Church and outward successiō of Byshops haue had their durance frō tyme of the Apostles yet the definition and matter which maketh a true Apostolicall church in deede and vniuocè neither is now in the church of Rome nor yet the forme institution of the church now vsed in Rome was euer frō the Apostles whiche Apostles were neuer Authors or fathers of this title iurisdictiō and doctrine now taught in Rome but rather were enemies euer to the same Agayne to the Maior which standeth vpon two partes I aunswere first although the necessitie of the churche duryng from the Apostles may and must be graūted yet the same necessitie was not boūd to any certaine place or persō but onely to fayth so that wheresoeuer that is to say in whatsoeuer congregation true fayth was there was the church of Christ And because the true fayth of Christ must needes euer remaine in earth therfore the Church also must needes remaine in earth And God forbid that the said true faith of Christ should only remaine in one citie in the world and not in other as well And therfore to the secōd part of the Maior is to be sayd that as this true and sincere fayth of Christ is not so geuen to remaine fixely in one place or citie alone so neither is there any one church in the world so ordained appointed of God that al other Churches should haue their recourse vnto it for determination of their causes and cōtrouersies incident c. And thus much to the Argument of Pighius and Hosius c. Now as touchyng the authorities allegations of the auncient Doctours and holy fathers in the commēdation of the Church of Rome here commeth in also to be noted that whosoeuer will vnderstand rightly their authorities and aūswere to the same must first learne to make a difference and distinction of the sayd Church of Rome frō that it was to that it is for as much as the Church of Rome is not the same Church now which it was then but onely aequiuocè otherwise as touching the very propertie and definition of a Church it is an other Church and nothing agreing to that was then saue onely in outward name and place therefore by this distinction made I aunswere the place of Irenaeus Cyprianus and other famous Doctours commendyng the Church of Rome as Catholicke and Apostolicall and say that these Doctours speakyng of the Church of Rome which then was sayd not vntrue calling it Catholicke Apostolicall for that the same Church tooke their ordinary succession of Byshops ioyned with the ordinary doctrine and institution frō the Apostles but speakyng of the Church of Rome whiche now is we say the sayd places of the Doctours are not true neither doe appertaine to the same all which Doctours neither knew the Churche of Rome that now is neither if they had would euer haue iudged any thyng therein worthy such commendation Ouer and besides our aduersaries yet more obiect agaynst vs who heauing and shouyng for the antiquitie of the Romish Churche for lacke of other sufficient reason to proue are driuen to fall in scannyng the tymes and yeares What say they where was this Church of yours before these fiftie yeares To whom briefly to aunswere first we demaund what they meane by this which they call our Church If they meane the ordinaunce and institution of doctrine and Sacramentes now receaued of vs and differing from the Church of Rome we affirme and say that our church was when this church of theirs was not yet hatched out of the shell nor did yet euer see any light that is in the time of the Apostles in the primitiue age in the tyme of Gregorie the first the old Romane church when as yet no vniuersall pope was receiued publikely but repelled in Rome nor this fulnesse of plenary power yet knowen nor this doctrine and abuse of Sacramentes yet heard of In witnes wherof we haue the old actes and histories of aūcient tyme to geue testimony with vs wherein sufficiēt matter we haue for vs to declare the same forme vsage and institution of this our church reformed now not to be the begynnyng of any new church of our owne but to be the renewyng of the old aūcient church of Christ nor to be any sweruyng from the church of Rome but rather a reducyng to the church of Rome Whereas contrary the churche of Rome whiche now is is nothyng but a sweruyng from the churche of Rome as partly is declared and more shall appeare Christ willyng hereafter And where the sayd our aduersaries doe moreouer charge vs with the fayth of our fathers and Godfathers wherein we were baptised accusing and cōdemnyng vs for that we are now reuolted frō them their fayth wherin we were first Christened To this we aūswere that we beyng first baptised by our fathers Godfathers in water in the name of the Father of the Sonne of the holy Ghost the same fayth wherin we were Christened thē we do retaine because our Godfathers were thē selues also in the same fayth therfore they cā not say that we haue forsaken the fayth of our Godfathers c. As for other points of Ecclesiasticall vses circumstaunces cōsidered besides the principall substaunce of fayth and baptisme if they held any thyng whiche receaded from the doctrine and rule of Christ therein we now remoue our selues not because we would differ from them but because we would not with them remoue from the rule of Christes doctrine Neither doth the Sacramēt of our baptisme binde vs in all points to the opiniōs of them that baptised vs but to the fayth of him in whose name we were Baptised For as if a man were Christined of an heretique the Baptisme of him notwithstandyng were good although the Baptiser were nought so if our Godfathers or fathers which Christened vs were taught any thyng not consonant to Christiā doctrine in all pointes neither is our Baptisme worsse for that nor yet we boūd to folow thē in all thynges wherein they them selues did not
their iustice vpon him Certes it had bene the safest way for the king as it proued after who had iust matter inough if he had prosecuted his cause agaynst him And also thereby hys death had bene without all suspicion of martirdome neyther had their followed this shrining and fainting of him as there did Albeit the secret prouidence of God whiche gouerneth all thinges did see this way percase to be best and most necessary for those dayes And doubtles to say here what I thinke and yet to speak nothing agayne charitie if the Emperours had done the like to the Popes contending agaynst them what tyme they had cooke them prisoners that is if they had vsed the lawe of the sword against them and chopped off the heads of one or two according to their trayterous rebellion they had broken the necke of much disturbaunce whiche long tyme after did trouble the Churche But for lacke of that because Emperours hauing the sword and the trueth on their side woulde not vse their sworde but standing in awe of the Popes vayne curse and reuerencing his seat for Saint Peters sake durst not lay hand vppon hym though he were neuer so abhominable and trayterous a maletactour The Popes perceauing that tooke so much vpon them not as the scripture would geue but as much as the superstitious feare of Emperors and kings woulde suffer them to take which was so much that it past all order rule and measure And all because the superior powers eyther would not or durst not practise the authoritie geuen to them of the Lord vpon those inferiours but suffered them to be their maisters But as touching Thomas Becket what soeuer is to be thought of them that did the acte the example therof yet bringeth this profite with it to teach all Romish Prelates not to be so stubborne in such matters not pe●tayning to them against their Prince vnto whom God hath subiected them Now to the story which if it be true that is set forth in Quadrilogo by those source who tooke vpon thē to expresse the life and processe of Thomas Becket it appeareth by al coniectures that he was a man of a stout nature seuere inflexible What perswasion or opinion he had once cōceaued from that he would in no wise be remoued or very hardly Threatnings flatterings were to him both one In this poynt singuler following no mans counsayle so much as hys own Great helpes of nature were in him if he could haue vsed them well rather then of learning Albe it somewhat skilful he was of the ciuile law which he studied at Bonomie In memory excellent good and also wel broken in courtly and worldly matters Besides this he was of a chaste and straite lyfe if the historyes be true Although in the first part of hys life being yet Archdeacon of Canterbury and after Lord Chauncellor he was very euill courtlike pleasaunt geuen much both to hunting hauking according to the guise of the court And highly fauored he was of his prince who not only had thus promoted him but also had committed hys sonne heyre to hys institution and gouernaunce But in this his first beginning he was not so wel beloued but afterwarde hee was again as much hated deseruedly both of the king and also of the most part of his subiects saue onely of certayne Monke●● and priestes and suche other as were perswaded by thē who magnified him not a little for vpholding the liberties of the church that is the licentious life and excesse of Churchmen Amongest all other these vices he had most notable to be rebuked Full of deuotion but wythout all true Religion Zelous but cleane without knowledge And therfore as he was stiffe and stubborn of nature so a blinde conscience being ioyned wtall it turned to playne rebellion So superstitious he was to the obedience of the pope that he forgot his obedience to hys naturall and most beneficiall king And in mayntayning so cōtentiously the vayne constitutions and decrees of men be neglected the commandementes of God But herein most of all to be reprehended that not onely contrary the kings knowledge he sought to conuey himselfe out of the realme being in that place and calling but also being out of the realme set matter of discord betweene the Pope hys K. and also betwene the French king and him contrary to al honesty good order naturall subiection and true christianitie Wherupon folowed no little disquietnesse after both to the king and damage of the realme as here in processe and in order following by the grace of Christ we will declare First beginning with the first rising vp of hym so consequently to prosocute in order hys storye as followeth And first here to omitte the progenie of him and of his mother named Rose whom Polyd. Virgilius fasly nameth to be a Saracen when in deede she came out of the partes bordering neer to Normandy To omit also the fabulous vision of his mother mentioned in Rob. Crikeladensis of a burning torche issuing out of her body and reaching vp to heauen his first preferment was to the Church of Branfield which he had by the gift of S. Albous After that he cutred in the seruice of the Archb. of Cant. by whō he was then preferred to be his Archdeacon And after by the sayd Theobald was put as a mā most metest for his purpose to K. Hen. to bridle the young K. the he should not be fierce agaynst the clergy whom in processe of time the K. made lord Chauncellor and then he left playing the archdeacon and began to play the Chauncellor He facioned his conditions like to the kinges both in waighty matters trifles He would hunt with him and watch the tyme when the Kyng dyned and and slept Furthermore hee began to loue the mery gessinges of the court to delight himselfe in the great land of mē prayse of the people And the I may passe ouer hys houshold stuffe he had his bridle of siluer the bosses of his bridle were worth a great treasure At his table and other expences he passed any earle That on the one side men would iudge him little to consider the office of an Archdeacon and on the other side would iudge hym to vse wicked doyngs He played also the good souldiour vnder the K. in Gascon and both wan and kept townes When the K. sent Thomas being Chancellor home into Englād ambassador with other nobles after the death of the Archb. he willed Rich. Luci one of the chiefest to commend in his name this Thomas to the couent of Cāterbury that they might chose him archbish Which thing he did diligētly The monks sayd it was not meet to chuse a courtier and a souldior to be head of so holy a company for he would spend sayd they all that they had Other had this surmise also because he was in so great fauour with the prince the kinges sonne
