contentment of all good Subjects joy and re-establishment of our peace in truth and righteousnesse To end the point proposed Anno Dom. 1315. King Edward the second by his Writ summoned a Parliament at London But many of the Lords refused to come pretending causes and impediments by which their absence might well be excused and so this Parliament tooke no effect and nothing was done therein In this particular then Popish Prelates Lords and Commons have exceeded Protestants in this or any other Parliament Fifthly Popish Parliaments Prelates Lords and Subjects have by Force of Armes compelled their Kings to grant and confirme their Lawes Liberties Charters Priviledges with their Seales Oathes Proclamations the Popes Buls Prelates Excommunications and to passe confirme or repeale Acts of Parliament against their wils Thus the Barons Prelates and Commons by open warre and Armes enforced both King Iohn and King Henry the third to confirme Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta both in and out of Parliament sundry times with their hands Seales Oathes Proclamations and their Bishops Excommunications taking a solemne Oath one after another at Saint Edmonds upon the High Altar 1214. That if King John should refuse to grant these Lawes and Liberties they would wage warre against him so long and withdraw themselves from their Allegiance to him untill he should confirme to them by a Charter ratified with his Scale all things which they required And that if the King should afterwards peradventure recede from his owne Oath as they verily beleeved he would by reason of his double dealing they would forthwith by seizing on his Castles compell him to give satisfaction Which they accordingly performed as our Histories at large relate Yea when they had enforced King Iohn thus to ratifie these Charters for the better maintenance of them they elected 25. Barons to be the Conservators of their Priviledges who by the Kings appointment though much against his liking as afterwards appeared tooke an Oath upon their Soules that with all diligence they would observe these Charters Regem cogerent and would COMPELL THE KING if he should chance to repent to observe them All the rest of the Lords and Barons then likewise taking another Oath to obey the commands of the 25. Barons After this Anno Dom. 1258. King Henry the third summoned a Parliament at Oxford whither the Lords came armed with great Troopes of men for feare of the Poictovines to prevent treachery and civill warres and the Kings bringing in of Foraine force against his naturall Subjects to which end they caused the Sea-ports to be shut up and guarded The Parliament being begun the Lords propounded sundry Articles to the King which they had immutably resolved on to which they required his assent The chiefe points whereof were these That the King should firmely keepe and conserve the Charter and Liberties of England which King John his Father made granted and ratified with an Oath and which himselfe had so often granted and sworn to maintaine inviolable and caused all the infringers of it to be horribly excommunicated by all the Bishops of England in his owne presence and of all his Barons and himselfe was one of the Excommunicators That such a one should be made their Chiefe Iustice who would judge according to Right without respect to poore or rich With other things concerning the kingdome to the common utility peace and honour of the King and kingdome To these their necessary Counsels and provisions they did frequently and most constantly by way of advice desire the King to condescend swearing and giving their mutuall Faith and hands one to another That they would not desist to prosecute their purpose neither for losse of money or Lands nor love nor hate no nor yet for life or death of them or theirs till they had cleared England to which they and their forefathers were borne from upstarts and aliens and procured laudable Lawes The King hearing this and that they came exquisitely armed that so he and his aliens might be enforced if they would not willingly assent tooke his corporall Oath and his Sonne Prince Edward also that he would submit to their Counsels and all those their Ordinances for feare of perpetuall imprisonment The Lords having by an Edict threatned death to all that resisted Which done all the Peeres and Prelates took their Oath To be faithfull to this their Ordinance and made all who would abide in the Kingdome to swear they would stand to the triall of their Peeres the Arch-Bishops and Bishops solemnely accursing all that should rebell against it And Richard King of Romans the Kings younger brother comming soone after into England to visit the King and his own Lands the Barons enforced him according to his promise sent them in writing before his arrivall to take this Oath as soone as he landed in the Chapter-house at Canterbury Hear all men that I Richard Earle of Cornewal swear upon the holy Gospels to be faithfull and forward to reforme with you the Kingdome of England hitherto by the Counsell of wicked men so much deformed And I will be an effectuall coadjutor to expell the Rebels and troublers of the Realm from out of the same This Oath will I observe under paine to forfeit all my Lands I have in England To such a high straine as this did these Popish Parliaments Prelates Peeres and Commons scrue up their jurisdictions to preserve themselves and the kingdome from slavery and desolation whom Matthew Paris his continuer for this service stiles Angliae Reipublicae Zelatores the Zelots of the English Republicke Neither is this their example singular but backed with other precedents In the second and third yeares of King Edward the second Piers Gavesâ—on his great proud insolent covetous unworthy Favorite miscounselling and seducing the young King from whom he had been banished by his Father swaying all things at his pleasure the Peers and Nobles of the Realme seeing themselves contemned and that foraine upstart preferred before them all came to the King and humbly entreated him That he would manage the Affaires of his Kingdome by the Counsels of his Barons by whom he might not onely become more cautious but more safe from incumbent dangers the King Voce tenus consented to them and at their instance summoned a Parliament at London to which he commanded all that ought to be present to repaire Where upon serious debate they earnestly demanded of the King free liberty for the Barons to compose certaine Articles profitable to himselfe to his kingdome and to the Church of England The King imagining that they would order Piers to be banished a long time denied to grant their demand but at last at the importunate instance of them all he gave his assent and swore he would ratifie and observe what ever the Nobles should ordaine The Articles being drawne up and agreed by common consent they propounded them to the King and by their importunity much
these â—iberties and that which we have sworne ALL OF US ARE BOUND TO OBSERVE But where the Acts to which the assent is gained are unjust or illegall such to which the King was not bound by Oath or duty to consent but meerely out of necessity to avoid imminent danger of death or other mischiefe and where the whole Parliament was enforced as well as the King there the acts may be avoided by Duresse as is evident by the Statutes of 11. and 21. of R. 2. c. 12. by the Statute of 31 H. 6. c. 1 which makes voyd all the Petitions granted by this King in a former Parliament the 29. of his Reigne and all indictments made by Duresse through the Rebellion Tyranny and Menaces of Iack Cade and his rebellious rout of Traytors and by 39. H. 6. c. 1. 15. E. 3. stat 2. and 17. E. 4. c. 7. Yet these enforced unjust Bills being publike Acts done in a legall forme are not meerly void but good in Law till they be repealed and nullified by a subsequent Parliament as is evident by the next forecited Statutes even as a Marriage Bond or deed made by Duresse or Menace are good in Law and not meerly void but voidable only upon a Plea and Tryall And if subsequent Parliaments refuse to repeal these forced Laws and to declare the Royall assent thereto by coertion void or illegall the King cannot avoid them by Duresse because his Royall assent is a judiciall Act in open Parliament which his oath and duty obliged him to give and the Lawes are rather the Parliaments Act which was not forced then his owne but they remaine in full vigour as if he had freely assented to them which is most evident by the Statutes made in 10. and 11. R. 2. which though extorted from the King by Duresse against the will and liberty of the King and right of his Crowne as is pretended and declared in the Statute of 21. R. 2. c. 12. yet they continued in full strength for ten yeares space or more during which time there were no lesse then 8. Parliaments held under this King because these Parliaments refused to reverse them upon this pretext of Duresse and the Parliament of 1 H. 4 c 2 3 4. received and confirmed them From all which premises I humbly conceive I may infallibly conclude That the King in passing the fore-mentioned kinde of Bills of Common Right and Iustice for the Kingdomes and the Subjects weale and safety hath no absolute negative voyee but must and ought of common right and Iustice by vertue of his Royalloath and duty to give his ready and free assent unto them without any tergiversatiâ—n And so the Parliament in their Declarations to this purpose hath no wayes invaded nor injured his Majesties just Prerogative royall in this particular Nor yet those members in it eclipsed his royall grace who have upon occasion given affirmed the Petition of Right the Bills for Trieniall Parliaments which before by Law were to be annuall at least the continuance of this Parliament without adjournment for the Kingdomes necessary preservation the acts against Shipmoney Forest-Bounds c. illegall new invented grievances and oppressions not heard of in former Kings Reigns and the Statutes for the suppression of the Star-Chamber High Commission Knighthood and Bishops votes lately growen intollerable grivances and mischeifes to the Realme Especially since his Majesties Reigne to bee no acts of most transcendent Grace such as never any Prince before vouchsafed to his people as they are daily cried up in Presse and Pulpet but Bills of meere Common Right and Iustice which the King by his Royall Office Oath Duty in Law and Conscience ought to assent unto and could not without apparent injustice deny to passe when both Houses urged him thereunto the rather because the unhappy fractions of all Parliaments and Grievances of these Natures under his Majesties own Reign and Government occasioned by his evill Councellers were the sole grounds and just occasions of enacting these necessary Laws for the Subjects future security if the sword now drawen to suppresse the Parliament and cut these Gordians or rather Cobwebs as Diogenes once termed Laws a sunder deprive them not of their benefit before they scarce enjoy it I should now here proceed to manifest the Parliaments taking up of defensive Armes against his Majesties Malignant Army of professed Papists Delinquents and pillaging murthering Cavaleers whose grand designe is onely to set up Popery and an absolute tyrannical Government over our consciences bodies estates in defense of their own persons priviledges the Subjects Laws Liberties Properties and our Protestant established Religion devoted by Papists to eternall ruine as we have cause to feare to be just lawfull and no treason nor rebellion at all against the King neither in point of Law nor conscience And that the Parliaments assessing of men towards the maintenance of this necessary defensive warre by an Ordinance of both Houses onely without the Kings assent now wilfully absent from and in armes against his Parliament and People with their distraining and imprisoning of such as refuse to pay it and their confinement and securing of dangerous Malignants to be justifiable by Law and ancient presidents with other particulars not yet so fully discussed by any as is desired But this part being already growne somewhat large and having lingred much longer at the Presse then I expected I have thought it more convenient to reserve the remainder for a future Treatise by it selfe then to hinder the state of the present benefit which it may receive by this through Gods blessing ere the other can â—ee compleated which I hope will fully un-blindfold the hood-winkt world and either satisfie the consciences or stop the mouthes of all who are not wilfully malicious against the Truth and Parliaments proceedings and the Soveraigne Power of Parliaments and Kingdoms over their Kings themselves which I shall more copiously manifest in the Appendix FINIS partis secunda THE THIRD PART OF THE SOVERAIGNE POWER OF PARLIAMENTS and KINGDOMES Wherein the Parliaments present Necessary Defensive Warre against the Kings offensive Malignant Popish forces and Subjects taking up Defensive Armes against their Soveraignes and their Armies in some Cases is copiously manifested to be Iust Lawfull both in point of Law and Conscience and neither Treason nor Rebellion in either by inpregnable Reasons and Authorities of all kindes Together With a Satisfactory Answer to all Objections from Law Scripture Fathers Reason hitherto alledged by Dr. Ferne or any other late opposite Pamphleters whose grosse Mistakes in true Stating of the present Controversie in sundry points of Divinity Antiquity History with their absurd irrationall Logicke and Theologie are here more fully discovered refuted than hitherto they have been by any Besides other particulars of great concernment By WILLIAM PRYNNE Utter-Barrester of Lincolnes Inne 2 Sam. 10. 12. Be of good courage and let us play the men for our People and for the City of
in regulating the Kings own meniall servants in some cases when they either corrupt or mis-counsell him And thus much touching the unhappy differences between the King and Parliament concerning matters of his own royall Prerogative The Parliaments Right and Iurisdiction to impose Taxes and Contributions on the Subjects for the necessary defence of the Realm Laws Liberties without the King in case of the Kings wilfull absence from and taking up Arms against the Parliament and Kingdom briefly vindicated from the calumnies against it THe severall grand Objections of consequence made by the King and others against the Parliaments pretended usurpations upon the just Rights and Prerogatives of the Crowne being fully examined and refuted in the Premises so far I hope as to satisfie all ingenuous men in point of Divinity Policy Law Reason Conscience I shall next proceed to the remaining materiall Accusations which concerne the Subjects onely in regard of Property and Liberty wherein I will contract my Discourse into a narrow compasse partly because the debate of the fore-going Differences between the Kings Prerogative and the Parliaments Soveraigne Jurisdiction hath in some sort over-ruled the Controversies betwixt the Subjects and both Houses representing them partly because these accusations are not so universally insisted on as the former which concerne the King the justnesse of them being generally acknowledged willingly submitted to by most except such who calumniate and traduce them either out of covetousnesse onely to â—ave their Purâ—es or from a groundlesse Malignity against the Parliament or out of a consciousnesse of their owne Delinquencies subjecting them to the Parliaments impartiall Justice or out of some particular interests which concern them in their gains honours preferments or such who by their restraints for not paying Parliamentary Assessements hope to save their purses for the present or to gaine favour and preferment by it for the future If these private sinister ends were once laid by this second sort of accusations would speedily vanish especially with men of publike spirits who prefer the Common-weale before their owne particular interests The first of these Cavillatory Objections against the Parliaments proceedings is That both Houses without the Kings Royall Assent have contrary to Magna Charta the Petition of Right the Statutes De Tallagio non concedendo and other Acts by their Ordinances onely imposed late Taxes on the Subjects amounting to the twentieth part of their estates and since that monethly or weekly Assessements to maintaine a war against the King a grand incroachment on the peoples Properties contrary to all Law and Iustice. This Objection seems very plausible and cordiall to covetous Earth-worms being politikely contrived to Court the close-handed niggardly party by those who are guiltiest in themselves of that they thus object against others But it will easily receive an answer as to the Parliament and recoyle with infinite disadvantage on those that make it First 〈◊〉 anâ—wer That the Parliament is the absolute Soveraigne power within the Realme not subject to or obâ—iged by the letter or intendment of any Laws being in truth the sole Law-maker and having an absolute Soveraignty over the Laws themselves yea over Magna Charta and all other objected Acts to repeale alter determine and suspend them when there is cause as is undeniable by its altering the very common Law in many cases by repealing changing many old Statute Lawes and enacting new ones every Sessions as there is occasion for the publike safety and defence This the practice of all Parliaments in all ages yea the constant course of all Parliaments and Assemblies of the Estates in all forraigne Kingdoms too abundantly manifests The Parliament therefore never intended by all or any of these objected Acts to binde its owne hands but onely the Kings and his Ministers with inferiour Courts of Justice neither is the Parliament within the letter words or meaning of them therefore not obliged by them 2. The King with his Officers Judges and inferiour Courts of Justice only are included and the Parliament is directly excluded out of the very letter and meaning of all these Acts as is apparent First in generall from the occasion of enacting all these Laws which was not any complaints made to the King of any illegall taxes imprisonments or proceedings of our Parliaments to the oppression of the people but onely the great complaints of the people and Parliament against the illegall taxes impositions imprisonments and oppressions of the Subject by the King his Officers Judges and inferiour Courts of Justice as all our Hâ—stories with the Prefaces and words of the Acts themselves attest to redresse which grievances alone thâ—sâ— Lawes were made by the Parliaments and peoples earnest solicitations much against the Kings good will The Parliament then who would never solicit them king of a Law against or to restrain it selfe being cleare out of the orignall ground and mischiefe of enacting these Lawes and the King with his Ministers and inferiou◠〈◊〉 is only within them they can no way extend to the Parliament but to them alone 3. The Parliament 〈◊〉 the making of these Acts hath alwayes constantly enjoyed an absolute right and power without the least dispute of granâ—ing and imposing on the Subjâ—cts whatsoever Taxes Subsidies Aids Confiscations of Goods or restraint of Liberty by temporall or perpetuall imprisonment it thought meet and necessary for the publike defence safety and tranquility of the Realm as the severall Tâ—xes Subsidies and Poll-monies granted by them in all ages the many Statutes enjoyning confiscation of Lands Goods corporall punishments banishments temporary or perpetuall imprisonments for divers things not punishable nor criminall by the Common Law or when Magna Charta and the ancient Statutes in pursuance of it were first enacted abundantly evidence past all contradiction none of all which the King himselfe his Officers Judges or inferiour Courts of Justice can doe being restrained by the objected Acts. Therefore it is altogether irrefragable that the Parliament and Houses are neither within the words or intentions of these Acts nor any wayes limited or restraiâ—ed by them but left as free in these particulars in order to the publike good and safety as if those Acts had never beene made though the King with all other Courts Officers Subjects remaine obliged by them 4. This is evident by examination of the particular Statutes objected The first and principall of all the rest is Magna Charta cap. 29. But the very words of this Law Not We shall not passe upon him nor condemne him but by the lawfull judgement of his Peeres or by the Law of the Land We shall deny nor deferre to no man either Justice or Right compared with the Preface to and first Chapter of it Henry c. know ye that We c. out of meere and free will have given and granted to all Archbishops Bishops Eâ—rles Barons and to all free men of this our Realm of England and by this our present
Crowne deposed him renounced their allegiance to him and set up his sonne King Edward the third in his Throne as you may reade at large in Walsingham Polychronicon Caxton Fabian Grafton Hollinshead Speed Stow Howes Daniel Mr. Fox and others who have written the History of his life In the yeare 1341. the 15. of Edward the third his reigne the Popish Lords Prelates and Commons in Ireland summoned a Parliament there by their owne authority without and against the Kings or Deputies consents wherein they framed divers Questions and Articles against the Kings Ministers there imployed which the Irish Annals record at large refusing to appeare at the Parliament there summoned by the Kings authority and Officers I reade in the Statute of 21 R. 2. c. 12. and our Historians have a touch of it That the Duke of Glocester and the Earles of Arundel and Warwicke assembled forcibly and in great number at Harengy and so came in such manner forcibly to the Kings Palace at Westminster arraied in manner of marre that the King might not then resist them without great perill of his body and destruction of his people so that by coertion and compulsion the said Duke and Earles made the King to summon a Parliament at Westminster the morrow after the Purification of our Lâ—dy the eleventh yeare of his reigne Which Parliament so begunne the said Duke and Earles in such forcible manner continued and in the same did give many and divers judgements as well of death of man as otherwise upon divers of the Kings liege people and did give judgement of forfeitures of lands tenements goods and cattels whereof they be convict of high Treason and also for certaine questions which were demanded by the King touching his estate and regality of certaine of his Iudges then at Notingham the same yeare And for their answers of the same given to the King upon the same questions the same Iustices were forejudged of their lives and judgement given against them of forfaiting their Lands Goods and Chattels and the said Duke and Earles made divers Statutes and Ordinances in that Parliament at their will the summons whereof was made expressely against the right of the Kings Crowne and contrary to the Liberty and Franchese of his person and Royall estate Whereupon it was by this packed over-awed Parliament and Act annulled revoked and holden as none as a thing done without Authority and against the will and liberty of the King and the right of his Crown Yet it continued in full force for 10. yeares space during which time there were 8 Parliaments held which would not repeale it and by the Parliament in 1 H. 4. c. 3 4. this Parliament of 21 R. 2. was repealed with all the circumstances and dependants thereof the Parliament and Statutes of 11 R. 2. Revived and enacted to be firmely holden and kept after the purport and effect of the same as a thing made for the great honour and common profit of this Realme After this in the 23 yeare of King Richard the third when he had yeelded himselfe prisoner to Henry Duke of Lancaster the Duke comming with him to London sent out summons for a Parliament to be holden the last of September in the Kings name sore against his will and enforced him first to resigne his Crowne unto him and afterwards caused him to bee judicially and solemnely deposed by consent of all the States of the Realme in Parliament for certaine abuses in his Government objected against him The whole manner of which resignation deprivation and proceedings you may reade at large in our Histories These Popish Prelates Lords and Commons enforcing their Kings to summon all these Parliaments with others which I pretermit might seeme to have some legall colour from the ancient Law of King Alfred who in an assembly of Parliament Enacted this for a perpetuall Custome That a Parliament should be called together at London TWICE EVERY YEARE OR OFTNER in time of Peace to keepe the people of God from sin that they might live in peace and receive right by certaine usages and holy judgements And from the Statutes of 4 E. 3. c. 4. 36 E. 3. c. 10. backing this ancient Law which enact That for the maintenance of the Lawes and Statutes and redresse of divers mischiefes and grievances which daily happen a Parliament shall be holden EVERY YEARE ONCE and MORE OFTEN IF NEED BE. Now these Lawes would have beene meerely voyd and ineffectual if these Kings who were obliged by their Coronation Oathes to observe them refusing to call a Parliament as often as there was need or at least once every yeare according to the purport of these Lawes might not be constrained by their Nobles Prelates people to summon them in case they peremptorily refused to call them of their owne accords or upon the motion or petition of their Counsell Lords and Commons Whereupon in the Bill newly passed this Session for a Trienniall Parliament for time to come there is speciall provision made how the Parliament shall be summoned and convented by the Lords Commons and great Officers of the Realme themselves without the Kings concurrent assent though by his Writ and in his name in case of his neglect or wilfull refusall to summon one within that time Neither is this a thing unusuall in other parts In the Generall Councell of Nice An. 363. Canon 5. it was decreed That a Councell should be held TWICE EVERY YEARE in every Province to regulate the affaires and abuses of the Church The Councell of Antioch Can. 20. appoints two Councels to be held every yeare in every Province the one the third weeke after Easter the other upon the 15. of October to heare and determine all Ecclesiasticall causes and controversies And in the 1. Councell of Constantinople Can. 3. The Councell of Africke Can. 18. Pope Leo the first in his Decretall Epistles Epist. 4. c. 17. The Counsell of Chalcedon Can. 19. the third Counsell of Toledo under King Reccaredus An. 600. cap. 18. the fourth Counsell of Toledo under King Sisenandus An. 681. The Greeke Synods Collected by Martin Bishop of Bracara cap. 18. the second Counsell of Aurelia Can. 2. the third at the same place Can. 1. and the fourth Can. 37. the second Synod of Towres Can. 1. the fifth Counsell of Aurelia cap. 22. the Counsell at Hereford under King Egfred An. 670. in Beda's Ecclesiast Hist. l. 4. t. 5. Pope Gregory the first in his Decretall Epistles lib. 7. Registri Epist. 110. the sixt Counsell of Constantinople Can. 8. the Counsell of Antricum Can. 7. the Counsell of Maseon Can. 20. Pope Gregory the third his Decretall Epistles The Synod of Suessons under King Childeric the Counsell under King Pepin at the Palace of Vernis An. 755. cap. 4. The Counsell of Paris under Lewis and Lothaire An. 829. l. 3. cap. 11. The Counsell of Melden An. 845. cap. 32. With sundry other Counsells decree that a
as the Law meant Item That he at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money besides Plate and Iewels without Law or custome contrary to his Oath taken at his Coronation Item That without the assent of the Nobility he carried the Iewels Plate and Treasure of the kingdome over the Sea into Ireland to the great impoverishing of the Realme And all the good Records for the Common-wealth and against his extortions he privily caused to be imbezeled and conveyed away Item When divers Lords and Iustices were sworne to say the truth for divers things to them committed in charge both for the honour of the Realme and profit of the King the said King so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right Item He most tyrannically and unprincely said that the lives and goods of all his Subjects were in the Princes hands and at his disposing Item He craftily devised certaine privie Oathes contrary to the Law and caused divers of his Subjects first to be sworne to observe the same and after bound them in bonds for the firmer keeping of the same to the great undoing of many honest men Which how parallel they are to the late and present Court Practises and Doctrines of our times let wise men determine The King being thus Judicially dethroned in Parliament Henry the fourth by the same Parliament which continued notwithstanding Richards deposition who summoned it was created King who in the first Parliament of his Raigne reversed and annulled as illegall the Parliament of 21 Richard 2. with all its Acts Circumstances and dependants and revived that of 11 Richard 2. in all points as made for the great honour and common profit of this Realme To these I might adde the Rebellious insurrections of Richard Scroope Arch-bishop of Yorke the Earle of Northumberland and their Complices against King Henry the fourth Anno 1405. to reforme the State and government relieve the Church and Common-weale and Depose King Henry in and by a forced Parliament The insurrection of the Popish Nobles against King Stephen for violating his Oath touching Forests and other immunities of Church and Common-wealth which they would force him to confirme the severall insurrections of Jacke Cade Jacke Straw Wat Tyler and their Popish Vâ—lgar rabble to force their King to call Parliaments to alter and repeale old Lawes enact new displace offensive great Officers promote new onâ—es of their nomination to ratifie what propositions they required and subvert the government of the Realme with the severall Rebellions of the Popish Lincolneshire and Yorke-shire men under Doctor Mackarell a Monke and some men of quality in Henry the eighth his raigne Of the Cornish men Norfolke men Kent and others in Edward the sixth his Rule of the Popish Earles of Northumberland Westmorland and other Northerne Papists in Queene Elizabeths dayes by force of Armes to compell these severall Princes to summon Parliaments to repâ—ale all Lawes against Masse and Popery and for the establishment of the Protestant Religion with other Acts concerning the government of the Common-wealth to enact divers new Lawes and propositions which they demanded to remove great Officers and privie Counsellors from their places and the like All which transcend the Acts and proceedings of this or any other our Protestant Parliaments or subjects being done without any preceding Order or resolution of both Houses representing the whole kingdome and against the generall consent of the people But I shall conclude with one ancient precedent more in one of our best Kings reignes In 25 E. 1. The Lords and Commons in Parliament grievoâ—sly complained and Petitioned to the Kingâ—against divers taxes tallages and prisages wherewith they were oppressed by him to the great impoverishing of the Realme against the violation of Magna Charta the Charter of the Forest the imposition upon Wools and their summons to goe with him into Flanders to which they were not bound by Law The king excusing these taxes by reason of his necessity to maintaine the warres and giving them a dilatory answer the Earle Marshall and Hereford withdrew themselves from Parliament and with their complices commanded the Barons of the Eschequer not to â—evie the eighth penny of the people granted to the King at Saint Edmonds and induced the Citizens of London to joyne with them to recover their Liberties Whereupon the King sending to them for peace they would condescend to no peace but on these termes That the king should confirme Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta with the other Articles to them annexed that he should exact and take â—o â—o aides taxe or tallage from the Clergy or Commons without their commoâ— consent in Parliament and that he should remit all offences to these Earles and their confederates all which the King ratified by his Charter at large by his oath and by a solemne excommunication of the Bishops twice every yeare of all those who should transgresse this Charter of his For which the Laity gave him the ninth and the Clergy the tenth penny of their goods And because this confirmation was made in Scotland the Kings and divers others promised for him that he should confirme it when he came into England which they pressing him to doe in a Parliament at London in the 27. yeare of his reign after some delaies he ratified it with this addition in the close saving the right of our Crowne which when the Lords heard they departed home in great discontent but the King re-summoning them at quindena Pasche granted all things absolutely according to their desire committing the per-ambulation of the Forests throughout England to three Bishops three Earles and three Barons to settle their bounds according to God and justice which not being speedily executed but neglected the King having purchased a dispensation of his oath wherewith he had ratified his foresaid Charter from the Pope hereupon the king holding a Parliament at Stamford the 29. of his reigne the Lords and Barons repaired thither with great store of horses and Arms with a purpose to extort a full execution of the Charter of the Forests hitherto deferred upon which the King considering their earnestnesse and importunity condescended to their will in all things Sixthly Parliaments Lords and Prelates in former times have affirmed that when a Parliament was once met together by lawfull summons it might not be dissolved or discontinued againe at the Kings meere pleasure till all the publike affaires for which it was called were dispatched all grievances redressed and all Petitions exhibited therein fully heard and answered agreeable to the resolution of the great Councels of Basil Constans and divers Popish Writers that a generall Councell once lawfully summoned by the Pope and met cannot be dissolved by him againe at his pleasure without the Councels consent before all the Churches affaires be therein setled Vpon which resolution these Councels continued together and deposed sundry Popes notwithstanding
their Buls to dissolve them to keepe themselves in their chaires This is apparent first by the Ancient Treatise Of the manner of holding Parliaments in England which informes us That the first day of the Parliament publike Proclamations ought to be made in the City or Towne where the Parliament is kept That all those who would deliver Petitions or Bils to the Parliament should deliver them in a certaine time That the Parliament should not depart so long as any Petition made thereto hangeth undiscussed or undecided or at the least to which there is not made a determinate answer the Kings Majesty being desirous of his grace and favour to give the Subject redresse of any injury not to suffer his people to goe unsatisfied Hence departing of the Parliament OUGHT TO BE in such manner First IT OUGHT TO BE demanded yea and publickely proclaimed in the Parliament and within the Pallace of the Parliament whether there be any that hath delivered a Petition to the Parliament and hath not received answer thereto If there be none such it is supposed that every one is satisfyed or else answered unto at the least So far forth as by Law it may be And then all may depart Hence it was that in 21 R. 2. c. 16 17 18 19. Divers Petitions not read nor answered in Parliament by reason of shortnesse of time and not determined sitting the Parliament were by special Acts of Parliament referred to divers Lords and Commons to examine answer and plainely determine all matters contained in the said Petitions as they should thinke best by their good advise and discretion even out of Parliament which they heard and determined accordingly and made binding Acts thereupon as appeares by the Statutes themselves This Doctrine was very well knowne to King Iohn Henry the 3. Edward the 2. Richard the 2. Henry the 6. and Edward the 4. the Parliaments which opposed and deposed most of them sitting and continuing sitting both before and after their deposing sore against their wills as the fore-remembred histories manifest else no doubt they would have broken up all these Parliaments at their pleasure and never permitted such Acts and Judgements to passe against themselves Favorites ill Counsellours pretended Prerogatives had they lawfull power to dissolve them summoned in their names or the Parliaments actually determined by their depositions or resignations as we find they did not and none ever yet held they did King Richard the 2. fearing the losse of his Crowne or some restraints by Lawes in the 11. yeare of his Reigne proposed this question among others to his Judges at Nottingham Castle which for ought I finde was never doubted before Whether the King whensoever pleaseth him might dissolve the Parliament and command his Lords and Commons to depart from thence or not Whereunto it was of one minde answered That he may And if any would proceed in the Parliament against the Kings will he is to be punished as a Traytor For which opinion and others some of these Judges and Lawyers as Tresilian and Blake were condemned of high Treason the next Parliament 11 R. 2. drawn upon a Hurdle to Tyburne and there executed as Traytors to the King and Commonwealth others of them who delivered their opinions rather out of feare of death and bodily tortures than malice were yet condemned as Traytors and banished the kingdome onely their lives were spared True it is that the packed and over-awed Parliament of 21 R. 2. terrifyed by the Kings unruly great Guard of Cheshire Archers forementioned 21 R. 2. c. 12. being specially interrogated by the King how they thought of these answers of the Judges said That they thought they gave their answers duely and faithfully as good and lawfull liege people of the King ought to doe But yet the Parliament of 1 H. 4. â— 3 4. repealed this Parliament of 21 R. 2. with all its circumstances and dependents revived the Parliament of 11 R. 2. with the judgements and proceedings given against these trecherous temporising Judges as a thing made for the great honour and common profit of the Realme Besides the Statutes of King Alfred and Edward the 3. which enact that a Parliament shall be holden once every yeare and oftner if need be for redresse of mischiefes and grievances which daily happen strongly intimate that if a Parliament ought in Law to be called as often as neede is of purpose to redresse the Subjects grievances and mischiefes then it ought not in point of Law to be dissolved till these grievances and mischiefes be redressed else the summoning of it would be to no purpose and bring a great trouble and charge to the whole kingdome without any benefit at all Moreover the King by his Oath is bound to doe equall justice and right to all his Subjects in all his Courts of Justice In Magna Charta c. 29. he makes this Protestation We shall deny nor deferre to no man either Iustice or Right and by sundry other Acts all the Kings Iudges are sworne and commanded to doe even Law and execution of right to all his Subjectes rich or poore without having regard to any person and without letting or delaying to doe right for any Letters Writs or Commandements that shall come to them from the King or any others and shall doe nothing by vertue of them but goe forth to doe the Law and hold their Courts and Processes where the Pleas and matters be depending before them notwithstanding as if no such Letters Writs or Commandements were come unto them The makers therefore of these Oathes and Lawes in dayes of Popery and the Parliaments of 2 E. 3. c. 8. 14 E. 3. c. 14. 1 R. 2. c. 2. 11 R. 2. c. 9. which enact That it shall not be commanded by the great seale or little seale to delay or disturbe common right and though such commandments doe come the Iustices shall not therefore leave to doe right in ANY POINT that Iustice and right be indifferently ministred to every of the Kings Subjects did certainely beleeve that the King neither by his great nor privy seale nor by Writ or Letter could without just or lawfull cause assigned prorogue or adjourne the Terme or sitting of any Courts of Justice much lesse prorogue or dissolve his highest Court and grand Councell of the Realme the Parliament or disable them to fit to redresse the kingdomes and Subjects severall grievances or secure the Realm from danger Which if he might lawfully doe at his pleasure without the Houses joynt assents there would necessarily follow not onely a deferring and deniall but likewise a fayler of Justice in the highest Court of Justice which these Acts disable the King who is so farre inferior to the Law that he cannot so much as delay the smallest proceedings of it in any Court or Session by his supreame power by any meanes whatsoever to effect in his meanest Courts much lesse then in the greatest from whence the subversion of Lawes