and oxen and all the whole cattell of the field Whē therefore it is sayd he made all thinges subiect to him He excludeth nothing as the Apostle there sayth whereby it is apparant that as concerning his humain nature in the which he was made lesse then the Angels all things were subiect to him Also this appereth in the 2. chap. to the philippians he humbleth himselfe wherefore God exalteth him c. And it foloweth that in the name of Iesus should euery knee bow both of thinges in heauen and of things in earth and of things vnder the earth Beholde here that by nature by which he did humble himselfe he was exalted because euery knee should bow downe to him Thys in like maner hath S. Peter in the 10. chapter of the Actes where he sayth he was constituted of God the iudge ouer the quicke and the dead And he speaketh of that nature which God raysed vp the third day as the whole Scripture proueth And likewise S. Peter had this power geuen him whō Christ constituted and made his Uicar who also condēned by sentence iudicially Ananias and Saphira for lying and stealing Act cap. ● Paule also condemned a fornicator conuicted 1. Cor. 5. And that Christ would the correction and iudgement of ●●he matters to appertayne to his Church a text in the ●● of Mathew expressely declareth where it is sayd If thy brother trespasse agaynst thee goe and tell him his fault betweene him and thee if he heare thee thou hast wonne thy brother But if he heareth not thē take with thee one or two that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all thinges may be established if he heare not then tell vnto the congregation if he heare not the cōgregation take him as an heathen man and a Publican Uerily I say vnto you● whatsoeuer you binde on earth the same shall be bounde in heauen and whatsoeuer you lose on earth the same shall be losed in heauen Beholde how expressely it is commaunded that when soeuer in any matter one offēdeth the other he being first charitably admonished the matter must be published and referred to the order of the Church and congregation But if the offender do not obey and heare the admonition he is to be taken as an heathen a Publican Which is as much to say like one that is excommunicate by the Church congregation so that he may haue no communion or participation with it And that this was the intention of Christ this seemeth much to proue it where in geuing the reason hereof he immediately addeth Uerely I say vnto you Whatsoeuer c. where note this terme distributiue whatsoeuer so as the Apostle argueth to the Hebrewes the 2. chapter that if he ordained al things to be subiect vnto him he excludeth nothinge vnsubiected Wherefore thus I may argue If all things that the church and congregation doth lose be losed and euery thing that the Church bindeth is bound There is nothing that the church may not lose bynd Or by Logicke thus I may reason There is nothing bounde by the Church that is not bound in heauen whiche argument is good by a certayn rule of Logicke which sayeth that contraries if the negatiō be put after are equiualant For euery thing nothing what soeuer thing and no maner of thin be cōtrary one to the other And so nothing not is as much to say as all thinges Secondly I doe proue it out of an other text of S. Luke cap. 22. Which place alledged to make for his purpose I will strike him with his owne weapon For where he sayd that by the two swordes the two powers tēporall spirituall were to be vnderstood it was so in deede but to whose handes would he I pray you haue these two swords cōmitted Truely to the handes of Peter other the Apostles c. But the holy Father the Pope succeeded Peter and the other Apostles the Bishops disciples curates persons as in the glose appeareth Luk 10. wherby thus I argue that by the 2. swords the 2. powers are ment But Christ willed those two swordes to be put into the churches handes ergo he would likewise the two powers But you may reply and say that Christ did reprehend Peter because he strake with a temporall sword and cut of an care saying vnto him put vp thy sword c. whithe reason is of no force For Christ did not will Peter to cast away quite frō him the sword but to put it into the skabard to keepe it geuing to vnderstand therby that such power although it be in the churches hands yet the execution therof as much as appertaineth to bloud shedding in the new law he would haue to appertayne to the secular iudge notwithstanding yet perhaps according to the discretion and will of the Clergy Thirdly I proue this by the intent of S. Paule in the 1. Cor. 6. where he sayth that they which haue secular busines and contēd one agaynst another ought to be iudged by the sayntes And that they should iudge therin therfore he made this argument know you not that the saynts shall iudge the world and if the world be iudged by you are ye not good enough to iudge smal trifles As though ye wold say do ye not know how that ye shall iudge the Angels How much more then may you iudge things secular And it followeth If you haue iudgement of secular worldly matters take them which are dispised in the Church and congregations make them iudges neither doth it make any thing against because the Apostle in the same place inferreth Adverecundiā vestram dico I say it to your shame For that is to be referred to those where he saith appoynt those which are dispised Wherfore the Apostle speaketh ironiously in this matter as meaning thus Sooner the rather you ought to runne to the iudgemēt of the dispised which be in the church thē to the iudgemēt of those which be out of the Church Ergo the rather to resort to the iudgement of the wise who remayne in the Church and congregation Wherfore the Apostle by and by added whē he sayd I speak to your shame What not one wise mā amōgest you that can iudge betwene brother and brother Meaning thereby that there was some By these therfore and many other like reasons it appereth which for breuity I omit that both the powers may be in an ecclesiasticall mans hand And that an ecclesiasticall man is Capax both of the temporall and spirituall iurisdiction Nor is it any matter if it be obiected that Peter and other Apostles Christ himselfe vsed litle thys temporall power For in them was not the like reason as now is in vs as is proued in the 22. q. 1. ca. and in many other places of the law The Apostles at the first beginning took no receipt of landes possessions but the price onely therof which now
fauour and the good will of the Earle of Gloucester whose sister he had maried secretly returning into England with a certain company of straūgers presented himselfe to the kinges sight At the beholding of whom the king for ioy ran to him and imbracinge him did not onely retayne him but also for hys sake vndid all such actes as had bene in the Parliament before enacted The Queene and the whole Court seeing this doting of the king made an heauy Christenmas After this return of Gaueston was noysed among the commons the Pieres and Nobles of the Realme were not a little styrred casting with themselues what way were best to take If he were suffered stil they saw not onely themselues reiected but also that the Queene coulde not enioy the loue of the King neither could there be any quietnes in the Realme Again to stir vp warre in the land it were not the best to vexe or disquiet the king also they were afrayd But for asmuch as they could not abide all the nobilitie so to be thrust out and vilepended for the loue of one straunger also the realme so to be spoyled and impouerished by the same This way they took that Thomas Earle of Lancaster shoulde be elected among them the chieftayn and chiefe doer in that busines to whom all other Earles and Barons and prelats also did concordly condescend consent except onely walter Byshop of Couentry whome Robert the Archbishop therfore afterward did excommunicate which Thomas of Lancaster by the publike assent of the rest sent to the King lying then at Yorke humble petions in the name aswell of the whole Nobilitie as of the commons Desiring his grace to geue the foresayd Gaueston vnto them or els according to the ordinance of the Realme that the land might be auoyded of him But the tyrannious king who set more by the amour of one straunger then by his whole realme beside neither would harken to theyr counsayle nor geue place to theyr supplications But in al hasty fury remoued from Yorke to Newcastle where he remayned almost till midsommer In the meane season the Barons had gathered an host of sufficient and able souldiours comming toward Newcastell not intending any molestation against the king but onely the execution of the lawes vpon wicked Gaueston The king not hauing wherwith to resist theyr power remoueth in all speedy manner to Thinmouth where the Queene lay And hearing there that Newcastle was taken taketh shipping and sayleth from thence notwithstāding the Queene there being great with childe with weeping teares and all instaunce desireth him to tary with her as safely he might but he nothing relenting to her tooke Peter his compiere with him and coasted ouer to the Castle of Scarbrough where he leauing Peter Gaueston to the safe keeping of hys men himselfe iournieth toward the coast beside warwike The Lordes hearing where Peter was bendeth thether al theyr power so that at length Gaueston seing no remedy but he must needes come into their hands yeldeth and submitteth himself requiring none other condition but onely that he might talke but a few words with the king in his presence Thus Gaueston being apprehended the king hearing therof sendeth vnto the Lordes requiring his life to be spared and that he might be brought to his speech and so promised that in so doing he would satisfie their mindes and requestes whatsoeuer About this aduisement was taken but then the Earle of Penbroke hearing the kinges promise perswaded the Barons to graunt vnto his petition promising himself vpon loosing all his landes to take theyr charge vpon him to be brought vnto the kinges speach and so to be recommitted to thē agayne Which when he had obtained he taketh Peter Gaueston with him to bring him where the king lay And so comming to Dedington not farre from Warwike leaueth him in the keeping of his souldiours while he that night went to hys wife being from thence not farre of The same night it chaunced Guido the Earle of Warwike to come to the same place where Gaueston was left who taking him out of the handes of hys keepers caryeth him to the Castle of Warwike where incontinent they woulde haue put him to death but doubting and fearing the kings displeasure a little they stayed At what time one of the company a man of sage and wise counsayle as myne author writeth standing vp among them with his graue Oration declareth the nature of the man the wickednes of his own condition the realme by him so greatly endamaged the nobles despised and reiected the pride and ambition of the man intollerable the ruine of things like to ensue by him and the great charges and expences they had beene at in so long pu●●●ing and getting of him And now being gotten and in theyr handes he exhorteth them so to vse and take the occasion now present that hereafter being out of their handes they afterward might seeke and should not finde it Briefly in such sort he perswaded the hearers that forthwith he was brought out and by common agreement beheaded in a place called Blakelow whiche place in other storyes I finde to be called Gaueshed but that name as I thinke was deriued vpon this occasion afterwarde And thus he that before had called the Earle of Warwicke the blacke dog of Ardeine was thus by the sayd dog worowed as ye haue heard c. His carkas the Dominicke Fryers of Oxford had in their Monastery interred the space of two yeares but after that the king caused the sayd carkas to be taken vpp and buryed within hys owne Mannour of Langley After this great disturbance began to rise betwene the king and the Lords who hauing their power lying about Dunstable sent stout messenge vnto the king at London to haue their former actes confirmed Gilbert Earle of Gloucester the kinges nephew who neyther did holde agaynst the king nor yet agaynst the Nobles with the Byshops and Prelates of the Realme went betweene both parties with great dilligēce to make vnitie At which time also came 2. Cardinals from Rome with letters sent vnto them from the Pope The Nobles aunswered to the message of the Cardinals lying then at Saint Albans that as touching themselues they shoulde be at all times welcome to them But as touching their letters forasmuche as they were men vulettered and onely brought vp in warre and feates of armes therefore they cared not for seing the same Then message was sent againe that they would graunt at least but to speake with the popes legates which purposely came for the intent to set quyet and vnitie in the Realme They aunswered agayne that they had bishops both godly and learned by whose counsayle they would be led only and not by any straungers who knewe not the true cause of ther commotion And therefore they sayd precisely that they would no foreiners or alians to be doers in theyr busines and affayres pertaining the
great default at prouisions commyng from Rome wherby straungers were enabled wtin this realme to enioy ecclesiastical dignities shew diuers inconueniences ensuing thereby namely the decay of daily almose the transporting of the treasure to nourish the kings enemies the discouering of the secrets of the realme the disabling and impouerishing of the clerkes within this realme They also shew how the pope had in most couert wyse graunted to two new Cardinalles wythin thys Realme and namely to Cardinall Peragotz aboue ten thousand markes of yerely taxes They therfore required the kyng and nobles to finde some remedy for that they neuer could ne would any longer beare those straunge oppressions or els to helpe them to expell out of thys realme the Popes power by force Hereupon the King Lords and commōs sent for the act made at Carliel in the 35. yere of king Edward y● first vpon the lyke complaint thereby forbidding that any thyng shoulde be attempted or brought into the Realme whych should tend to the blemishing of the kings prerogatiue or to the preiudice of hys Lords or commons And so at thys time the statute called the acte of prouision was made by common consent whych generally forbiddeth the brynging in of any Bulles or such trinkets from the Court of Rome or the vsing enioying or allowing of any such bil processe instrument or such ware as therby at large doth appeare Whereof sufficiently is touched before pag. 353. The penalty of whych statute afterwarde followed in the next parliament An. Reg. Ed. 18. tit 32. the whych penalty was this the transgressors thereof to lie in perpetuall prison or to be foriured the land And that al iustices of assize gaile deliuery and yer and determiner may determine the same Required withall that the same act of prouision should continue for euer Item that the sayd 18. yeare of the raigne of king Edward tit 34. it was moreouer propoūded that if any archbyshop or any person religious or other doe not present wtin 4. monthes some able clerke to any dignitie where any person hath obtayned from Rome any prouision Bul c. but surcease the same that then the Kyng may present some able clerke Item propounded in the sayd Parliament an 18. Reg. Ed 3. that if any Byshop elect shall refuse to take any suche byshoprikes other then by such Bull that then such elect shal not enter ne enioy hys temporalties without his speciall licence Also that the king shall dispose all such benefices and dignities of such aliens his enemies as remain in the coūtrey of hys enemyes and employ the profites therof to the defence of the realme Moreouer propounded that commissioners be sent to all the kings portes to apprehend all such persons as shal bring in any such instrument frō Rome and to bring them forthwyth before the counsaile to answere thereto Propounded farthermore that the Deanry of Yorke which is to be recouered by iudgemēt in the kyngs court may be bestowed vpon some able man within the realme who will maintaine the same agaynst hym meanyng the Cardinall who holdeth the same by prouision frō Rome being the enemy to the king and to the realm and that the profites may be emploied to the defence of the realme The kynges aunswere To all whych petitions aunswere was made in forme followyng It is agreed by the King Earles Barons Iustices other wise men of the Realme that the petitions aforesayd be made in sufficient forme of law according to the petitions aforesayd ¶ Note in thys answere of the kyng good reader that at the graunt hereof the consent of the byshops is neyther named nor expressed with the other Lords of the Parliament and yet the Parliament standeth in hys full force notwythstanding Notes of the Parliament holden in the 20. yeare of king Edward 3. TO passe farther in the 20. yeare of the kings reigne in the Parliament holden the same yere it was propoūded that all alien Monkes should auoyde the Realme by the day of S. Michael and that theyr liuings shuld be disposed to young English scholers The liuings of these the king tooke to hys handes Item that the king may take the profites of all others strangers liuings as Cardinals and others during their liues The profites of whō were also in the kings hands That such aliens enemies as be aduanced to liuyngs here in England being in their owne countreys shomakers tailers or chamberlaines to Cardinals shuld depart before Michaelmas and theyr liuynges disposed to poore English scholers The lyuings also of these remayned in the kings handes The commons denied to pay any paiment to any cardinals lying in Fraunce to entreat of war or peace which also was graunted of the kings part as reasonable Item propounded and fully agreed that the yearely aduauncement of two thousand markes graunted by the pope to two Cardinals out of the prouinces of Canterb. and Yorke should be restrained and suche as shall pursue therfore to be out of the law Lykewise enacted and agreed that no Englysh man should take any thing in ferme of any Alien religious ne buy any of their goods nor be of theyr counsaile on payne of perpetuall imprysonment Enacted further that no person should bryng into the realme to any Byshop or other any Bul or any other letters from Rome or from any Alien vnlesse he shewe the same to the Chauncelour or warden of the Cinque ports vpon losse of all he hath Finally in the end of the said Parliament the bishops were commaunded before the next conuocation to certify into the Chancery the names of such Aliens of their benefices and the values of the same Notes of the 25. yeare of kyng Edward the third THe Parliament of the 25. yeare was begon the 6. day of February the 25. yeare of king Edwarde 3. In the which parliament beside other matters mo was propoūded that remedy might be had against the popes reseruations by which brocage and meanes the pope receiued the first fruits of all Ecclesiastical dignities A more consumption to the Realme then all the kings warres Also the like remedy myght be had against suche as in the Court of Rome presume to vndoe any iudgement geuen in the kinges courte as if they enforced to vndoe the lawes of the realme Wherunto it was answered that there was sufficient remedy prouided by law Notes of the 38. yeare of king Edward the third IN the Parliament holden at Westminster the 38. yeare of Edward 3. in the vtaues of Hillary Symon Byshop of Ely being Lorde Chauncelour it was required by the kings owne mouth declared to the whole estates How daily citations false suggestions were made to the pope for matters determinable in his courtes wtin the Realme and for procuring prouisions to Ecclesiasticall dignities to the great defacing of the ancient lawes to the spoyling of his crowne to the daily conueying away of the
treasure to the wasting of ecclesiastical liuings to the withdrawing of diuine seruice almose hospitalitie and other acceptable workes and to the daily increase of all mischiefes Wherfore in person and by hys owne month the king required the whole estate to prouide here of due remedy To be noted finally in thys parliament of the 38. yere that the Acte of prouisors brought in thys parliament although in the printed copy cap. 1.2.3.4 doth agree with the recorde in maner yet in the saide recordes vnprinted are moe biting wordes against the Pope a mysterie not to be knowen of all men Notes of the 40. yeare of king Edward the third IT followeth moreouer in the sayd Acts of king Edward the 3. and in the 40. yere of his raigne an other Parliament was called at Westminster the 3. of May. An. 1366. the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chauncelour and speaker Who in the 2. day of the sayd assembly in the presence of the King Lordes and commons declared howe the day before generally they vnderstoode the cause of thys their assembly and now more particularly shuld vnderstand the same specially howe that the king vnderstode y● the Pope for the homage which K. Iohn made to the sea of Rome for the Realmes of Englād Ireland and for the tribute by him granted ment by proces to cite the king of Rome to aunswere thereto Wherein the king required their aduises what were best for him to do if any such thing were attempted The Byshops by their selues required respite of answere vntill the next day So did the Lordes commons euery of them by their selues The same next day the whole estates reassembled together by common consent enacted in effect following vz. For asmuch as neither K. Iohn nor any other kyng coulde bring his realme people in such thraldome subiection but by common assent of Parliament the whyche was not done and therefore done against his othe at hys coronation besides many other causes If therefore the Pope should attempt any thing against the King by processe or other matter in deede That the king shall his subiects should withall their force and power resist the same Here moreouer is not to be omitted howe in the sayd present Parliament the Uniuersities of Oxford Cambridge on the one side and the Friers of the foure orders mēdicants in the said vniuersities on the other side Made long complaintes the one against the other to the kyng in Parliament and in the ende submitted themselues to the kings order After which the king vpon full digesting of the whole matter by assent of Parliament tooke order that as well the Chancelour scholers as the friers of those orders in the sayd Uniuersities should in al graces and other schole exercises vse eche other in frendly wise wythout any rumor as before That none of those orders shoulde receyue any scholers into theyr sayde orders being vnder the age of 18. yeares That the said Friers shall take no aduantage ne procure Bulles or other processe from Rome against the said vniuersities or procede therein And that the kyng haue power to redresse all controuersies betweene them from thence foorth And the offenders to be punished at the pleasure of the King and of the counsaile Notes of the 50. yeare of king Edward the third IN processe of the foresayd Actes and Rolles it followeth more that in the 50. yeare of the reigne of king Edward the 3. the yeare of our Lorde 1376. an other great Parliament was assembled at Westminster the xxiiij of Aprill Where Syr Iohn Knyuet being Lorde Chauncelour of England a certaine long Bill was put vp against the vsurpatiōs of the Pope as being the cause of all y● plagues murrions famine and pouerty of the realme so as thereby was not left the third person or other cōmodity within the realme that lately was 2. That the taxes payed to the Pope of Rome for Ecclesiasticall dignities doe amount to fiue fold as much as the taxe of al profites as apperteine to the king by the yeare of his whole Realme And that for some one Byshoprike or other dignitie the Pope by way of translation and death hath 3.4 or 5. seuerall taxes 3. That the brokers of that sinfull Citie for money promote many caitifes being altogether vnlearned and vnworthy to a 1000. markes lyuing by yeare where the learned and worthy can hardly obteine 20. marks wherelearning decayeth 4. That aliens enemyes to this land who neuer saw ne care not to se their parishioners haue those liuings wherby they despise Gods seruice conuey away the treasure and are worse then Iewes or Sarasens 5. Also it was put vp in the said Bill to be considered that the lawes of the church would such liuings to be bestowed for charitie onely without praying or paying 6. That reason woulde that liuings geuen of deuotion should be bestowed in hospitality 7. That God had committed his sheepe to the Pope to be pastured and not shoren or shauen 8. That lay patrones perceiuing the couetousnes and simony of the pope do therby learne to sell their benefices to beasts none otherwise then Christ was sold to the Iewes 9. That there is none so rich a Prince in Christendome that hath the fourth part of so much treasure as the Pope hath out of this realme for churches most sinfully 10. Ouer and besides in the sayd Bill repeting againe the tendering zeale for the honor of the Church was declared and particularly named all the plagues whych haue iustly fallen vpon this realme for suffering the same church to be so defaced wyth declaration that it will daily encrease wythout redresse 11. Wherupon with much persuasion this was desired to helpe to reedifie the same and the rather for that this was the yeare of Iubiley the 50. yeare of the kynges reigne the yeare of ioy and gladnesse then the whych there could be no greater 12. The meanes howe to begyn this was to wryte 2. letters to the Pope the one in Latine vnder the kyngs scale the other in French vnder the seales of the nobles importing their particularities requiring redres of the which letter of the Lordes the effect may be seene in a like letter mentioned before pag. 479. 13. And for a further accomplishment hereof to enact that no money were caried foorth of the realme by letter of Lūbardy or otherwise or paine of forfaiture and imprisonment and to enact the articles hereafter ensuing 14. The king hath heretofore by statute prouided sufficiēt remedy and otherwise pursueth the same with the holy father the Pope so mindeth to do from time to time vntill he hath obteined aswel for the matters before as for the articles ensuing being in a maner all one 15. That the popes collector other straungers the kings enemies and onely lyger spies for English dignities and disclosing of the secretes of the realme may be