Liberty Justice and the whole Realme would ensue If any therefore cavill at the Act for continuance of this Parliament till both Houses shall agree to adjourne or dissolve it or at the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments which when they meete shall not be dissolved without their consents for fifty dayes space next after their first meeting Let them now learne that this is no Innovation nor encroachment on the Crowne but an ancient Priviledge of Parliament both claimed practised and resolved in times of Popery in an higher degree then now it is And thus you see how in these particulars the Popish Parliament Prelates Lords and Commons in former times have claimed and exercised farre greater Priviledges and Jurisdictions than this or any other Protestant Parliament hath hitherto claimed or practised which I hope will forever silence the clamourous tongues of all ill Counsellours Courtiers Royalists Malignants Papists and Cavaliers against the present Parliament of whose highest yet moderate proceedings themselves alone have beene the occasions and therefore of all others have least cause to complaine against them BUT to returne againe to the first grand Objection Thirdly I answer that the High Court of Parliament and whole kingdome which it represents may in divers respects be truely and properly said to be the Highest Soveraigne power of all others and above the King himselfe which because it may seeme a dangerous paradox and tends much to the vindication both of the Priviledges Honour and Iurisdictions of our High Court of Parliament now so much undervalued because not really known to most and to the justification of the proceedings in this present Parliament which many out of ignorance and malice so much declaime against both by word and writing in a most licentious manner I shall take a little liberty to demonstrate the truth of it by such convincing reasons and Authorities as no rationall man I hope shall be able to contradict but must necessarily submit to First it is undeniable that the Court of Parliament hath a lawfull power to question all the Kings Patents Charters Commissions Proclamations Grants Warrants Writs and Commitments whatsoever whether they be Legall yea to cancell or repeale them in case they be illegall mischievous or onerous to the Subject not onely without but against the Kings consent and mandate to the contrary as appeares by infinite precedents in this and all foremer Parliaments the scourges of Monopolists Patentees and Projectors the Pests of the Commonwealth The like power have all other Courts of Justice within the kingdome in some degree when such Charters and Writs of the King are brought judicially before them because they are Courts of the Law to which the King and all his Actions are and must be subject Now that which can thus question cancell disanull revoke the Kings owne Royall Charters Writs Commissions Patents c. though ratified with the Great seale and regall power even against his will must certainely be a Soveraigne power and Authority which in point of Law and Justice is superiour to the King This is Bractons resolution l. 2. c. 16. f. 34. a and Fletaesl 1. c. 17. Where they affirme the Law and Parliament to be above the King because they may censure judge and rescinde the Kings Acts Charters legally and judicially even against his personall though not legall Will which is the Law Secondly It is unquestionably true that in all cases of difference betweene the King and all or any of his Subjects though they concerne the Kings Prerogative and the highest branches thereof the Parliament is the supreamest and most proper Judge and its resolution from which there is no appeale to any higher tribunall shall finally binde not onely all the Subjects but the King himselfe notwithstanding his owne personall disassent This is manifest by the many late resolutions given in Parliament against sundry Patents Commissions Writs Charters Impositions Loanes Shipmoney Forest-Bounds Marshall Law Pressing and Billetting Souldiers Imprisonment by speciall Command of the King or his Privy Counsell Tonnage and Poundage Knight-hood and Taxes the Commission of Array and the like which obliege both King and Subject the King in receiving justice in such cases being subject to the Law as well as the meanest of his Subjects as Bracton truely avers against all Royalists mistakes Now that which can thus finally conclude and binde the King himselfe even volens nolens in cases of highest concernment entrenching farthest upon his Prerogative Royall must doubtlesse be the most Soveraigne power Superiour to the Kings And in this sence every Court of Justice whose just resolutions and every petty Jury whose upright verdicts obliege the King because warranted by the Law which is Paramount the King as Bracton Fleta Fortescue King Iames Edward the Confessor yea and Aristotle resolve may be tâ—uely said to be above the Kings person which they binde but not above the Parliament which by its superlative power may examine all judgements and verdicts in other Courts by way of error or appeale and reverse them if there be cause when as the King in person cannot by law examine or reverse them but onely in his Courts of Justice by his Judges Thirdly Parliaments oft times doe and may as they see cause enlarge the Kings Prerogative and Royall power in sundry particulars in which the King had no such jurisdiction before these Acts witnesse the Statute de Praerogativa Regis The notable Parliament Roll of 1. H. 4. num 108. Where the Commons in Parliament grant the King that he shall be in as GREAT ROYALL LIBERTY as his Noble Progenitors were before him having formerly made the like Grant to King Richard the second who perverted it to the altering of the Lawes in many things as appeares by this Roll. 25 H. 8. c. 19 20 21. 26 H. 8. c. 1 3. 31 H. 8. c 9. 34 and 35 H. 8. c. 23. 27 H. 8. c. 15. 28 H. 8. c. 7. 17. 3 4 E. 6. c. 11 12. 1 Eliz. 1 2. with sundry other Acts. Now that Parliamentary power which onely can create and conferre on Kings a greater regall Authority and Prerogrative than they had before must needs be the Originall and supreame Authority for as we rightly argue That the Kings Authority is superiour to all other his greatest Officers and subordinate Ministers of Iustice because their power is by Patent or Commission derived from his So we may from the selfe-same reason conclude that the High Court of Parliaments power the representative Body of the whole kingdome is the most Primitive Soveraigne and greatest Authority of all other yea larger and higher than the Kings because it onely can enlarge the Kings Prerogative all whose originall or additionall Royalties proceeded not from the King himselfe or his Ancestors owne inherent hereditary power for what King could justly without his peoples consents usurpe a Crowne or lawfull Royall Prerogative to himselfe over an whole Countrey but
of the People he is then no Soveraigne Whence it followes that the Kings of England who cannot make any Law to obliege either all or any of their Subjects nor impose any Taxes nor repeale any Common or Statute Law but in and by their Parliaments are no absolute Soveraigne Princes as some Royalists and Court Divines most falsly averre them to be but meere mixt Politique King inferiour to their Lawes and Parliaments the sole Law-makers Law-alterers though not against but with the Kings assent considered not abstractively as Kings but copulative as a branch and member of the Parliament And indeed to speake impartially though the Kings Royall assent be generally requisite to passe and retifie Lawes yet I humbly conceive that the originall prime Legislative power of making Lawes to binde the Subjects and their Posterity rests not in the Kings owne Royall person or Jurisdiction but in the Kingdome and Parliament which represents it For first admit the King should propound any Lawes to his people as Kings and Law-givers usually did at first yet these Lawes would not wayes obliege them unlesse they voluntarily consented and submitted to them in Parliament and the sole reason why our Acts of Parliament binde the Subjects in former times and at this day is not because the King willed them but because the people gave their generall consents unto them in Parliament as Sir Thomas Smith in his Common-wealth of England Holinshed the Prologues to most ancient Statutes the King by the advise and assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons and at the speciall request of the Commons in Parliament assembled and by THE AUTHORITY OF THE SAME PARLIAMENT doth grant and ordaine c. The Kings Coronation Oath Quas vulgus Elegerit and all our Law-bookes resolve and that upon this received Maxime of Law Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus debet approbari Hence Marius Salamonius defines a Law to be Expressa Civium Conventio and averres that Ligatur populus suis legibus quasi pactis conventis quae verae sunt Leges And he likewise proves at large That the Lawes to which Princes assent are more the Peoples Lawes than the Kings because Kings doe passe and grant them but as the publicke Ministers of the people and by their command and direction and they could neither assent to Lawes nor doe any other Act of Royalty unlesse the people had given them such authority with which Fortescue concurres c. 9. 13 14. The King in passing Bils doth but like the Minister in Marriage declare it to be a Law but it is the parties consents which makes the Marriage and the peoples onely that makes it a Law to binde them whence those in Scotland Ireland Man Garnsey and Iersie are not bound by our English Statutes nor Tenants in Ancient Demesne as hath beene oft times judged because they consented not to them Therefore the chiefe Legislative power is in the people and both Houses of Parliament not in the King as it was in the Roman State where the people had the Soveraigne Jurisdiction of making and confirming Lawes to binde them not their Kings Emperours or Senate as I shall hereafter manifest Secondly This appeares by the case of Customes of By-Lawes in Corporations and Manours which binde all the Corporation and Tenants if they be reasonable without the Kings or Lords consents by reason of their mutuall assents alone and as these private By-Lawes oblige all those who consent to them by reason of their ownefree assents onely so doe all publicke Acts of Parliaments obliege all Subjects onely because of their generall assents to them in their Knights Citizens and Burgesses elected by and representing their persons Thirdly all Bills or Acts of Parliament are usually made framed altered thrice read engrossed voted and fully agreed upon in both Houses without the Kings personall knowledge or privity for the most part before they come to have his Royall assent And when they are thus agreed on by both Houses the King cannot alter any one word or letter in them as the Houses may doe but must either absolutely asâ—ent to or consider further of them And if the King send any Bill he desires to have passe it must be thrice read and assented to in both Houses which have power to reject alter enlarge or limit it as they thinke meete else it can be no Act at all A cleare Demonstration that the chiefe power of enacting and making Lawes is onely in the people Commons and Peeres not the King who by his Writ doth purposely summon them to meete and enact Lawes as the chiefe Legislators Witnesse this notable clause in the Writ for the Election of Knights and Burgesses Ita quodiidem Milites plenam sufficientem Potestatem pro SE COMMUNITATE Comitatus praedicti dicti Cives Burgenses pro SE COMMUNITATE Civitatum Burgorum praedictorum divisim ab ipsis habeant AD FACIENDUM ET CONSENTIENDUM HIS quae tunc ibidem DE COMMUNI CONSILIO DICTI REGNI not Regis nostri contigerint ORDINARI super negotiis antedictis Ita quod PRO DEFECTU POTESTATIS HUJUSMODI c. dicta negotia INFECTA NON REMANEANT quovis modo answerable to which is that clause in Pope Elutherius his Epistle to our first Christian King Lucius about An. 185. Ex illis Dei gratia PER CONSILIUM REGNI VESTRI SUME LEGEM per illam Dei potentia vestrum reges Britania regnum Fourthly all publicke Acts are the whole Kingdomes Lawes not Kings alone made principally and solely for the Subjects benefit if good their prejudice if ill therefore the whole Kingdome represented in and by both Houses not the King knowing much better what is good or bad for themselves than the King alone it is just and reasonable that they and not the King should be the principall Law-makers to binde or burthen themselves with any new Lawes penalties or restraints This is the ground of that notable Rescript of the Emperour Theodosius to the Roman Senate which proves the Roman Emperours to have no right nor power to declare or make Lawes but by the Senates concurring assent and approbation Humanum esse probamus si quid de caetero in publica privatave causa emerser it necessarium quod formam generalem antiquis Legibus non insertum exposeat id AB OMNIBUS autem tam Proceribus nostri Palatii quam gloriosissimo caetu vestro Patros conscripti tractari si UNIVERSIS tam Iudicibus quam VOBIS placuerit tunc legata dictari sic ea denuo COLLECTIS OMNIBUS recenseri CUM OMNES CONSENSERINT tunc demum in sacro nostri numinis consistorio recitari ut UNIVERSORUM CONSENSUS nostrae Serenitatis authoritate firmetur Scitote igitur Patres conscripti NON ALITER IN POSTERUM LEGEM a nostra clementia PROMULGANDAM nisi supradicta forma fuerit observata Bene enim
and Ministers for the Custody of his Treasure and Peace and proclaimed his Peace throughout the Realme or other remote foraine parts by reason of warres as divers of our Kings heretofore have beene and so unable personally to consent to Lawes no doubt in all such cases the right of creating a Protector to execute regall power summon Parliaments assent to Lawes is onely in the Parliament which may in these cases make any publicke Acts without the Kings personall presence or assent and the assent of the Regent or Protector usually created by them shall as firmely binde the King as if he had personally consented as is evident by all the Acts of Parliament passed during the minority of Henry the third who was but nine yeares old Edward the third who was but thirteen Richard the second who was but eleven yeares of age Henry the sixt who was but nine moneths old Edward the sifth but twelve yeares Henry the eight not eighteene yeares Edward the fixt but nine yeares of age when they began their Reignes and so uncapable of giving any personall consent to Lawes by themselves of which they could not judge but by their Protectors and by all Acts made in the absence of King Richard the first Edward the 1 2 3 4. Henry the 3. 2 3 4 5 6. and others out of the Realme all good and binding Lawes as appeares by 28 H. 8. c. 17. which altered and 33 H. 8. c. 22 which declareth the Law in these particulars A cleare demonstration that the Parliament is the most absolute Supreame power and Law-giver not the King Tenthly The King hath little or no hand in making but onely in assenting to Lawes when they are made by the Houses as the usuall forme of passing Acts Le Royle veult The King wills or assents to it not before but after they have passed both Houses imports which assent of his if the Bils be publike and necessary for the Common good is not meerely arbitrary at the Kings will but the King by Oath and duty is bound to give it and the Lords and Commons may in justice demand it of meere right as I shall shew anon His Royall assent then though it be the last act which compleates Bils and makes them Lawes yet since it is but an assent to a Law formerly made by both Houses which he cannot alter in any point Yea an assent which the King in Honour Law Justice Duty by vertue of his Coronation Oath is bound to give as appeares by the Prefaces of most Statutes the Statute of Provisours 25 E. 3. Parl. 6. 20 E. 3. and other Acts it is so farre from proving the King the Supreame power and Law-giver that it manifests the contrary that this power principally resides in both the Houses not the King Eleventhly The kingdomes Soveraignty and supreame jurisdiction above the King is most apparent by those Coronation Oathes which Parliaments and the kingdome anciently long before or at leastwise in King Edwards dayes before and ever since the Conquest have prescribed to our Kings ere they would accept of them for their Soveraignes of which I shall give you a short account Before the Conquest I read in King Edward the Confessors Lawes not onely the Office but Oath of the King of England whom he and Bracton oft stiles Gods and Christs Vicar upon earth thus excellently described A King ought above all things to feare God to love and observe his Commandements and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdome He ought also to set up good Lawes and customes such as be wholesome and approved such as be otherwise to repeale them and thrust them out of his kingdome Item he ought to doe Iustice and Iudgement in his kingdome by the counsell of the Nobles of his Realme All these things ought the King in his owne person to doe taking his Oath upon the Evangelists and the blessed Reliques of Saints swearing in the presence of the whole State of his Realme as well of the temporalty as of the spiritualty before he be Crowned of the Archbishops and Bishops Three servants the King ought to have under him as Vassals fleshly lust avarice and greedy desire whom if be keepe under as his servants and slaves he shall Reigne well and honourably in his kingdome He must doe all things with good advisement and preâ—â—e ditation and that properly belongeth to a King for hasty rashnesse bringeth all things to 〈◊〉 according to the saying of the Gospell Every kingdome divided in it selfe shall be brought to desolution Master Fox informes us that William the Conquerour through the peoples clamour promised to confirme this King Edwards Lawes but the most part of them be omitted contrary to his Oath at his Coronation Indeed I finde not in William of Maâ—â—esbury Henry Huntingdon Matthew Paris or Westminster that William the Conquerour tooke this Oath at his Coronation but onely that he was received by the Clergie and people at London in great triumph AB OMNIBUS REX ACCLAMATUS and proclaimed King by them all and then Crowned but Roger de Hoveden and Daniel out of him are expresse in point that according to the accustomed forme the Bishops and Barons of the Realme tooke their Oathes to be his true and loyall Subjects and he reciprocally being required thereunto by Aldred Arch-bishop of Yorke who Crowned him made his personall Oath before the Altar of the Apostle Saint Peter in the presence of the Clergy and People That he would defend the holy Churches of God and the Rectors of the same Likewise that he would govern all the people Subject to him justly and with royall providence RECTAM LEGEM STATUERE ET TENERE which referres to future Lawes that he would establish and observe RIGHTEOUS LAWES and that he would utterly prohibit rapines and unjust judgements Nor did he claime any power by Conquest but as a regular Prince submitted himselfe to the Orders of the kingdome desirous to have his Testamentary title howsoever weake to make good his Succession rather than his Sword the flattery of the time onely giving him the Title of Conquerour afterwards but himselfe not claiming it But William soone after forgetting this his solemne Oath did as Speed with others write abrogate for the most part the ancient Lawes of the Land and introduce new hard Lawes of his owne written in the Norman tongue which the people understood not and the Iudges wrested at their pleasures to the forfeiture of Goods Lands Life Hereupon the Nobility and Natives seeking to cast off these snares and fetters of his Lawes set up Edgar Atheling for their King and Generall once again fell into a new conspiracy raising great forces resolving to make the sword their judge The King hereupon by Lanfrankes advise who as Rehoboams sages gave him counsell somewhat to beare with their abuses rather than hazard the ruine of all in fight appointed a meeting at Berkhamsteed Anno
irregularities I make no question that they would have joyntly answered as I doubt not but our Parliaments Kingdomes and all other Nations were they at this day to institute their preerected Principalities and Kings would answer to that they had never any imagination to erect such an absolute eternall unlimited uncontrollable irresistable Monarchy and plaine tyranny over them and that they ever intended to reserve the absolute originall Soveraigne Jurisdiction in themselves as their native hereditary priviledge which they never meant to divest themselves of that so by means thereof if their Princes should degenerate into Tyrants they might have a just authority power and remedy residing in them whereby to preserve themselves the Nation Kingdome from utter desolation ruine and vassalage An impregnable evidence that the whole Kingdom and Parliament representing it are the most Soveraign power and above the King himselfe because having the supream Jurisdiction in them at first they never totally transferred it to our Kings but reserved it in themselves which is likewise further confirmed by that notable passage of Philocheus Archilacus in his Somnium Viridarii c. 171. Royall power is instituted three manner of wayes First by the will and pleasure of the people because every people wanting a King of their own not being subject to the Emperour or some other King MAY BY THE LAW OF NATIONS MAKE THEMSELUES A KING 94. Dist. c. Legitima If a Royall Principality be thus instituted as it is in the proper pleasure and power of the people to ordaine that the King shall be either Successive of Elective so it is in their pleasure to ordaine That Kings succeeding hereditarily shall enjoy their power due nnto them either immediately before any Coronation or any other solemnity or that they shall receive this power onely by their Coronation or any other solemnity about him Thereason whereof is Because as every one in the delivery of the gift of his owne goods may impose what covenant or condition he pleaseth and every man is moderator and disposer of his owne estate so in the voluntary institution of a King and Royall Power IT IS LAWFULL FOR THE PEOPLE SUBMITTING THEMSELUES TO PRESCRIBE THE KING AND HIS SUCCESSORS WHAT LAW THEY PLEASE so as it be not unreasonable and unjust and directly against the rights of a Superiour Therefore lawfull to reserve â—he Soveraigne Power in and to themselves and not to transfer it wholly to their Kings 14 There is one cleare Demonstration yet remaining to prove the supreme power of Parliaments above Kings themselves which is this That the Parliament is the highest Court and power to which all Appealâ—s are finally to be made from all other Courts and Iudges whatsoever yea from the Kings own personall resolution in or out of any other his Courts and such a transcendent â— ribunall from whence there is no appeale to any other Court or person no not to the King himselfe but onely to another Parliament If any erroneous Judgement be given in the Kings Bench Exchequer-Chamber Chancery Court of Wards or any other Court within the Realm or in the Parliament in Ireland it is finally to be reversed or determined in Parliament by a Writ of Error or upon a Petition or Bill If any sentence be unjustly given in any Ecclesiasticall Courts or before the Dâ—legates the finall Appeale for redresse must be to the Parliament Illegall sentences in the now exploded extravagant Courts of Star-Chamber or High Commission Injuries done by the King and his privy Councell at the Councell Table are examinable and remediable in this high Court Nay if the King himselfe should sit in person in the Kings Bench or any other Court as sometimes our Kings have done and there give any Judgement it is not so obligatory or finall but that the party against whom Judgement is pronounced may appeale to the Parliament for reliefe as Seneca epist. 100. out of Tully de Repub. Fenestella Hugo Grotius de jure Belli l. 1. c. 4. s. 20. p. 65. record that among the Romanes in certain causes they might appeale from the King to the people But if the Parliament give any Judgement There can be no appeale to any higher Tribunall Court or person no not to the King but onely to the next or some other Parliament as is evident by experience by all Attainders of Treaâ—on by or in Parliament by all inconvenient and unjust Acts passed in Parliament which concerne either King or Subject which cannot be reversed nor repealed though erroneous nor the right heire restored in blood by any Charter from the King but onely by an act of repeale or restitution in another Parliament Now this is an infallible Maxime both in the Common Civill and Canon Law that The Court or person to whom the last appeale is to be made is the Supreamâ—st power as the Kings Bench is above the Common Pleas the Eschequer Chamber above the Kings Bench and the Parliament above them all because a Writ of Error to reverse erroneous judgements given in the Common Pleas lyeth in the Kings Bench Errors in the Kings Bench may be reversed in the Eschequer Chamber and errors in all or either of them may be redressed finally in Parliament from whence there is no further appeale Hence the Canonists conclude a Generall Councell above the Pope the Pope above the Archbishop the Archbishop above the Ordinary because men may Appeale from the Ordinary to the Archbishop from him to the Pope but now with us to the Kings Delegates If there be any difference betweene King or Subject touching any inheritances Priviledges or Prerogatives belonging to the Crowne it selfe or any points of misgovernment yea which is more if there be any suite quarrell or difference betweene our Kings in Act and any other their Competitors for the Crowne it selfe which of them hath best title to it who of them shall enjoy it and how or in what manner it shall be setled the Lords and Commons in Parliament are and ought to be the sole and finalâ— Judges of it Not to give you any instances of this kinde betweene King and Subjects which I have formerly touched nor to relate how our King Iohn condemned to death by a Parliament in France by French Peers for slaying his Nephew Arthur treacherously with his own hands and likewise to lose the crown of England or bow Henry the third K. Edward the first and other our Kings have Appealed to the Parliaments of France and England upon differences betweene the Peeres and Kings of France and them concerning their Lands and Honours in France Or how King Edward the third and Philip of France submitted both their Titles to the Kingdome of France to the determination in a French Parliament where they were both personally present which adjudged the Crowne to Philip. Nor yet to mention how the Parliaments and generall assembly of the estates of France have
frequently disposed of the Crowne of that Kingdome determined the controversies of the right and titles pretended to it and elected Protectors or Regents of the Realme during their Kings minorities or distractions of which I shall cite divers precedents in the Appendix to which I shall referre you Nor yet to trouble you with Spanish Precedents of this nature where the severall claimes and titles of the pretenders to the Crownes have beene oft referred to debated in and finally resolved by their Parliaments and generall assemblies of the States the proper Iudges of such controversies as Ioannes Mariana Euardus Nonius and other Spanish writers determined as Philip the second the 18. King of Portugall his title to that Crowne and his competitors together with the rights and claimes of Alfonso the 1. 3. 5. Iohn the 1. Emanuel and other Kings of Portugall and their Corivals were solemnly debated and determined in the assembly of the States of that Realme and of divers Kings and Queenes of Arragon Castile Navarre A pregnant argument that their assemblies of States are the soveraigne Tribunall since they have power and right to determine and settle the descent right and succession of the Crowne betweene those who pretend titles thereunto I shall confine my selfe to domesticke precedents Not to repeate the forementioned precedents how the Lords and commons when the Title to the Crowne hath been in dispute have transferred it from the rightfull Heires to others I shall give you some other pregnant evidences where the Parliament hath finally determined the Title to the Crowne when it hath beene in competition and setled it in a legall manner to avoid debates by way of Appeale to them by competitors or reference from the Kings themselves as the onely proper Judges of such a superlative controversie Not to mention any stories of our British Kings to this purpose where the Kingdome Lords and Commons then disposed of the Crowne in cases of minority want of Heires misgovernment and controversies about the Title to the Crowne Canutus after the death of King Edmund Anno 1017. clayming the whole Realme against Edmunds Brethren and Sonnes referred his Title upon the agreement made betweene Edmund and him for this purpose to the Parliament who resolved for Canutus Title and thereupon tooke an Oath of fealty to him Offering to defend his right with their swords against all others claimes After his decease the Title to the Crowne being controverted betweene Hardicanute the right Heire and Harold his elder but base Brother it was referred to a Parliament at Oxford who gave their voyces to Harold there present and presently proclaymed and consecrated him King Anno 1036. After whose death the States of England sent and adjudged the Crowne to Hardicanute then in Denmarke He dying Edward the Confessor by a generall consent of the Nobles Clergy and People who presently upon Harold◠death enacted by Parliament That none of the Danish blood should any more Reigne over them was elected King and declared right Heire to the Crowne Anno 1126. King Henry the first having no issue male but onely one Daughter Maude to succeed him summoned a Parliament in the presence of himselfe and David King of Scotland wherein the Crowne was setled upon Maude after his decease being of the ancient Royall English blood whereupon Stephen his Sisters Sonne and all the Nobles presently swore fealty to her As much as in them lay after King Henries death if hee died without issue male to establish her Queene of the Monarchy of great Britaine But Stephen after his decease usurped the Crowne against his Oath By the unanimous consent and election of the Lords and Commons And after seventeene yeares civill wars to the devastation of the Realme King Stephen and Henry the Sonne of Maude came to a Treaty at Wallingford where by the advise of the Lords they made this accord That Stephen if he would should peaceably hold the kingdome during his life and that Henry should be his adopted Sonne and Successor enjoy the Crowne as right Heire to it after his death and that the King and all the Bishops and Nobles should sweare that Henry after the Kings death if he survived him should possesse the Kingdome without any contradiction Which done the civill warres ceased and a blessed peace ensued and then comming to Oxford in a Parliament all the Nobles did fealty to Henry who was made chiefe Justiciar of England and determined all the affaires of the kingdome In the 8. and 25. of E. 3. there was a doubt moved in Parliament whether the children of the King or others borne beyond the Seas within his Allegiance should inherit lands in England The King to cleare all doubts and ambiguities in this case and to have the Law herein reduced to certainty charged the Prelates Earles Barons and other wise men of his Councell assembled in Parliament in the 25. yeare of his Raigne to deliberate of this point who with one assent resolved That the Law of the Realme of England is and alwayes hath beene such that the children of the Kings of England in whatsoever parts they be borne in England or elsewhere be able and owe to beare inheritance after the death of their Ancestors Which when they had declared the King Lords and Commons by a speciall Act did approve and affirme this Law for ever the onely Act passed in that Parliament And in a Parliament 1◠E. 3. this Kings eldest sonne was created Duke of Cornewall by Parliament which then also entailed the Dutchy of Cornewall upon the eldest sonnes 〈…〉 of England So 21. R. 2. c. 9. the Principality of Chester 〈…〉 on the Prince by Act of Parliament King Henry the 〈…〉 the inheritance of the Crownes and 〈…〉 his posterity caused them by a speciall 〈…〉 his raigne to be entailed and setled on 〈…〉 and Prince Henry his eldest sonne to be established 〈…〉 heire apparant to him and to succeed him in the said 〈◊〉 and Realmes to have them with their appurtenances after the Kings death to him and the heire◠of his body begotten And if hee should die without heire of his body begotten 〈…〉 remaine to the Lord Thomas the Kings second sonne with successive remainders to Lord John the third and Lord Humfry the Kings fourth sonne and the heires of their bodies begotten After which Act passed for the avoyding of all claimes titles and ambiguities to be made unto the Crowne he thought never by any of his Subjects to be molested or troubled the rather because in this Parliament it was first concluded that deposed King Richard should continue in a large prison and be plenteously served of all things necessary both for viande and apparell and if any persons should presume to reare warre or congregate a multitude to deliver him out of prison that then he should be the first that should die for that seditious commotion Which King Richard as Sir Iohn Bagot