his speciall maintainers As yeares and time grew on king Edward the third which had reigned nowe about 51. yeares after the decease of prince Edwarde his sonne who departed the yeare before was stroken in great age in such feblenes withall that he was vnweldy through lacke of strēgth to gouerne the affairs of the realm Wherfore a parliament being called the yeare before his death it was there put vp by the knights other the burgesses of the Parliament because of the misgouernment of the realme by certain gredy persons about the king raking all to themselues without seing any iustice done that 12. sage and discrete Lordes and Pieres such as were free from note of all auarice shuld be placed as tutours about the Kyng to haue the doing and disposing vnder him 6. at one time and in their absence 6. at an other of matters pertinent to the publike regiment Here by the way I omit to speake of Alice Perris the wicked harlot which as the story geueth had bewitched the kings hart gouerned all and sate vpon canses herself through the diuelish help of a Frier Dominick who by the duke of Lancaster was caused to be take and was conuicted should haue suffred for the same had not the Archb. of Cant. and the Friers more regarding the liberty of their Churche then the punishing of vice reclaimed hym for their own prisoner This Alice Perrys notwithstanding she was banished by this Parliament from the king yet afterward she came againe left him not til at hys death shee tooke all his rings vpon his fingers and other iewels frō him and so fled away like an harlot But thys of her by the way These 12. gouernours by the parliament aforesayd being appoynted to haue the tuition of the king to attend to the publike affaires of the realme remained for a certaine space about him till afterward it so fel out that they being againe remoued all the regiment of the realme next vnder the King was committed to the Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne For as yet Richard the sonne of prince Edward lately departed was very yong and vnder age This Duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceiued a certaine displeasure against the popish clergy whether for corrupt and impure doctrine ioyned with lyke abhominable excesse of life or for what some other cause it is not precisely expressed Onely by story the cause thereof may be gessed to rise by William Wickam bishop of Winchester The matter is thys The Bishop of Winchester as the saying went then was reported to affirme that the foresaid Ihon of Gaunt duke of Lācaster was not the sonne of king Edward nor of the Quene Who being in trauel at Gaūt had no sonne as he sayd but a daughter which the same time by lying vppon of the mother in the bedde was there smothered Whereupon the Quene fearing the kings displeasure caused a certaine manchilde of a woman of Flaunders borne the very same time to be conueyed and brought vnto her in stead of her daughter aforesayde And so brought vp the child whom she bare not who now is called duke of Lancaster And this said the Bishop did the Queene tell him lying in extremes on her death bed vnder seale of confession charging hym if the sayde Duke should euer aspire to get the crowne or if the kingdome by any meanes should fall vnto hym he then should manifest the same declare it to the worlde that the sayde Duke of Lancaster was no part of the kings bloud but a false heire of the king This slaunderous report of the wicked Byshop as it sauoureth of a contumelious lie so seemeth it to proceede of a subtile zeale toward the Popes religion meaning falshoode For that the foresayd Duke by fauouring of Wickliff declared hymselfe to be a professed enemy against the Popes profession Whych thing was then not vnknowen neyther vnmarked of the Prelates and Byshops then in Englande But the sequele of the story thus followed Thys slanderous vilany of the Byshops report being blased abroad and comming to the Dukes eare he therw t being not a litle discontented as no maruell was sought againe by what meanes he coulde to be reuenged of thys forenamed Bishop In conclusion the Duke hauing now al the gouernment of the realm vnder the king his father in hys own hand so pursued the byshop of Winchester that by acte of parliament he was condemned and depriued of al his temporal goods which goods wer assigned to prince Rich. of Burdeur the next inheritour of the crowne after the king and furthermore inhibited the said bishop not to approch nere to the court by 20. miles Further as touching thys bishop the story thus procedeth Not lōg after in the yeare of our Lord. 1377. a Parliament was called by the meanes of the Duke of Lancaster vpon certaine causes respects in which parliament great request and sute was made by the cleargy for the deliueraunce of the B. of Winchester At length whē a subsidie was asked in the kyngs name of the clergy and request also made in the kings behalfe for spedy expedition to be made for the dissoluing of the parliament the Archb. therfore accordingly conuented the bishops for the tractation thereof To whō the B. with great lamentation cōplained for lack of their felow and brother B. of Wint. Whose iniury said they did derogate to the liberties of the whole church And therfore denied to ioyne themselues in tractation of any such matters before al the members together were vnited with the head And seing the matter touched them altogether in common as well him as thē would not otherwise do And seemed moreouer to be moued against the Archb. for that he was not more stout in the cause but suffered him so to be cited of the duke The Archb. although hauing sufficient cause to excuse himselfe wherefore not to send for him as also he dyd because of the perils which might ensue therof yet being enforced persuaded therunto by the importunitie of the bishops directed downe his letters to the foresaid bishop of wintch willing hym to resort vnto the conuocation of the clergy Who being glad to obey the same was receyued with great ioy of the other bishops And at length by that meanes of Alice Perris the kings paramor aboue mētioned geuing to her a good quantity of mony the sayd Winchester was restored to his temporalities againe As the Bishops had thus sent for wintch the Duke in the meane time had sent for Iohn Wickliffe who as is saide was then the diuinity reader in Oxford and had cōmenced in sondry actes and disputations contrary to the forme and teaching of the Popes church in many things who also for the same had bene depriued of his benefice as hath bene afore touched The opinions which he began in Oxford first in his lectures and sermōs to entreat of and
at the least diminished by the contrary vertue induced and brought in It semeth also most pertinent vnto the laity forsomuch as they ought not to lay violēt hāds vpon their ministers or to abiect the priestly dignity neither to iudge any of the cleargy in theyr open courts It semeth also by the law of cōscience to pertain vnto the lay people for so much as euery man which worketh any worke of mercy ought diligently to haue respecte vnto the habilitie of them that he bestoweth his almes vpon least that by nourishyng or helping loyterers hee be made partaker of his offence Wherevpon if a priest doe not minister of their spiritualties as Hostyensis teacheth in his 3. booke of their tithes first frutes and oblations that the people ought to take away the almes of their tithes from them Item it is confirmed by the last chapiter of the 17. question out of the decre of rents appropriate vnto the church quicunque Whereas the case is put thus that a certaine man hauing no children neither hoping to haue any gaue all his goodes vnto the church reseruing vnto him selfe the only vse and profites therof it happened afterward that he had children and the bishop restored againe his goodes vnto him hoping not for it The bishop had it in his power whether to rēder again or no those things which were geuen him but that was by the lawe of man and not by the lawe of conscience If then by the decree of the holy doctoure S. Augustine in his sermone of the life of the cleargie Aurelius the Byshop of Carthage had no power by Gods lawe to with holde that which is bestowed vppon the churche for the necessitie of children by the which law the wanton proud and vnstable clergy being more then sufficiently possessed and enriched do detain and keepe backe the temporallities to the detrement and hurt of their owne state and of the whole Militant churche the seculare patrones being thereby so impouerished that they are compelled by penurie to robbe and steale to oppresse their tenants to spoile and vndoe others and oftentimes by very necessitie are driuen to beggerie Item suppose that a priest and minister howe greuously so euer he doe offend by what kinde or signe of offence so euer it be as it was in the bishop Iudas Iscarioth of the religious monk Sergius of Pope Leo the hereticke and many other priests of whom the scripture and chronicles make mention and daily experience doeth teache vs the same It is euident that as it is supposed the priestes in the kingdom of Boheme greuously offending it is the kings part forsomuch as he is supreme head next vnder God and Lorde of the kingdome of Boheme to correct and punish those priests And for so much as the gentillest correction punishmēt of suche as be indurate in their malice is the casting away of their temporal goods it followeth that it is lawful for the king to take away temporallities Wherfore it shuld seme very maruelous and strange if that priests riding about shuld spoile virgins violently corrupt defile honest matrones if in such case it were not lawful for them to take away their armors weapons horses gunnes and swordes from them The like reason were it also if they had vnlawfully conspired the death of the king or that they woulde betray the king vnto hys ennemies Item whatsoeuer any of the clergy doth require or desire of the seculer power according vnto the law ordināce of Christ the seculer power ought to performe graunt the same But the clergy being letted by riches ought to require helpe of the seculer power for the dispensation of the said riches Ergo the seculer power ought in such case by the law of Christ to take vpon them the office or duty of getting keping distributing all such manner of riches the Minor is heereby proued that no man ought to haue riches but to that end that they be helps preferring helping vnto the office which is appoynted of God Therfore in case that seculer possession doe hinder the cleargy from their duetie The secular power ought to take it away for so did the Apostles Actes 6. saying it is not lawfull for vs to leaue the worde of God vntaught and to minister to Tables And thus hetherto hath Iohn Hus prosecuted Wyckleffs articles with long arguments and reasons the which were to long a trauaile neither agreable for this place to alledge all the whole order of his reasons and profes which he vsed in that desputatiō aboue the nomber of 20. more besides the testimonies of all the wryters before recited the which hee alledgeth out of the scriptures decretals S. Ambrose in his boke of offices S. August in his 5. boke 5. quest and also vnto Macedo Isydore the councell of Nice Greg his 11. quest Bernard vnto Eugenius in his 3. booke and out of Lyncolniensis 61. Epistle besides many other moe The sum of al which testimonies tend vnto this end that he might vtterly take away all earthly rule dominion from the clergy and to bring them vnder the subiection and censure of kings Emperors as it were within certaine bonds the which is not onely agreable vnto equity and Gods word but also profitable for the cleargy themselues Hee teacheth it also to be necessary that they shuld rather be subiect vnder the seculer power then to be aboue them because that els it were dangerous lest that they being intangled with such kinde of busines they should be an easier pray vnto sathan and soner trapped in his snares And therby it should come to passe that the gouernance principality of al things being at the length brought into the hands of the clergy the lawful authority of kings princes shuld not only be geuen ouer vnto them but in a maner as it were growe out of vse specially for so much as already in certaine kingdoms and common wealths the ecclesiastical power is growen vnto such height that not only in Boheme but also almost thorowout al the common welths they do occupy the 3. or at least the 4. part of the rents and reuenues And last of al he alleageth the exāple of Greg. and of Mauritius afterwarde the prophecy of Hildegardis wryting in this manner As the Ecclesiastical ministers do willingly receiue rewarde and praise of kings rulers for their good deedes So also ought they when they do offend willingly suffer and receiue punishmēt at their hands for their euil doings The consequent holdeth thus forsomuch as the punishment mekely and hūbly receiued for hys offence doth more profit a man then his praise receiued for any good work Wherupon S. Greg. wryteth thus vnto Mauritius the Emperor when he did persecute him saying I beleue that you do please almighty God so muche the better in so cruelly afflicting me which haue ben so euel a seruaunt vnto him If then thys holy Pope did so humbly and
the simple Also they shall instantly preache wythout deuotion or example of the Martyrs and shall detract the seculer princes taking away the sacraments of the church from the true pastors receiuing almes of the poore diseased and miserable and also associating them selues with the common people hauing familiaritie with women instructing them howe they shall deceiue their husbandes and friendes by their flatterye and deceitfull wordes and rob their husbandes to geue it vnto them for they will take all these stollen and euill gotten and say geue it vnto vs and we will pray for you so that they beyng curious to hide other mens faultes doe vtterly forget their owne and alas they will receiue all thinges of rouers pickers spoylers theeues and robbers of sacrilegious persons vserers adulterers Heretikes Schismatikes Apostataies whores and baudes of noble men periurers merchantes false iudges souldiours tyrantes princes of such as liue contrary to the law and of many peruers and wicked men following the persuasion of the deuil the sweetnes of sinne a delicate and transitory life and fulnes euen vnto eternall damnation All these things shall manifestly appeare in them vnto all people and they day by day shal waxe more wicked and hard hearted whē as their wickednes and disceits shal be found out then shall theyr gifts cease and then shal they go about their houses hungry as mad dogs loking down vpon the earth drawing in their necks as doues that they might bee satisfied with bread then shall the people crye out vpon them Woe be vnto you ye miserable children of sorow the worlde hath seduced you the deuil hath brideled your mouthes your flesh is frayle and your heartes without sauour your mindes haue bene vnstedfast and your eyes delighted in much vanitie and folly your daintie bellies desire delicate meates Your feete swift to runne vnto mischief remember when you were apparantly blessed yet enuious poore but rich simple mightie deuout flatterers vnfaithfull betrayers peruerse detracters holy hipocrites subuerters of the truth ouermuch vpright proude vnshamefast vnstedfast teachers delicate marters confessours for gaine meeke slaunderers religious couetous humble proud pitifull hard harted liers pleasant flatterers peace makers persecutors oppressors of the poore bringing in new sects newly inuented of your selues mercifull wicked louers of the world sellers of pardons spoylers of benefices vnprofitable orators sedicious cōspirators dronkards desirers of honor maintainers of mischiefe robbers of the worlde vnsaciable preachers men pleasers seducers of women and sowers of discorde for Moyses the glorious prophet spake very well of you in his song A people without coūcel or vnderstanding would to God they did know vnderstand and foresee the end You haue builded vp an high and when you could ascend no hier then did you fall euen as Symon Magus whom God ouerthrew and did strike with a cruel plage so you likewise thorowe your false doctrine naughtines lies detractions and wickednes are come to ruine and the people shall say vnto them goe yee teachers of wickednesse subuerters of the truth brethren of the Sunamitie fathers of heresies false apostles which haue fained your selues to followe the life of the Apostles and yet haue not fulfilled it in no part sonnes of iniquitie we wil not follow the knowledge of your waies for pride presumption hath deceiued you and insaciable cōcupiscence hath subuerted your erroneous hearts And whē as yet would ascēd hier thē was mete or comely for you by the iust iudgement of God you are fallen backe into perpetual opprobry and shame Thys blessed Hildegardis whose prophecy this is flourished about the yeare of our Lord a 1546. as it is wrytten in Martins chronicles Also Hugo in his second boke of sacraments in the 2. parte 3. chapter and 7. sayth the laity forsomuch as they entermedle wyth earthly matters necessary vnto an earthly life they are the least part of the body of Christ. And the clergy for so much as they doe dispose those things which pertaine vnto a spirituall life are as it were the right side of the body of Christ and afterward interpreting both these partes him selfe he sayeth A spirituall man ought to haue nothing but such as pertaineth vnto God vnto whom it is appoynted to be sustained by the tithes and oblations whych are offered vnto God But vnto the Christian and faithfull laietie the possession of the earth is graunted and vnto the cleargie the hole charge of spiritual matters is committed as it was in the old Testament And in his 7. chapter he declareth howe that certaine things are geuen vnto the Church of Christ by the deuotion of the faithfull the power and authority of the seculer power reserued least there might happen any confusion For so much as God him selfe cannot alow no disordered thing Wherupon oftētimes the worldly princes do graunt the bare vse of the church and oftentimes vse and power to exercise iustice which the clergy cannot exercise by any Ecclesiasticall minister or any one person of the clergy Notwithstāding they may haue certain lay persōs ministers vnto that office But in such sort sayeth he that they do acknowledge the power which they haue to come from the seculer prince or ruler and that they do vnderstand their possessions can neuer be alternate away from the kings power but if that necessity or reason doe require the same possessions in all such case of necessity do owe him obeisance and seruice For like as the kings power ought not to turne away the defence or sauegarde which he oweth vnto other so likewise the possessions obtained and possessed by the clergy according to the duty and homage which is due vnto the patronage of the kings power cannot by right be denied Thus much wryteth Hugo In the third acte the same yeare after the feast of S. Vitis as touching Tithes c. ¶ Tithes are pure almes VPon this article it is to be noted that for so much as almes is a worke of mercy as S. Augustine Chrysostome and others do ioyntly affirme and that mercy according to Lincolniensis minde for the present is a loue or desire to helpe the miserable out of his misery and for so much as the misery of mankinde is double that is to say spirituall and bodily the whiche is the want or taking away of the good and the goodes of man is eyther the goodes of the soule or of the body And the goods of the soule is double That is to say the lighting of the minde the vprightnes of affection the misery of the soule is also double as the darcknes of ignorance and a froward and wilfull sweruing from the truth And both the goodes of the soule are wont to be comprehended vnder one title of name that is to say wisdom and both the miseries of the soule vnder the name of follie Wherupon all the hole goodnes of the soule is wisdom and all the hole misery thereof is ignoraunce the miseries of the
holy But I maruell that they say so reading this saying in the Actes of the Apostles because the charmers pronouncing the name of Iesus that is aboue all names would haue healed those that were possessed with deuils and sayd In the name of Iesus whom Paul preacheth go ye out of the men And the possessed with deuils aunswered Iesus we know and Paule we know but what are ye and they all to be beat the coniurers And now considering this and many such like things I maruell wherfore the vicious Priests do sell theyr praiers and blessings dearer as also theyr Masses Trentals of Masses then those that be deuout lay mē and holy women which with all theyr hart desire do flee from vices take hold of vertue For as much as God in diuers places of the Scripture doth promise that he will not heare sinners wicked persons Neither should he seme to be iust if he should sooner heare the praiers of his enemies then of his faythfull frend How I pray you shall a sinneful priest deliuer an other man from sinne by his prayers or els frō the punishment of sinne whē he is not able to deliuer him selfe by his prayer frō sinne What then doth God so much accept in the Masse of a vicious Priest that for his masse his prayer or oblatiō he might deliuer any man either frō sinne or from the payne due for sinne No but for that that Christ hath once offered himselfe for our sinnes now sitteth on the right hand of God the father alwayes shewing vnto him what and how great things he hath suffered for vs. And euery priest alwayes maketh mētion in his masse of this oblation Neither do we this that we might bring the same oblation into the remembraunce of God because that he alwayes in his presence seeth the same But that we should haue in remēbraunce this so great loue of God that he would geue his own sonne to death for our sinnes that he might clense purify vs frō all our sinnes What doth it please God that the remembraunce of so great loue is made by a prest which more loueth sinne then God Or how can any prayer of such a priest please God in what holy place soeuer he be or what holy vestimēts soeuer he put on or what holy prayers soeuer he maketh And where as Christ and his Apostles do cōmaund the preaching of the word of God the Priests be now more bound to celebrate the Masse and more straitly bound to say the Canonicall houres whereat I cannot but greatly maruell For why to obey the precepts of men more then the cōmaūdements of God is in effect to honor mā as God and to bestow the sacrifice vpon man which is due vnto God and this is also spirituall fornication How therfore are Priests bound at the commaundement of man to leaue the preaching of the word of God at whose cōmaundemēt they are not bound to leaue the celebration of the Masse or singing of Matines Therefore as it seemeth Priestes ought not at the commaundement of any man to leaue the preaching of the word of God vnto the which they are boūd both by diuine and Apostolicall preceptes With whom agreeth the writing of Hierome vpon the Decretals saying in this wise Let none of the Bishops swell with the enuy of deuilishe temptation let none be angry if the Priestes do sometime exhort the people if they preach in theyr Church c. for to him that forbiddeth me these thinges I will say that he is vnwilling that Priestes should do those thinges which be commaunded of God What thing is there aboue Christ or what may be preferred before his body and his bloud c. Do Priestes therfore sinne or not which bargayne for mony to pray for the soule of any dead man It is well knowne that Iesus did whip those that were buyers and sellers out of the tēple saying My house shal be called the house of prayer but you haue made the same adenne of theenes Truely he cast not out such Marchaunts frō out of the Church but because of theyr sinnes Wherupon Hierome vpon this text sayth Let the Priests be diligent and take good heede in this Churche that they turne not the house of God into a den of theeues He doubtles is a theef which seeketh gayne by Religion by a shew of holynes studieth to finde occasion of marchaundise Hereupon the holy Canons do make accursed Symoniacal heresy doe commaund that those should be depriued of the priesthood which for the passing or maruelous spiritual grace do seek gayne or monye Peter the Apostle sayde to Symon Magus Let thy mony and thou go both to the deuill whiche thinkest that the giftes of God may be bought for money Therefore the spirituall gyftes of God ought not to bee solde Uerely prayer is the spirituall gift of God as is also the preaching of the word of God or the saying on of handes or the administration of other Sacramentes Christ sending forth his Disciples to preach sayd vnto them Heale ye the sicke cast out deuils rayse the dead freely haue ye receiued freely geue ye agayne If the Priestes haue power by theyr prayers to deliuer soules being in Purgatory from greeuous paynes without doubt he hath receiued that power freely from God How therefore can he sell his act vnlesse he resist the commaundementes of God of whom he hath receiued that authoritye This truly cannot be done without sinne which is agaynst the commaundement of God How playnly spake Christ to the Pharisies Priests saying wo be vnto you Scribes Pharisies hypocrites because ye haue eaten the whole houses of such as be wydowes by making long praiers and therfore haue you receiued greater dānation Wherin I pray you do our Pharisies and Priestes differ from them Do not our Priestes deuour widowes houses and possessions that by their lōg prayers they might deliuer the soules of their husbāds frō the greuous paynes of purgatory How many Lordships I pray you haue bene bestowed vpon the religious mē womē to pray for the dead that they by their prayer might deliuer those dead men from the payne as they sayd that they suffer in purgatory greuously tormented and vexed If theyr prayers and speaking of holy words shall not be able to deliuer themselues frō payn vnlesse they haue good works How shall other men be deliuered from payne by their praiers which whilest they liued here they gaue ouer themselues to sinne Yea peraduētUre those Lordships or landes which they gaue vnto the priestes to pray for them they themselues haue gotten by might from other faythful men vniust and violently And the Canous doe say that sinne is not forgeuē till the thing taken away wrōgfully be restored How thē shal they be able which do vniustly possesse such Lordshippes or landes to deliuer them by theyr prayers from payne which haue geuen