as I am confident no age can Paralell and if not severely vindicated by exemplary punishments of the highest nature upon those ill Counsellors and corrupt Lawyers who contrive and pen them will bring this highest greatest and most honourable Court wherein the whole Kingdom and every Member of it are represented into greater contempt and lesse estimation with all men whether Natives or Forraigners then the basest Court of Pipouders is No King nor Subject ever yet attempted such affronts against the Resolutions of any Judges in inferiour Courts Let no person whatsoever then presume by pen or tongue any longer to arraign or traduce the Resolutions and Ordinances of this highest Tribunall If Kings or Counsellors of State will instruct or excite the Subjects peremptorily to disobey and contemne the Ordinances the Judgements of the Parliament let them never expect the least obedience or submission to any of their own commands which are of lesser credit and Authority which all former Ages have most reverenced and submitted to Fourthly That the Parliament and whole Kingdom being the highest Power or any Member of the Parliament cannot by any publike Acts or Votes of theirs consented to in Parliament become Traytors or guilty of high Treason against the King either by the Common Law or the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. chap 2. of Treasons which running in the singular number If A MAN c. That is any private man or men by their own private authority shall levy warre against the King c. it ought to be judged high Treason extends not to the whole Kingdom or Court of Parliament representing it of which no treason was ever yet presumed the rather because the Parliament by this very act is made the Iudge of all Treasons that are doubtfull and was never yet included within the words or meaning of any Law concerning Treason and therefore cannot be guilty of it Hence the depositions of Archigallo and Emerian two ancient British Kings by the unanimous assent of the Lords and Commons for their rapines oppressions and Tyranny with other forenamed Saxon Kings and of Edward the second Richard the second Henry the sixth Edward the fourth by Acts of Parliament the creating of Richard the third King with the frequent translations of the Crown from the right Heir at Common Law to others who had no good Title by the whole Kingdom or Parliament no lesse then high Treason in private persons was never yet reputed much lesse questioned for or adjudged high Treason in the whole Kingdom or Parliament or any chief active Members in those Parliaments which by the Law are uncapable of Treason for any their judiciall actions and resolutions in such cases being only Tortious and Erroneous reversible by other Acts in Parliament not Trayterous and Rebellious as appears by all the forequoted Statutes and by 13 Eliz. cha 1. which makes it high Treason for any person to affirm That the Queen by Authority of the Parliament of England is not able to make Laws and Statutes of sufficient force to alter limit and binde the Crown of this Realm and the Descent Limitation Inheritance and Government thereof and any mans Title or right thereto And for direct Authorities in this very point Robert Trisylian and Belknap then chief Justices Holt Fulthorp and Burgh Judges Locton King Sergeant and Blake the Kings Counsell in the Parliament of 11 Rich. 2. Were condemned executed and banished the Realm as guilty of high Treason only for affirming under their Hands and Seals That the Duke of Glocester the Earls of Arundel and Warwick were and the other Lords and Commons might be guilty of high Treason for procuring a Commission and other proceedings Voted in Parliament and be punished it as Traytors Which opinion of theirs being afterwards affirmed for Law in a packed Parliament 21 Rich. 1. was the very next Parliament in 1 Hen. 4. c. 2. 3 4. repealed and the judgement given against those Judges for this Trayterous opinion tending to the utter subversion of Parliaments resolved and enacted to be just This Iudge Belknap foresaw and therefore was unwilling to put his Seal to this opinion saying There wanted but a hurdle a horse and halter to carry him where he might suffer the death HE HAD DESERVED For if I had not done this I should have dyed for it and because I have done it I DESERVE DEATH for betraying the Lords Which makes me wonder at a passage in Speed who records it now frequent in Malignants mouthes That the very shop where the Barons originall Treasons were forged was THE PARLIAMENT-HOUSE wherein from time to time they forced on the King Edward the second presumptuous and TREASONOUS ORDINATIONS not only to reform the Kings House and Counsell and to place and displace all great Officers at their pleasure but even claimed a joynt interest in the Regiment of the Kingdom together with the King which William Iâ—ge a Iudge of the Common Law with other like sticklers trayterously perswaded them was according to Law Which grosse slander of the Parliament House would have been capitall at least in former ages and may now indanger the necks of those who speak or write the same of the present Parliament Never did any of our Kings charge any Parliament with high Treason hitherto much lesse indict or wage warre against their Parliaments as Traytors though they have questioned and deposed Kings for offences against and being Enemies or Traytors to the Kingdom Let none then dare affirm That the Houses of Parliament are or can be Traytors now for providing for their own and the Kingdoms safety by a necessary defensive Warre which I shall in the third part fully clear to be neither Treason nor Rebellion against the King in point of Law or Conscience either in the Houses of Parliament or any that bear Arms by their command Fifthly That to conspire or levy warre against the Parliament or Kingdom to dissolve or destroy it or the Members of it is no lesse then High Treason as hath been solemnly adjudged in Parliament 15 E. 2. in the Act entitled Exilium Hugonis le de Spenser in 1 E. 3. the Preface and cap. 1. in 11 Rich. 2. c. 2 3 4. and in the Parliament Roll Printed by Order of both Houses August 27. 1642. And before both these in Glanvil who declares it to be Treason even at the Common Law Si quis machinatus fuerit vel aliquid feoerit in SEDITIONEM REGNI Agreeable to Vlpian and the Saxon Laws which inform us of Treasons against the Common-wealth and Kingdom the case of Cateliâ—â— and others as well as against the King and to the Statute of 13. Eliz. c. 1. which makes it High Treason for any person to stirre up any Forraigners or strangers with force to invade this Realm or Ireland And if it be no lesse then high Treason against the King to slay the Chancellour Treasurer or any of
some private Lords or Courtiers shall recommend in whom the Kingdome and Parliament in these jealous deceitfull times dare not confide The yeelding to the Parliament in this just request will remove all feares and jealousies restore our peace re-gaine his Majesty the reall affections of his discontented Subjects the persisting in the contrary course will but adde fuell to our flames feares doubts dangers and frustrate all hopes all endevours of Peace From the Militia it selfe I descend to the consequencies of its denyall the Parliaments seising upon Hull with other Ports and Forts the Royall Navy Ammunition Armes Revenues and detaining them still from his Majesty the grand difference now pretended whence the present warre hath emerged which these ensuing considerations will in a great measure qualifie if not altogether satisfie First his Majesty and all Royalists must necessarily yeeld that the Ports Forts Navy Ammunition Armes and Revenues thus seised on by the Parliament though his Majesties in point of possession yet are not his but the Kingdomes in point of right and interest they being first transferred to and placed on his Predecessors and himselfe by the Parliament and Kingdome not in right of propriety but conditionally upon trust his Majesty being but a publike Officer for the defence and safety of the Realme and though his Majesty came to them by descent yet it was but in nature of the Heire of a Feoffee in trust for the use and service of the kingdome as a King in his politicke not as a man or Proprietor in his naturall capacity as our Law Bookes Terminis terminantibus resolve Hence it hath been oft adjudged that the King can neither by his will in writing nor by his Letters Patents Devise or alien the Lands Revenues Jewels Ships Forts or Ammunition of the Crowne unlesse it be by vertue of some speciall Act of Parliament enabling him to doe it by the kingdomes generall consent and if any such alienations be made they are voyd in Law and may be yea have beene oft resumed reversed by the Parliament because they are not the Kings but kingdomes in point of intereâ—t and propriety the Kings but in possession and trust for the kingdomes use and defence Hence it is that if the King dye all his Ships Armes Ammunition Jewels Plate Debts to the Crowne Moneyes Arrerages of Rents or Subsidies Wards and Rights of presentments to voyd Churches goe onely to his Successors not to his Executors as in case of a common person because he enjoyes them not as a Proprietor as other Subjects doe but as a Trustee onely for the kingdomes benefit and defence as a Bishop Abbot Deane Mayor or such like Corporations enjoy their Lands not in their naturall but politicke capacities for the use and in the right of their Churches Houses Corporations not their owne Upon this ground King Harold pleaded his Oath and promise of the Crowne of England to William the Conquerour without the Kingdomes consent to be voyd and King Philip with all the Nobles of France and our owne Parliament 40 E. 3. rot Parâ— nu 8. unanimously resolved King Iohn his resignation and grant of the Crown and Kingdome of England to the Pope without the Nobles and Parliaments consents to be a meere nullity voyd in Law binding neither King nor Subject the Crowne and possessions of it being not the Kings but kingdomes And before this Anno Doâ— 1245. in the great Councell of Lyons under Pope Innocent to which King Henry the third sent foure Earles and Barons together with the English Prelates and one Master William Powyke an Advocate to complaine of the Popes exactions in the Councell which they did where they likewise openly protested against the annuall tribute extorted by the Pope by grant from King Iohn whose detestable Charter granting that annuall tribute was reported to be burnt to ashes in the Popes closet by a casuall fire during this Councell as a meere nullity and that in the behalfe of the whole kingdome of England EO QUOD DE REGNI ASSENSU NON PROCESSERAT because the kingdome consented not thereto and because the King himselfe could make no such Charter to charge the kingdome Which Matthew Paris thus expresseth W. De Poweric Anglicanae Vniversitatis Procurator assurgens gravamina Regni Angliae ex parte universitatis Angliae proponens satis eleganter conquestus est graviter quod tempore Belli per â—â—uriam Romanam extortum est tributum injuriose in quod nunquam patres Nobilium regni vel ipsi consenserunt nec consentiunt neque in futurum consentient unde sibi petunt justitiam exhiberi cum remedio Ad quod Papa nec oculos elevans nec vocem verbum non respondit Upon this reason l Matthew Paris speaking of King Henry the third his morgaging his kingdome to the Pope Anno 1251. for such monies as he should expend in the Warres useth this expression Rex secus quam deceret aut expediret Se suumque Regnum sub paena exhaeredationis QUOD TAMEN FACERE NEC POTUIT NEC DEBUIT Domino Papae obligavit Hence King Edward the third having the Title of the King and Crowne of France devolved to him which made some of the English feare that they should be put in subjection to the Realme of France against the Law the Parliament in the 14. yeare of his Reigne Stat. 4. passed a speciall Act declaring That the Realme of England never was nor ought to be in subjection nor in the obeysance of the Kings of France nor of the Realme of France and enacting that the King of England or his Heires by colour of his or their Titles to the Crowne Seale Armes and Title of the King of France should not in any time to come put the Realme of England or people of the same of what estate or condition soever they be in subjection or obeysance of him nor his Heires nor his Successors as Kings of France nor be subject nor obedient but shall be free and quite of all manner subjection and obeysance as they were wont to be in the time of his Progenitors Kings of England for ever By the Statute of 10 R. 2. c. 1. it is resolved That the King could not alien the Land Castles Ships Revenues Jewels and Goods of the Crowne and a Commission is thereby granted to inquire of and resume all such alienations as illegal Hence the Commons in the Parliament of 16 R. 2. c. 5. of Praemunire in their Petition to the King and the whole Parliament in and by that Law declared That the Crowne and kingdome of England hath been so free at all times that it hath beene in subjection to no Realme but immediately subject to God and to none other which by the prosecution of suites in the Court of Rome for Benefices provided against by this Act should in all things touching the Regality thereof be submitted to the Bishop of Rome and the Laws
sweare to observe before they are crowned the words of which law are these The King shall take heed that he neither undertake warre nor conclude peace nor make truce nor handle any thing of great moment but by the advise and consent of the Elders to wit the Iustitia Arragoniae the standing Parliament of that kingdome which hath power over and above the King And of later dayes as the same Author writes their Rici-homines or selected Peeres appointed by that kingdome not the King have all the charges and offices both of warre and peace lying on their neckes and the command of the Militia of the kingdome which they have power by their Lawes to raise even against their King himselfe in case he invade their Lawes or Liberties as he there manifests at large So in Hungary the great Palatine of Hungary the greatest officer of that kingdome and the Kings Lieutenant Generall who commands the Militia of that Realme is chosen by the Parliament and Estates of that country not the King It was provided by the Lawes of the Aetolians that nothing should be entreated of CONCERNING PEACE OR WARRE but in their Panaetolio or great generall Councell of state in which all Ambassadors were heard and answered as they were likewise in the Roman Senate And Charles the fifth of France having a purpose to drive all the Englishmen out of France and Aquitain assembled a generall assembly of the estates in a Parliament at Paris by their advise and wisedome to amend what by himselfe had not beene wisely done or considered of and so undertooke that warre with the counsell and good liking of the Nobilitie and people whose helpe he was to use therein which warre being in and by that Councell decreed prospered in his hand and tooke good successe as Bodin notes because nothing giveth greater credit and authority to any publike undertakings of a Prince and people in any State or Commonweale then to have them passe and ratified by publike advise and consent Yea the great Constable of France who hath the government of the Kings Sword the Army and Militia of France was anciently chosen by the great Councell of the three Estates Parliament of that kingdome as is manifest by their election of Arthur Duke of Britaine to that office Anno 1324. before which Anno 1253. they elected the * Earle of Leycester a valiant Souldier and experienced wise man to be the grand Seneschall of France ad consulendum regno desolato multum desperato quia strenuus fuit fidelis which office he refused lest he should seeme a Traytour to Henry the third of England under whom he had beene governour of Gascoigne which place he gave over for want of pay In briefe the late examples of the Protestant Princes in Germany France Bohemia the Low countries and of our brethren in Scotland within foure yeares last who seised all the Kings Forts Ports Armes Ammunition Revenues in Scotland and some Townes in England to preserve their Lawes Liberties Religion Estates and Country from destruction by common consent without any Ordinance of both Houses in their Parliament will both excuse and justifie all the Acts of this nature done by expresse Ordinances of this Parliament which being the Soveraigne highest power in the Realme intrusted with the kingdomes safety may put the Ports Forts Navy Ammunition which the King himselfe cannot manage in person but by substitutes into such under Officers hands as shall both preserve and rightly imploy them for the King and kingdomes safety and elect the Commanders of the Militia according to the expresse letter of King Edward the Confessors Laws which our Kings at their Coronations were still sworne to maintaine wherewith I shall in a manner conclude the Legall part of the Subjects right to elect the Commanders of the Militia both by Sea and Land Erant aliae potestates dignitates per provincias patrias universas per singulos Comitatus totius regni constitutea qui Heretochii apud Anglos vocabantur Scilicet Barones Nobiles insignes sapientes fideles animosi Latine vero dicebantur Ductores exercitus apud Gallos Capitales Constabularii vel Marâ—schaâ—li Exercitus Illi vero ordinabant acies densissimas in praeliis aâ—as constituebant prout decuit prout iis melius visum fuit ad Honorem Coronae ET AD UTILITATEM REGNI Isti vero viri ELIGEBANTUR PER COMMUNE CONCILIUM PRO COMMUNI UTILITATE REGNI PER PROVINCIAS ET PATRIAS UNIVERSAS ET PER SINGULOS COMITATUS so as the King had the choyce of them in no Province or Countrey but the Parliament and people onely in pleno Folcmote SICUT ET VICECOMITES PROVINCIARUM ET COMITATUUM ELEGI DEBENT Ita quod in quolibet Comitatu sit unus Heretoch PER ELECTIO NEM ELECTUS ad conducendum exercitum Comitatus sui juxta praeceptum Domini Regis ad honorem Coronae UTILITATEM REGNI praedicti semper cum opus adfuerit in Regno Item qui fugiet a Domino vel socio suo pro timiditate Belli vel Mortis in conductione Heretochii sui IN EXPEDITIONE NAVALI VEL TERRESTRI by which it is evident these popular Heretochs commanded the Militia of the Realme both by Sea and Land and might execute Martiall Law in times of war perdat omne quod suum est suam ipsius vitam manus mittat Dominus ad terram quam ei antea dederat Et qui in bello ante Dominum suum ceciderit sit hoc in terra sit alibi sint ei relevationes condonatae habeant Haeredes ejus pecuniam terramejus sine aliqua diminutione recte dividant inter se. An unanswerable evidence for the kingdomes and Parliaments interest in the Militia enough to satisfie all men To which I shall only adde that observation of the learned Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossarium Title Dux and Heretochius where he cites this Law of King Edward That the Heretoch was Magister Militiae Constabularius Mariscallus DVCTOR EXERCITVS SIVE NAVALIS SIVE TERRESTRIS called in Saxon Heretoga ab Here Exercitus Togen Ducere Eligebantur in pleno Folcmote hoc est non in illo sub initio eaâ—endarum Maii at in alio sub capite Calendarum Octobris Aderant tune ipsi Heretochii QUAE VOLUERE IMPERABANT EXEQUENDA consvlto tamen PROCERUM COETU ET JUDICIO TOTIUS FOLCMOTI APPROBANTE Then he subjoynes POPULARIS ISTA HERETOCHIORUM SEU DUCUM ELECTIO nostris Saxonibus cum Germanis aliis COMMUNIS FUIT Vt in Boiorum ll videas Tit. 2. cap. 1. S. 1. Siquis contra Ducem suum quent Rex ordinavit in Provincia illa AUT POPULUS SIBI ELEGERIT DUCEM de morte Ducis consiliatus fuerit in Ducis sit potestate c. Hue videtur pertinere quod apud Greg. Turon legas l. 8. Sect. 18. Wintro Dux à Pagensibus
suis depulsus Ducatu caruit c. sed posteà pacato populo Ducatum recepit Eigebantur enim interdum Provinciarum Duces AB IPSO POPULO In the Roman State the Senate and some times the people alone without their advise had power to appoint Lieutenants and Governours of Provinces whence the Senate commanded those Governours of Provinces whom the Emperour Maximinus had made to be displaced and others to be substituted in their roomes which was accordingly executed yea the Senate had power to dispose of the common Treasure and publike reventue one of the greatest points of Soveraingty And so we read in Scripture Iudges 11. 5. to 12. That when the children of Ammon made warre against Israel the Elders of Gilead went to fetch Iephthah out of the land of Tob. And they said unto Iephthah Come and be our Captaine that we may fight with the Children of Ammon c. Then Iephthah went with the Elders of Gilead and THE PEOPLE MADE HIM HEAD and CAPTAINE OVER THEM the Princes and people even under Kings themselves having the chiefe disposing power of the Militia and denouncing war as is evident by Iosh. 22. 11. to 32. Iudges 20. and 21. throughout 1 Sam. 14. 38. to 46. c. 29. 1. to 11. 2 Sam. 18. 2 3 4. c. 19. 1. to 9. Prov. 20. 18. c. 24. 6. compared together And for a close of all lest any should object that no late direct precedent can bee produced to prove the office of the Lord Admirall and custody of the Seas disposed by Parliament I shall conclude with one punctuall precedent of many In 24. H. 6. prima Pars Pat. ma. 16. The King grants to Iohn Duke of Exeter the OFFICE OF ADMIRALL OF ENGLAND IRELAND and AQUITAIN with this subscription Per breve de privato sigillo AVCTORITATE PARLIAMENTI the former Patent of this office made joyntly to him and his sonne by the King alone in the 14. yeare of his reigne being surrendred in the Parliament of 24. and a new one granted them by its direction and authority Yea most of the Admiralls Patents which anciently were not universall for all England but severall for such and such parts onely and commonly but annuall or triennuall at most as Sir Henry Spelman observes in his Glossary in the word Admirallus where you have an exact Kalender of all the Admiralls names with the dates of their severall Patents and Commissions are DE AVISAMENTO ET ASSENSU CONSILII which is almost as usually taken for the Kings great Counsell the Parliament as for his privy Counsell And if our Kings have constantly disposed of this Office by the advise or assent of their privy Counsell there is more reason and equitie they should doe it by the advise of their great Counsell of which his privy Counsell are but a part and by whom they have frequently beene elected as I shall plentifully manifest in the next objection Now whereas some pretend that the Parliaments seising and detaining of the Kings Castles Ports Ships Armes and Ammunition is High Treason within the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. c. 3. and a levying of warre against the King I answer first that the Parliament was never within the meaning nor letter of that or any other Act concerning Treasons as I have formerly proved the rather because the King is a member of it and so should commit Treason against himselfe which were absurd Secondly because both Houses are of greater authority then the King a member of them as they make one Court so cannot commit Treason against the lesse Thirdly the Parliament is a meere Corporation and Court of justice and so not capable of the guilt of Treason A Judge Maior or particular persons of a Corporation may be culpable of high Treason as private men but not a Court of justice or Corporation Fourthly by the very Statutes of 25 E. 3. and of 11 R. 2. c. 3. 21 R. 2. c. 12. 1 H. 4. c. 10. 21. R. 2. c. 3. the Parliament is the sole Judge of all new Treasons not within the very letter of that act and if any other case supposed Treason not there specified happens before any Iustices the Iustice shall tarry without any going to judgement of the Treason till the cause bee shewen and declared before the King and his Parliament whether it ought to be judged Treason And if the Parliament be the sole Judge of all Treasons it cannot be guilty of Treason for then it should be both Judge and Delinquent and if so no doubt it would ever acquit it selfe of such a crime as High Treason and never give judgement against it selfe And no Judge or person else can arraigne or judge it or the members of it because it is the highest soveraigne Court over which no other person or Court whatsoever hath any the least jurisdiction So that if it were capable of the guilt of Treason yet it could not be arraigned or judged for it having no superiour or adequate Tribunall to arraigne it Fiftly admit it might be guilty of High Treason in other cases yet it cannot be so in this For having a joynt interest with the King in the premises in the Kingdomes right the sole propriator of them it cannot doubtles be guilty of treachery much lesse of High Treason for taking the custody and possession onely of that which is their owne especially when they both seise and detaine it for its owne proper use the Kingdomes security and defence without any malicious or traytorous intention against King or kingdome Secondly I answer that the seising or detaining of these from the King are no Treason or levying of Warre within this Law as is most evident by the Statutes of 6. Ed. 6. c. 11. which expresly distinguisheth the seising and detaining of the Kings Forts Ammunition Ships from the levying warre against the King in his Realme and by an expresse new clause enacts this seising and detayning to be High Treason from that time because it was no Treason within 25. Ed. 3. before which if it had beene in truth this new clause had beene superfluous which law of King Edward being repealed by primo Mariae Rastal Treason 20. this offence then ceased to be Treason whereupon by a speciall act of Parliament in 14 Eliz. c. 1. it was made High Treason againe which had beene needlesse if it had beene a levying of warre or Treason within 25. Ed. 3. before And that with this proviso this Act to endure during the Queenes Majesties life that now is ONLY and so by this Parliaments resolution it is no Treason since her death within 25 Ed. 3 for then this proviso had beene idle and repugnant too And therefore being now no High Treason in any person cannot without much calumny and injury be reputed Treason in both the Houses of Parliament uncapable of High Treason as the premises demonstrate In briefe he that seised and detained the Forts and Ships
of the kingdome when it was Treason was not a bare Traytor against the Kings person or Crowne onely but against the King and his Realme too like those Traytors mentioned in the severall statutes of 11 R. 2. c. 4. and 21 R. 2. c. 2. 4. He shall be judged and have execution as a TRAITOR and ENEMY OF THE KING and TO THE REALME and in 28 H. 8. c. 7. HIGH TRAITORS TO THE REALME As the Gunpouder Traytors were to the Parliament and Realme in them being the representative Body of the Realme the Parliament then being the Realme representatively and authoritatively too and so the party against whom this Treason is principally to bee committed cannot bee a Traytor to it selfe by the words or intendment of any expired Act which made such a seisure or detainer Treason And therefore those Lawyers who pronounce this Parliaments seising and detaining of the Ports Forts Navy Armes or Ammunition of the Realme to keepe them out of worser hands for the Kings and kingdomes right use and safetie to be High Treason declare themselves Greater Malignants then Artists in their owne profession But some body say Malignants and Royalists must be trusted with the Militia Ports Navy Armes Ammunition and who so fit to be confided in as the King himself and those whom he shall appoint Especially since hee and his owne substitutes have formerly beene intrusted with them by the kingdome and wee have now so many deepe Protestations yea publike printed Asseverations and Promises from his Majestie to maintaine the Protestant Religion our Lawes Liberties Properties Parliaments with their just Priviledges and shall we not beleeve and trust his Majesty after so many royall assurances seconded with many Acts of grace for the publike safetie already passed by him in this Parliament especially the Acts against Shipmoney and all other unlawfull Taxes with the Bils for the continuance of this and calling of a Trienniall Parliament when this shall be determined Shall we yet be diffident of his Majesties sinceritie after so many Protestations Promises Imprecations so many Pledges of his gracious affection to his people and some publike acknowledgements of his former misgovernment and invasions on his Subjects Liberties If all these Warrants will not content the Parliament and perswade them to resigne up all the premises they have seised into his Majesties hand to purchase the kingdomes much desired necessary Peace and put a period to our destructive warre in which there is nought but certaine ruine what other security can his Majesty give or they expect To answer this plausible allegation I shall without prejudice to other mens judgements crave liberty to discharge my owne and others thoughts in this particular in which if I chance to erre out of overmuch zeale to my countries safety I shall upon the first discovery professe a recantation though for the present Maluerim veris offendere quam placere adulando I shall reduce the summe of the answer to these two heads First that as the state of things now stands it will be as many wise men conceive not onely inconvenient but dangerous to resigne up the Militia Forts Ports Navy Ammunition of the kingdome into his Majesties sole disposing power and those hands which himselfe alone shall appoint and confide in till things bee throughly reformed and setled both here and in Ireland and the Popish prevailing party in both kingdomes now strongly up in armes totally suppressed and secured Secondly That till this be effected it is more reasonable and safe both for King and kingdome that these should remaine in the Parliaments hands then in the Kings alone For the first there are these three general reasons commonly alledged by many understanding men equally affected to either party and by most who are cordially inclined to the Parliament why they deeme it not onely inconvenient but perillous to intrust the premises wholly with the King and those of his appointment as our condition now stands First a more then probable long-since resolved designe in his Majesties evill Counsellors to make him an absolute Soveraigne Monarch and his Subjects as meere vassals as those of France which designe hath beene carryed on with an high hand from the beginning of his Reigne till this present as the Parliament in sundry Declarations prove yea divers Lords and Members of both Houses though now with his Majesty in their Parliamentary Speeches have openly professed which they thus demonstrate First by his Majesties severall attempts against the Priviledges Power and very being of Parliaments manifested by the proceedings against Sir Iohn Eliot Mr. Hollice Mr. Strode Mr. Long and others after the Parliament in 3. Caroli and the Lord Say Mr. Crew with others after the last Parliament before this By his Majesties sad ominous breaking off in discontent all Parliaments in his Reigne unparalleld in any age or kingdome till this present which though perpetuated by a speciall Act as long as Both Houses please hath yet long since been attempted to be dissolved like the former by his Majesties accusation and personall comming into the Commons House with an extraordinary Guard of armed men attending him to demand five principall members of it to be delivered up to his hands as Traytors in an unpatterned manner By his wilfull departure from and refusall to returne unto the Parliament though oft petitioned and sollicited to returne which is so much the more observed and complained of because his Majesty if not his Royall Consort and the Prince too was constantly present in person every day this Parliament for sundry weekes together at the arraignment of the Earle of Strafford for high Treason in a private manner when by Law he ought not to be personally present in a publicke to countenance and encourage a capitall Oppressor and Trayterous Delinquent against all his three kingdomes contrary to both Houses approbation And yet now peremptorily denyeth to be present with or neare his Parliament to countenance and assist it for the preservation of his kingdomes against such Traytors Rebels conspirators who have contrived and attempted their utter desolation in pursuance of his foreplotted designes By his commanding divers Lords and Commons to desert the Houses and attend his Person without the Houses consent detaining them still when the Houses have sent for them and protecting those who refused to returne against the common justice of the Parliament by casting divers grosse aspersions on it and naming it A faction of Malignant ambitious spirits no Parliament at all c. By raising an Army of Delinquents Malignants Papists Forainers to conquer and suppresse the Parliament and deprive it of its Liberties By proclaiming divers active Members of it specially imployed by Both Houses for the defence of their severall Counties Traytors onely for executing the Houses commands without any Indictment Evidence Conviction against all Law Justice and the Priviledges of Parliament By commanding detaining the Lord Keeper of the Great Seale the Speaker
of the Lords House and some Judges from the House and City By plundering divers Parliament mens houses imprisoning their persons without Bayle Maineprise or Redemption and laying intolerable taxations on their estates By Declaring both Houses Traytors if not in positive yet at least in equivalent words and by necessary consequence By divers unparalleld violations of the Parliaments Priviledges by extrajudiciall Declarations out of Parliament penned by Malignants in his Majesties name and avowed by him published of purpose to oppose annull reverse the solemne legall Resolutions Declarations and Votes of both Houses in sundry cases and by name that against the Commission of Array And finally by the manifold invectives in severall his Majesties Declarations and Proclamations against the Parliaments Votes Proceedings Members seconded with expresse commands and invitations to the People to Contemne its authority and disobey all its Orders made without his personall consent which is indeed nought else but to nullifie Parliaments to make them altogether contemptible ridiculous and trample them under feete and hath wrought a strong malignity disobedience if not disaffection in many people to Parliaments to the end they may never desire or enjoy them hereafter notwithstanding the Act for trienniall Parliaments when this is once dissolved All these unparalleld apparent high attempts against the very honour essence of this and all other future Parliaments transcending both for quantity and quality all the violations of Parliaments Priviledges in all his Majesties Predecessors Reignes since England was a kingdome summed up in one together with the late Oxford Propositions for an Accommodation wherein the Houses finall Resolutions Declaring what is Law are called illegall and required to be reversed the power of imprisoning and fining men denyed and prostituted to the censures Writs and Examinations of inferiour Courts by way of Habeas Corpus the just expulsions of their owne Members denyed them all high Violations and denials of the knowne priviledges of Parliament contrary to his Majesties many former and late Printed Protestations and those Acts newly passed concerning Parliaments which will never recover their pristine dignity honour power priviledges if this should miscarry induce the most intelligent to opine that his Majesty long since weary of the yoke of all Parliaments the only Remora to his absolute intended Monarchy and repenting of the Act for continuing this since he hath gained his ends for which it was summoned more out of absolute necessity then love to Parliaments to wit peace with the Scots for the present by an Accommodation wrought by this Parliament purchased with his Subjects mony when as he saw no hopes of repelling them hence by force the paying of his then raised Army against them by the Parliaments free supply is now resolved in prosecution of his pristine Counsels by force or policy to dissolve this Parliament in discontent as he hath done all former and that with such advantages of a generall ill opinion of Parliaments in the ignorant mis-informed vulgar on the one hand and of a prevailing conquering power on his part on the other hand as shall either utterly extinguish the hopes and Bill of summoning any future trienniall Parliamentary Assemblies or at least so emasculate the vigour and eclipse the power of them if called that they shall neither have courage nor might nor meanes to resist his foresaid grand designe if he can now either by force or policy resume the Militia Forts Navy Ammunition into his absolute dispose the onely present obstacle now his forces are so great to gaine a compleate long-expected conquest over his peoples Liberties Lawes Estates and all Parliaments Priviledges if not beings too And if our Parliaments the onely Bulwarkes to protect our Lawes Liberties Estates Lives Religion Peace Kingdome against the devastations of oppressing lawlesse Princes and Officers be once conquered or weakned in the least degree we can expect no other issue but that Tyranny slavery popery shall be ere long entailed upon us and our Heires Soules and bodies forever Secondly By his Majesties frequent imposing of many unlawfull Taxes and Impositions on his Subjects contrary to his Coronation Oath the ancient Lawes of the Realme yea his owne late Statutes Declarations Vowes Promises which designe hath beene carryed on with a strong hand all his Reigne till now and at this present with a farre higher hand then ever which they exemplifie by the Loanes with other Taxes Impositions Grievances complained of in the Petition of Right in the third yeare of his Reigne which Act when first passed with this his Majesties solemne Oration and Protestation Printed with it I doe here declare That these things which have beene done whereby men had some cause to suspect the Liberty of the Subject to be trenched upon shall not hereafter be drawne into example for your prejudice And in time to come IN THE WORD OF A KING you shall not have the like cause to complaine backed with his Royall Declaration to all his Subjects at the breach of that Parliament to like purpose made most men thinke they should never be grieved with illegall Taxes more though the very annexing and Printing of his Majesties two Answers this Speech when he passed the Petition at the end thereof with the Scope and matter of this Speech and other then concurring circumstances made the wisest men suspect it was onely a baite to catch the Temporalties and Clergies five a peece extraordinary great Subsidies then aymed at a greater ayd then was ever before granted at once to any of his Majesties Predecessors and a policy then seemingly to content but subsequently to delude the over-credulous impoliticke Vulgar the verity whereof was at that instant much confirmed by his Majesties clayming even in his very speech when he passed the Petition of Right Tunnage and Poundage as a meere right and his taking it as a just duty without grant by Parliament from his comming to the Crowne till then and since by his extraordinary strange commission granted under the great Seale to divers Lords and others for the laying of an intolerable illegall excise on all the Subjects throughout England and Ireland seconded with the Commission to Dalbere and others for the raysing and importing of German Horse and the billeting of Irish foot in sundry places of England to joyne with those horse to set on this excise even at that very instant when this Petition of Right was debated and passed the breaking up of that Parliament as soone as these Subsidies were granted and the unpatterned inundation of all kinde of unjust Taxes as soone as ever that Parliament was dissolved as fines for Knighthood New-buildings Inclosures exacted Fees not to redresse but authorize them by compositions to get money Shipmony Monopolies of Tobacco Sope Brickes Pins and a world of other particulars upon which annuall rents were reserved Forrest-bounds and offences prosecuted with all Rigour Impositions upon Coale Beare Salt Wines Tobacco and all kinde of Merchandise Lieutenants