and protesting before the face of the people that his comming into the Realme in the absence of the king was for none other cause but that he might in humble sort with the loue and fauour of the king and all the Lords spirituall and temporall haue and enioy his lawfull inheritance descending vnto him of right after the death of his father which thing as it pleased all men so cried they Blessed is he that commeth in the name of the Lord But how this blessing afterwards turned into cursing shall appeare in that which followeth and also ye shall vnderstand his horrible and wicked conspiracie against his soueraigne Lord king Richard and diuers other Lords as well spirituall as temporall besides that his manifest periurie shal wel be known and that he remaineth not only foresworne and periured but also excommunicate for that he conspired against his soueraigne Lord our king Wherefore we pronounce him by these presents as well periured as excommunicate 3. Thirdly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he the said Lord Hēry immediatly after his entry into England by crasty and subtile policie caused to be proclaimed openly throughout the Realme that no tenths of the Clergy fiftenes of the people sealing vp of cloth diminution of wooll impost of wine nor other extortiōs or exactions whatsoeuer should hereafter be required or exacted hoping by this meanes to purchase vnto him the voice and fauour of the prelates spiritual the Lords temporall the Marchants comminaltie of the whole Realme After this he tooke by force the kings Castels and fortresses spoiled and deuoured his goodes wheresoeuer he found it crieng hauocke hauocke The kings maiestie subiects as well spirituall as temporal he spoiled and robbed some he tooke captiue and imprisoned them and some he slew put to miserable death wherof many were Bishops prelates Priests and religious men Whereby it is manifest that the said Lord Henry is not only periured in promising swearing that there should be hereafter no more exactiōs paiments or extortions within the realme but also excommunicate for the violence and iniurie done to Prelats and Priests Wherefore by these presents we pronounce him as afore as well periured as excommunicate 4. Fourthly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he hearing of the Kings returne from Ireland into Wales rose vp against his soueraigne Lord the king with many thousands of armed men marching forward with al his power towards the Castle of Flint in Wales where he tooke the king held him prisoner and so led him captiue as a traitor vnto Leicester from whence he tooke his iourney towards London misusing the king by the way both he and his with many iniuries and opprobrious cōtumelies and scoffes And in the end committed him to the Tower of London and held a Parliament the king being absent in prison wherein for feare of death he compelled the king to yeeld and resigne vnto him all his right title of the kingdome and crowne of England After which resignation being made the said Lord Henry standing vp in the Parliament house stoutly and proudly before them al said a●●●med that the kingdome of Englād and crowne of the same with al therunto belonging did pertaine vnto him at that present as of very right and to none other for that the said king Richard by his owne deede was depriued for euer of all the right title interest that euer he had hath or may haue in the same And thus at length by right and wrong he exalted himselfe vnto y● throne of the kingdome since which time our commō weale neuer florished nor prospered but altogether hath bene void of vertue for that the spiritualtie was so oppressed exercise and warlike practises hath not bin mainteined charitie is waxed cold couetousnes and miserie hath takē place finally mercy is taken away vengeance supplieth the rcome Wherby it doth appeare as before is said that y● said Lord Hēry is not only periured false by vsurping the kingdome and dominion belonging to another but also excommunicate for the apprehending vniust imprisoning and depriuing his soueraigne Lord the king of his roiall crowne and dignitie Wherefore as in the articles before we pronounce the said Lord Henry to be excommunicate 5. Fiftly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he the same Lord Henry with the rest of his fauourers complices heaping mischief vpon mischief haue cōmitted and brought to passe a most wicked and mischieuous fact yea such as hath not bene heard of at any time before For after that they had taken and imprisoned the king and deposed him by open iniurie against all humane nature yet not cōtēt with this they brought him to Poinfret Castle and there imprisoned him where xv daies nights they vexed him with continuall hunger thirst and cold and finally berest him of life with such a kind of death as neuer before that time was knowen in England but by Gods prouidence it is come to light Who euer heard of such a deed or who euer saw the like of him Wherefore O England arise stand vp auenge the cause the death and iniurie of thy king and prince which if thou do not take this for certaintie that the righteous God will destroy thee by strange inuasions and foreigne power and auenge himselfe on thee for this so horrible an act Whereby doth appeare not only his periurie but also his excommunication most execrable so that as before we pronounce the said Henry not only periured but also excommunicate 6. Sixtly we depose c. against the sayd Lord Henry that after he had attained to the crowne and scepter of the kingdome he caused forthwith to be apprehended diuers Lords spirituall Bishops Abbots Priors and religious men of all orders whom he arested imprisoned bound and against all order brought them before the secular iudges to be examined not sparing the Bishops whose bodies were annointed with sacred oyle nor priests nor religious men but commanded them to be cōdemned hanged and beheaded by the temporall law and iudgement notwithstanding the priuiledge of the Church and holie orders which he ought to haue reuerenced and worshipped it he had bin a true and lawfull king for the first and chiefest othe in the coronation of a lawfull king is to defend and keepe inuiolate the liberties and rights of the Church and not to deliuer anie Priest or religious man into the hands of the secular power except for heresie onely and that after his degradation according to the order of the Church Contrary vnto all this hath he done so that it is manifest by this article as afore in the rest that he is both periured and excommunicate 7. Seuenthly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that not onely he caused to be put to death the Lords spirituall and other Religious men but also diuers of the Lords
be it here to all the worlde that he neuer since varied in any poynt therefro but this is playnly his beliefe that all the sacramentes of the churche be profitable and expedient also to al them that shall be saued taking them after the intent that Christ and hys true church hath ordayned Furthermore he beleeueth that the blessed sacrament of the aulter is verily and truely Christes body in forme of bread After this the bishops and priests were in much great discredite both with the nobilitie and commons partly for that they had so cruelly handled the good Lorde Cobham partly agayn because hys opinion as they thought at that tyme was parfect concerning the sacrament The Prelates feared this to grow to further incōueniēce towards thē both wayes wherfore they drew theyr heads together at the last consented to vse an other practise somewhat cōtrary to that they had done afore They caused it by and by to be blowne abroad by theyr feed seruauntes frends and babling sir Iohns that the sayd Lord Cobham was becomen a good man and had lowly submitted himselfe in all thinges vnto holy Church vtterly 〈◊〉 his opinion concerning the sacrament And thereupon they counterfayted an abiuration in hys name that the people shoulde take no hold of that opinion by any thing they had hearde of him before and to stand so the more in awe of them Cōsidering hym so great a man and by them subdued This is the abiuration say they of sir Iohn Oldcastle knight sometime the Lord Cobham * An Abiuration counterfaited of the Byshoppes IN Deinomiue Amon. I Iohn Oldcastle denounced detected and conuinced of and vpon diuers articles sauoring both heresye and error before the reuerend father in Christ my good Lord Thomas by the permission of God Lord Archbishop of Caunterbury and my lawfull and rightfull iudge in that behalfe expresly graunt and confesse that as cōcerning the estate and power of the most holy father the Pope of Rome of his Archbishops his Bishops and hys other prelates the degrees of the church and the holy Sacramentes of the same specially of the Sacramentes of the aultar of penaunce and other obseruaunces besides of our mother holy Church as Pilgrimages and pardons I affirme I say before the sayd reuerend father Archbishop els where that I being euill seduced by diuers sedicious preachers haue grieuously erred and heretically persisted blasphemously aunswered and obstinately rebelled And therfore I am by the sayd reuerend father before the reuerend fathers in Christ also the bishops of London Winchester and Bangor lawfully condemned for an hereticke Neuertheles yet I now remembring my selfe and coueting by this meane to auoyd that temporall payn which I am worthy to suffer as an hereticke at the assigned 〈◊〉 of my most excellent Christen prince and siege Lord King Henry the 5. now by the grace of God most worthy Kyng both of England and of Fraunce Minding also to prefere the wholesome determination sentence and doctrine of the holy vniuersall Church of Rome before the vnwholesom opinions of my selfe my teachers and my followers I freely willingly deliberately and throughly cōfesse graūt and affirme that the most holy fathers in Christ S. Peter the Apostle and his successors byshops of Rome specially now at this time my most blessed Lord Pope Iohn by the permission of God the xxiii Pope of that name which now haldeth Peters seat and each of them in theyr succession hath full strength and power to be Christes Vicar in earth and the head of the church militant And that by the strēgth of his office what though he be a great sinner and afore knowne of God to be damned he hath full authority and power to rule and gouerne bynde and loose saue and destroy accurse and assoyle all other Christen men And agreeably still vnto this I confesse graunt and affirme all other Archbishops Byshops and Prelates in their prouinces Dioces and Parishes appoynted by the sayd Pope of Rome to assiste him in his doinges or busines by his Decrees Canons or vertue of his office to haue had in times past to haue now at this time and that they ought to haue in time to come authoritye and power to rule and to gouerne binde and loose accurse and assoyle the subiects or people of theyr aforesaid prouinces dioces parishes and that their said subiectes or people ought of right in all things to obey them Furthermore I confesse graunt and affirme that the sayd spirituall fathers as our most holy father the Pope Archbishops Bishops Prelates haue had haue now and ought to haue hereafter authority and power for the estate order and gouernaunce of their subiectes or people to make lawes decrees statutes and constitutions yea and to publishe commaund and compell their sayde subiectes and peoyle to the obseruation of them Moreouer I confesse graunt and affirme that all these foresayd lawes decrees statutes and constitutions made published and commaunded according to the forme of spirituall law all christen people and euery man in himself is straightly bound to obserue meekely to obey according to the diuersity of the foresayd powers As the lawes statuts canons and constitutions of our most holy father the Pope incorporated in his Decrees Decretals Clementines Codes Chartes Rescriptes Sextiles and Extrauagants ouer all the world and as the prouinciall statuts of Archbishopps in their prouinces the Sinodall actes of Bishops in their dioces and the commendable rules customes of prelates in their colledges and Curates in their parishes all Christen people are both bound to obserue also most meekly to obey Ouer besides all thys I Iohn Oldcastle vtterly forsaking and renouncing all the aforesayd errors and heresies and all other errors and heresies like vnto them lay my hand here vpon this booke or holye Euangely of God sweare that I shall neuer more from henceforth holde these aforesayd heresies nor yet any other like vnto them wittinglye Neither shall I geue counsell ayde helpe nor fauor at any time to them that shall holde teach affirme or maintayne the same as God shall helpe me and these holy Euangelies And that I shall from henceforth faythfully obey and inuiolably obserue all the holy lawes statutes Canons and constitutions of all the Popes of Rome Archbishops Bishops and Prelates as are conteyned and determined in their holy Decrees Decretalles Clementines Codes Chartes Rescriptes Sextiles Sumnies papall Extrauagantes statutes prouinciall actes synodall and other ordinary regules and customes cōstituted by them or that shall chaunce hereafter directly to be determined ormade To these and all such other will I my selfe with all power possibly apply Besides all this the penaunce whiche it shall please my sayd reuerend father the Lord Archbishop of Caunterbury hereafter to enioyne me for my sinnes I will meekely obey and faythfully fulfill Finally all my seducers and false teachers and all other besides