inferior Court of Iustice whatsoever hath such a Priviledge by the Common law and statutes of the Realm that the King himself hath uo negative voice at all somuch as to stay or delay for the smalest moment by his great or privy seale any legall proceedings in it much lesse to countermand controle or reverse by word of mouth or proclamation any resolution or judgement of the Iudges given in it If then the King hath no absolute Negative overruling voice in any of his inferiour Courts doubtlesse he hath none in the supreâ—mest greatest Court of all the Parliament which otherwise should be of lesse authority and in farre worse condition then every petty sessions or Court Baron in the Kingdome The sole question then in debate must be Whether the King hath any absolute Negative over-ruling voice in the passing of publike or private Bills For resolving which doubt we must thus distinguish That publike or private Bills are of two sorts First Bills only of meere grace and favour not of common right such are all generall pardons Bills of naturalization indenization confirmation or concession of new Franchises and Priviledges to Corporations or private persons and the like in all which the King no doubt hath an absolute negative voice to passe or not to passe them because they are acts of meere grace which delights to be ever free and arbitrary because the king by his oath and duty is no way obliged to assent thereto neither can any subjects of justice or right require them at his hands it being in the Kingsfree power to dispence his favours freely when and where he pleaseth and coÌ„trary to the very nature of free grace to be either merited or coÌ„strained SecoÌ„dly Bills of common right and justice which the King by duty and oath is bound to administer to his whole kingdome in generall and every subiect whatsoever in particular without denyall or delay Such are all Bills for the preservation of the publike peace and safety of the kingdome the Liberties Properties and Priviledges of the Subiect the prevention removall or punishment of all publike or private grievances mischiefes wrongs offences frauds in persons or callings the redresse of the defects or inconveniences of the Common Law the advancing or regulating of all sorts of Trades the speedy or better execution of Justice the Reformation of Religion and Ecclesiasticall abuses with sundry other Lawes enacted in every Parliament as occasion and necessity require In all such Bills as these which the whole state in parliament shall hold expedient or necessary to be passed I conceive it very cleare that the king hath no absolute negative voyce at all but is bound in point of office duty Oath Law Iustice conscience to give his royall assent unto them when they have passed both houses unlesse he can render such substantiall reasons against the passing of them as shall satisfie both Houâ—eâ— This being the onely point in controversie my reasons against the Kings absolute over-swaying negative Voyce to such kinde of Bills as these are First because being Bills of common right and Iustice to the Subiects the denyall of the Royall assent unto them is directly contrary to the Law of God which commandeth kings to be just to doe judgement and justice to all their Subjects especially to the oppressed and not to deny them any just request for their reliefe protection or wellfare Secondly because it is point-blanke against the very letter of Magna Charta the ancient fundamentall Law of the Realme confirmed in at least 60. Parliaments ch 29. WE SHALL DENY WE SHALL DEFERRE both in the future tense TO NO MAN much lesse to the whole Parliament and Kingdome in denying or defâ—rring to passe such necessary publike Bills IVSTICE OR RIGHT A Law which in terminis takes cleane away the Kings pâ—etended absolute negative Voyce to these Bills we now dispute of Thirdly Because such a disasseâ—tâ—ng Voyce to Bills of this nature is inconsisent with the very office duty of the king and the end for which he was instituted to wit equall and speedy administration of common right justice and assent to all good Lawes for protection safety ease and benefit of his Subjects Fourthly Because it is repugnant to the very Letter and meaning of the kings Coronation Oath solemnly made to all his Subiects TO GRANT FVLFILL and Defend ALL RIGHTFVLL LAWES which THE COMMONS OF THE REALME SHALL CHVSE AND TO STRENGTHEN AND MAINTAINE THEM after his power Which Clause of the Oath as I formerly manifested at large and the Lords and Commons in their Remonstrance of May 26. and Nov. 2. prove most fully extends onely or most principally to the kings Royall assent to such new rightfull and necessary Lawes as the Lords and Commons in Parliament not the king himselfe shall make choise of This is infallibly evident not onely by the practise of most of our kings in all former Parliaments especially in king Edward the 1 2 3 4. Rich. 2. Hen. 4 5 and 6. reignes whereof the first Act commonly in every Parliament was the confirmation of Magna Charta the Charter of the Forest and all other former unrepealed Lawes and then follow sundry new Actâ— which the Lords and Commons made choise of as there was occasion and our Kings assented to confessing they were bound to doe it by their Coronation oath and duty as I shall manifest presently but likewise by the words of the Coronation oaths of our ancienter Kings already cited in the first part of this Discourse and of our Kings oaths of latter times the Coronation Oaths of King Edward the 2. and 3. remaining of Record in French are in the future tense Sire grantes vous a tenir et garder LES LEYS et les Coustumes DROITVRELES les quiels LA COMMVNANTE de vostre Royaume AVRESLV les defenderer et assorcerâ—r al honeur de Diâ—u a vostre poare Respons Ie le FERAI in the future too The close Roll of An. 1. R. 2. M 44. recites this clause of the Oath which King Rich took in these words Et etiam de tuendo custodiendo IVST AS LEGES consuetudines ecclesiae ac de faciendo per ipsum Dominum Regem eas esse protegendas ad honorem Dei CORROBOR AND AS quas VVLGVS IVSTE ET RATIONABILITER ELEGERIT juxta vires ejusdem Domini Regis in the future tense And Rot. Parliament 1. H. 4. p. 17. expresseth the clause in King Henry his Oath thus Concedis IVSTAS LEGES consuetudines esse tenendas promittis per te eas esse protegendas ad honorem Dei CORROBORANDAS QV AS VVL GVS ELEGERIT secundum vires tuas Respondebit Concedo Promitto In the Booke of Clarencieux Hanley who lived in King Henry the 8. his reigâ—e this clause of the Oath which this king is said to take at his Coronation is thus â—endred in English Will you GRANT FVLFILL defend ALL
RIGHTFVLL LAWES and Customes the which THE COMMONS OF YOVR REALME SHALL CHVSE in the future and where but in the Parliament House when and where they meet together to make good Laws and shall strengthen and maintain to the worship of God after your power The King shall answer I grant and beheâ—e But that which puts this past all doubt is the Coronation Oath of K. Edward the 6. thus altered by the Lord Protectour and Kings Councell in words but not sence Doe you grant to make NO NEW LAWES but such as SHALL BE to the honour and glory of God and to the good of the Common-wealth and that the same SHALL BEE MADE BY CONSENT OF YOVR PEOPLE AS HATH BEEN ACCVSTOMED Where this clause of the Oath referres wholly and onely to future new LAWES to be chosen and made by the Peoples consent not to Lawes formerly enacted And certainly it must do sâ— else there would be much Tautology in this short solemne Oath unsutable to the grave wisdome and judgement of an whole Kingdom to prescribe and continue for so many ages and for our Kings in discretion to take For the first clause of the Oath both in the Latin French and English Copieâ— of ancient and present times is this Sir will you grant and keep and by your oath confirme to the people of England THE LAWES AND CVSTOMES GRANTED TO THEM BY ANCIENT KINGS OF ENGLAND rightfull men and devout to God and namely the Lawes and Customes and Franchises granted to the Clergy and to the people by the glorious King Edward to your power Which clause relating to all Lawes and Customes granted by formeâ— Kings to the people if this latter clause should be in the pretertense too HATH CHOSEN as the King and his mistaken Counsell object it would be a meer Suâ—plusage or Battology yea the same insubstance with the first part of the oath and ouâ— Kings should be onely bound by their oathes to observe their Ancestors Lawes not their owne as they now argue the reason perchance why the Petition of Right and our other new Lawes are so ill observed which is ridiculous to imagine And whereas they obiect that the word CVSTOMS joyned to lawes in the last clause cannot be meant of such Customes as the people shall chuse after the Oath made because all Customes are and must be time out of minde The Answer is very easie For Customes here are not taken strictly for ancient usages time out of minde but for Statutes Franchises just Liberties or Taxes for the Kingdoms defence chosen freely granted by the Commons or people and to be confirmed by the King in Parliament as appears by the first clause of the oath the laws customs granted to them by the ancient Kings of England And by Bracton himself who expounds this clause of the oath to relate to future Laws newly made by our Kings after their Coronations in this observable passage Hujusmodi vero leges Anglicanae CONSVETVDINES regum authoritate jubent quandoque quandoque vetant quandoque vindicant puniunt transgressores quas quidem cum FVERINT APPROBATAE CONSENSV VTENTIVM ET SACRAMENTO REGVM CONFIRMATAE mutari non poterunt nec destrui SINE COMMVNI CONSENSV EORVM OMNIVM quorum CONSILIO ET CONSENSV FVERVNT PROMVLGATAE Now no Customes properly so called can commence by way of grant especially of the King alone but only by the people and common usage for a good space of time as the Customes of Gavelkinde Burrough English and such like never granted nor commenced by Charter or Act of Parliament did and if the King by Charter or Act of Parliament should grant a new Custome before it were a Custome in this sense it would be utterly void in law because there was no such custome then in being and no granâ— or act can make or create a custome or prescription that had no former being Therefore Custome in this oath coupled with just and reasonable must needs be meant only of such iust and reasonable statutes liberties privilidges immunities aides taxes or services for the subjects ease and benefit and the publike service as they upon emergent occasions shall make choice of in Parliament of whose iustnesse and reasonablenesse not the King alone but the grand Councell of the Kingdom assembled in the Parliament to this very end to iudge of make and assent to iust and profitable Laws are and ought to be the proper Iudges as I have elswhere manifested and the very words of the oath QVAS VVLGVS ELIGERIT to which justas leges consuetudines relates resolve beyond contradiction And King David and Achish both were of this opinion 1 Chron. 13. 1. to 6. 2 Sam. 18 2 3 4. 1 Sam. 29. 2. to 11. and King Hezekiah too 2 Chron. 30. 1. to 7. 23. yea God himselfe and Saunel too 1 Sam. 8. 4 to the end Fifthly Because it is directly contrary to the preambles and recitals of sundry Acts of Parliament in most of our Kings reignes comprising the two last reasons To instance in some few of many the ancient statutes of Marlbridge begin thus The yeare of grace 1267. for the better estate of the Realme of England and for the more speedy ministration of Iustice AS BELONGETH TO THE OFFICE OF A KING the more discreet men of the Realme being called together as well of the higher as of the lower estate It was provided agreed and ordained that whereas the Realme of latâ— had beene disquieted with manifold troubles and distractions for reformation whereof statutes and lawes BE RIGHT NECESSARY whereby the peace and tranquility of the people may be conserved wherein the King intending to devise convenient remedy hath made these Acts underwritten The statutes of 3 Edw. 1. have this Prologue These be the Acts of King Edward c. at his first Parliament generall after his Coronation Because our Soveraigne Lord the King hath great zeal in desire to redresse the state of the Realm in such things AS REQVIRED AMENDMENT for the common profit of the holy Church and of the Realme c. the King hath ordained and established these Acts underwritten which he intendeth TO BE NECESSARY AND PROFITABLE unto the whole Realme And cap. 17. in the Marches of Wales and elsewhere where the Kings Writs be not currant the King which is chiefe and soveraigne Lord there SHALL DOE RIGHT THERE unto such as will complaine And cap. 48. The King hath ordained these things unto the honour of God and holy Church and for the commonwealth and for the remedy of such as be grieved and for as much as it is great charity which is oft times put for Iustice as here TO DOE RIGHT VNTO ALL MEN AT ALL TIMES WHEN NEED SHALL BE by assent of all c. it was provided The statute of Glocester in the 6. year of King Edw. 1. is thus prefaced For the great mischiefs and disinherisons that the people of the
Realme of England have heretofore suffered throught default of the law that failed in divers cases within the said Realm our soveraign Lord the King for the amendment of the land for the reliefe of his people and to eschew much mischiefs dammages and dis-inherisons hath provided established these Acts underwritten willing and commanding that from henceforth they be firmely kept within this Realme The Statutes of Westminster 2. in his 13. year begin thus Whereas of late our soveraigne Lord the King c. calling his Counsell at Glocester and considering that divers of this Realm were disherited by reason that in many cases where remedy should have been had there was none provided by him nor his Predecessors ordained certaine statutes right necessary and profitable for his Realm whereby the people of England and Ireland have obtained more speedy Iustice in their oppressions then they had before and certaine cases wherein the law failed did remaine undetermined and some remained to be enacted that were for the reformation of the oppressions of the people our soveraigne Lord the King in his Parliament holden c. the 13 ear of his reign at Westm. caused many oppressions of the people and defaults of the lawes for the accomplishment of the said statutes of Glocest to be rehearsed and thereupon did provide certaine Acts here following The sâ—atute of Quo Warranto An. 1278. the 6. year of this King made at Glocest. hath this exordium The King himself providing for the wealth of his Realm and the morefull administration of Iustice AS TO THE OFFICE OF A KING BELONGETH the more discreet men of the Realm as well of high as of low degree being called thither it was provided c. The staâ— of York 12 E. 2 hath this Prologue Forasmuch as people of the Realm of England and Ireland have heretofore suffered many times great mischiefs damage and disherison by reason that in divers cases where the law failed no remedy was purveyed c. our soveraign Lord the King desiring THAT RIGHT BE DONE TO HIS PEOPLE at his Parl. holden at York c. hath made these Acts statutes here following the which he willeth to be straitly observed in his said Realm In 9. Ed. 3. in a Parliament held at York the Commons desired the King in the said Parliament by their Petition that for the profit and commodity of his Prelates Earls Barons and Commons of his Realm it may please him WITHOVT FVRTHER DELAY upon the said grievances and outrages to provide remedy our soveraign L. the K. desiring the profit of his people by the assent of his Prelates c. upon the said things disclosed to him found true to the great hurt of the said Prelates c. and oppression of his Commons hath ordained and established c. In 10. E. 3. stat 1. there is this introduction Because our Soveraigne Lord the King Edw. 3. WHICH SOVERAIGNLY DESIRETH the maintenance of his peace and safeguard of his people hath perceived at the complaint of the Prelates Earls Barons and also at the shewing of the Knights of the shires and the Commons in their Petition put in his Parliament c. divers oppressions and grievances done to his people c. COVETING to obvent the malice of such felons and to see a covenable remedy hath ordained c. for the quietnes and peace of his people that the articles underneath written be kept and maintained in all points 14. E. 3. stat 1. To the honor of God c. the King for peace and quietnesse of his people as well great as small doth grant and establish the things underwritten The like we have in 15. E. 3. stat 1. and in this kings Proclamation for revoking it there is this passage We considering how BY THE BOND OF OVR OATH WE BE BOVND TO THE OBSERVANCE AND DEFENCE OF THE LAWES AND CVSTOMES OF THE REALME c. So in 20. E 3. Because that by divers complaints made to us we perceived that the law of the land which WEE BY OVR OATH BE BOVND TO MAINTAINE is the lesse well kept and the execution of the same disturbed many times c. WE GREATLY MOVED OF CONSCIENCE IN THIS MATTER and for this cause desiring as much for the pleasure of God and ease and quietnesse of our Subjects AS TO SAVE OVR CONSCIENCE AND TO KEEPE OVR SAID OATH by the assent of the great men and other wise men of our Counsel we have ordained these things following 23. E. c. 8. That in no wise ye omit the same as ye love us and the Commonwealth of this Realme 25. E. 3. stat 2. Because that statutes made and ordained before this time have not been holden and kept as they ought to be the King willing to provide quietnesse and common profit of his people by the assent c. hath ordained and established these things under-written The passage in the statute of Provisors 25. E. 3. Parliam 6. is notable Whereupon the said Commons have prayed our Soveraigne Lord the King that SITH THE RIGHT OF THE CROWNE OF ENGLAND AND THE LAW OF THE SAID REALME IS SVCH that upon the mischiefes and dammages which hapneth to his Realme HE OVGHT AND IS BOVNDEN OF THE ACCORD OF HIS SAID PEOPLE IN PARLIAMENT THEREOF TO MAKE REMEDY AND THE LAW OF VOIDING THE MISCHIEFES and dammages which thereof commeth that it may please him thereupon to ordain remedie Our Soveraigne Lord the King seeing the mischiefes and dammages before named and having regard to the statute made in the time of his Grandfather and to the cause contained in the same which statute alwayes holdeth his force and was never defeated nor annulled in any point and by so much AS HE IS BOVNDEN BY HIS OATH TO DOE THE SAME TO BE KEPT AS THE LAW OF THIS REALME though that by sufferance and negligence it hath been attempted to the contrary also having regard to the grievous complaints made to him by his people in divers his Parliaments holden heretofore willing to ordain remedy for the great dammage and mischiefs which have hapned and daily do happen to the Church of England by the said cause By assent of the great men and Commonalty of the said Realm to the honor of God and profit of the said Church of England and of all his Realme hath ordered and established c. 28. E. 3 The King for the common profit of him and his people c. hath ordained 36. E. 3. To the honour and pleasure of God and the amendment of the outragious grievances and oppressions done to the people and in reliefe of their estate King Edward c. grantâ—d for him and his Heires for ever these Articles underwritten 1. R. 2. To the honour of God and reverence of holy Church for to nourish peace unity and concord in all the parts within our Realm of England which we doe much desire We have ordained c. 3. R. 2. For the honour of God and of holy Church
a Kingdome and society of men to governe as Aristotle Cicero Polibius Augustine Fortescue and all other Polititians accord before there could be a King elected by them for to governe them And those Kingdomes and societies of men had for the most part some common lawes of their owne free choice by which they were governed before they had Kings which lawes they swore their Kings to observe before they would crowne or admit them to the government and likewise gave them a further oath to passe and confirme all such subsequent lawes as they should make choice of for their publike benefit and protection as is evident by the Coronation oaths of all our own yea of most other Christian and some Pagan Kings continuing to this very day and these words in the Kings oath QUAS VULGUS ELEGERIT which intimates the choice of Lawes to be wholly and fully in the peoples free elections prove beyond Contradiction Yea those ancient law-givers Solon 〈◊〉 Liâ—â—rguâ— Numa with others who tooke paines to compile Lawes for severall Kingdomes and Republikes did only recommend them to the people whose voluntary aâ—â—ent unto them made them binding Which lawes they either altered or repealed as they saw cause Besides during Interrognums in sorraigne elective Kingdomes the Estates in Parliament have power to make new binding Lawes repeale and alter old as they did in Aragon after Sanchius his decease before they elected a new King whom they swore to observe the Lawes then made before they would admit him without any Kings assent at all who yet give their royall assent to Lawes made in their reignes And in our owne and other successive Kingdomes during the Kings infancy dotage absence the Kingdomes and Parliaments have an absolute power as I have already manifested to create Regents or Lord-Protectorsâ— to execute royall authority and give royall assents to publike acts in the Kings name and steads without their actuall personall assents which lawes being necessary for the Subject shall be as firme and obligatory to King and Kingdome as those to which they actually assent Yea if Kings chance to die without any heire the Kingdome in such a case may assemble of themselves and make binding necessary lawes without a King and alter the very frame of government by publike consent Therefore the royall assent to just necessary publike Bills is in truth but a formall Ceremony or complement much like a Kings Coronation without which he may be and is a lawfull King bestowed by the people upon Kings for their greater honour with this limitation that they must not deny it when they of right require it to any just or necessary law not simply to make but declare confirm a law already made and passed by both houses much like a Tenants attornment to the grant of a Reversion And therefore Kings may neither in law nor conscience deny it when it is necessarily demanded to any just publike Bills unlesse they can shew good reason to the contrary so farre as to satisfie their people why such lawes should not passe Tenthly Our very lawes in many cases deny the King an absolute negative voice or power even in matters of Prerogative because they are contrary to his oath and mischeivous to the Republike This appeares most clearly in matters of Pardons the Statutes of 2 E. 3. c. 2. 14 E. 3. c. 15. 13 R. 2. c. 1. 16 R. 2. c. 6. enact That Charters of pardon shall not be granted for man slaughters Roberies Fellonies and other Trespasse but ONLY WHERE THE KING MAY DOE IT BY HIS OATH that is to say where a man slayeth another in his owne defence or by misadventure or in case where he may doe it KEEPING AND SAVING THE OATH OF HIS CROWNE Soe the King cannot pardon nor release the repairing of a Bridge or Highway or any such like publike charges or any publike Nusances or offences against paenall Lawes pro bono publico because it is contrary to the trust and confidence reposed in him for the publike good because the republike hath an interest herein and the pardoning of them would be mischeivous for the common good In like manner the King cannot deny delay nor deferre Iustice nor stay the Iudges from doing present right and justice to any of his Subjects by his Letters under his great or privy seale because it is contrary to his oath and duty Neither can he by his absolute Prerogative impose any the least â—axe or imposition on his subjects without their common consent in Parliament nor yet authorize any other to kill beat wound imprison any mans person or take away his goods without due processe of law Yea the very lawes and custome of the Realme deny the King any absolute negative voice even in the Parliament House in reversing erronious Iudgments Charters Patents declaring what is law in difficult cases or in proceedings and sentences against Delinquents or in any one particular whatsoever which concernes the administration of right or common Iustice. Therefore by the selfesame reason the very law denies him any such negative voice in refusing his royall assent to Bills of common right and Iustice And as both Houses doe alwayes over-rule the King not He both Houses in the one so by parity and congruity of reason they ought to oversway him in the other there being the same reason in both cases and the one no greater an â—ntrenchment upon his Prerogative than the other Eleventhly This is infallibly proved by the usuall forme of our Kings answers to such Bills as they assent not to Le Roy so it a visera The King will bee advised or take further consideration which is no absolute deniall but a craving of longer time to advise upon them and thereupon to assent to them if he can see no just cause to the contrary or else to give satisfactory reasons why he cannot assent Which answer were not proper nor formall had the King an absolute negative voyce to reiect Bills without rendering a sufficient satisfactory reason of his refusall of them Twelfthly publike Bills for the Subiects common good are formed for the most part by the Lords and Commons themselves who in truth as I have elsewhere proved are the chiefe Law-makers who as Aristotle defines know better what is good and necessary for their own benefit then the King their publike Minister for their good Itaque majorum rerum potestas jure populo tribuitur is Aristotles resolution Therefore in passing such Bills there is greater â—eason that both Houses should over-rule the King then the King them It is usuall in all inferior Counsells of State Law Waâ—ie of the Kings own choise for the Counsell to over-rule the King in matters of State Law Warre unlesse the king can give better reasons against than they doe for their conclusive advise and kings in such cases doe usually submit to their Counsells determinations without
Chichester the day before the battle of Lewis against King Henry and his sonne who were taken prisoners in it by the Barons and 20000. of their Souldiers slaine absolved all that went to fight against the King their Lord from all their sinnes Such confidence had he of the goodnesse of the cause and justnesse of the warre In one word the oath of association prescribed by the Barons to the King of Romans brother to King Henry the third in the 43. yeare of his Raigne Heare all men that I Richard Earle of Cornewall doe here sweare upon the holy Evangelists that I shall be faithfull and diligent to reforme with you the Kingdome of England hitherto by the councell of wicked persons overmuch disordered and be an effectuall Coadjutor TO EXPELL THE REBELLS and disturbers of the same And this Oath I will inviolaby observe under paâ—ne of losing all the lands I have in England So helpe me God Which Oath all the Barrons and their associates tooke by vertue whereof they tooke up armes against the Kings ill Councellors and himselfe when he joined with them sufficiently demonstrate their publicke opinions and judgements of the lawfullnesse the justnesse of their warres and of all other necessarie defensive armes taken up by the Kingdomes generall assent for preservation of its Lawes Liberties and suppression of those Rebels and ill Councellors who fight against or labour to subvert them by their policies In the third yeare of King Edward the 2 d this king revoking his great Mynion Piers Gavâ—ston newly banished by the Parliament into Ireland and admitting him into as great favour as before contrary to his oath and promise the Barrons hereupon by common consent sent the King word that he should banish Piers from his company according to his agreement or else they would certainely rise up against him as a perjured person Vpon which the King much terrified suffers Piers to abjure the Realme who returning againe soone after to the Court at Yorke where the king entertained him the Lords spirituall and temporall to preserve the liberties of the Church and Realme sent an honourable message to the King to deliver Piers into their hands or banish him for the preservatioâ— of the peace Treasure and weale of the Kingdome this wilfull King denies their just request whereupon the Lords thus contemned and deluded raifed an army and march with all speede towards New-Castle NOT TO OFFER INIVRIE OR MOLESTATION TO THE KING but to apprehend Peirs and judge him according to Law upon this the King fleeth together with Peirs to Tinemouth and from thence to Scarborough Castle where Piers is forced to render himselfe to the Barrons who at Warwicke Castle without any legall triall by meere martiall Law beheaded him as a subvertor of the Lawes and an OPEN TRAITOR TO THE KINGDOME For which facts this King afterwards reprehending and accusing the Lords in Parliament in the 7 th yeare of his Raigne they stoutly answered THAT THEY HAD NOT OFFENDED IN ANY ONE POINT BVâ— DESERVED HIS ROYALL FAVOVR for they HAD NOT GATHERED FORCE AGAINST HIM though he were in Piers his company assisted countenanced and fled with him BVT AGAINST THE PVBLICKE ENEMIE OF THE REALME Whereupon there were two acts of oblivion passed by the King Lords and Commons assembled in that Parliament Printed in the 2 d Part of old Magna Charta The first that no person on the Kings part should be questioned molested impeached imprisoned and brought to judgement for causing Pierce to returne from Exile or barboring councelling or ayding him bere after his returne The second on the Barons part in these words It is provided by the King and by the Archbishops Bishâ—ps Abbots Priors Earles Barâ—ns and Commons of the Realme assembled according to our Command and unun mously assented and accorded that none of what estate or condition soever he be shall in time tâ— come be appealed or challenged for the apprehending deteining or death of Peirsde Gaveston nor shall for the said death be apprâ—hended nor imprisoned impeached molâ—sted nor grieved nor judgement given against him by us nor by others at our suite nor at the suite of any other either in the Kings Court or elsewhere Which act the King by his Writ sent to the Iudges of the Kings Bench commanding that tâ—is grant and concord shall be firme and stable iâ— all its points and that every of them should be held and kept in per petuitie to which end he commands them to cause this act to be there inrolled and fiâ—mely kept for ever A pregnant evidence that the Barons taking up Armes then against this Traytor and enemie of the Realme in pursuance of the Act and sentence of Parliament for his banishment though the King were in his company and assisted him all he might was then both by King and Parliament adjudged no Treason nor Rebellion at all in point of Law but a just honorable action Wherefore their taking up Armes is not mentioned in this Act of oblivion seeing they all held it just but their putting Piers to death without legall triall which in strictnesse of Law could not be justified Now whether this be not the Parliaments and kingdomes present case in point of Law who tooke up armes principally at first for defence of their owne Priviledges of Parliament and apprehention of delinquents who seducing the king withdrew him from the Parliament and caused him to raise an Army to shelter themselves under its power against the Parliament let every reasonable man determine and if it be so we see this ancient Act of Parliament resolves it to be no high Treason nor Rebellion nor offence against the King but a just lawfull act for the kings the kingdomes honour and safety Not long after this the two Spensers getting into the kings favour and seducing miscouncelling him as much as Gaveston did the Lords and Barrons hereupon in the 14 th and 15 th yeares of his raigne confederated together to live and dye for justice and to their power to destroy the TRAITORS OF THE REALME Especially the two Spensers after which they raised an Army whereof they made Thomas Earle of Lancaster Generall and meeting at Sherborne they plunder and destroy the Spensers Castles Mannors Houses Friends Servants and marching to Saint Albanes with Ensignes displayed sent Messengers to the King then at London admonishing him not onely to rid his Court but Kingdome if the TRAITORS TO THE REALME the Spensers condemned by the Commons in many Articles to preserve the peace of the Realme and to grant them and all their followers Letteâ—s Pattents of indemnity for what they had formerly done Which the King at first denied but afterwards this Armie marching up to London where they were received by the City he yeelded to it and in the 15 th yeare of his Raigne by a speciall Act of Parliament the said Spensers were disinherited and banished the Realme for mis-councelling the king oppressing the people
Spensers and other ill Counsellors about this king in the last yeare of his raigne though the King himself were in their Company and taken prisoner by the Forces raised against them for the necessary preservation reliefe and safety of the Queene Prince Nobles Kingdome to be no high Treason nor offence at all namely the statute of 1. E. 3. c. 1. 2. 3. which I shall recite at large Whereas Hugh Spenser the Father and Hugh Spenser the Sonne late at the suite of Thomas then Earle of Lancaster and Leycester and Steward of England by the common assent and vote of the Peers and Commons of the Realme and by the assent of King Edward Father to our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is AS TRAITORS ENEMIES OF THE KING OF THE REALME were Exled disinherited and banished out of the Realme for ever And afterward the same Hugh by evill Councell which the king had about him without the assent of the Peeres and Commons of the Realme came againe into the Realme and they with other proâ—â—cured the said king to pursue the said Earle of Lancaster and other great men and people of the Realme in which pursuite the said Earle of Lancaster and other great men and people of the Realme were willingly dead and disinherited and some outlawed banished and disinherited and some disinherited and imprisoned and some ransommed and disherited and after such mischiefe the said Hugh and Hugh Master Robâ—rt Baldocke and Edmoâ—d Earle of Arundell usurped to them the Royall power so that the king nothing did nor would doe but as the said Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Earle of Arundell did councell him were it never so great wrong during which usurpation by duresse and force against the Will of the Commons they purchased Lands as well by fines levied in the Court of the said Edward as otherwise and whereas after the death of the said Earle of Lancaster and other great men our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is and Dame Isabel Queene of England his Mother by the Kings will and Common Councell of the Realme went over to Francâ— to treate of peace betweene the two Realmes of England and France upon certaine debates then moved The said Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Earle of Arundell continuing in their mischiefe encouraged the king against our Soveraigne Lord the king that now is his sonne and the said Queene his wife and by royall power which they had to them encroached as afore is said procured so much grievance by the assent of the said King Edward to our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is and the Queene his mother being in so great jeopardy of themselves in a strange Country and seeing the Destruction Dammage Oppressions and Distractions which were notoriously done in the Realme of England upon holy Church Prelates Earles Barons and other great men and the Commonalty by the said Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Earle of Arundell by the encroaching of the said royall power to them to take as good Councell therein as they might And seeing they might not remedie the same unlesse they came into England with an Army of men of warre and by the Grace of God with such puissance and with the helpe of great men and Commons of the Realme they have vanquished and destroyed the sayd Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Wherefore our Soveraigne Lord King Edward that now is at his Parliament holden at Westminster at the time of his Coronation the morrow after Candlemas in the first yeare of his reigne upon certaine Petitions and requests made unto him in the said Parliament upon such Articles above rehearsed by the common councell of the Prelates Earles Barons and other great men and by the Commonalty of the Realme there being by his Commandment hath provided ordained and stablished in forme following First that no great man or other of what estate dignity or condition he be that came with the said king that now is and with the Queene his mother into the Realme of England and none other dwelling in England who came with the said king that now is and with the Queene In ayde of them to pursue their said enemies in which pursuite the King his Fatâ—er was taken and put in ward and yet remaineth in ward shall not be molested impeached or gâ—ieved in person or goods in the kings Court or other Court for the puâ—suite of the said king taking and with holding of his body nor pursuâ—te of any other nor taking of their persons goods nor death of any man or any other things perpetrate or committed in the said pursuite from the day the said king and Queene did arme till the day of the Coronation of the same king and it is not the kings minde that such offenders that committed my trespasse or other offence out of the pursuites should goe quit or have advantage of this statute but they shall be at their answere for the same at the Law Item that the repeale of the said Exile which was made by Dures and force be adnulled for evermore and the said Exile made by award of the Peeres and Commons by the kings assent as before is said shall stand in his strength in all points after the tenure of every particular therein contained Item that the Executors of the Testament of all those that were of the same quarrell dead shall have actions and recover the Goods and Chattels of them being of the said quarrell whose executors they be as they of the same quarrell should c. Certainely here was an higher pursuite and levying warre against the King and his evill Councellors then any yet attempted by this Parliament and a warre rather offensive then defensive in which the king himself was both taken and dâ—tâ—ined Prisoâ—â—r and then forced to resigne his Crowne to his sonne yet this is here justified as a necessary just and lawfull warre by an Act of Parliament never yet repealed and all that bare Armes against the king and his ill Councellors yea they who pursued apprehended and imprisoned the king himselfe are as to this particular discharged by the king and whole Parliament from all manner of guilt or punishment or prosecution whatsoever against them Which consideration makâ—s me somewhat confident that this King and the Parliament held in the 25. yeare of his Raigne ch 2. Which declares it high Treason to levie warre against the King in his Realmâ— did never intend it of a necessary defensive warre against a seduced King and his evill Councellors especially by the Votes of both Houses of Parliament who doubtlesse would never passe any Act to make themselves or their Posteritie in succeeding Parliaments Traytors for taking up meere necessary defensive Armes for their owne and the Kingdomes preservation for that had beene diametraâ—ly contrary to this statute made in the very first yeare and Parliament of this King and would have lâ—yd an aspertion of High Treason upon the king himself the Queene his