vnto the Councelles whereby we do say that the generall Councell doth represent the vniuersall Church Wherefore the lawes and decrees of the Councell are called the lawes of the Churche for that the Church doth not set foorth any lawes in any other place then in the general councell except we will call the Popes cōstitutions the lawes of the church which can not be properly said but of the Councel whereas albeit all those which are of the church do not assemble and come together yet the most part of them are accustomed to be there present and in those whiche come the whole power of the Church doth consist Wherupon we read in the Acts of the Apostles It pleased the Apostles and Elders with all the Church For albeit that al the faithfull were not there present because a great nūber of them remained at Antioche yet notwithstanding it was called the whole Church because the whole power of the Church consisted in the coūcell Thus for this present it is sufficient that we vnderstand by the Church the generall Councell And nowe to returne vnto our purpose lette vs heare what our Sauiour sayeth vnto Peter If thy brother doe offend against thee vnto this text folowing tell it vnto the church and let vs vnderstand the Councel by the Church Who is greater in thys place hee whych is sent vnto the Councel or the Councel whereunto Peter was sent The uevity doth remit the Byshop of Rome vnto the generall Coūcell And why so verely because the bishops of Rome should not disdaine to acknowledge some power in earth to be aboue them the which they should consult withall in matters of importaunce and agree vnto the determinations thereof Whereupon Peter is also called by an other name Symon the which as Rabanus in hys Homilies wryteth is interpreted in the Hebrew tounge obedience that all men might vnderstande obedience to be necessary euen in the Bishop of Rome The authority of the Councel of Constance might suffice vs in this poynte but we thinke it good to stay a little vpon thys matter to leaue no place open for our aduersaries which whilest they goe about to maintaine the vnsatiable wilfulnes of oue man preferring a priuate wealth before a commō commodity is it incredible how great errors they doe stirre vp Against the which besides many other Zacharias bishop of Chalcedon a man both famous and eloquent did earnestly strine who in the great and sacred Synode of Chaleedon when as the sentence of the B. of Rome was obiected vnto him that the Canon of Pope Nicholas and other Patriarkes was aboue the Councell he replied against it And Zosimus the Pope sayth thus as touching the decrees of the general Councel the authority of this seat cannot make or alter any thing contrary to the decrees of the fathers Neither doth he heare speake of the decrees of the fathers which are dispersed abroad in cities or wildernesse for they do not binde the Pope but of them which are made and published by the fathers in the generall Councell For the more manifest declaration whereof the words of pope Leo the most eloquent of all the bishops of Rome are here to be annexed who wrote vnto Anatholius that the decrees of the Councel of Nice are in no part to be violate and broken thereby as it were excluding himselfe and the high Patriarke The authoritie also of Damasus vppon thys sentence is more manifest wryting vnto Aurelius the Archbish. as Isidorus declareth in the booke of Councels whose worthy saying as touching the authority of the synode is thys That they which are not cōpelled of necessity but of theyr owne wil either frowardly do any thing either presume to do any thing or willingly consent vnto those which wold do any thing contrary and against the sacred Canons they are worthely thought and iudged to blaspheme the holy ghost Of the which blasphemy whether Gabriel whyche calleth himselfe Eugenius be presently partaker let them iudge which haue heard him say that it is so farre from his office and duety to obey the general Councels that he saith he doeth then best merite and deserue when as he contemneth the decrees of the Coūcel Damasus addeth yet moreouer For this purpose sayeth he the rules of the sacred canons which are consecrated by the spirite of God and the reuerence of the whole world are faithfully to be knowne and vnderstand of vs and diligently looked vpon that by no meanes wythout a necessitye which cannot be eschued which God forbid we do transgresse of the decrees of the holy fathers Notwithstanding we daily see in al the Popes Bulles and letters these woordes Non obstante that is to say notwithstandin which no other necessitie hath brought in then onely vnsatiable desire of gathering of mony But let them take heede to these things whych be the authours thereof But now to returne againe vnto Damasus mention is made in the Epistles of Ambrose bishop of Millaine of a certaine Epistle which is laid to be writtē by Damasus vnto the iudges deputed by the Councel of Capua where he declareth that it is not his office to meddle with any matter which hath ben before the Councell By the which saying he doth manifestly reproue all those which affirme and say the Byshop of Rome to be aboue the Councell The which if it were true Damasus might haue taken into his handes the cause of Bonosius the Byshop to determine which was before begon by the Councell but for somuche as the Councell is aboue the Pope Damasus knewe hymself to be prohibited Wherupon Hilarius also acknowledging the Sinode to be aboue him would haue his decrees confirmed by the Councell Also the famous Doctour S. Augustine in his Epistle whych hee did wryte vnto Glorius Eleusius and Felix the Gramarian declareth the case Cecilianus the Byshoppe was accused by Donatus wyth others Melchiades the pope with certaine other bishops absolued Cecilian and confirmed him in hys bishopricke They being mooued wyth those doinges made a schisme in the partes of Africa S. Augustine reprooueth them which hauing an other remedy against the sentence of the Pope did raise a schisme and doth mucy against them in this maner Behold let vs thinke those Bishops which gaue iudgemēt at Rome not to haue ben good iudges ther remained yet the iudgemēt of the uniuersall church where as the cause might haue ben pleaded euen with the iudges themselues so that if they were conuict not to haue geuen iust iudgement their sentence might be broken Wherby it appeareth that not only the sentence of the Pope alone but also the Pope wyth hys Byshops ioyned with him might be made frustrate by the Councell for the full iudgement of the uniuersall Church is not founde elswhere then in the generall Councell Let not any manne doubt in that S. Augustine seemeth here onely to speake of Byshops for if the text of hys Epistle be
1000 marks The fift part of all the goods of the clergy granted to the Pope Great expence of money in the court of Rome betweene the B. of Lincoln and the Cathedrall Church Money wast fully bestow ed. Mony comming to the Pope betweene the b. of Lincoln the monks within his Dioces How pretely the Pope can take with both handes Money may doe much at Rome The popes answere to Rob Grosted Iustice peruented by the popes authoritie for money Money comyng to the Pope by the election of Boniface archb of Cant. and of Ethelmare B. of Wint. both strāgers and French men Mariage with Alinore the kings sister a Nunne dispensed by the Pope for money What inconuenience commeth by the Popes dispensations Wilfull periurie mainteined by the Popes dispensations Enormities which spring out of the popes dispensations The miserable impouerishing of the Realme by the popes prouisions and contributions Cardinall Otho Legate in England The receiuing of Otho the popes Legate into the Realm Anno. 1237. Otho the Legate seeketh to come into Scotlande The king of Scottes his answere to Cardinall Otho The 〈◊〉 of Sea●●● hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 within 〈◊〉 popes Legate Cardinal Otho 〈◊〉 ped 〈◊〉 ing into S●● land Oppression of the 〈◊〉 of Engl●● by Cardi●●● Otho the popes Lega●● Anno. 1238. The nobles of England writ to Pope Gregory 〈◊〉 collation●● benefices wrasled or of their 〈◊〉 Petrus Rubeus the popes 〈◊〉 All bene●● ced men in England ●● pelled to geue the●● part of the reuenewes to the pope anno ●●●● Anno. 1240. Excuses of the Clergy why they would not contribute ● the Pope ●oc childrē of Rome ●laced in benefices in England Edmund Archb. of Cant. depar●eth the ●ealme and dyeth in exile Three thousand pounds to the popes ●se Romaynes 23. brought to Englande to be benefited The P. for money releaseth christias of their ●ow● Mumelius 20 other messenger of the pope An exectable exaction of the pope vpon the house of Peterborough Abbot of Pe terborough thrust out of the popes court The obligation of kyng Iohns tribute to the pope burned The bishops of England put their handes and seales to the popes bill Petrus Rubeus Petrus de Supino the Popes collectors in England A thousand and fiue hundreth markes brough● out of Ireland for the Pope M. Martinus a● other messenger for the Popes money an 1244. Extortion of the Popes Legate vpon the clergie of Englando Contribution of x. M. markes for the Pope The pope craftely holdeth with the kyng that the king might holde with him Intimation geuen to the king touching the importable oppression of the realme by the Pope K. Henries letter to the Pope The kyng offereth to kisse the Popes feet Damage receiued by the pope in the realme of England The pope prouisions The kinges too much in subiection to the pope Ex Mat. Paris sol 172. The pope setteth Welch men against the king of England Contribution required of the clergie of England for the pope with their excuses and reasons against the same The portes of England layd to stop the popes letters yet all would not serue Si●●e 〈◊〉 land 〈◊〉 yerely 〈◊〉 out of 〈◊〉 land●●● Pope 〈◊〉 Italia 〈◊〉 M. Martin●● the Popes legate ser● out of En● land in the deuils 〈◊〉 The pope in displeasure with the king of England * 〈◊〉 lot The 〈◊〉 wordes of the pope against the French 〈◊〉 and king of England Anno. 1245. The supplication of 〈◊〉 Lords and commons of England 〈◊〉 the Pope The superstitious 〈◊〉 ding of neonasterics in England Iniuries receiued in England by the Pope Benefices in ●uglande wickedly giuen a way to Italians Three score thousande markes yerely giuen to Italians out of the church of England Italians receiued more in this land of meer rēts then did the kings crown Detestable dealings of the popes legate in England Complaint of M. Martin ●he Popes Legate K. Hēry the ●hird vsed euery day to ●eare 3. mas●es by note The stout wordes of the Lordes ●o the Pope The suppli●ation of the English na●ion tooke no place with the Pope The Englishe Ambassadours agreeued with the Pope The Pope in an anger with England The Bishops of England set their seales to the popes tribute Anno. 1246. The pope stirreth Lewes the French king to warre against the K. of Englande Lewes the frēch kyng refuseth to warre against Englande The first yeares fruites for seuen yeares gathered of all benefices for the Archb. of Cant. The prelates of England charged to find horse and harnes for Popes warres A subtile practise of the pope The popes baite layde for more money A new lawe of the pope to season vpon all the goods of clergie men that die intestate A note of certaine ecclesiasticall persons dying in England worth great substance Sixe thousand marks to be gathered of the clergie of Englande for the Pope The king beginneth to withstand the Pope but durst not holde out The Pope in a chafe The wordes of Ioannes Anglicu● Cardinall to the Pope The miserable troubles of christendome Of Spaine he meaneth because the king of Aragone a litle before had cut off the tongue of a certaine B. that did reprehend him Paris fol. 207. Power giuen to the Bish. of Worcester to interdict the land The K. fayne to relent to the Pope 238. Of this diuision read before pag. 282. The Grecians vsed to washe their altar if any latin masse had bene saide vpon them Ex Act●s concil●● Lateran●●sis cap. 4. Goods gotten by vsury attached for the Pope Excommunication abused False ●●●luti●● o● sinnes Vsurarie prau●las Goods 〈◊〉 in dead ● wils for restitution e●u●ted to the Pope Goods ●●bequethe● in de●d 〈◊〉 willes co● uerted to war agai●●● the G●●e●● Goods ●●gotten co●uerted 〈◊〉 Pope Abselo● for 〈◊〉 An v●●●●nable e●● on of the Pope Non 〈◊〉 Three ●●n thousande poundes ●●acted of ●● clergie to ● payde to ●● Pope A Parliament Letter sent the Pope the name all the e●tes com ●altie of ●e realme ●ote fooles ●u●ingiuing the ●hurch so ●uch ●he Pope ●●●king be●●e Englād ● swimme ●th golde ●●d siluer The popes ●●swere a●aine to the ●●ng of England The Pope ●alfe in his promise Note the subtle practise of the pope to get money The Bishop of Lincolnes answere to the Friers the Popes messengers The Abbot of S. Albons maketh great sute to the Pope for the 400. markes that he should pay This Iohannes Anglicus was the more fierce against the Abbot because hee receiued him not with such reuerence as hee thought meete for the popes legate Example howe this Realme of England was oppressed miserably by the Pope The Abbot of Abbingdō cited to appeare before the Pope The Abbot of Abingdon condemned in 50. markes for denying of an english benefice to an Italian the Popes nephew A detestable extortion of the pope vs●d against the priorie of Binham The Grecians excused purged in parting frō the Church of Rome The miseries that haue risen in