or of any other beasts taking or carriage of goods harnesse armour cattle and other movable goods breaking of houses or of other possessions or goods assault battery robberies thefts comming or tarrying with force and armes or armed in the Kings presence at the Parliament or Councell or else where Raysing of people or exciting the people to rise forcibly against the peace by letters commissions or any other deeds or of any other thing that may be surmised by them or any of them or ought or purposed to have beene done from the beginning of the world touching any of the said matters before the end of this present Parliament by any imagination interpretation or other colour but shall bee quit and discharged for ever except that the King be answered of all the goods and cattels that were to them which be attainted in this present Parliament or to any of them and which goods and things were taken by any person the first day of Ianuary last past or after hitherto We considering the matter of the said Petition to be true and the request of the said Commons in this party to be to the honour of God and the profit of us and our Realme of the assent of the Prelates Dukes Earles Barrors and all others of this present Parliament doe garnt the requests of the said Commons in all points after the forme of the said Petition And moreover of the assent aforesayd we will and grant for the greater quietnesse of our said Realme though that the said Duke or Earles appellants or any other of their company retinue force ayde councell or adherents or any of them have taken led away or withholden any of our Iusticers or any other of our ministers in disturbance of execution of the Law of our Realme of England or in other manner or that they have taken any manner of person as Traitors to Us or to our Realme or other person and the same have voluntarily suffered to goe at large or escape beyond the sea from the 14 th day of Novemb. last past till the end of this present Parliament that they nor any of them be for this cause impeached molested nor grieved any manner of way at the suite of us our heires nor none other party but thereof they shall be quit and discharged for ever nor that they nor any of them be in any wise molested grieved nor impeached at the suite of us our heires or other party for any thing done at any time for to a taine to their purpose against the said appealers or any of them or against any other person for this cause nor for any other thing or deed to affirme the same purposes till the end of this present Parliament but thereof shall be acquitted This Act with others made the same Parliament continued inviolable without dispute for 10. yeers space during w ch there were 8. more Parliaments held w ch approved in but it 21 R. 2. the King having violently seised upon the Duke of Glocester the Earles of Warwicke and Arundell and packed a Parliament to his minde by not summoning any Lords thereto but those of his party by causing divers Knights and Burgesses of his own nomination never chosen by the people to be returned in divers places and overawing the rest with a guard or 4000. Cheshire Archers caused these Lords to be illegally attainted of Treason upon fained pretences out of this old grudge and the Acts of this Parliament to be reversed yet not this Act as I conceive which is part of it being specially saved by 21. R. 2. c. 13. But however by the statute of 1 H. 4. c. 3. 4. the Parliament of 21. was wholly repealed reversed revoked voyded undone and anulled for ever with all the Acts circumstances and dependants thereof and this Parliament of 11. R. 2. Enacted to be firmely holden and kept after the purport and effect of the same as a thing made for the great Honour and common profit of the Realme and ch 5. It is ordained and assented that the Lords and other which were forejudged in the Parliament holden the said 21. yeare or by Authority of the same which now be in life and the heires of the Lords and others that be dead shall be wholly restitute and restored to their names all manner of inheritaments and possessions reversions fees reversions offices liberties and franchises as intirely as the said Lords and others which be in life or the Lords and other which be dead ancestors of the heires or the feoffâ—es of the said Lords or other aforesaid or other feoffees to their use were at the time of the judgement given against them the said 21 yeare by entrie without other suite thereof to be made or livery to be had of the same And all the goods and chattels which were the said Lords or the other persons aforesaid so forejudged whereof the king is not answered and be in the hands of the Sheriffes Escheators or other Officers Ministers or any other and concealed by them the king wills and granteth that the same Lords and other which now be in life and the Executors and administrators of them that be dead shall have thereof delivery and restitution and that the Sheriffes Escheators Officers and Ministers so occupying the said goods and chattels by such concealment bee punished for the same concealement So that by the expresse resolution of these two severall Parliaments these Lords and Commons taking up defensive Armes and making war against those wicked Councellours of this King which sought their ruine and endeavoured the destruction of the Realme though they had the kings presence and commissions to countenance all their actions and proceedings of this nature and the Lords wanted the Ordinances of both houses to authorize this their arming and war was solemnely declared and adjudged to be no Treason nor Rebellion at all nor levying of warre against the king within the statute of 25. E. 3. but contrarywise a thing done to the honour of God the Salvation of the King for if the Kingdome perish or miscarry the king as king must needs perish with it the maintenance of his Crowne supported onely by the maintenance of the kingdomes welfare and the Salvation and common profit of all the Realm and this being one of the first solemne judgements if not the very first given in Parliament after the making of the statute of 25 E. 3. which hath relation to its clause of levying war must certainely be the best exposition of that Law which the Paâ—liament onely ought to interpret as is evident by the statute of 21. R. 2 c. 3. It is ordained and stablished that every man which c. or he thâ— raiseth the people and riseth against the King to make warre within his Realme and of hâ—t be duly attainted and judged in the Parliament shall be judged as a Traytor of High Treason against the Crowne and other forecited Acts and if this were no Treason nor
these Lords and their companions thus taking up Armes from any the least guilt of Treason and rebellion against the King because they did it onely for the advancement of the publike weale the setting the Realme in a better condition the removing ill Counsellors and publike oppressors of the Realme from about the King and to rescue his person out of their hands then questionlesse by their resolutions our present Parliaments taking up defensive armes upon the selfe-same grounds and other important causes and that by consent of both Houses which they wanted can be reputed no high Treason nor Rebellion against the King in point of Law and no just no rationall Iudge or Lawyer can justly averre the contrary against so many forecited resolutions in Parliament even in printed Acts. The Earle of Richmund afterward King Henry the seventh taking up armes against Richard the third a lawfull King de facto being crowned by Parliament but an Vsurper and bloody Tyrant in Verity to recover his Inheritance and Title to the Crowne and ease the Kingdome of this unnaturall blood-thirsty Oppressor before his fight at Boswell Field used this Oration to his Souldiers pertinent to our purpose If ever God gave victory to men fighting in a just quarrell or if he ever aided such as made warre for the wealth and tuition of their owne naturall and nutritive Countrey or if he ever succoured them which adventured their lives for the reliefe of Innocents suppression of malefactors and apparent Offenders No doubt my Fellowes and Friends but he of his bountifull goodnesse will this day send us triumphant victory and a lucky revenge over our proud Enemies and arrogant adversaries for if you remember and consider the very cause of our just quarrel you shall apparently perceive the same to be true godly and vertuous In the which I doubt not but God will rather ayde us yea and fight for us then see us vanquished and profligate by such as neither feare him nor his Lawes nor yet regard Iustice and honesty Our cause is so just that no enterprise can be of more vertue both by the Laws Divine and Civill c. If this cause be not just and this quarrell godly let God the giver of victory judge and determine c. Let us therefore fight like invincible Gyants and set on our enemies like untimorous Tygers and banish all feare like ramping Lyons March forth like strong and robustious Champions and begin the battaile like hardy Conquerors the Battell is at hand and the Victory approacheth and if wee shamefully recule or cowardly fly we and all our sequele be destroyed and dishonoured for ever This is the day of gaine and this is the time of losse get this dayes victory and be Conquerours and lose this dayes battell and bee villaines And therefore in the name of God and Saint George let every man couragiously advance his standard They did so flew the Tyrannicall Vsurper wonne the Field And in the first Parliament of his Raigne there was this Act of indemnity passed That all and singular persons comming with him from beyond the Seas into the Realâ—e of England taking his party and quarrell in recovering his just Title and Right to the Realme of England shall be utterly discharged quit and unpunishable for ever by way of action or otherwise of or for any murther slaying of men or of taking and disporting of goods or any other trespasses done by them or any of them to any person or persons of this his Realme against his most Royall Person his Banner displayed in the said field and in the day of the said field c. Which battell though it were just and no Treason nor Rebellion in point of Law in those that assiâ—ted King Henry the 7 th against this Vsurper yet because the killing of men and seising their goods in the time of Warre is against the very fundamâ—ntall Lawes of the Realme they needed an Act of Parliament to discharge them from suits and prosecutions at the Law for the same the true reason of all the forecited Acts of this nature which make no mention of pardoning any Rebellions or Treasons against the King for they deemed their forementioned taking up of Armes no such offences but onely discharge the Subjects from all suites actions and prosecutions at Law for any killing or slaying of men batteries imprisonments robberies and trespasses in seising of Persons Goods Chartels What our Princes and State have thought of the lawfulâ—esse of necessary Defensive Warres of Subjects against their oppressing Kings and Princes appeares by those aides and succours which our Kings in former ages have sent to the French Flemmings Almaines and others when their Kings and Princes have injuriously made Warres upon them and more especially by the publike ayde and assistance which our Queene Elizabeth and King Iames by the publike advise and consent of the Realme gave to the Protestants in France Germany Bohemia and the Netherlands against the King of France the Emperour and King of Spaine who oppressed and made Warre upon them to deprive them of their just Liberties and Religion of which more hereafter Certainely had their Defensive Warres against their Soveraigne Princes to preserve their Religion Liberties Priviledges beene deemed Treason Rebellion in point of Law Queene Elizabeth King Iames and our English State would never have so much dishonoured themselves nor given so ill an example to the world to Patronize Rebells or Traitours or enter into any solemne Leagues and Covenants with them as then they did which have been frequently renued and continued to this present And to descend to our present times our King Charles himself hath not onely in shew at least openly aided the French Protestants at Ree and Rochel against their King who warred on them the Germane Princes against the Emperour the Hollanders and Prince of Oâ—aâ—ge to whose Sonne hee hath married his elstest Daughter against the Spaniard and entred into a solemne League with them which hee could not have done in point of Law Iustice Honour Conscience had they beene Rebells or Traytors for standing on their guards and making defensive Warres onely for their owne and their Religions preservation but likewise by two severall publike Acts of Parliament the one in England the other in Scotland declaring the Scots late â—aking up Armes against him and his evill Counsellors in defence of their Religion Lawâ—s Priviledges to be no Treason nor Rebellion and them to bee his true and loyall Subjects notwithstanding all aspertions cast upon them by the Prelaticall and Popish Party because they had no ill or disloyall intention at all against his Majesties Person Crowne and Dignity but onely a care of their owne preservation and the redresse of thâ—se Enormities Pressures grievances in Church and State which threatnâ—d desolation unto both If then their seizing of the Kings Fortes Ammunition Revenues and raising an Army for the foresaid ends hath by his Majesty himselfe and his two Parliaments
of England and Scotland beene resolved and declared to be no Treason no Rebellion at all against the King by the very same or better reason all circumstances duely pondered our Parliaments present taking up Armes and making a Defensive Warre for the endes aforesaid neither is nor can be adjudged Treason or Rebellion in point of Law or Iustice. In fine the King himself in his Answer to the 19. Propositions of both Houses Iune 3. 1642. Confesseth and calleth God to witnesse That aâ— the Rights of his Crowne are vested in hâ—m for his Subjects sake That the Prinâ—e may not make use of his high and perpetuall power to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it nor make use of the name of publike Necessity for the gaine of his private Favourites and Followers to the detriment of his people That the House of Commons may impeach those who for their owne ends though countenanced with any surreptitiously gotten Command of the King have violated that Law which he is â—ound when he knowes it to protect and to protection of which they were bound to advise him at least Not to serve him in the Contrary let the Cavalleers and others consider this and the Lords being trusted with a Iudiciary power are an excellent screene and banke betweene the King and people to assist each against any Incroachments of the other and by just Iudgements to preserve that Law which ought to be the Rule of every one of the three Therefore the power Legally placed in both Houses Being more then sufficient to prevent and restraine the power of Tyranny by his Majesties owne Confession it must needs be such a power as may legally inable both Houses when Armes are taken up against them by the King or any other to subvert Lawes Liberties Religion and introduce an Arbitrary government not onely to make Lawes Ordinances and Assessements but likewise to take up Armes to defend and preseve themselves their Lawes Liberties religion and to prevent restraine all forces raysed against them to set up Tyranny else should they want not onely a more then sufficient but even a sufficient necessary power to prevent and restraine the power of Tyranny which being once in armes cannot bee restraned prevented repulsed with Petitions Declarations Lawes Ordinances or any Paper Bulwarkes and Fortifications or other such probable or possible meanes within the Parliaments power but onely by Armes and Militarie Forces as reason and experience in all Ages manifest From all which pregnant punctuall domesticke Authorities and resolutions of Ancient Moderne and present times I presume I may infallibly conclude That the Parliaments present taking up necessary Defensive Armes is neither Treason nor Rebellion in iudgement of Law but a iust and lawfull Act for the publicke benefit and preservation of King Kingdome Parliament Lawes Liberties Religion and so neither their Generall Souldiers nor any person whatsoever imployed by them in this War or contributing any thing towards its maintenance are or can be Legally indicted prosecuted or in any manner proceeded against as Traitors Rebels Delinquents against the King or Kingdome and that all Proclamations Declarations Indictments or proceedings against them or any of them as Traitors Rebels or Delinquents are utterly unlawfull uniust and ought to be reversed as meere Nullities It would be an infinite tedious labour for me to relate what Civilians and Canonists have written concerning Warre and what Warre is just and lawfull what not In briefe they all generally accord That no Warre may or ought to be undertaken cut of covetousnesse lust ambition cruelty malice desire of hurt revenge or fer booty propter praedam enim militare peccatum est Whence Iohn Baptist Luke 3. 14. gave this answer to the Souldiers who demanded of him what shall we doe Doe violence to no man neither accuse any man falsly and be content with your wages Ne dum sumptus quaeritur praedo grassetur Which prooves the Warres of our plundring pillaging Cavalleers altogether sinnefull and unjust And that such a Warre onely is just which is waged for the good and necessary defence of the Common-wealth by publike Edict or consent or to regaine some thing which is unjustly detained or taken away and cannot otherwise be acquired or to repell or punish some injury or to curbe the insolency of wicked men or preserve good men from their uniust oppressions which Warres ought onely to be undertaken out of a desire of Peace as they prove out of Augustine Gregory Isidor Hispalensis and others In one word they all accord That a necessary defensive Warre to repulse an Injury and to preserve the State Church Republike Freedomes Lives Chastities Estates Lawes Liberties Religion from unjust violence is and ever hath beene lawfull by the Law of Nature of Nations yea By all Lawes whatsoever and the very dictate of Reason And that a necessary defensive Warre is not properly a Warre but a meere Defence against an unlawfull Violâ—nce And therefore must of necessitie be acknowledged lawfull because directly opposite to and the onely remedy which God and Nature have giuen men against Tyrannicall and unjust invasions which are both sinnefull and unlawfull And so can be no Treason no Rebellion no crime at all though our Princes or Parents be the unjust assailâ—nts Of which see more in Hugo Grotius de Iure Belli l. 2. c. 1. I shall closeup the Civillians and Canonists Opinions touching the lawfulnesse of a Defensive Warre with the words of Albericus Gentilis Professor of Civill Law in the Vniversitie of Oxford in Queene Elizabeths Raigne Who in his learned Booke De Iure Belâ—i Pacis Dedicated to the most illustrious Robert Devoreux Earle of Essex Father to the Parliaments present Lord Generall determines thus Lib. 1. cap 13 pag. 92. c. Although I say there be no cause of warre from nature yet there are causes for which we undertake warre by the conduct of nature as is the cause of Defence and when warre is undertaken because something is denied to to be granted which nature it selfe affords and therefore because the Law of nature is violated Warre is undertaken We say there is a three fold Defence one Necessary another Profitable a third Honest yet wee shall deeme them all Necessary He who defends himselfe is said to be necessitated neither will Baldus have us distinguish whether he defend himselfe his goods or those under his charge whether neere or remote His defence is necessary and done for necessary defence against whom an armed enemy comes and his against whom an enemy prepares himselfe and to such a one the same Baldus truly teacheth ayde is due by compact whom others likewise approve This warre we may say was anciently undertaken against Mithridates and against his great preparations Neither ought wise men to expect till he had professed himselfe an enemy but to looke more into his deeds then words Thus whiles we say necessity we speake not
Charter have confirmed FOR US AND OUR HEIRS FOR EVERMORE these liberties underwritten to have and to hold to them and their Heirs OF US AND OUR HEIRS FOR EVERMORE c. together with the whole tenour and title of this Charter and the two last Chapters of it All those customs and liberties aforesaid which we have granted to be holden within our Realme as much AS APPERTAINETH TO US AND OUR HEIRS WE SHALL OBSERVE And for this our gift and grant of those Liberties c our Subjects have given us the fifteenth part of all their moveables And We have granted to them on the other part that NEITHER WE NOR OUR HEIRS shall procure or doe any thing whereby the Liberties in this Charter contained shall be infringed or broken We confirme and make strong all the same FOR US AND OUR HEIRS PERPETUALLY not the Parliament All these I say infallibly demonstrate that this Statute of Magna Charta did never extend unto the Parliament to restraine its hands or power but onely to the King his Heirs Officers Courts of Justice and particular subjects So that the Parliaments imprisoning of Malignants imposing Taxes for the necessary defence of the Realm and seizing mens goods or imprisoning their persons for non-payment of it is no wayes within the words or intent of Magna Charta as Royallists and Malignants ignorantly clamour but the Kings his Officers Councellours and Cavallâ—ers proceedings of this nature are cleerly most direct violations of this Law And that which puts this past dispute are the severall Statutes of 25. Edward 3. cap. 4. Statute 5. 37. Edward 3. cap. 18. 38 Edward 3. cap. 9. 42. Edward 3. cap. 3. 17. Richard 2. cap. 6. and the Petition of right it self all which expresly resolve that this very objected Law of Magna Charta extends onely to the King himselfe his Privy Councell Iudges Iustices Officers and inferiour Courts of Iustice but not unto the supream Court of Parliament which no man for ought I finde ever yet held to be absolutely obliged by it before the Kings late recesse from Parliament The next Statute is that of 34. Edward 1. cap. 1. No tallage nor aid shall be taken or leavied BY US AND OUR HEIRS not the Parliament in our Realme without the good will and assent of the Archbishops Bishops Earls Barons Knights Burgesses and other free men of the Land which the Statute of 25. Edward 1. thus explains But by the common consent of the Realme The Statute of 14. Edward 3. cap. 21. and Statute 2. cap 1. thus If it be not by common consent of the Prelates Earles Barons and other great men and Commons of our said Realme of England AND THAT IN PARLIAMENT The Statute of 25. Edward the third cap. 8. thus If it be not BY COMMON CONSENT AND GRANT IN PARLIAMENT The Statute of 36. Edward the third cap. 11. thus That no Subsidie nor other charge be set nor granted upon the Woolls by the Merchants nor by NONE OTHER from henceforth WITHOUT THE ASSENT OF THE PARLIAMENT The Statute of 45. Edward 3. cap. 4. thus it is accorded and stablished That no imposition or charge shall be put upon Woolls Woollsels or Leather other then the custome and subsidie granted to the King WITHOUT THE ASSENT OF THE PARLIAMENT and if any be it shall be repealed and holden for none And the Petition of Right 3. Caroli thus By which Statutes and other good Statutes of this Realm your Subjects have inherited this freedom that they should not be compelled to contribute any Taxe Tallage Custome Aidâ— or other like charge not set BY COMMON CONSENT IN PARLIAMENT Now it is as evident as the noonday sunshine that these Acts onely extend to the King his Heirs Councell Officers inferiour Courts and private Subjects onely and that the Parliament is precisely excepted out of the very intent and letter of them all having free power to impose on the Subjects what Aids Taxes Tallages Customes and Subsidies the shall deem meet by the expresse provision of all these Laws concerning the granting and imposing of Subsidies Therefore by the direct resolution of these Acts the Kings his Councellors present contributions assessements and ransoms imposed on the Subjects are illegall against the letter and provision of all these Acts but the Parliaments and Houses lawfull approved and confirmed by them True will Royallists and Malignants answer who have no other evasion left but this If the King were present in Parliament and consenting to these contributions and taxes of the twentieth part there were no doubt of what you alleage but because the King is absent and not only disassents to but prohibits the payment of this or any Parliamentary Assessements by his Proclamations therefore they are illegall and against these Laws 1 To which I answer First that the King by his Oath duty the ancient custom and Law of the land ought of right to be alwayes present with his Parliament as he is now in point of Law and not to depart from it but in cases of urgent necessity with the Houses free consents and then must leave Commissoners or a Deputy to supply his absence This is not onely confessed but proved by a Booke lately printed at Oxford 1642. with the Kings approbation or permission intituled No Parliament without a King pag. 5. to 16. where by sundry presidents in all Kings Reignes it is manifested That Kings were and ought to be present in their Parliaments which I have formerly cleared If then the King contrary to these Presidents his Oath Duty the Laws and Customs of the Realme the practice of all his Progenitors the rules of nature which prohibit the head to separate it selfe from the body and will through the advice of malignant Councellours withdraw himselfe from his Parliament yea from such a Parliament as himselfe by a spceiall Act hath made in some sort perpetuall at the Houses pleasure and raise an Army of Papists Delinquents Malignants and such like against it and that purposely to dissolve it contrary to this very Law of his for its continuance why this illegall torâ—ious act of his paralleld in no age should nullifie the Parliament or any way invalid its Imposicions or Proceedings for their own the Kingdoms Peoples and Religions preservation all now indangered transcends any reasonable mans capacity to apprehend 2 The right and power of granting imposing assenting unto Assâ—ssements Taxes Suosiâ—iâ—s and such like publique charges in Parliament for the publique safety rests wholly in the Commons and Lords not King and is their owne free act alone depending no waies on the Kings assent nor necessarily requiring his personall presence in Parliament This is evident First by the expresse letter of the forecited Acts No Subsidy Tax Ayde Talleage or Custome shall be set granted taken or leavied but by common consent and grant of the Prelates Earles Barons Knights Burgesses and other free men of the Realme in Parliament or without the assent
of the Parliament so that their grant and assent iâ— Parliament not the Kings is the onely thing that makes them legall and binding to the subject Now both Houses have granted ordered and assented to this Assessement exceeding not the twentieth part of mens estates and given order for the leavying of it and that for the Parliaments Kingdomes religions necessary defence and preservation Therefore it is obligatory and legall though the King himselfe consent not or disassent thereto especially as the present condition of things stands even by the very letter of these acts Secondly this is apparent by the letter of all our publique Acts for the granting of Subsidies Ayds Tenths Fifteenes Taxes Customes Tonnage Poundage or any such like impositions in and by Parliament either by the Temporalty or Clergy which Acts runne usually in this manner The Commons of this Realme HAVE GRANTED FOR DEFENCE OF THE SAID REALME and especially for the safegard and custody of the Sea a Subsidy a Subsidie called Tonnage c. The Prelates Earles Barons and all the Commons of the Realme willingly and with one assent HAVE GRANTED the ninth Lambe ninth sheafe and ninth fleece c. And of Cities and Burroughs the ninth part of all their goods and chaâ—â—â—ls c. in aide of the good keeping the Realme as well by Land as by Sea c. We your pâ—ore Commons desire your excellent Majesty willingly to accept and receive these OUR POORE GRANTS hereafter following as GRANTED of free hearts and good wils as the first-fruits of our good wils and hearts c. by the advice and Assent of the Lords spirituall and temporall GIVE GRANT for the defence of your realm and the keeping and safegard of the seas c. one Subsidy called Tonnage c. The Prelates and Clergy c. as a speciall and significant testimony of their loyall affection c. with one affection and uniforme consent HAVE GIVEN GRANTED foure whole and intire Subsidies We your Commons assembled in your high Court of Parliament humbly present your Majesty with the FREE CHEERFULL GIFT of two intire Subsidies c. All Subsidies and Taxes then being the free gift of the Commons Clergy and Pâ—eres in Parliament and that onely for the defence of the Kingdome by sea and land it is infallible that they do may and can oblige themselves and those they represent to pay such publike Taxes to this end without the Kings concurrence Thirdly this is cleare by considering that the Commons and Lords in Parliament have alwaies had 1. And absolute right and power to grant or deny Taxes Subsidies aydes and assistance as they saw occassion 2. To proportion the aydes and Subsidies granted 3. To limit the certaine manner waies and times of paying and levying them and the persons who shall either pay assesse collect receive or disburse them 4. The ends and uses to which they should be imployed when leavied debarring the King oft times when they saw cause of any power at all to receive or dispose of them appointing Collectors and Treasurers of their owne to receive and issue them out againe by the advice and directions of these as themselves prescribed for which I shall give you some few instances of note in lieu of many more that might be remembred Anno 1237. being the 21 yeere of Henry the third The Parliament after many contestations with the King for his fraud oppressions favouring of Aliens c. to the Kingdomes detriment the King by Oath prâ—mâ—sing amendment granted unto him the thirtieth part of all their moveables excepting ready Money Horse and Armour to be imployed for the Common wealth and benefit of the Realme with this condition often annexed that the King should leave the Counsell of Aliens and onely use that of his naturall Subjects And for more security it was ordained that foure Knights of every Shiere and one Clerke of the Kings in every severall Shiere shall upon their oâ—thes collect receive and deliver the said Subsidy either into some Abbey or Castle to be safely reserved there and disposed of for the benefit of the King and Kingdome by the view and counsell of the Earle Warren or others when there should be need Or otherwise if the King fâ—iled in performance of His promises and grants it ought to be faithfully restored and distributed to the Country whence it was collected In the 11. yeere of King Edward the 2. Anno 1318. The Parliament not daring to trust this prodigall mis-counselled King with moneys instead of Subsides granted him an aide of armed men against the Scots London set forth 200. Canturbury 40. Saint Albanes 10. and so all other Burroughs and Cities according to their proportion whereby a great Army was leavied The Parliaments of 14 E. 3. c. 20. 21. Stat. 1. Stat. 2. c. 1. 18. E. 3. Parliament 2 3. forecited at large part 2. p. 8. 9. 31 H. 6. Num. 41. 21 Iac. c. 33. particularly direct how the Subsidies granted shall be disposed of by certaine Nobles and others whom they nominate and appoint Treasurers to receive and issue them to the ends for which they granted them prescribing them an oath to issue none of them to other purposes or in any other maner then they prescribed Yea the Acts of former Parliaments and this present concerning Tonnage Poundage Polemoney and Subsidies frequently do the like Therefore the granting and disposing of those Taxes Aydes Subsidies rests wholly in the Commons and Lords and no waies on the King who commonly desires the Parliament to great them Fourthly this is further evidenced by the Kings usuall answer and assent unto such Bills as these Le Roy remercy ses Loaulx Subjects accept LOUR BENEVOLENCE auxy le vâ—ult taking it wholly as a free grant from them which assent in this case is rather formall then substantiall it being the Commons and Lords owne consent only to Bils of this nature not the Kings that make the Taxes and Impositions binding as the forecited Statutes the Petition of Right 3 Caroli Fortescue and our Lawbookes resolve and I have elsewhere manifested more at large Therefore the want of the Kings assent or disassent to the Parliaments present assâ—ssement for the Kingdomes necessary defence in the present extremity when the King not onely wilfully absents himselfe from but hath raised Armes against the Parliament is not materiall nor simply necessary in point of Law though usually requisite and necessary for formality sake at other seasons to compleat such Acts since Sepenumero Necessitas vincit legem quod necessarium est liciâ—um est as this assessement now is though all formalities be not punctually observed as is resolved in Dormers case Cooke l. 5. f. 40. b. Fiftly it is undeniable that the Knights Citizens Burgesses and Commons in Parliament elected by the suffrages of the severall Counties Cities and Burroughs of England do really and legally represent all the
Promises Articles Agreements which they never faithfully observe to any in the least degree and all this to ruine the Kingdom People Parliament and Religion yet they justifie these their actions and the Parliament People must not controule nor deem them Traytors to their Country for it And may not the Parliament then more justly impose a moderate in-destructive necessary taxe without the King for the Kingdoms Religions and Peoples defence and preservations against their barbarous Taxes Plunderings and Devastations then the King or his Commanders Souldiers play such Rex and use such barbarous oppressions without yea against the Parliaments Votes and consents Let them therefore first cease their own most detestable unnaturall inhumane practises and extortions of this nature and condemn themselves or else for ever clear the Parliament from this unjust Aspersion The last Objection against the Parliament is That they have Illegally imprisoned restrained plundered some Malignants and removed them from their habitations against Magna Charta the Fundamentall Laws forenamed and the Liberty of the Subject contrary to all Presidents in former Ages To which I answer First That the Objectors and Kings party are farre more guilty of this crime then the Parliament or their Partisans and therefore have no reason to object it unlesse themselves were more innocent then they are Secondly For the Parliaments imprisoning of men pretended to be against Magna Charta I answer first That the Parliament is not with in that or any other Law against imprisonments as I have formerly cleered Therefore is not obliged by it nor can offend against it Secondly That it hath power to imprison restrain the greatest Members of their own Houses though priviledged men exmept from all other arrests and publike persons representing those that sent them thither Therefore much more may they imprison or restrain any other private persons notwithstanding Magna Charta And the Parliament being the supreamest Iudicaturo paramount all other Courts their commitments can not be Legally questioned determined nor their prisoners released by Habeas Corpus in or by any other inferior Court or Judicature whatsoever 3. The Parliament hath power to make new Laws for the temporall and perpetuall imprisonment of men in mischievous cases where they could not be imprisoned by the Common Law or any other Act before or since Magna Charta and so against the seeming letter of that Law w ch extends not to the Parliament and what persons they may restrain imprison by a new enacted Law though not restrainable before by a Magna Charta or the Common Law without breach of either they may whiles they sit in case of publike danger restrain imprison by their own Authoritie without or before a new Law enacted In how many new Cases by new Statutes made since Magna Charta the Subjects may be lawfully imprisoned both by Judges Justices Majors Constable and Inferiour Courts or Officers whereas they could not be imprisoned by them by the Common Law before these Acts without breach of Magna Charta and violating the Subjects Liberties you may read in the Table of Rastals Abridgements of Statutes and in Ashes Tables Title Imprisonment and False-Imprisonment Yea by the Statutes of 23. H. 8. cap. 1. 31. H. 8. cap. 13. 33. H. 8. cap. 12. 5. Eliz. cap. 14. 1. and 2. Phil. Mary cap. 3. 5. and 6. cap. 1. Eliz. cap. 2. with others Acts perpetuall imprisonment during life is inflicted in some cases for which no imprisonment at all could be prescribed before these Acts and for crimes for which the parties were not formerly punishable yet for the publike weale peace safety and prevention of private mischiefs even against the Letter as it were of the great Charter the Parliament hath quite taken away all liberty the benefit of the Common Law and of Magna Charta it self from parties convicted of such offences during their naturall lives and if they bring an Habeas Corpus in such cases pretending their perpetuall imprisonment and these latter Laws to be against Magna Charta they shall notwithstanding be remanded and remain prisoners all their dayes because the Parliament is above all Laws Statutes yea Magna Charta and may deprive any Delinquents of the benefit of them yea alter or repeal them for the common good so farre as they see just cause Though neither the King nor his Counsell nor Iudges nor any Inferiour Officers or Courts of Iustice have any such transcendent power but the Parliament alone to which all men are parties really present and allowing all they do and what all assent to decree for the common good and safetie must be submitted to by all particular persons though never so mischievous to them this being a Fundamentall Rule even in Law it self That the Law will rather suffer a private mischief then a generall inconvenience Seeing then the Parliament to prevent publike uproars sedition treachery in or against the Kingdom Cities Houses or Counties where factious persons live hath thought meet to restrain the most seditious Malignants especially these about London and Westminster where they sit and to commit them to safe custody till they receive some good assurance of their peaceable behaviour they must patiently suffer their private restraints for the common safety tranquility till the danger be past or themselves reformed who if they reform not their own malignity not the Parliaments cautelous severity themselves must be blamed since they detain themselves prisoners only by not conforming when as the Parliament desires rather to release then restrain them if they would be regular and so they must blame themselves alone not clamour against the Houses All Leprous persons by the Leviticall and Common Law were to be sequestred and shut up from others least they should infect them and so all persons visited with the Plague by late Statute Laws may be shut up without breach of Magna Charta Why then not Malignant seditious ill affected persons who infect others in these times of Commotion and Civill Warres as well as Leapers and Plague sick persons removed into Pest-houses for fear of spreading the Infection upon the self-same grounds by the Houses Authority The Parliament by an Ordinance Act or Sentence hath Power to banish men out of the Kingdom in some cases which no other Court nor the King himself can lawfully dâ— as was expresly resolved in Parliament upon the making of the Sâ—atute of 35. Eliz. cap. 1. as is evident by the case of Thomas of Weyland An. 9. E. 1 Of Peirce Gavâ—ston and the two Spencers in King Edward the second his raign Of the Lord Maltravers in Edward the third his raign Of Belknap and divers over Iudges in the 10 and 11 yâ—ers of Richard 2. his reign by the Statutes of 33. El. c. 1. Separatists and of 39. El. c. 5. Rogues are to be banished and in Calice heretofoâ—â— a woman might be justly banished the Town for adultery and a scould
and his owne Daughter in Marriage to purchase peace Charles being afterwards slaine by Hebert Earl of Vermendoyes Algina his wife mistrusting the Frenchmen fled secretly with her young sonne Lewes Heire to the Crowne to Edward the Elder into England Whereupon that the Land might not be without a Ruler the Lords of France assembled at Paris and there tooke Councell to elect a new King where after long debate they named and crowned Raulfe sonne to Richard Duke of Burgundy King as next Heire to the Crown but young Lewes Raulfe dying after he had reigned 12 yeares the Nobles hearing that Lewes was alive in England sent for him into France and crowned him their King Lewes the 6. dying without issue being the last King of Pipens blood who enjoyed the Crowne 10. discents Hugh Capet usurped the Crowne putting by Charles Duke of Loraigne Vncle and next heire to Lewes whom by the Treason of the Bishop of Laoâ— he took prisoner After which the Crowne continued in this Hugh and his Heires Philip the 2. of France by a counsell of his Prelates was excommunicated for refusing to take Ingebert his wife whom he unlawfully put from him and to renounce Mary whom he had married in her stead And calling a Parliament they concluded that King Iohn of England should be summoned to appeare as the French Kings Liege-man at another Parliament to be holden at Paris within 15. dayes after Easter to answer to such questions as there should be proposed to him for the Dutchy of Normandy and the County of Angeou and Poytiers who not appearing at the day Philip hereupon invaded and seized them After which Lewes the 9. and Henry the 3. of England in a parliament at Paris made a finall composition for these Lands Lewes the 10. being under age was thought of many unsufficient to governe the Realm and when he had a mind to goe to the holy Warre as it was then deemed he did not undertake it but by the advice of his great Councell of Spirituall and Temporall Lords and persons who assisted him therein Philip the 4. in the 27. yeare of his Raigne raised a great Taxe throughout France which before that time was never heard nor spoken of by his absolute Prerogative without consent of his Estates in Parliament which had the sole power of imposing Taxes Which Taxe all Normandy Picardy and Champaigne allying themselves together utterly refused to pay which other Countries hearing of tooke the same opinion so that a great rumour and murmur was raised throughout the Realme of France in such wayes that the King for pacifying the people was faine to repeale the said Taxe Lewes 11. of France dying without issue male left his Queen great with child whereupon Philip his Brother reigned as Regent of France till the childe was borne which proved a male named Iohn who dying soone after Philip was crowned King at Paris albeit that the Duke of Burgoyn and others withstood his Coronation and would have preferred the Daughter of King Lewes But other of the Lords and Nobles of France would not agree that a woman should inherit so great a Kingdome it being contrary to the Salique law This Philip by advise of evill counsell set a great Taxe upon his Commons to the Fifth part of their movable goods at which they murmured and grudged wondrous sore and before it was levied hee fell into a Feever Quartan and great Flixe whereof hee dyed which Sickenesse fell upon him by prayer of the Commons for laying on them the said grievous Taxes Charles the fifth of France having a purpose to drive all the English â—uâ— of Aquitaine and other parts of his Kingdome and being provided of all things which he thought needfull for the doing of it yet would not undertake the warre without the counsell and good liking of the Nobility and people whose helpe he was to use therein Wherefore he commanded them all to be assembled to a Parliament at Paris to have their advice and by their wisdome to amend what had by himselfe not altogether so wisely been done and considered of And this warre being at last decreed by the Councell prospered in his hand and tooke good successe Wheâ—eas when the Subjects see things done either without counsell or contrary to the wills and decrees of the Senate or Coâ—ncell then they contemne and set them at naught or elfe fearfully and negligently do the command of their Princes of which contempt of Lawes Magistrates and sedditious speeches ensue among the people and so at length most dangerous rebellion or else open conspiracy against the Prince as Bodin observes This Charles dying without Issue Male leavâ—ng his Wife great with Childe Philip Earle of Valoyes his Nephew was by the Barons and Lords made Protector and Regent of the Realme of France untill such time as the Queene was delivered who being brought to bed of a Daughter onely hereupon Philip was crowned King Betweene him and King Edward the third of England and their Councells arose great disputations for the Right and Title to the Crowne of France for it was thought and strongly argued by the Councell of England for so much as King Edward was sonne and sole Heire to his Mother Queene Isabel daughter to King Philip le Beaw that he should rather be King of France then Philip de Valoyes that was but Cousin German to Philip le Beaw Of which disputations the finall resolution of the Lords and Parliament was That for an old Decree and Law by Authority of Parliament long before made which the English much oppugned that no woman should inherite the Crowne of France therefore the Title of Edward by might of the Frenchmen was put by and Philip by an Act of the whole French State by which his right was acknowledged admitted to the Government of the same After which one Simon Poylet was hanged in Chaines Headed and Quartered at Paris for saying in open audience that the right of the Crowne of France belonged more rightfully unto King Edward then to King Philip who had long warres about these their Titles to the Crowne King Iohn of France in the fifth year of his reigâ—â— had by authority of the three estates of his Realme assembled in â—arliament to wit of the spirituall Lords and Nobles and Heads of Cities and good Townes of his Kingdome 3000 men waged for a yeare granted to him to defend him and his Realme agaâ—nâ—t Edward the third King of England who the next yeer following took King Iohn prisoner in the field Whereupon Charles Duke of Normandy his eldest sonne and Heire apparent assembled the 3 Estates at Paris in a Parliament there held craving aid of them to redeem their captivated King who promised their uttermost help herein desiring convenient time to consult thereof Which granted the three Estates holding their Councell at the Gray Fryers in Paris appointed fifty person among them to take view and make search of the grieyances and evill guidance of the Realme
clause of an Infidell King they refused to have bestowed on them because they judged it shamefull and dishonourable After which Iunicus taking an oath to observe the former Lawes was advanced to the Throne and made King of Aragon about the year 868. Moreover to establish all these Lawes and Constitutions our Ancestors themselves adjoyned the accession of a publike Vnion ordaining that it should be lawfull and just for them to meet all together ET REGI OBSISTERE ARMIS ET VI and to resist the King with armes and force as oft as there should be need to propulse any assault of him or his made against the Lawes which form of assembling together for the common cause of liberty they called a Vnion or Association Neither did they anciently lesse think all their Liberties to be preserved by this Vnion then humane bodies themselvs are by nervs and bones And although it were not prescribed in that Suprarbian Forum yet they thought it deduced from the very beginnings of things and deeply fixed and impressed in the sense of all men and to be established by our common Law as by another Law of Nature and that its force was enough and more then sufficiently known and discerned by use and reason For they said it would be but a thing of little profit for them to have good Lawes enacted and the very Iudiciary Presidentship of a middle Iudge if when there should be need AD EARVM DEFENSIONEM ARMA CAPERE NON LICERET cum jam tunc satis non esset pugnare consilliis it should not be lawfull for them to take up Armes in their defence when as then it would not be sufficient in such a case to fight with Counsells Neither verily did that seem altogether impertinent from the matter for if it should be so all things long ere this had been in the power of Kings themselves Whence our people reputed these two priviledges of the Union obtained from Alphonso the 3. to wit That it shal be lawfull for the Estates of the Realm iâ— the King shall violate the Lawes of the Countrey To create a new King in his place and without the crime of Treason to make confederacies among themselves and with Neighbour Princes To defend their Liberty which King Ferdinand upon the petition of the Castilians refused to revoke because he had taken a solemn Oath to observe them not as new favours or benefits but as things done out of Office c. Therefore in those ancient Rulers of which we treat the Liberty of our Country was hedged about by our Ancestors with three most strong fences namely with the Pretecture of this middle Iudge with the most ample power of the Rici-men or Palatines and with this most fierce force of the Vnion of which the first seemed to be Legal and civill the other domesticall and of greatest moment the last warlike and popular Neither ought it then to be inclosed with a lesser hedge that so we might rejoyce that it hath therby come safe sound to us now But of these garrisons or fences the ancient inventers of them and those who next succeeded them conferred more assistance and labour upon the two last namely the domestick and popular then on that Court presidentship For they would alwayes retain in themselves a power of moderating and governing the most loose reines of the Royall Dignity which they might restrain or enlarge as there was need Theâ—fore they assigned those 12 elders to him elected out of the greatest men by whose Counsels the Kings ought to be hedged in on every side the place of which Elders the Rici-men afterwards possessed who were the chiefe of our Nobles who in times past were second to the Kings in such sort that they might seem to be their Peers and Companions These called that publike union to the ayde of Liberty and out of them were chosen those who should alwayes be the prime and principall conservators of it for thus they called the presidents of the Vnion Finally they sustained on their necks all the Offices and burdens of peace and warre if not with the same power as the Kings yet I may truly say with very little lesse for the Rici-men as long as they flourished relying on the Forces of the Vnion did alwayes hover over the Royall Empire and by the intire power of their offices if the violence or assaults of Kings were unjust did from inordinate reduce them into order and as it were into a circle of Law and Iustice. In which thing verily their grave censorious and domesticall authority had sufficient right and moment with our ancient Kings who were well mannered but if peradventure they could not with their fitting counsels bridle the exulting royall Forces they did constantly repell them from their necks with the force of the raised Vnion Thus and much more this Spanish Author in whom you may read at large the Power and Authority of the Iustice of Arragon of the Generall Assembly of the Estates or Parliaments of that Kingdom of their Rici men Peeres Magistrates Councellors and in Ioannis de Laet. his Descripâ—io Hispaniae cap. 5. cite Ioannis Mari. and De Rebus Hisp. l. 8. c. 1. Gen. hist. of Spain l. 17. p. 618. To which l shall onely adde this most notable custome and ceremony used at the Coronation of the Kings of Arragon recorded q by by Iunius Brutus r Franciscus Hotomanus and others The Arrogonians when as they create and crown their King in the Assembly of the Estates or Parliament of Arragon to put the King in mind that the Lawes the Iustice of Arragon and Assembly of Estates are above him act a kind of Play that he may remember it the better they bring in a man on whom they impose the name of the Iustice of Arragon whom by the common Decree of the people they enact to be greater and more powerfull then the King to whom sitting in an higher place they make the King doe homage and then having created the King upon certain Lawes and conditions they speake unto him in these words which shew the Excellent and singular fortitude of that Nation in bridling their Kings NOS QVI VALEMOS TANTO COME VOS Y PODEMOS MAS QVE VOS VOS ELEGIMOS REY CON EST AS Y EST AS CONDITIONES INTRA VOS Y NOS VN QVE MANDA MAS QVE VOS that is We who are as great as you and are able to doe more then you have chosen you King upon these and these conditions Between you and us there is one greater in command then you to wit the Iustice of Arragon Which Ceremony lest the King should forget it is every three yeares repeated in the Generall Assembly of the States of Arragon which Assembly the King is bound by Law to assemble it being a part of the very Law of Nations which sacred Liberty of Parliaments and Assemblies if any Kings by evill arts restrain or suppresse as violaters of the Law of Nations
dyed Anno. 1555. Mary the Daughter of king Iames the sixth of Scotland and heire to the Crowne being within age her mother Queene Mary by common consent was made Regent and shee by common consent and councell of the Nobles married to Francis Dolphine of France In the meane time there hapning some troubles and warres about the reformed Religion which many of the Nobles and people there contended for the Queene Mother granting those of the Religion a confirmation of their liberties and Religion by way of Truce for 6 moneths she in the meane time sends for Souldiers out of France wherewith she endeavoured to suppresse Religion with the remaining liberty of the Scots and to subject them to the French Whereupon the Nobles of Scotland who stood for the defence of their Religion and Liberties by a common decree in Parliament deprived the Queene Mother of her Regencie make a league with our Queene Elizabeth being of the reformed Religion and receiving ayde both of men and money from her besieged the Queene Mother in Edenburgh Castle where she dyed of griefe and sicknesse After which they expelled the French and procured free exercise of the Reformed Religion In the meane time Francis dying the Queene sends for Henry Steward out of England where he and his Father had beene Exiles marries and proclaime him king Iuly 29. 1564. which done she excluded the Nobility from â—er Councells and was wholly advised by David Ritzius a Subaâ—dian whom she brought with her out of France and did all things by his Councell wherewith the Nobles being much discontented finding him supping with the Queene in a little Chamber commanded him to rise out of the place which did little become him and drawing him out of the Chamber stabbed him to death Anno. 1565. The Queene soone after was delivered of a sonne and heire Iames the 6. and then admits Iames Hepburne Earle of Bothwell into most intimate familiarity with her setting him over all affaires of the Realm granting nothing to any petitioner almost but by him and her husband Steward being dead whether of a naturall death or poyson is yet in controversie she married Bothwell openly without the Lords and Parliaments consents Hereupon the Nobles tooke up armes against Bothwel and the Queen besâ—eged the Queen till she rendred her selfe prisoner upon this condition that she should abjure and resigne her interest in the Crowne and Kingdome to her infant sonne which they compelled her to performe and appointed Iames Earle of Morton Vice-roy and Protector during the Kings Minority In the meane time the Queene was committed prisoner to the Castle of the Isle of the Lake Leuine where corrupting Duglasse her keeper the Earle of Mortons Nephew and a shipmaster she escaped to the Hamiltâ—ns in safety who having raised Forces to free her waited her comming on the shoare But the Vice-roy scattering these forces soone after the Queene thereupon fled into England Anno. 1568. Where Queene Elizabeth taking her expulsion ill laboured that she might be restored to the Crowne which could not be effected but by Armes or mediation and neither of them without knowledge of the cause Whereupon the Queene sent for the Vice-roy and Councell of Scotland into England to answere the complaints of their Queene against them which they did in a writing composed by Buchanan and afterwards Printed both in Latine and English wherein they shewed the grounds and order of their proceedings against their Queene wherewith the Queene and Councell were satisfied that they had proceeded rightly and orderly yet to keepe both sides in suspence she pronounced no definitive sentence The Vice-roy departing into Scotland was afterwards murthered by the Hamiltons and Matthew Steward Earle of Lenâ—ux made Vice-roy in his steed The Queene in the interim treated with Thomas Howard Duke of Nerthfolke about a match with him and to seise upon the Realm of Scotland whereupon he was committed to the Tower and she restrained after which she was solemnely arraigned and condemned to death by the Parliament of England for conspiring Queene Elizabeths death c and for it beheaded at Fotherringham Castle Feb. 8. 1587 The History of which Queenes life is more at large related by Buchanan and others and her imprisonment and Deposition professedly justified as lawfull by his Treatise De Iure Regni apud Scotos compiled for that purpose to which I shall referre the Reader What thâ— Lords and Realm of Scotland have done within these 5. yeers last past in defence of their Religion Lawes Liberties by holding generall Assemblies Parliaments taking up armes seising the Forts and Ammunition of the Realm and marching into England against the Kings consent and Proclamations is so fresh in memory so fuâ—ly related in the Acts of Oblivion and Pacification made in both Parliaments of England and Scotland ratified by the King himselfe and in particular Histories of this Subject that I shall not spend time to recite particulars but will rather conclude from all the premises with the words of Buchanan The Ancient custome of our Ancestors in punishing their Kings suffers not our forcing of the Queene to renounce her right unto the Crowne to her sonne to seeme a Novelty and the moderation of the punishment shewes it proceeded not from envie for so many Kings punished with death bonds banishment by our Ancestors voluntarily offer themselves in the ancient Monuments of Histories that we neede no forraigne examples to confirme our owne act For the Scottish Nation seeing it was free from the beginning created it selfe Kings upon this very Law that the Empire being conferred on them by the suffrages of the people if the matter required it they might take it away againe by the same suffrages of which law many footsteps have remained even to our age for in the Islands which lye round about us and in many places of the Continent wherein the Ancient language and constitutions have continued this very custome is yet observed in creating Governours likewise the Ceremonies which are used in the Kings inauguration have also an expresse image of this Law out of which it easily appeares that a Kingdome is nothing else but the mutuall stipulation betweene the people and their Kings the same likewise may be most apparently understood out of the inoffensive tenor of the ancient Law preserved from the very beginning of raigning among the Scots even unto our age when as no man in the meane time hath attempted not onely not to abrogate this Law but not so much as to shake it or in any part to diminish it Yea whereas our Ancestors have deprived so many Kings as would bee tedious to name of their Realme condemned them to banishment restrained them in prisons and finally punished them with death yet there was never any mention made of abating the rigor of the Law neither perchance undeservedly since it is not of that kinde of Lawes which are obnoâ—ious to the changes of times but of those ingraven in the mindes of men
cognoscimus quod cum vestro consilio fuerit ordinatum ID AD BEATITUDINEM NOSTRI IMPERII ET AD NOSTRAM GLORIAM REDUNDARE Therefore doubtlesse he deemed the Senate the chiefe Legislators as knowing better than himselfe what conduced to the beatitude of the Empire and to his owne Imperiall honour and never dreamed of any negative voyce annexed to his Imperiality to deny such Acts as they once Voted for usefull publicke Lawes Fifthly It is cleare that all Acts which give any Subsidie Taxes Penalties or forfaitures to the King are made onely by the People in Parliament and not principally by the King since the King cannot be said in any propriety to give any thing to himselfe This is undenyable by the forme of penning all subsidie Bills granted by the Commons or Clergy Your Commons assembled in your High Court of Parliament c. humbly present your Majesty with the free and chearefull gift of two entire Subsidies which we humbly beseech your Majesty graciously to accept c. Your Majesties faithfull Subjects the Prelates and Clergie c. with one agreement and uniforme consent have given and granted and by these presents doe give and grant to your Highnesse c. foure intire Subsidies in manner and forme as followeth And by the Kings assent to these Bills Le Roy remercy ses Loaulz Subjects accept LOUR BENEVOLENCE c. the Commons having the sole power to grant or deny Subsidies and Taxes when they see cause and to limit the proportion of them the manner and time of paying them and to order how and by whom they shall be received and imployed as all Acts of this nature manifest If then they be the chiefe Law-makers in these Acts which lay any imposition upon the Subjects goods or restraint on his person then by like reason in all other penall publicke Lawes This is infallibly cleare by the Kings Coronation Oath who sweares That he will grant fulfill and defend ALL RIGHT FULL LAWES and CUSTOMES the which THE COMMONS OF THE REALME SHALL CHUSE and shall strengthen and maintaine them after his power If the Commons then are to chuse Lawes and the King by his Oath bound to grant strengthen maintaine and defend them when chosen by them then doubtlesse they are the chiefe Legislators not the King whence Fortescue c. 9. resolves That the People of England are ruled by such Lawes as themselves chuse or desire And that their Lawes are their owne not the Kings Seventhly all Acts of Parliament made in the Reignes of usurpers who have no Title to the Crowne nor right to assent to Lawes are firme and good in Law and shall binde the right heires to the Crowne as is evident by the Lawes made by King Iohn Henry the 4 5 6. reputed usurpers by Edward the 4. and Richard the 3. acknowledged an usurper whose Lawes are yet in force The reason is as is cleare by 1 E. 4. c. 6. because these Lawes and all other Judiciall Acts in Courts of Justice are the Acts of the Parliament and Courts themselves which are lawfull not of the usurping King who is unlawfull Therefore certainely the Legislative power is more in the Parliament thaâ—â— in the King if not wholly in it there being Lawes and kingdomes before Kings were Eightly There are good and binding Lawes in many Aristocraticall and Democraticall States as in Venice the Netherlands Geneva Florence Switzerland and other Republickes where there are no Kings at all Yea there were such obligatory Lawes in Bohemia Poland Sweden Spaine Hungary and other Realmes before they were erected into kingdomes which remained in full force and efficacy and still bound both King and People after they became kingdomes And the Romans Athenians Lacedemonians Lawes of old made under their Kings survived and continued in their vigour after their Kings were abandoned and the very forme of their states quite altered into an Aristocracy yea the Lawes made by the Roman Senate and People continued in force after their Emperours were erected and the very Lex Regia recorded by Salamonius which created limited and defined the very Prerogative Power and Authority of the Roman Emperours was made onely by the Senate and People who by that Law gave sometimes more Authority to one Emperour than to another and restrained the power of some Emperours more than others and subjecting them to some Lawes from which they exempted others and therefore doubtlesse were the supreamest Law-givers and the Soveraigne power above the Emperour as Marius Salamonius and Bodin prove at large And the Emperour Theodosius is not ashamed to professe as much in his Edict to Volusianus in these termes Digna vox Majestate regnantis LEGIBVS ALLIGATVM SE PRINCIPEM PROFITERI AD EO DE AVTHORITATE IVRIS NOSTRA PENDET AVTHORIT AS revera majus Imperio est summittere Legibus Pincipatum Etoraculo praesentis Edicti Quod NOBIS LICERE NON PATIMVR aliis indicamus If then Lawes may thus be made where there are no Kings by the peoples joynt consents alone If Lawes enacted in a State before by consent it be made a Kingdome remaine in force after it is erected into a kingdome and continue after it ceaseth to be a kingdom only by and for the people consenting to them as is evident by infinite examples and the people Parliament Senate have anciently made and may make Lawes even to binde their Kings and Soveraignes themselves in points of their Prerogative and power then doubtlesse they and not Kings are the chiefe Soveraigne Legislators and their Royall assents to Lawes are no wayes essentiall to the very being of Lawes but rather a complementall Ceremony Ninthly admit the King should dye without Heire no doubt the kingdome and Parliament have a just right either to alter the government or dispose of the Crown to what family they please as the constant practise of all kingdomes in such cases manifests and Bishop Bilson himselfe assureth us That all Nations once members of the Roman Empire when the right Heires failed were suffered to elect their Governours where they pleased as the Romans themselves might doe and no doubt they may make binding publike Lawes during the Inter-regnum as the kingdome and Estates of Aragon did during their Inter-regnums Yea if the King be an infant as Henry the 3 Henry the 6. Edward 3. 5. and Richard 2. with other our Kings were when the Crowne descended to them or non Compos Mentis or taken with a dead Palsie or Apoplexie or an Ideot by birth or Age or a Monke professed as some Kings have beene or absent in a Pilgrimage to Rome or a voyage to the Holy Land As the Lords and State Assembled at the New Temple after the death of King Henry the third during his Sonne King Edward the 1. his absence in the Holy Land Proclaimed him King swore fealty to him CAUSED A NEW SEALE TO BE MADE appointed â—it Officers
and obeyed by both the Kings who granted that both their Sonnes and Heires should remaine as Prisoners and Hostages with the Barons till all things were finished according to this agreement Upon which a Peace was proclaimed in London betweene the King and his Barons Then it was agreed by the King that for his more surety and the weale of the Land the Earle of Leycester should be resient in his Court Upon which agreement many of the Prisoners were set at large In the meane while before the battaile of Lewis the Queene and King of Romans had sent over-sea for Souldiers to ayde the King against the Barons which now were come in great number unto Dover and there hovered on the Sea to have landed Whereof the Barons hearing they sent the King of Romans as Prisoner to Baâ—khamsted untill the said Almaines were returned and caused King Henry with a great power to ride to Dover and force the said Host of strangers to returne unto their Countries After which by the counsell of the Lords a Parliament was agreed and held at Westminster wherein a generall Pardon was granted to all Lords and their adherents for any matter of displeasure done to the King or his Sonne Prince Edward before that day which to uphold the King and he tooke a solemne Oath before the Lords and it was further agreed That the Prince should reside in the Kings Court and not depart thence without license of the King and of certaine Barons Then were many instruments and bonds made by the King and Prince for the performance of sundry Covenants betweene the King and Barons which shortly after tooke small effect and begat new warres this Kings fresh breaches of Oathes and promises procuring him alwayes new insurrections and forced Parliaments which the Barons constrained him to call and hold against his will How the Lords and Parliament oft seised upon the Castles Forts Ammunition in King Edward the second and Richard the seconds Reignes when differences grew betweene them I have already in part remembred and you may read the residue in the Histories of their lives In the 33. yeare of King Henry the sixth his Reigne the valiant Earle of Warwicke was made Captaine of Calice by the Parliament a place of great honour and trust in those dayes by vertue whereof all the warlike affaires and businesse rested principally in the Earle of Warwicke After which the Queene an ambitious stirring woman to breake the peace newly made and ratified by oath betweene the King Lords and Duke of Yorke created Lord Protector by the Parliament caused a fray to be made on the Earle men which produced a warre and bloody battle wherein the Earle gained the field Whereupon the King displeased with the Earle by his Letters Patents graâ—ted the Captainship of Caleyes to Iohn Duke of Summerset who going over to Caleyes in the 38. yeare of King Henry to take possession of his place shewed his Patent to the Earle who refused to resigne his place answering that he was put into it by the Parliament and so could not be outed of it but by Parliament and kept the Duke forth of the Towne who being thus expelled from his office after some skirmishes with the Earles Garrison wherein the Duke had the worst hee sent over to the King and Queene for ayde in defence of this quarrell whereupon they provided 400. warlike persons to passe the Seas for his ayde and ships to transport them who lying at Sandwich for a winde the Earle of Warwicke being therewith acquainted sent Iohn Dingham a valiant Esquire with a small number of men but a multitude of couragious hearts to Sandwich who suddainly entred the same tooke the Lord Rivers and his Sonne who commanded those Souldiers in their beds pillaged some houses and ships and besides this tooke the principall ships of the Kings Navy then lying at the Port well furnished with ordnance and artillery through the favour of the Mariners who favoured the Earle most and brought the royall ships loaden with booty and prisoners to Caleyes With these ships the Earle after passed to the Duke of Yorke into Ireland and afterwards into England where the Duke of Yorke in full Parliament laid claime to the Crowne which his Sonne after obtained deposing King Henry as having no lawfull Title thereunto I recite not this Story to justifie all particulars of it but onely to prove That the Parliament in those times had the conferring of Captaines places of greatest trust who had the command of the Militia and that as this Earle in policy onely for his owne safety seised on the Kings royall ships and Ammunition in which he had no right so by the same reason the Parliament may dispose of such places of Military trust in these times of danger and of the Navy and Ammunition of the kingdome in which they have a reall interest for the kingdomes safety and their owne A Sheriffe Iustice Constable and other Officers by the Common and Statute Law of the Land may and ought to disarme and seise any mans weapons whatsoever and imprison his person for a time when by act or apparent intention onely he shall but disturbe the peace or make any Fray Rout or Riot to the annoyance of the people till the tumult and danger be past and the peace secured Much more then may the highest Soveraigne Court of Parliament seise the Forts Armes Navy Ammunition of the Realme in which they have reall interest and secure them for a season to preserve the whole kingdomes Peace and prevent a civill Warre without any injury to his Majesty till all feares of warre and danger be removed Not to trouble you long with forraine histories of this Nature in the Roman state the chiefe power of making warre or peace of ordering of the Militia and disposing of the custody of Castles Forts Ammunition was in the Senate and people not the King or Emperour as it is in Germany and most forraine States and kingdomes at this day without any diminution to those Kings and Princes just prerogatives It is the determination of the prime Politician Aristotle seconded by Iohn Mariana and others that in lawfull kingdoms the chiefe strength power of the Militia ought to reside in the kingdomes hands not Kings who ought to have onely such a moderate power and guard of men as may suffice to suppresse riots and maintaine the Authority of the Lawes but not so great a force as may master all his kingdome lest he become a tyrant and his Subjects slaves In the kingdome of Arragon in Spaine as I read in Hieronymus Blanca there is a notable fundamentall antient Law made about the yeare of Christ 842. by their Suprarbiense Forum now commonly stiled Iustitia Arrogoniae during the Interregnum to preserve their Countries Liberties to keepe their Kings power within due bounds of royalty and prevent a tyranny with divers other Lawes of this nature which their Kings solemnly
rates and wages Coat and Conduct money excessive high Fines in Starchamber High Commission and other Courts with sundry other Particulars complained off with open mouth in this and the preceding Parliament by most of the members of both Houses and divers now present with his Majesty who notwithstanding the many publike complaints against these oppressions the Acts this very Session passed against them and sundry duplicated deepe Asseverations to maintaine the Subjects Property Liberty and governe onely according to Law hath and still daily doth in a farre higher degree then ever through the ill advise of Malignant Counsellors proceed to afflict and ruine his people in this very particular of Property and Taxes by weekely or monethly assessements and contributions imposed on sundry Townes and Counties where his Forces now lie exceeding many mens racked incomes his seising of their Ammunition Armes Horses Carts Goods Provisions Houses Lands yea husbandmens Teemes and Horses of their Ploughes priviledged from distresses by Law by most Nations though enemies in times of warre from spoyle or plunder so as they cannot till their ground which must needs breed a famine and stripping many thousands of his people in Brainford Marleborough Cicester Bromingham other places utterly sacked and ruined by his Cavaliers of all their lively hoods and estates to their very naked skins and carrying away those poore Subjects in triumph like Enemies and Traytors who dare offer to defend their goods houses estates or make any the least resistance though the Lawes Common and Statute allow them in such cases not onely to resist but kill all those who shall assault their houses or persons to spoyle them of their goods or protect them or their Liberties Lives Properties against his Army of theevish murthering Cavaliers And which aggravates all the rest his Majesty hath sent out such a Commission of Array to bee executed in every County as pulls up libertie and propertie by the rootes which though both Houses by a speciall printed Declaration have proved to bee illegall contrary to the fundamentall Lawes of the Realme the Petition of Right and some expresse Acts passed this present Session yet his Majestie hath caused such an Answer to be published in his name to the first Declaration as good Law which frustrates all Acts whatsoever made in this or former Parliaments for the Subjects Libertie Propertie and layes downe such grounds which will not onely justifie but revive all former pressures and grievances whatsoever as warranted by Law All which considered together with the frequent endeavours formerly and of late to raise and keepe an Army on foote among us to enslave us and raise what taxes shall bee arbitrarily imposed without a Parliament on the Realme by force of Armes according to the late use of France begun by Strafford in Ireland and now set on foote in divers countries of England makes wise moderate men feare that if the Militia Forts and Navy be yeelded up unto the King before the Subjects Propertie and these violations of it in the highest degree so that none at this day can truely say that any thing hee enjoyes no not his Lands or Life are his owne bee better setled all propertie will bee for ever lost and Turkish Subjects as free as English in common probabilitie Thirdly the constant designe against the Libertie of the Subjects person the better to invade the property of his goods prosecuted all his Majesties time and more then ever since the Petition of Right and this Parliament The which is evidenced by infinite illegall commitments of men for not paying the Lone Knight-mony Ship-mony with sundry other unlawfull Taxes without baile or mainprise of sundry members of both Houses during this and after former Parliaments ended for things done in and triable onely by Parliament by the exorbitant censures in the Star-Chamber and High Commission and judging free men against Law to close imprisonments And that which now grieves the very Soules of all English Spirits who have any remainders of common humanity in them and would rend an heart of adamant not onely by the strict close hard imprisonments of divers persons at Yorke and elsewhere for executing the Militia refusing the Array or contribution Taxes but by the more then barbarous yea beastly crueltie of his Majesties Cavaliers in chayning together in Ropes sundry Prisoners taken at Brainford Marleborough and Cicester as the true printed Relations of these places sacking testifie like a company of Turkish Gally-slaves though some of them were Gentlemâ—n of worth and quality others Ministers others aged sickly and many who never bore armes in these present warres and leading them chained almost naked and barefoot through deepe filthy wayes in the cold winter season to Oxford in triumph to his Majesties great dishonour and his Subjects griefe denying them not onely meat and drinke but even water it selfe the commonest Element to quench their thirst and keeping off yea beating any such at Cicester and Oxford who offered to bring them any sustenance though but a drop of water to coole their tongues O more then Turkish Barbarousnesse that one man one Christian one English Subject even in or neare the presence of his Soveraigne should thus ill intreate another without any punishment or checke much more with approbation After which they have beene shut up in prisons and dungeons lying on the cold ground stones or boards without beds straw fire or any the least refreshment allowed onely a poore pittance of Adams Ale and scarce a penny bread a day to support their lives though their friends would provide it for them in which sad condition many of them are still detained close prisoners without bayle mainprise exchange redemption divers of them being dead of Famine and ill unaccustomed usage Others have beene murthered without mercy and their Carcasses left unburied for the fowles to prey on others maimed and left weltring in their blood without any reliefe others forced to live exiles from their habitations and all for this new point of High Treason that they stood upon their guard to defend the propertie of their persons goods houses possessions from the robbery and plunder of theeving Cavaliers borne onely for the publike mischiefe of the Reame who now live by the Countries spoyle and robbery and must not be resisted If this proceeding be the so oft protested preservation the vowed defence of the Subjects Liberties Properties Lives the preserving of them in perfect and intire peace and safetie according to his Majesties Coronation oath the governing of them according to the Law even whiles the Parliament sits and hath such Forces in the field the possession of the Ports Navy and other premises in their hands which if the King should die without heire devolve wholly into the kingdomes hands and possession not to his Executors as to the true proprietors of them a strong unanswerable argument they are not now the Kings but kingdomes in point of