it giueth to the church Peter not the cause of Ananias death Actes 3. Ioh. 1● Like a pulled He●●e Math. 16. The Popes vsurped power fal●● founded vpon scriptures Dist. 9. ●● I●a Dem●nus ●●cter The place of Christ ge●●ng the keyes to Peter Mat. 16 ●●tly expounded Math. 18. Iohn 20. Christ one●● the head of the church 1. Cor. 3. Galat. 2. A●●s ● The thirde errour Other Apostles had the power to bynd and to loose as Peter had Actes 2. Romans 1. Peter ruled 3. Churches Actes 1. Actes 2. Acts 3.4.5 Peter gouerned the Church at Ierusalem 4. years before he gouerned Antioche Galatians 2. The keyes of Christes kyngdome Absolution Three things required in popish absolution Contrition Confession Satisfaction Two things required on his part that geueth popish absolution De●ret de ●oeniten●●● Iohn 3. Iohn 5. Math. 25. The saintes shal iudge with Christ. Corinth 4. Iohn 20. The ministeriall power to remit sin belongeth as well to one priest as to an other The keyes of the kingdome of heauen The keyes mistaken in the Pope Chanon● Fayth and hope be the keyes of heauen 2 Cor. 15. Iohn 12. Children departing before baptism●● condemned Auriculer confession Iames 5. De●eni● 〈◊〉 cap. multiplex misericordia dei 〈◊〉 53. Iohn 1. Confession ●●to God ●●ticular confession ●●truely ●●ounded ●●on the ●●pture ●●ke 17. The autors of the Canon law reproued Iohn 3. Luke 5. The story of the leapers expounded to make ●othing for ●uticular confession The clensing of the leprey the clensing of the priest in auric●● lar confession agree not The popes power in absoluing from sinnes not founded in scripture The pope can absolue none from punishment The pope in his pardons deceaueth men 3. maner of wayes The pope promising pardons for sinne induceth men to sinne in simony Deadly sinne and debte The pope saith he can remitte the debte to God And yet can not remitte the debte to mā The pope harder to pardon a priest leauing his matters vnsaid then for breaking the commaundemēt of God Absolution to be sought at the handes of God onely Ex regist latíno Episc. Herford Notes Examples declaring what warres hath bene stirred vp by popes Iohn 6. Galath ● Iustification by fayth and not by the law Rom. 5. Iohn 6. True eating of Christ is true beleuing in him Eating of the flesh of Christ what it is Math. 26. Luke 22. This is my body expoūded Note well gentle Reader Bread by similitude Bread substantially and the body Sacramentally The bread which the Lord gaue entreth not into the bodies but the body which he gaue entreth into the mindes of the disciples Paule calleth it materiall bread Note reader The vayne prayer of the priestes at their Masse The people greatly deceued in the sacramēt The priestes seeke their owne honor in their transubstātiatiō Marke here ye good priestes The makers of the Canon law contrary to thēselues De consec 2. cap. Prima quidem inquit De consec dist 2 cap. Omnia quaecunque voluit Contrarietie in the popes Canons De consecrat dist 2. cap. Ego Berengarius The recantation of Berengarius is hereticall The Sacrament left by the priestes negligence to be eatē of a mouse returneth againe from body to bread Whether externall signes in a priest be the signe of Antichrist or els be grounded vpon Christ. Three orders or sortes of priestes 1. Aaronicall 2 Eternall 3. Christian. Leuiticall priestes deuided from the people by kindred office and inheritance The priesthoode of Christ differeth from the Leuiticall priesthoode how and wherein 1. In kindrede 2. In othe taking 3. In durabilitie 4. In ma●●● of 〈◊〉 5. In place of sacrificing The law bringeth none to perfection The priesthoode of Christ differeth from all other priesthood The third priesthoode The name of Sacerdos or priest not vsed in the new Testament of Christ. The fourthe priesthoode which is the Romane priesthoode The office of priestes after the popes order The body of Christ not left to be a sacrifice for sinne but onely for a Sacrament How the memoriall of the sacrament came to the realtie of the sacrifice it selfe The order and office of prayer The Lordes prayer Math. 6. The a●tes of Necromancie Southsaying with craftes how frō whō they came Against exorcising of Priestes Coniuring or halowing in the popish church Holy water coniured Exorcistae The absurditie abhominatiō in the popish exorcismes detected Where was the popes holy water then in the great pestilence in the tyme of K. Edward 3. Iames. 4. Remish coniurers The good lyfe of a priest a great matter to deale in Gods matters The prayer of a vitious priest little anay leth before God Remembraunce of Christes passion needeth not to God but to man Priestes more bound to lay Masse cōmaded by man then to preaching commāded of God Spirituall fornication Ieronymus Whether priests may bargen to sing for soules departed Ieronymus Selling of prayer abhominable Religious men and women deuourers of wydowes houses Praying for soules in Purgatory Euil gotten lādes as euil bestowed for praying for soules in Purgatory Bying and sellyng of prayers in the Popes Church Bying and selling of pardons Parsō place apparell curiositie or eloquence of prayer not regarded of God The prayer of the pharisie and of the Publicāe cōpared Prayer that doth more for money then for charitie disproued Selling of pardons Selling of orders Selling of church halowinges Selling of discipline Selling of fraternitie Selling of Ditiges yere mindes confessions weddinges buriynges Selling of Sermons c. Example to be taken by the fall of Babylon The citie of Rome Babilon Apoc. 18 The temporall dominiō of the citie of Rome The spirituall dominiō of the citie of Rome The fourth beast in the prophesie of Daniel meaneth Rome The beast with 7. heades in the A poc signifieth Rome The feete of the Image in the dreame of Nabuchodonozar signifieth Rome The beast with two hornes lyke the Lambe signifieth the spirituall dominion of Rome Iesus is Christ two maner of wayes as King and priest The double sword of the Pope The Bish. of Rome secketh to be worshipped as God The commaundementes of the pope more regarded then Christes In euery Sacrament 2. thinges conteyned Caueat emptor The rewardes of the beast The number of the name of the beast Dux cleri Martinus poenitenliarius Mo wicked popes then Emperours Matters of Idolatry Images Othes how far they are tollerable Whether temporall goods may be taken away from ecclesiasticall persons offending Popes take from Emperours their benefactors temporall dominion when they offend Ergo much more may Emperours take from popes temporall dominion whē they offend A prophecie of Walter Brute that temporall goods shall be taken away frō the clergie for the multitude of their sinnes Walter Brute againe commanded to a●peare Byshops ●●tors ●●h 10. Bachelors ● divinitie ● monkes ● Doctors ●lars sit●●● vppon Walter B●re Nicholas Herford but also present The Wri●●ges of Walter 〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉 The tenor
Henr. Coldyron answereth to the 3. article Iohn Pollomarius answereth to the 4. article Certayne chosen on both sides to determine the matter The oration of Cardinal 〈◊〉 Nicolas the 2. propounder charged by the Cardinall for the commēcing of Ioh. Wickliffe A prudent answere of the Bohemians to the Cardinall Iulian. The Ambassadours of the Bohemians return without agreement The cōming of the Legates to Prage Ioh. Rochezanus speaketh Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7. Polomas answereth to the Bohemians The Bohemians reply againe to Polomar Polomar extolleth the Councelles Generall councelles may erre and haue erred Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7. The Ambassadours of the councel and the Bohemians could not agree A declaration of 3. articles promised to the Bohemians by the Councell A declaration of the Councell to the Bohemians concernyng the first 3. articles The 2. proposition propounded by the Bohemians with the declaration from the Councell Punishing of publicke offences how and by whom Note here the popes addition The 3. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the councell Liberty of preaching how farre and to whom at extendeth The 4. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the Councell Temporal possessions in the clergie mens handes The papists stād hard for their temporal Lordships The Bohemians take a deliberatiō of the fourth article A declaration of the councel touching the fourth article of the communion Consecrat dist 2 quia pissus This is to set vp the church aboue the scripture The holie communion requireth amendment of lyfe Holy things nothing profit the wicked The reuerēt receiuing of the sacraments Receiuing vnder one kinde for auoiding two perils Error grounded vpon errour Causes why to minister vnder one kinde Receiuing in both kindes permitted to the Bohemians The condition annexed Doubtes or questions of the Bohemians Aunswere Permission of both kindes granted to the Bohemians not of sufferance but by full authoritie Punishing of offences considered How and by whom offēders ought to be punished To doe that God commaundeth is obedience and no sin though it be extraordinary The Israelites dyd steale from the Egyptians without sinne Sampson killed himselfe without sinne Of extraordinary commaundementes no generall lawes to be made Obiection Aunswere How the laitie hath power ouer the clergie and wherin The Pope wil be iudged by his own law Obiection Aunswere Obiection Aunswere Abuse of prelates in inhibiting true preachers Remedie of appeale Obiection Aunswere Actes of secular dominion to be exercised of the clergie after a double respecte ●el per se ●el per alium Obiection Aunswere Coactiue power whether in belongeth to the clergie and how The goods of the church in whose possession they be properly 12. q. 1 cap. expedit The clergie be administratours not Lordes of the temporalties of the Church The agreement betweene the Bohemians and the Councell Anno. 1438. Certaine petitions of the Bohemians put vp to the Coūcell Anno. 1438. The communiō in both kindes to be generally graunted To haue a good and lawfull pastor and Bishop Free communiō vnder both kindes to be permitted to all princes The Gospells Epistles to be read in the vulgare tongue The scriptures read in the Slauons tongue of olde time Incorporations to be graunted to vniuersities an vnlawfull request A request for necessary reformation discipline The cōception of our Lady brought into the Church The visitation of our Lady brought in Vowsons giftes of benefices before they were voide debarred by the coūcell which vowsons here ar called expectatiue graces Incōueniēces that rise by vowsons of benefices No controuersies to be brought to Rome beyond 4. daies iourney from thence No f●●uolous appeales to be made to the Pope Against the superfluous number of errours Against the popes first fruites Pragmatica Sancti● per Carolum 7. An Acte made for the conuersion of the Iewes An Acte for studying the Hebrue Latine and Chaldey Against priestes that kept Concubines An Epistle of Martin Meyr to Aeneas Siluius translated into Englishe the ●atine wher of inextant in the former edition of this booke Ex Orth. Grat. The corruption of the Church of Rome detected The authoritie of the councell of Basill expended The epistle of the Cardinall Iulian to the Pope in the commendation of the councell of Basill Thambassadors of the Councell are returned from Egra What the church is Eugenius prouoketh the Church A strong argument against Eugenius The cause of the long delay of the Prelates The councel of Sene. An epistle of Eneas Siluius in defence of the councell of Basill The t●●●nal seate standeth not in one Bishop The authoritie of the Councell of Basill maintained by the Emperour and the French king so long as they liued The practise of Pope Eugenius to vndoe the Councell of Basill The Pope stirreth vp warre The Dolphin driue● away by a few Germaines The dissolution of tho Councell of Basill Fredericke of Austrich crowned Emperour great grand father to this Ferdinando The Lega● of the Greekes cōdescend first to the popes law The Greeke Churches refuse the Popes doctrine The inconuenience of discorde Ex Cochleo lib. 8. hist. Hussit Ex Antonin 3. part tit Ex hist. Cas pari Peucer lib. 5. Maruelous feare fallen vpon the popes army Gods holy angels pitch their tentes about them which feare him Psal. The cruell deceite and wicked facte of Mainardus against the souldiours of Boheme Certaine thousandes of the Bohemiā souldiors brent Ex Aenea Silu. lib. de hist. Boem cap. 51. England nōted of crueltie Burning slaying in England Anno 1439. R. Wiche Priest Martir Ex Fabian part 7. Ex antiquo alio Chronico Ex Regist. Hen. Chicheslei The bishops cōsult to abolish the lawe of Premuniri facias The king aunswere to the bill of the Clergy touching the law of Premuniri A briefe aunswere to Cope concerning Lady Eleanor Cobham To the third obiection Vid. Centu. 8. Ral. ca. 4. To the 4. obiection M. Coperay leth without a cause See the former edition pag. 371. The 5. obiection The story of the Ladie Eleanor and Rog. Onley here pretermitted A question whether Eleanor the Duches was culpable in treason agaynst the king Certaine coniectures of the crime not to bee true 1. Coniecture 2 Coniecture 3 Coniecture 4 Coniecture 5. Coniecture 6. Coniecture 7 Coniecture 8. Coniecture 9. Coniecture 10. Coniecture A briefe aunswer to Maister Copes cauillations concerning Duke Humfreyes wyfe The contention betwene the Cardinall of Wint. Duke Humfrey Lorde protectour Anno. 1440. E● Polyc●ra Wint. presumeth to be Cardinall against the minde of his king Wint. incurreth the law of premuni●i Wint. intrudeth himselfe to be the kings gouernour The Cardinall defraudeth the king of his iewels The Cardinall deliuereth the K. of Scottes vpon his owne authoritie The Cardinall playeth the marchant The Cardinall a defrauder of the king The Cardinall taketh vpon him like a king The Cardinall traytour to the crowne The Card. a purchaser of of the king● landes Peruerse counsa●le of