Oath to preserve his Peoples Liberties and Lawes of the Land inviolable have beene no sufficient security to his Subjects hitherto agâ—inst all the fore-mentioned grievances and illegall pressures his verball Protestations and Promises are like to prove worse assurance If solemne Oathes be most apparently violated what trust can there be to unswore words Secondly our Kings in former times as I have plentifully proved and infinite examples more declare seldome or never kept either Oathes or Promises made to their Subjects but have broken oath after oath agreement upon agreement with all verball legall ties reputing them onely lawfull policies to over-reach their people and effect their owne designes with greater advantage to themselves and prejudice to their Subjects And shall we dreame of a new world onely in this dissembling age when King-craft is improved to the utmost Thirdly we had his Majesties solemne Protestation in the Word of a King in thâ— 3 d yeare of his Raigne backed with Two Printed Declaraâ—â—ons then to all his Loving Subjects to maintaine the Petâ—tion of Right their Lawes Liberties Properties Religion in purity and perfection without the lâ—ast violation or any connivance aâ— or back-â—â—iding to Popery And what good warrants or securities these since proved to the Subjects to prâ—seâ—ve them from severall inundations of oppressions Taxâ—s grievances Innovâ—â—â—ons and relapses to Popery which have flowed in upon them ever since as if these 〈◊〉 bâ—ene â—o bankes to keepe them out but sluces onely to let them in the faster the premises manifest and we aâ—l experimentally feele this day And are the new Promises and Protestations thinke you better then the old or those made this Parliament more obligatory to the King or his evill Councellors then those made the two last Parliaments infringed in an high degree even to the imprisoning the searching of Peeres of Commons Pockets and studies against the Priviledges of Parliament within few houres after they were published in Print Are not the Subjects dayly taxed imprisoned plundered murthered the Priviledges of Parliament dayly infringed many wayes Protestants dis-armed Papists armed forraigne forces introduced Irish Rebels privately countenanced the greatest acts of hostility and cruelty exercised whiles treaties of peace are pretended the best Iustices removed in all Counties ill affected persons set up in their places illegall Commissions of Array executed justified the best Protestant Ministers people most robbed pillaged murthered banished every where Sheriffes illegally made Subjects even at Oxford where the king resides more inhumanely handled under his Majesties view than Gally-slaves in Turkiâ— and scarce one Declaration or Promise observed so much as the very day they are published notwithstanding so many multiplications of them in Print that people may the better take notice how they are broken if they be observant And shall the Parliament then take these so notoriously oft violated never yet observed Protestations for our Kingdomes onely substantiall security to put all into his Majesties hands forthwith before they see some reall performances and change of Councells Certainely if they be so much over-seene they are like to be so farre from mending our present condition that they shall but make it worse yea and betray themselves with all that trust them both for the present and posteritie But we have very good Lawes assented to by his Majestie this Parliament for our security too True but are they not spiders Webbs and already undermined in action or intention Doe they secure us in any kinde for the present and will they doe it for the future will time thinke you make them binding to the King if they oblige him not as soon as made Did the Petition of Right 3â— Caroli a most inviolable security as most then dreamed secure the Subjects in the least degree against any publike wrong so long as for one moneths space Was it not turned into a kinde of wrong as soon as made and ever since Nay were there not only sundry actions don but Iudgments too in the very greatest Courts of Iustice given against it yea against the very letter and unquestionable meaning of Magna Charta and other fundamentall Laws by corrupted or over awed timorous Iudges yea are not most good Acts made this Session for the Subjects benefit and all the Subjects Liberties at one stroke quite hewen downe and undermined by a pretence of Law it selfe in his Majesties * Answer to both the Houses Declaration concerning the Commission of Array Quid verba aâ—diam factâ— cùnvâ—deam The meanest Latinâ— Scholler knowes that verba dare signifies properly to deceive and Subjects have beene oft deceived even with Acts of Parliament Now that all may see how invalid assurances Lawes are to secure the Subjects Liberties though ratified with never so many confirmations oathes sâ—ales I shall give you â— or 3. ancient presidents The first is that of King Iohn who Anno 1214. confirmed Magna Charta the Charter of the Forrest and other Liberties with his hand sâ—ale oath proclamations the Popes Bâ—ll solemne excommunications against the infringerâ— of it denounced by all the Bishops in his presence by appointing 25. Baâ—ons who by oath were to see and force him and all others to observe it by seising on â—is Castles Lands goods and by resigning the custodie of his 4. chiefe Castles to â—he dispose of 25. Lords whom all other Lords and Commons were bound to assist yet in lesse than on halfe yeares space these strongest obligations are all cancelled these Gordians cut in sunder with the sword of warre and the Suâ—jâ—cts reduced to greater Vassellage than ever as the premises evidence So King Henry the 3 d by oath sundry times successively ratified these Charters the Subjects Liberties in Parliament which they oft dearely purchased with great Subsidâ—es And An. 1237 this King to gain a Subsidie of his Subjects in a Parliament then assembled at London denyeâ— that he ever intended to revoke the great Charter and other Liberties or laboured with the Pope to dâ—e it with which the Barons truely charged him and that if any such thing had beene casually suggested to him he did utterly nâ—ll and revoke it and because he seemed not altogether free from the sentence of excommunication which Steâ—en the Arch-bishop with all the other Bishops of England had denounced against all the infringers of the great Charter which he through ill Councell had in part infringed he commanded them all in publike to renew the said sentence against all contradictors of the sayd Charter so that if he himselfe through any conceived rancor had not peradventure observed it he might more grievously relapse into the said denounced sentence By which meanes and speech he wonderfully reconciled to him the hearts of all that heard of these things and suddenly causeth the Earles Warren and Ferrers and Iohn Fitz-Ieffry by the Parliaments appointment to be sworne his Councellors giving them this Oath That by no meanes neither for rewards nor any other cause
liberties therein conteined should be faithfully observed you have not kept but without regard to honour or conscience broken Therefore are you found to be a manifest violater of your faith and Oath Where are the liberties of England so often fairely ingrossed so often granted so often bought I though a woman and with me all the naturall and loyall people of the land appeale you to the Tribunall of that high Iudge above and heaven and earth shall be our witnesse that you have most unjustly dealt with us and the Lord God of revenge avenge and right us The King distrubed at these words asked her If she expected not to obtaine her suite upon favour seeing she was his kinswoman Whereunto she answered How shall I hope for grace when you deny me right Therefore I appeale before the face of Christ against those Councellours also of yours who gaping onely after their own gaine have bewitched and infatuated you I wish none had cause at this very season to make the like appeales As boldly though in fewer words is he reproved by the Master of the Hospitall of Hierusalem in Clarken-well who comming to complaine of an injury committed against their Charter the King told him The Prelates and especially the Templets and Hospitalers had so many Liberties and Charters that their riches made them proud and their pride mad and that those things which were unadvisedly granted were with much discretion to be revoked alleaging that the Pope had 〈◊〉 recalled his owne grants with the clause Non obstante and why should not he cashiere those Charters inconsiderately granted by him and his Predecessors What say your Sir sayd the Prior God forbid so ill a word should proceed out of your mouth so long as you observe justice you may be a King as soone as you violate the same you shall cease to be a King To which the King inconsiderately replied O what meanes this you Englishmen will you cast me downe from the Kingdome as you did my Father and kill me being praecipitated I could instance in diverse like violations of Magâ—a Charta and other good Lawes immediately after their making and ratification with solemnest Oathes and excommunications both in King Eâ—ward the 1. and 2. and Richard the seconds raignes which because elsewhere lightly touched I shall pretermit concluding onely with one president more in one of our best and justest Princes raignes King Edward the third in whose reigne even then when by speciall Acts there was not onely a trieniall Parliament but an annual to be held and sometimes 4. or 5. Parliamentsheld every yeare and Magna Charta usually first confirmed by a new Law in every one of them yet we shall finde not onely frequent complaints of the breaches of it but many new Lawes one after another enacted to prevent and punish the violations of it and yet all to little purpose as those Acts declare and our late yea present times attest and which is very observable when King Edward the 3 d in the first Parliament in the 15. yeare of his Raigne had ordained and established divers good Statutes which he willed and granted FOR HIM HIS HEIRES that they should be FIRMELY KEPT HOLDEN FOR EVER for the ratification of Magna Charta and better observing other good Lawes and enacted That the Chauncellour Treasurer Barons of the Exchequor Iudges and all other great Officers of the Kingdome should then for the present in Parliament and for ever after take a solemne Oath before their admission to their Offices to keepe and maintaine the points of the great Charter and the Charter of the Forrest and all other Statutes without breaking any one point No sooner was that Parliament dissolved but the very same yeare he publikely revoked those Statutes pretending That they were contrary to the Lawes and Customes of the Realme and to his Prerogatives and Rights Royall all which he by his Oath was bound to mâ—intaâ—ne Wherefore willing providently to revoke such things which he so improvidently had done Because saith he marke the dissimulation of Princes even in Parliaments We nevâ—r realy consented to the making of such Statutes but as then it beloved Vs WEE DISSEMBLED IN THE PREMISES by Protestations of râ—vocations if indeed they should proceed to secure the Dangers which By the Denying of the same we feared to come for as much as the said Parliament otherwise had beene without any expâ—dition in discord dissolved and so our earnest busiâ—sse had likely beeâ—e which God prâ—ohibit iâ—ruine And the said pretensed Statute we promised then to be sealed But sithence the Statute did not of our owne free will proceed it seemed to the Eaâ—â—s Barons and other wise men with whâ—m wee have treated thereupon 〈…〉 should be voide and ought not to have the Name nor Strength of a Statute And therefoâ—e by their Counsell and Assâ—nâ— We have Decreed the said Statute to be void and the same in as much as it proceeded of deed we have brought to be anulled And the same we doe onely to the conservation and redintegration of the Rights of our Crowne as wâ— be bound and not that 〈◊〉 should in any wise aggravate or oppresse our Subjects whom wee desire to rule by lenity and gentlenesse And thus his Sâ—ablishing of these Laweâ— for Him and his Heires firmely to be holden and kept for ever was turned into an estate at will determined as soone as granted By which pretence of Dissimulation of a consent to Acts yet no free but sained onely to accomplish his owne ends and of preserving and redintegrating the Rights of the Crowne how easily may any King and how oft have many Kings actually though not Legally invallid and â—ullifie all Acts they have passed for the Subjects benefit as soone as they are made by Parliaments What weake assurances then are Lawes alone to binde Princes hands or secure Subjects Liberties let all wise men judge If then the ignorant vulgar will be deceived with these specious fruitlesse Protestations and the bare grant only of some good Laws already highly violated withâ—out any apparent intention to observe them yet most presume the great Counsell of the Kingdome which in so many printed Declarations hath informed the Subiecâ—â— of the premises to make them cautious and vigilant against all such circumventions wil not be so easily over-reached and find better assurances before they trust too 〈◊〉 Fourthly admit say some His Majesties Protestations and Promises upon tâ—â— hoped accommodation should be reall w ch the sending abroad of his Forces West South North at this very instant of Treating makes most doubt yet the sway of ill Counsellors about him more prevalent with more trusted by him at this present then his grandest Counsell the Parliament the Potencie of the Queene the great merits of her Grace Papists who will not be more modest with the King then they are with God himselfe in challenging rewards ex debito for service done unto him 〈…〉
Parliament dare trust one the other alone with the premises and it is neither Royall nor Honourable as many beleev for the King to trust the Parliament now alone with these who in their Declarations never desired but professed the contrary that the chiefest command of the Militia when indifferent Officers were appointed should still reside in his Majesty in as ample manner as before there is no other equall honourable just impartiall probable way left to secure or accord both parties in this particular but onely to commit the premises for a convenient time to the custody of such trusty persons nominated by the Parliament to the King or by the King to the Parliament as both sides ioyntly shall allow of and by a speciall Bill to prescribe them such an Oath as shall oblige them to keep and imploy them onely for the ioynt use of King Kingdome and Parliament by the joynt direction of King and Parliament and not by the single warrant or command of either of them whiles this Parliament continues Vnder paine of High Treason both against the King and Kingdome I shall close up this obiection with the words of Seneca Securitas securitate mutua paciscenda est Errat enim si quis existimet tutum esse Regem vbi nihil a regâ— tutum est Vnum est inexpugnabile munimentum Amor Ciuium which the King shall then be sure of when he takes up this resolution Non rempublicam suam esse sed se Reipublicae and shall really trust the Kingdome and Parliament as much as farre forth as he expects or desires they should trust him The Parliaments Right to Elect Privie Counsellours Great Officers and Iudges THe third grand Complaint of the King and Royalists against this Parliament is That they take upon them a power to recommend and nominate to the King his Privie Counsellours Iudges with other great Officers of State demanding that none of them may hereafter especially during Parliaments be ordained by his Majesty but by their Nomination or advice A great affront an intollerable encroachment on the Prerogative Royall as is pretended The lowd clamour against the Parliament if seriously examined will speedily vanish into nothing For first it is already cleared and Fortescue so resolves That Kings themselves the highest Officers and Justiciaries in their Kingdomes were both created and elected at first by the free generall votes of their people from whom alone they received all their Royall Authority having still no other nor greater lawfull power then they conferred on them onely for the defence of their Laws Persons Liberties Estates and the Republicks welfare which they may regulate augment or diminish for the Common good as they see just cause Therefore doubtlesse the people who thus created and elected their Kings at first did likewise constitute and elect all publike Councellours Officers Judges Ministers of the State giving both being and bounds to their severall Offices and Iurisdictions by publike Lawes which is most apparent not only in the Roman Lacedemonian and other Kingdomes but our own too by infinite Acts of Parliament creating regulating and limiting the power Charters Pattents Graunts and proceedings not onely of our Kings but of their Counsellours Chancellous Treasurers Keepers of the Great Seale and privie Seale high Stewards Admiralls Marshalls Masters of the Horse Presidents of the Marches and of York Masters and other Officers of the Court of Wards Iudges and Iustices of all Courts all kinds Sherifs Coroners Customers Searchers Escheators and all other Temporall or Ecclesiasticall publick Officers the right of whose elections remaining originally in the Kingdome and Parliament representing it was never yet irrevocably or totally transferred by them to the King by any publike acts that I have seene and therefore when they see just cause they may make use of this their primitive inherent right of Election without any reall incroachment on the Kings Prerogative Secondly I have already proved that the Heretochs Lieutenants Generall and Sherifs as likewise the Conservators of the Peace in every County through the Realme were anciently elected onely by the Parliament and People not the King though they had the custody power Command of the whole Countey without any impeachment to the Prerogative Royall why then may not these other publike Officers of the Estate be thus nominated and chosen by the Parliament likewise without any just exception or offence Thirdly All Coroners Majors Sherifs Baylifs Aldermen Recorders of London Yorke Bristoll and generally of all Cities Townes and Burroughs throughout the Kingdome which have the chiefe Government of these Corporations Verderers of the Forrest Constables and other Officers have ever anciently and are still at this day elected onely by the People not the King Yea all Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots Priors with other Ecclesiasticall Officers who were formerly Peers and Members of the Parliament and Rulers in the Church were anciently chosen not by the King himselfe but onely by the Clergie and people as sundry Presidents and Statutes manifest and the Conge de'sliers at this day for the Election of new Bishops more then intimate and all this without the least violation of the Kings Prerogative why then may not the Parliament nominate all those publike Officers to the King by Parallell Reason without Ecclipsing his Prerogative Fourthly The Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the Kings and Kingdomes greatest Court and Councell the Parliament the supreamest Counsellors and Iudges of all others to whom all other Courts Counsellors Officers Iudges are responsible for their actions Iudgements advice have alwayes of right beene and yet are elected onely by the Free-holders and Commons of the Realme yea all the members of the Lords house though summoned thither by the Kings Writ and not elected sit there of right not of grace or the Kings free choyse by the fundamentall Lawes and Constitutions of the Realme neither can the King by his absolute Prerogative elect any members of the Commons House or exclude any member of it or Peere of the Vpper House who by vertue of his Peerage ought to sit there without the Houses consents for then if he might elect or exclude one he might likewise choose and seclude more yea most of them by like reason at his pleasure and so subvert the subjects Priviledges and by a Packed Parliament impose what Lawes or Taxes he would on his people to their slavery and ruine Which freedome of the subjects Election and all Lords Summons is so essentiall and necessary to Parliaments that the Parliaments of 21 R. 2. at Westminster and of 38 H. 6. at Coventry were by the Parliaments of 1 H. 4. c. 3 4. Nâ— 21 22. and 39 H. 6. c. 1. adjudged and declared to be void and no Parliaments at all but unlawfull yea devillish Assemblies and Ordinances for this very Reason because in the first of them the Knights were not duly elected by the Commons according to Law
they were exceedingly moved with indignation Yet no man durst speake openly of the matter by reason of the malice of those about the king and the irrationall youth of the king himselfe and so the benefits of the king and kingdome were trodden under foote by the countenance of the kings indiscretion and the malice of those inhabiting with him In the ninth yeare of king Richâ—rd the second Michael dâ— la Pâ—le Earle of Suffolke for grosse abuses bribery and Treason was put from his Chauncellourship fined 20000. markes to the king and condemned to dye Haec autem omnâ—a quanquam summe regi placuisse dâ—buerant maximè displicebant adeò fidebâ—t infideli adeo coiuit nebulonem Insomuch that the King and his familiars plotted to murther the Knights of the Parliament who most opposed the subsidie he demaunded and the said Michael together with the Duke of Glocester at a supper in London to which they should be invited thinking by this meanes to obtaine their wills But the Duke and they having timely notice thereof and Richard Exton then Major of Londoâ— freely telling the king when he was called to assent to this villany that he would never give his consent to the death of such innocents though Sir Nicholas Bramber Major thâ— yeare before had thereto assented this wickednesse was pâ—evâ—nted and being made publicke to all the inhabitants in the City and parts adjoyning from thenceforth the hatred of such counsellors and love of the Duke and foresâ—yd knights encreased among all men And the Duke and Knights with greater constancie and courage opposed De la Pole and after many delayes the king full â—ore against his will WAS COMPELLED to give a commission of Oyeâ— terminer to the Duke of Glocestâ—r and â—iâ—hard Earle of Arundell to heare and determine the businesses and complaints against De la Pole and all others which the Knights of the Parliament had accused who gave judgement of death against them and Thomas Arundell Bishop of Ely was mâ—de Chauncellour by the Parliament in De la Poles place and the Bishop of Durham removed from his Lord Treasurership with which he was much enamoted taking much pâ—ines and being at great cost to procure it and 〈◊〉 Gilbert Bishop of Herefoâ—d qui plus liâ— gua quam fide vigebat was suâ—rogaâ—ed in 〈…〉 But this Parliament ending the king immediately received De la Pole whom Walsingham stiles Pâ—rfidiae promptuarium sentiâ—a avaritiae aurâ—ga proditionis archa malitiae odii seminator mendacii fabric tor susurro nequissâ—mus dolo pâ—aestantiss mus artificiosus detractor patâ—iae delâ—toâ— consiliarius nequam meritò perfi us euomens spiritum in terra pâ—regrina together with the Duke of Ireland and Alexander Nâ—vell Archbishop of Yorke into his Court and favour who laboured night and day to incense the King against the Lords and to annull the Acts of this Parliament by which meanes the Kings hatred towards his Nobles and naturall faithfull people increased every day more and more these ill Councellors whispering unto him that he should not be a king in effect but onâ—ly in shâ—dow and that he should enjoy nothing of his owne if the Lords shouâ—d keepe tâ—eir received power The King therefore beleeving them from thenceforth suspected all the Nobles and suffered these ill Councellors and their confederates to wâ—st his revenues and oppressâ— his people Whereupon the next yeare following a Parliament being summoned the Lords and Commons by reason of great and horrible mischeifes and perils which had hapned to the King and the Realme aforetime by reason of evill Councellors and governance about the Kings person by the foresaid Archbishop of Yorke Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland De la Pole Robert Trisilâ—an Lord Chiefe Iustice of England Sir Nicholas Brambre and other their adherents who wasted demished and destroyed the goods treasure and substance of the Crowne oppresâ—sed the people dayly with importable charges neglecting the execution of the good Lawes and Customes of the Realme so that no full right nor justice was done c. whereby the king and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholy undone and destroyed for these causes and the eschewing of such like perills and mischeiefes to the King and Realme for time to come displaced and removed these ill Councellors and at their request a new Chauncellor Treasurer and Privie seale were ordained in Parliament even such as were held good sufficient and lawfull to the honour and profit of the King and his Reaâ—me And by advise and assent oâ— the Lords and Commons in Parliament in ayde of good governance of the Realme for the due executi us of good Lawes and the reliefe of the Kings and his peoples â—tates in time to come a speciall Câ—mmission under the great Seale of England confirmâ—d by the Statute of 10. R. 2. c. 1. was granted to both Archbishops the Dukes of Yorke and Glocester the Kings Vnclâ—s thâ— Bishops of Worcester and Exetor the Abbot of Waltham the Earle of Arundle the Lord Cobham and others to be of the Kings GREAT CONTINVALL COVNSELL for one yeare then next following to survey and examine with his sayd Chauncellor Treasurâ—r and Keeper â—f the Privie â—â—ale as well the estate and government of his house as of all his Courts and places as of all his Realme and of all his Officers and Ministers of whatsoever estate as well within the house as without to inquire and take information of all rents revenues profits due to him in any manâ—er within the Realme or without and of all manner of gifts granâ—s alienaâ—ions or confirmations made by him of any Land Tenements Rents Anuities Profiâ—s Revenues Wards Marriages and infinite other particulars specified in the Act and of all kinde of oppressions offenses and dammages whatsoevâ—r donâ— to tâ—e King or his people and them finally to heare and determine And that no man should councell the king to repeale this Commission though it tooke no effect under paine of forfaiting all his goods and imprisonment during the kings pleasure No sooner was this Parliament dissolved but this unhappie seduced King by the instigation and advise of his former ill Councellors endeavours to nullifie this Commission as derogatory to his royall power and sending for his Iudges and Councell at Law to Notâ—ingham Castle caused them to subâ—cribe to sundry Articles tending to the Totall subversion of Parliaments causing the Duke of Glocâ—ster and other Lords who procured this Commission to be indighted of high Treason to which Inditements the Iudges being over-awed with feare set their hands and seales for which illegall proceedings destructive to Parliaments by 11. R. 2. c. 1 to 7. these ill pernicious Councellours and Iudges were attainted and condemned of High Treason put from their Offices their Lands confiscated many of them executed the residue banished and above 20. other Knights Gentlemen and Clergie men who mis-councelled the King imprisoned condemned and banished the Court as
the Statutes at large in 11. 21. R. 2. and our Historianâ— in those yeares more copiously manifest In 12. R. 2. c. 2. There was this notable Law enacted which Sir Edward Cooke affirmes is worthy to be writ in Letters of gold and worthier to be put in due execution For the Universall wealth of all the Realme it is enacted that the Chauncellor Treasurer Keeper of the Privie Seale Steward of the Kings house the Kings Chamberlaine Clarke of the Rolls the Iustices of the one Bench and other Barons of the Exchequor and all other that shall be called to ordaine name or make Iustices of peace which whether the Lord Keeper alone can make or unmake without consent of all these or put out of Commission without just cause and conviction now commonly practised is a considerable Question upon this and other statutes Sheriffes Escheators Customers Controllers OR ANY OTHER OFFICER or Minister of the King shall be firmely sworne that they shall not ordaine name or make Iustices of peace Sheriffe Escheator Customer Controller or other Officer or Minister of the King for any gift or brocage favour or affection nor that none which puâ—sueth by him or by other privily or apertly to be in any manner Office shall be put in the same Office or in any other But that they make ALL SVCH OFFICERS and Ministers OF THE BEST MOST LAWFVLL MEN SVFFICIENT to their estimation and knowledge Which most excellent Law with others of like nature still in force were it duly executed there would not be so many corrupt Officers of all these sorts in the kingdome as now swarme in every place From which Act I shall onely make these 2. Inferences First that if so great a care ought to be had in the choyce of these under-Officers then certainely farre more of the grand Officers and Iudges of the kingdome Secondly that if it be no disparagement to the Kings honour or prerogative for these greâ—t Officers of the Realm to ordain name and make Iustices of peace Sheriffes and other under Officers of the King wiâ—hout the kings privitie as oft times they doe then by the same or greater reason it can be no diminotion of his honour or prerogative Royall for the Parliament which is best able to judge of mens abilities and honesties to have power onely to nominate or recommend to the King such as they know to be the best most lawfull and sufficient men for the highest state Offices and places of Iudicature when they becomevoyd Not to trouble you with any more Presidents in this Kings Raigne recorded in Story I shall close them up with one or two more upon record In the Parliament of 3. R. 2. The Câ—ancellor having declared the causes of Summons and among others the great stâ—aights the King was in for want of money so that he had at that time nothing in his Treasury but was greaâ—ly endebted c. He pâ—ayed the Parliament â—o advise how and after what manner he mâ—ght be relieved not onely for his owne safety but for the safetie of them all and of the Râ—alme To which the Commons after they were advised of theâ—r said Charge returned this Answer to the King in Parliament by their Speaker in name of the whole Commons That the said Commons are of opinion that if their Liege Soveraigne had beene well and 〈◊〉 governed in his Expences spent 〈◊〉 the Realme and elsewhere he now had had no neede of their aid by charging the 〈…〉 whom they imagined to be now more poore and indigent then ever they were before Wherefore they pray That the Prelates and other Lords of the Kings continuall Councell who have a long time travelled in the said affaires BE VTTERLY DISCHARGED to their great ease and in discâ—arge of the King from their custodies and that No such Counsellors should be retained about â—he King in regaâ—d that our Lord the King is now of good discretion and â—f a goodly Stature having respect to his Age which is now neare the age of his noble Grandfather at the time of his Coronation who had no other Counsellors at the beginning of his raigne but ONELY the Five accustomed Principall Officers of HIS REALME They further pray that In this Parliament these Five Principall Officers may bee Elected and Chosen out of the most Sufficient Men within the Realme who may be tractable and who may best know and execute their Offices that is to say The Chancellor Treasurer Keeper of the Privie Seale Chiefe Chamberlaine and Steward of the Kings House and that these so chosen of whose Names and persons the Commons will be ascâ—rtained this Parliament for their greater comfort and aide to execute the businesse of the King shall have it therein declared that they Shall not be Removed before the next Parliament unlâ—sse it be by reason of Death Sicknesse or other necessary cause And they likewise pray for remedy of default â—f the saâ—d Government if there be any on that party that a sufficient and generall Commission may be made the best that may be devised to certaine Prelates Lords and others of the most sufficient lawfull and wise men of the Realme of England diligently to Survey and examine in all the Courts and places of the King as well within his owne house as elsewhere the estate of the said House and al expences and receits whatsoever made by any of the Ministers or any Officers of thâ— Realme and of othâ—r his Seignoriâ—s and Lands as well on this side as â—eyond the Sâ— as from the Kings Coronâ—tion till this prâ—sâ—nt so thâ—t if there be aâ—y default bee found by the said Examination in any mâ—nner by negligence of Officers or othâ—rwise â—he said Commissioners shall certifie them to our Lâ—râ— the King to have them amended and corrected to the endâ— that our Loâ—d the King may be honourably governed within his Realm as bâ—longeâ—h to a King to be governed and may be able with his owne râ—veneues to support the charge of his Expences and to defend the Realme on every part and defray the other charges above named Which Petition and Commission the King accordingly granted In the Parliament of 13. R 2. An. 1389. Iohâ— Duke of Lancaster By ASSENT of all the Estates of Parliament was created Duke of Aquitaine for his life by King Richard his Nephew the words of whose Patent Printed at large in Master Seldens Titles of Honour runne thus De ASSENSU Praelatorum Ducum Magâ—â—tum alioâ—um Proâ—erum Communitatis Regni nostri Angliae in instanti Parliamento nostro apud West monasterium convâ—cato existentiuâ— teâ— praedelectissimum Patrium no strumin DVCEM AQVITANIAE cum Tituâ—o Stilo ac nominâ— honore eidem debitis praefiâ—imâ—â— ac inde praesentiali er per â—ppositio 〈◊〉 Cappae 〈◊〉 capiâ—i ac traditionem Virgae aureae iâ—vestimus c. toto tempoâ—e viâ—ae tuae possidâ—ndum c. Giving him power thereby To Coine what Gold
reasons for it as satisfied both Howses witnes their answers to infinite Petitions yet extant among the Parliament records Therefore the King now is as much obliged thereto as they Seventhly If the King in point of law should have an absolute negative voice in denying his assent to publike Bills of meere right and justice then he should have power by law to deny justice and right and to doe wrong and iniustice to his people a prerogative which neither God himselfe nor any lawfull Monarch ever yet chalenged but renounced with greatest detestation I read in Plutarch that when a flatterer said to king Antigonus that all things were honest and iust to Kings he answered only indeed to Kings of Barbarians but to us honest things are to be accounted for honest only just things for just And that Acrotatus gave the like answer to his parents when they pressed him to do an uniust thing Quoâ—iam vult is me optima agâ—re optimuÌ„ auteâ—â— est cum privato tum multo etiaÌ„ magis Principiid quod est justum agam quâ—â—ultis quae viro dicitis detrectabo Yea our law expresly denies the king any such uniust prerogative by these unquestionable maximes the King neither can nor ought by law to do any wrong seeing he is Gods Vicar and the fountaine of Iustice. Et hocsolum Rex NON POTEST FACERE quod NON POTEST INIVSTE AGERE which our law-books make no defect of power but one of the highest branches of the Kings Prerogative for confirmation whereof I shal only cite one notable Record 7. H. 4. Rot. Parl. Num. 59. The Commons complained that by the favour of Ordinaries divers incumbents were outed of their benefices by superinstitutions upon presentations of the King contrary to the statute in that case provided and were denied a Scire faciâ—s without a speciall licence or command of the King first obtained to the great offence of God and against reason and law BECAVSE SVCH AN ACT CANNOT BE ANY PREROGATIVE AT AL IN OVR LORD THE KING WHICH IS DEROGATIVE TO THE EXECVTION OF RIGHT AND IVSTICE Wherefore they petitioned the King that he would be pleased to grant and command the Chancellor to deliver a writ of Scire facias to every of his Leiges who are outed of their benefices or possessions by the foresaid title of the King and that thenceforth the Chancellors shall be bound to deliver by authority of their Offices this Writ of Scire facias at the sute of the parties and further to doe right to the parties without suing to the King and without other warrant from him To which the King gives this answer The King wills that the said statute bee firmly held and kepe and farther willeth and granteth that if hee presents to any benefice which shall bee full of any Incumbext that the Presentee of the King shall not bee received by the Ordinary to such a benefice untill the King hath recovered his presentment by processe of Law in his owne Court and if any Presentee of the King bee otherwise received and the Incumbent outed without due Processe as aforesaid the said Incumbent may commence his sute within one yeare after the Induction of the Kings Presentee or later And further the King wills that no ratification granted for the Incumbent after that the King hath presented and taken his sute shall bee allowed pending the plea nor after the judgement given for the King but that such judgement shall bee fully executed as reason demands Lâ—e here the Commons and Parliament affirme and the King himselfe subscribes thereto That the King neither hath nor yet can have any Prerogative at all which is derogative or any impediment at all in the execution of Right and Justice and disclaime a negative voyce or power in him in granting a scire facias to particular Incumbents unduly outed of their Living by a pretended prerogative power against Reason and Law Therefore à fortiori the King by his prerogative neither hath nor can have any absolute Negative voice at all to hinder the passing of publike Bills presented to him by both Houses for the due execution of right and iustice and the weale peace or safety of the whole Kingdome That speech of King Zedâ—kiaâ— to his Princes though in a bad case is an undoubted verity here Behold he is in your hands FOR THE KING IS NOT HE THAT CAN DOE ANY THING AGAINST YOU and likewise of King David to his people 2 Sam. 18. 3. 4. WHAT SEEMETH TO YOU BEST I WILL DO In one word as it is no impotency in God but a part of his owne divine prerogative that he cannot possibly ly that he cannot deny himself that he is immutable and changeth not that he cannot do injustice And as it was the Apostles highest priviledge 2 â—or 13. 8. We can do nothing against the truth but for the truth So it is no note of impotency but of highest Soveraignty in our Kings that in all Bills of publike Right and Common Iustice they have no Negative voice or power at all to withstand or deny their passing for then they should have a prerogative to deny common Right and Iustice and so to doe publike injustice which God himselfe whose vicegerents they are is uncapable of and never derived to them I will close this reason with that memorable speech of that great heathen Emperour Iulius Caesar which he somtimes used at Rome in the Councell-house Touching all other affaires that are to be taken in hand for your sake I am both your Consul and your Dictator but as touching any wrong to be done to any man I am as a private man without office Eighthly Our Kings have ever claimed this as an absolute duty from their subjects in Parliament to grant them such speedy free and competent ayds subsidies customes for the necessary defence of themselves and the Kingdome and support of their royall estates as the urgency of their publike warres and affaires required and the subjects though they have sometimes denied subsidies to their Princes upon reasonable causes and excuses alleadged by them expressed in our Historians yet have always held it their BOUNDEN DUTY to grant such ayds in Parliament when and sometimes before they have been required and have really done it without refusall when they saw just cause to grant them as all the old and new Acts for the grant of Customes Subsidies Dismes Quindismes Tonnage and Poundage Polemoney with other such aides in all our Kings-Reignes abundantly evidence Therefore the King who is as much obliged by oath and duty to aid his subjects and provide for their common protection weale peace ease as they are to provide for His and the Kingdomes safety is by like reason as much obliged in duty not to deny them such publike Acts as they are not to deny him such publike aides Ninthly Kingdomes and Commonweales were existent before Kings for there must be
the very Law of Nature and fundamentall institution of Parliaments now justly take up Defensive armes to preserve their Liberties Lawes Lives Estates Religion from vassallage and ruine Thirdly Our owne Parliaments Prelates Nobles and Commons in all ages especially in times of Popery as well in Parliament as out have by open force of armes resisted suppressed the oppressions rapines vnjust violence and armies of their Princes raised against them Yea incountred their Kings in open Battells taken their persons Prisoners and sometimes expelled nay deposed them their Royall authority when they became incorrigible open professed enemies to their kingdomes their Subjects seeking the ruine slavery and desolation of those whom by Office Duty Oath and common Iustice they were bound inviolably to protect in Liberty and peace as the premised Histories of Achigallo Emerian Vortigern Segebert Osred Ethelrâ—d Bernard Edwin Ceolwulfe King Iohn Henry the 3d. Edward 1. and 2. Richard the 2 Henry the 6 th our British Saxon English Kings and other examples common in our owne Annalls plentifully manifest Neither are their examples singular but all Kingdomes generally throughout the world in all ages have done the like when their Kings degenerated into Tyrants of which there are infinite precedens in History which actions all ages all Kingdomes have alwaies reputed lawfull both in point of Policy Law Religion as warranted by the very Lawes of Nature Reason State Nations God which instruct not onely particular persons but whole Cities and Kingdomes for their owne necessary defence preservation the supportation of humane Societie and Libertie to protect themselves against all unlawfull violence and Tyranny even of their Kings themselves or their Ministers to whom neither the Lawes of God Nature Man nor any civill Nation ever yet gave the least authority to Murther Spoile Oppresse enslave their Subjects or deprive them of their lawfull Liberties or Estates which resistance were it unlawfull or unjust as many ignorant Royallists and Parasites now â—each some few oppressing tyrannizing wilfull Princes might without the least resistance ruine murther enslave the whole world of men overthrow all setled formes of civill government extirpate Christian Religion and destroy all humane Society at their pleasures all which had beene effected yea all States and Kingdomes totally subverted long agoe by ambitious Tyrannizing lawlesse Princes had not this Lawfull Naturall Hereditary power of resisting and opposing their illegall violence inherent in their Parliaments States Kingdomes restrained and suppressed their exorbitances of this kinde Now that this necessary Defensive opposition and resistance against open Regall Hostile violence which hath beene ever held lawfull and frequently practised in all Kingdomes all ages heretofore as just and necessary should become sodenly unlawfull to our Parliament and Kingdome onely at this instant seemes very unreasonable unto me Fourthly It is the expresse resolution of Aristâ—tle Xenophon Polibius Pope Elutherius in his Epistle to our first Christian King Lucius King Edward the Confessor in his established Lawes c. 17. the Councell of Paris Anno 829. and Isiodâ—r cited by it Iohn 〈◊〉 Iâ—hn Mariana and generally of all forraigne Divines and Polititians Pagan or Christian yea of Bracton Fâ—â—ta Fortescue and King Iames himselfe that a King governing in a setled Kingdome ceaseth to be a King and degenerates into a Tyrant so soone as hee leaves to rule by his Lawes much more when he begins to invade his Subjects Persons Rights Liberties to set up an Abitrary power impose unlawfull Tâ—xes raise Forces and make Warre upon his Subjects whom he should Protect and rule in peace to pillage plundâ—r â—aste and spoile his Kingdome imprison murther and destroy his people in an hostile manner to captivate them to his pleasure the very highest degree of Tyranny condemned and detested by God and all good men The whole State and Kingdome therefore in such cases as these for their owne just necessary preservation may lawfully with force of Armes when no other course can secure them not onely passively but actively resist their Prince in such his violent exorbitant tyrannicall proceedings without resisting any kingly lawfull royall Authority Vested in the Kings person for the Kingdomes preservation onely not destruction because in and as to these illegall oppressions tyrannicall actions not warranted but prohibited by the Lawes of God and the Realme to whom he is accountable and by whom he is justly censurable for them he is no lawfull King nor Majestrate but an unjust oppressing Tyrant and a meere private man who as to these proceedings hath quite denuded himselfe of his just Regall authority So that all those wholsome Lawes made by the whole State in Parliament for the necessary preservation and defence of their Kings Royall Person and lawfull Soveraigne power the suppression of all Insurrections Treasons Conspiracies and open Warres against them whiles they governe their people justly according to Law as all good Princes are obliged to doe by oath and duty or the open violent resisting of their Lawfull authority and Commands to which all Subjects both in point of Law and Conscience ought cheerfully and readily to Submit will yeeld no publike Countenance Encouragement or Protection at all to Kings in their irregall tyrannicall oppressions or violent courses especially when they turne professed publike enemies to their people proclaime open Warre against them invade their Lawes Liberties Goods Houses Persons and exercise all acts of Hostilitie against them as farre forth as the most barbarous Forraigne Enemies would doe It being against all common sence and reason to conceive that our Parliaments Lawes which strictly inhibit and punish the very smallest violations of the publike peace with all kinds of Oppressions Robberies Trespasses Baâ—tâ—ries Assaults Bloodsheds Fraies Murthers Routs Riots Insurrections Burglaries Rapes Plunderings Force-able Entries Invasions of the Subjects Liberties or Properties in all other persons and greatest publike Officers whatsoever whose Delinquences are so much the more hainous execrable and censurable as their persons honours and places are more eminent should so farre countenance justifie or patronize them onely in the King the Supreame fountaine of Iustice ad tutelam Legis corporum bonorum crectus as Fortescue and Sir Edward Cooke resolve Cujus Potestas Iuris est non Injuriae cum sit author Iuris non debet inde injuriarum nasci occasio unde Iura nascâ—nt ur as Bracton and Fleta determine as not to permit the Subjects under paine of Rebillion and high Treason by force of Armes upon expresse command and direction of the whole Kingdome in Parliament so much as to defend their Persons Goods Estates Houses Wives Children Liberties Lives Religion against the open violence of the King himselfe or his Malignant plundring murthering Papists Caveleers When as Kings of all others as Bracton Fortescue and Mariana prove at large both by Oath and Duty ought to be more
by injustice advising him to lovie warre upon his Subjects making evill Iudges and other Officers to the hurt of the King and Kingdome engrossing the Kings eare and usurâ—ing his Royall authority as ENEMIES of the King and OF HIS PEOPLE and by another Act of Parliament it was then provided that no man should be questioned for any felonies or trespasses committed in the prosecution of Hughâ—e de Sponsers the father and sonne which Act runnes thus Whereas of late many great men of the Realme surmised to Sir Hugh le Despenser the sonne and Father many misdemeanors by them committed against the estate of our Lord the King and of his Crowne and to the disinheritance of the great men and destruction of the people and pursued those misdemeanors and attainder of them by force because they could not be attainted by processe of Law because that the said Sir Hughes had accroached to them the royall power in divers manner the said Grandees having mutually bound themselves by oath in writing without the advise of our Lord the King and after in pursuing the said Hugh and Hugh and their alies and adherents the said great men and others riding with banners displaied having in them the Armes of the king and their owne did take and occupie the Chattels Villages Mannors Lands Tenements Goods and likewise take and imprison some of the Kings leige people and others tooke some and slew others and did many other things in destroying the said Hugh and Hugh and their alies and others in England Wales and in the Marches whereof some things may be said Trespasses and others felonies and the said Hugh and Hugh in the Parliament of our Lord the King sommoned at Westminster three weekes after the Nativitie of Saint Iohn Baptist the 15. yeare of his Raigne for the said misdemeanors were fore judged and banished the Realme by a vote of the Peeres of the Land and the foresaid great men in the said Parliament shewed to our Lord the King that the things done in the pursuite of the said Hugh and Hugh by reason of such causes of necessity cannot be legally redressed or punished without causing great trouble or perchance warre in the land which shall be worse and prayed our Lord that of all alliances trespasses and felonies they might be for ever acquitted for the preservation of peace the avoyding of warre and asswaging of angers and rancors and to make unitie in the land and that our Lord the King may more intirely have the hearts and Wills of the great men and of his people to maintaine and defend his Lands and to make warre upon and grieve his enemies It is accorded and agreed in the said Parliament by our Lord the King and by the Prelates Earles Barrons and Commons of the Realme there assembled by command of our Lord the King that none of what estate or condition soever he be for alliance at what time soever made by deed oath writing or in other manner nor for the taking occupying or detainer of Chattels towns Mannors Lands Tenements and goods taken imprisoning or ransoming the Kings leige People or of other homicides robberies felonies or other things which may be noted as trespasses or fellonies committed against the peace of the king by the said great men their allies or adherents in the pursuite aforesaid since the first day of March last past till the thursday next after the feast of the assumption of our Ladie to wit the 19. day of August next ensuing be appealed nor challenged taken nor imprisoned nor grieved nor drawne into judgement by the King nor any other at the suite of any other which shall be in the Kings Court or in any place else but that all such trespasses and Felonies shall be discharged by this accord and assent saving alwaies to all men but to the said Hugh and Hugh action and reason to have and recover their Chattels Farmes mannors Lands tenements wards and marriages according to the Lawes and customes used in the Realme without punishment against the king or damages recovered against the party for the time aforesaid For which end they prescribed likewise a Charter of Pardon annexed to this Act according to the purport of it which every one that would might sue out which Charter you may read in old Magna Charta From which Act of Parliament I shall observe these three things First that this their taking up Armes to apprehend the Spâ—â—seâ—s as enemies to the King and kingdom and marching with banners displayd was not then reputed high Treason or Rebellion against the King though it were by way of offence not of defence and without any authority of Parliament for there is not one word of Treason or Rebellion in this Act or in the Charter of pardon pursuing it and if it had beene high Treason this Act and Charters on it extending onely to Fellonie and Trespasses not to Treasons and Rebellions would not have pardoned these transcendent Capitaâ—l crimes Secondly that the unlawfull outrages robberies and murders committed by the souldiers on the kings leige people and not on the two Spensers the sole delinquents were the occasion of this Act of oblivion and pardon not the Armed pursuing of them when they had gotten above the reach of Law Thirdly that though this were an offensive not defensive warre made without common assent of Parliament and many murthers robberies and misdemeanors committed in the prosecution of it upon the kings leige people who were no Delinquents yet being for the common good to suppresse and banish these ill Councellors enemies Traytors to King and Kingdome the King and Parliament though it such a publicke service as merited a pardon of these misdemeanors in the carriage of it and acquitted all who were parties to it from all suites and punishments All which considered is a cleare demonstration that they would have resolved our present defensive warre by Authoritie of both Houses accompanied with no such outrages as these for the apprehension of such as have beene voted Traytors and Delinquents by Parliament and stand out in contempt against its justice for the defence of the Priviledges and Members of Parliament the Liberties and properties of the subject the fundamentall lawes of the Realme the Protestant Religion now indangered by Papists up in Armes in England and Ireland to extirpate it and the removing ill Counsellors from his Majestie to be no high Treason Rebellion or offence at all against the king but a just and lawful Act the very miscarriages wherof in the generall except in such disorderly Souldiers for whom martiall Law hath provided due punishments deserve a publike pardon both from King and Kingdome And to put this out of Question as no fancie of mine owne we have an expresse Act of Parliament resolving the taking up of Armes by the Queene Prince both but subjects and capable of High Treason in such a case as well as others the Nobles and people of the Realme against these two
Rebellion nor Trespasse in the Barons against the king or kingdome but a warre for the honour of God the salvation of the king the maintenance of his Crowne the safety and common profit of â—ll the Realme much more must our Parliaments present defensive warre against his Majesties 〈◊〉 Councellors Papists Malignants Delinquents and men of desperate fortunes risen up in Armes against the Parliament Lawes Religion Liberties the whole Kingdomes peace and welfare be so too being backed with the very same and farre better greater authority and more publike reasons then their warre was in which the safety of Religion was no great ingredient nor the preservation of a Parliament from a forced dissolution though established and perpetuated by a publike Law King Henry the 4 th taking up Armes against King Richard and causing him to be Articled against and judicially deposed in and by Parliament for his Male-administration It was Enacted by the Statute of 1. Hen. 4. cap. 2. That no Lord Spirituall nor Temporall nor other of what estate or condition that he be which came with King Henry into the Realme of England nor none other persons whatsoever they be then dwelling within the same Realme and which came to this King in aide of him to pursue them which were against the Kings good intent and the COMMON PROFIT OF THE REALME in which pursuite Richard late King of England the second after the Conquest was pursued taken and put in Ward and yet remaineth in Ward be impeached grieved nor vexed in person nor in goods in the Kings Court nor in none other Court for the pursuites of the said King taking and with-holding of his body nor for the pursuits of any other taking of persons and cattells or of the death of a man or any other thing done in the said pursuite from the day of the said King that now is arived till the day of the Coronarion of Our said Soveraigne Lord Henry And the intent of the King is not that offendors which committed Trespasses or other offences out of the said pursuits without speciall warrant should be ayded nor have any advantage of this Statute but that they be thereof answerable at the Law If those then who in this offensive Warre assisted Henry the 4 th to apprehend and depose this perfidious oppressing tyrannicall king seduced by evill Counsellors and his owne innate dis-affection to his naturall people deserved such an immunity of persons and goods from all kinds of penalties because though it tended to this ill kings deposition yet in their intentions it was really for the common profit of the Realme as this Act defines it No doubt this present defensive Warre alone against Papists Delinquents and evill Counsellors who have miserably wasted spoiled sacked many places of the Realme and fired others in a most barbarous maner contrary to the Law of Armes and Nations and labour to subvert Religion Laws Liberties Parliaments and make the Realm a common Prey without any ill intention against his Majesties Person or lawfull Royall Authority deserves a greater immunity and can in no reasonable mans judgement be interpreted any Treason or Rebellion against the king or his Crowne in Law or Conscience In the 33. yeare of king Henry the 6 th a weake Prince wholly guiâ—ed by the Queene and Duke of Somerset who ruled all things at their wills under whose Government the greatest part of France was lost all things went to ruine both abroad and at home and the Queene much against the Lords and Peoples mindes preferring the Duke of Sommerset to the Captain ship of Calice the Commons and Nobility were greatly offended thereat saying That he had lost Normandy and so would he doe Calice Hereupon the Duke of Yorke the Earles of Warwicke and Salisbury with other their adherents raised an Army in the Marches of Wales and Marched with it towards London to suppresse the Duke of Sommerset with his Faction and reforme the Governement The king being credibly informed hereof assembled his Host and marching towards the Duke of Yorke and his Forces was encountred by them at Saint Albanes notwithstanding the kings Proclamation to keepe the Peace where in a set Battell the Duke of Somerset with divers Earles and 8000. others were slaine on the kings part by the Duke of Yorke and his companions and the king in a manner defeated The Duke after this Victory obtained remembring that he had oftentimes declared and published abroad The onely cause of this War to be THE ADVANCEMENT OF THE PVBLIKE WEALE and TO SET THE REALME IN A MORE COMMODIOVS STATE and BETTER CONDITION Vsing all lenity mercy and bounteousnesse would not once touch or apprehend the body of King Henry whom he might have slaine and utterly destroyed considering that hee had him in his Ward and Governance but with great honour and due reverence conveyed him to London and so to Westminster where a Parliament being summoned and assembled soone after It was therein Enacted That no person should either judge or report any point of untruth of the Duke of Yorke the Earles of Salisbury and Warwicke For comming in Warlike manner against the King at Saint Albanes Considering that their attempt and enterprise Was onely to see the Kings Person in Safeguard and Sure-keeping and to put and Alien from Him the publike Oppressors of the Common wealth by whose misgovernance his life might be in hazard and his Authority hang on a very small Thred After this the Duke anâ— these Earles raised another Army for like purpose and their owne defence in the 37 and 38 yeares of H. 6. for which they were afterwards by a packed Parliament at Coventree by their Enemies procurement Attainted of high Treason and their Lands and Goods confiscated But in the Parliament of 39. H. 6. cap. 1. The said attainder Parliament with all Acts and Statutes therein made were wholly Reversed Repealed annulled as being made by the excitation and procurement of seditious ill disposed Persons for the accomplishment of their owne Rancor and Covetousnesse that they might injoy the Lands Offices Possessions and Goods of the lawfull Lords and liege People of the King and that they might finally destroy the said lawfull Lords and Liege People and their Issues and Heires forever as now the Kings ill â—ounseilors and hungry Cavalleers seek to destroy the Kings faithfull Liege Lords and People that they may gaine their Lands and Estates witnesse the late intercepted Letter of Sir Iohn Bâ—ooks giving advise to this purpose to his Majestie and this Assembly was declared to be no lawful Parliament but a devillish Counsell which desired more the destruction then advancement of the Publike weale and the Duke Earles with their assistants were restored and declared to be Faithful and Lawful Lords and Faithful liege People of the Realme of England who alwaies had great and Fathfull Love to the Preferrement and Surety of the Kings Person according to their Duty If then these two Parliaments acquitted
Salamonius an incomparable learned Roman Civilian hath largely proved in his six Bookes De principatu purposely written to refuâ—e the contrary common error where he writes First that the Roman Emperors were created and constituted onely by the Senat and people and that the Creature should be superiour to the Creator the child to the parent is absurd Secondly that the Emperours were but the Senates and peoples publike servants therefore they were their Lords and not inferiour but superiour to their servants Thirdly that they were subordinate and inferiour to the Lawes made by the Senate and people and bound by all their Lawes but such as the Senate and people did by speciall Acts exempt them from Fourthly that the people and Senate did by speciall Lawes create limit enlarge or abridge their Emperours power and jurisdiction as they saw cause giving sometimes more or lesse jurisdiction to one Emperour then another which they could not justly doe were they not the highest Soveraigne power Finally he proves it by the very Lex Regia it selfe which because rare and unknowne to most I shall here recite to informe and reforme our ignorant Court Doctors Lawyers with Salamonius his observations from it Lex Regia was not onely one single Law There was not one Law for all Emperours but it was revived for every Emperour yet not with the same conditions The brasse Table which yet hangeth in the Lateran Church proves that the Royall Law was accustomed to be altered in every Princes reigne AT THE PLEASVRE OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE for it is part of the Royall Law of the Empire of Vespatian that it should be altered which had beene voyd if from the beginning of the Empire a perpetuall Law had beene made for all successors the words of the Law are these Faedusve â—um quibus volet facere ita ut licuit Divo Augusto Tyber Iulio Caesari Aug. Tyherioque Claudio Iulio Caesari Aug. Germanico Vtique eum Senatum habere relationem facere remittere Senatus consulta per relationem discessionemque facere licâ—at ut licuit Divo Augusto Tibâ—rio Iulio Caesari Augusto Tyberio Claudio Caesari Augusto Germanico Vtique quum ex voluntate auctoritateue jussu mandatione ejus praesenteve eo Senatus habebitur omnium rerum jus perinde habeatur servetur ac si elege Senatus edictus esset habereturque Vtique Coss. Magistratus potestatem imperium curationemve cuivis rei petenti Senatui populoque Romano commendaverit quibusve suffragationem suam dederit promiserit eorum Comitiis qui busque extra ordinem ratio habeatur Vtique ei fines pomaerii proferre procurare cum e Rep. censebit esse liceat uti licuit Tiberio Claudio Caesari Augusto Germanico Vtique quaecunque ex usu Râ—ip majestate divinar humanar publicar privatarumque rerum esse censebit ea agere facere jus potestasque sit ita uti Divo Aug. Tyberioque Iulio Caesari Aug. Tyberioque Claudiâ— Aug. Germanico fuit Vtique quibus legibus Plehisve scitis scriptum fuit ne Divus Augustus Tyberiusve Iul. Caes. Aug. Tyberiusve Claudius Caes. Aug. Germanicus tenerentur his Legibus Plebisque scitis Imp. Aug. Vespatianus solutus sit quaeque ex quaque Lege Rogatione Divum Aug. Tâ—bâ—riumve Iul. Caesarem Aug. Tybâ—â—iumve Claudium Caes. Aug. Germanicum facere oportuer at ea omnia Imperatori Caesari Vespatiano Aug. facere liâ—â—at Vtique quae aâ—tè hanc legem rogatam acta gesta decreta imperata ab Imp. Caesare Vespatiano Augusto jussu mandatuve ejus a quoque sunt ea perinde just a rata sint ac si populi plebisve jussu acta essent Sanctio Si quis hujusce legis ergo adversus leges rogationes plebisve scitoe senatusue consulta fecit feceritve sive quod cum ex lege rogatione plebisve scito senatusve consulto facere oportebit non fecerit hujus legis ergo id ei ne fraudi esto neve quid 〈◊〉 eam rem populo dari debeto neve de ea re cui actioneve judicato esto neve quis de ea re apud eum agisinito This Law first shewes that there was not one royall Law made for all Emperors but that for every severall Emperour severall Lawes were necessary containing the conditions whereupon the Principalitie was collated by the Roman people For to Vespatian it appeares power was granted of enlarging or setling the bounds as it was granted to Germanicus but not to other Princes And in the last Chapter but one which saith And by those things which by any Law c. it is lawfull to doe a larger power is given to Vespatian then to the forenamed Emperours and that they ought to doe some things which Vespatian ought not to doe by Law Likewise by these words Vtique quibus legiâ—us c. soluâ—us sit it appeares that Vespatiâ—n was not freed from all Lawes nor yet the Emperour before him Likewise oâ—t of the Chapter where it saith Ex usu Reip. Majestate c. it is evident that not an absolute free administration of things was committed to the Emperours but onely such as was usefull that is which should be for the profit and honour of the republike whence is inferred that those things which were not for the benefit and honour of the Commonweale Emperors had no right nor power to doe And in the last Chapter is perspicuoâ—sly set downe THAT SUPERIOUR POWER OF THE PEOPLE GREATER THEN THE PRINCIPALITY IT SEâ—FE How then doth Vlpian say the Prince is loosed from Lawes he saith not from all Lawes verily that he was exempt from many is no doubt c. yet it was by a speciall clause in thâ— Lex Regia This and much more Salamonius All which considered will infallibly evidence the Roman Senate and People to be the highest power in Pauls time not the Emperour whâ— even at this day as Bodin proves is inferiour to the Germane States who are the Soveraigne power when King Henry the fourth of France Anno 1600. used this speech to the Duke of Savoy If the King of Fâ—ance wouâ—d be ambitious of any thing greater then his Crowne it might be an Empire but not in the estate that it is now the title of Empire being little more then that of the Duke of Venice the soveraingty writes the Historian in the Margin remaining in the States of the Empire All that is objected against the premises is that passage of Tâ—rtullian much insisted on Colimus ergâ— ImperatoreÌ„ sic quomodo nâ—bis licâ—t ipsi expedit ut homiâ—em à DEO SECUNDUM quicquid est à Deâ— câ—â—secutum SOLO DEO MINOREM Hoc et ipse volet Sic enim OMNIBUS MAJOR EST DUM SOLO VERO DEO MINOR EST. Sic ipsis Diis major est dum ipsi in potestate suntejus c. To which I answer that these words onely prove the Emperour in the Roman State to be the highest Officer and Magistrate under God of any one
worthy both in respect of his Pedigree and manners should be promoted to the Throne of the Kingdome nor no man attempt the Princes destruction life or usurp his Crowne tyrannically under pain of being smitten with a perpetuall Anathema and eternall condemnation for breach of any the premises These Councels as Mariana observes were in truth Generall Assemblies of the Estates where they handled not only matters of Religion but likewise of the Common-weale by common consent of all Bamba the 26. king of the Goths after Lewes de Mayâ—rn Turquets computation which I follow but 32. after Roderick Sancho was elected king by the Goths as he was plowing with his Oxen in the field being a plain countrey man Some say that he would never have received this honour and charge but by constraint and that refusing it absolutâ—ly a Noble man of the Goths drew his sword and threatned to kill him if he did not yeeld to the Gothes intreatâ—es and that his Goad wherewith he drove his Oxen did suddenly in his hand bring forth leaves fruit and roots whereupon he took this dignity upon him more for fear than for any desire to reign Anno 672. After which Eruinge ambitious of command poisoned king Bamba so as he became madde for curing whereof many naturall and superstitious medicines were applyed but to small effect so as Bamba coming a little to himself again and finding his disabilitie to govern willingly quit the Crown and retired himselfe into a Monastery at Pampliga where he lived seven years and one moneth and Eruinge was chosen king in his plâ—ce whose Election was confirmed and allowed lawfull in the 12 Councill of Toledo Can. 1. as Elected thereto by God and ALL THE PEOPLES DESIRES whom this Councell absolved from their Oath of allegiance formerly made to King Bamba whiles he held the Kingdom In the thirteenth Councell of Toledo under this King Eruinge Anno 684. it was decreed That neither the King nor any other should marry the Widow of the deceased King upon pain of excommunication and to be damned to Hell fire Vitiza the nine and twentieth King of the Gothes at his first coming to the Crown shewed himself milde liberall and religious but soon after became the infaâ—my and dishonour of Kings being full of all excesse of Iust impiety hypoerisie and dissimulation and exceeding in all vices without shame he filled his Palace with many Wives which he married and Concubines too he publikely allowed to all men Nobles Commons Priests and Clergy to marry as many wives and keep as many Wâ—ores as they pleased he used greaâ— crueltie to many flattered the Clergy left by their censures they should draw the people from obeying so filthy and unchaste a king To prevent all rebellions under the colour of peace which Spain did then injoy he caused all the Towns of Spain to be dismantled except Leon Toledo and Asturica he disarmed the people disanulled all the immunities of the Church he recalled the banished the Jews and granted them great priviledges he advanced a most â—icked wretch to great honours execrable to all the people that so he might not say himself was the worst of men Finally as a presage of his future miseries he shewed in all sorts of excesse and violence contrary to the Laws of God and men what Princes ill instructed and ignorant of true pietie could do A Buffone asking him meâ—rily Why do you being a King the son of a King do thus you may lose your Kingdom Hereplyed like another Dionysius My Father left me his kingdoms not fortune In fine Rodorick with the ayd of the Gothes Nobility and of the Romanes chased this in famous Monster out of the Throne which he unworthily held defeated and took him prisoner in a set battell put out his eyes as he had put out others confined him to Cordova where he spent his dayes in misery without Title or honour and by suffrages of the people Rodorick obtained the Crown who soone after exceeded Vitiza in all manner of vices cruelty and tyrannie and ravished the daughter of Iulian Earl of Cava whiles he was in embassage in Affrick for the affairs of the kingdom Who to revenge this indignity and cast out this wicked Monster Anno 713. called the Mores into Spain who over-ran and conquered the Kingdom destroyed Rodorick and put a Period to the Gothes kingdom in Spain Thus Tyrannicall vitious Princes ruine at last both themselves and their Realms Among the Lawes of the Wisigothes Lib. 2. c. 2. 6. I finde not onely an Act declaring their Kings to be subject to their Lawes as well as subjects but likewise a Law restraining their Kings excesses and dis-inabling them to alien their Crown lands or revenues to their own Children or others but onely the Lands which themselves shall purchase which was likewise decreed in the eighth Councill of Tolede under king Recesuinthus wherein there was this complaint made Quosdam conspeximus Reges postquam fuerint regni gloriam assequuti extenuatis viribus populorum rei propriae congerere lucrum obliti quod reges sunt vocati defensionem in vastationem convertunt qui vastationem defensione pellere debuerunt illud gravius innectentes quâ—d ea quae videntur acquirere non regni depistant honori vel gloriae sed it a malunt in suo jure consundi ut veluti ex debito descernant haec in liberourm posteritatem transmitti Resolving that non personae sed potentiae haec subdi debere non habenda parentali successione sed possidendaregali congressione regem terrenum jura faciunt non persona c. I likewise finde another Law nullifying all unjust judgements and sentences given by Iudges through fear or command of the King And another Law giving the King power over all offendors against himself but denying him power to pardon any Delinquents against the Nation or Countrey All which considered prove the whole State Kingdom and Councels among the Spanish Gothes to be above their kings who were lyable to their restraints excommunications Laws Censures Depositions for their male-administrations vicious lives and not successive but elected by them Pelagius the first king of Oviedo â—as elected king and that kingdom erected by the generall consent of the people oppressed by the Moors about the year 618. during whose reign there were severall Vice-royes of the Moors in Spain as Alcazazin and â—bâ—atan and others His sonne king Fasila was slain by a Bear which he pursued in the mountains I doubt his Subjects would have resisted him as well as the Bear had the made war upon them Froilâ— the fourth king of Ovedo treacherously slew his own brother Vtmaran a gallant Knight generally beloved out of jealousie lest he should usurpe the Crown in revenge of whose death he was soon after slain by his own brother Aâ—relius Anno 767. who succeeded Froila in the Realm notwithstanding he left a son called D Alphonso the chaste but the hatred that the Noblemen did bear unto his
dishonourable peace with the Moors to release the Tribute which they payed him formerly and after much mediaâ—â—on he concluded a Peace thorowout all the Realm with his discontented Subjects This Prince thinking to raign more securely had taken a course of extream severity shewing himself cruell and treacherous to his Nobility whereby he was feared but withall he lost the love and respect of his subjects so as he was no sooner freed from one danger but he fell into another worse then the first his Nobles holding this for a Maxime That a Tyrant being offended will at some time revenge himself and therefore they must not trust him upon any reconciliation who to pacifie the troubles which had grown by his own errour had made no difficulty to sacrifice upon the peoples spleen his own Mignions degrading and in the end murthering condemning them as Traitors after their death yea the Princes of his own blood taking their goods estates and depriving the lawfull Heirs seeking to reign over free men and generous Spirits as over beasts entreating them as base and effeminate slaves who might not speak their opinions freely in matters of State and Government of which they were held dead members and without feeling Whereupon D. Manuel and other Nobles as men endued with understanding reason and not forgetting the nature of Alphonso who was proud a contemner of all laws and treacherous they proceeded so farre as to withdraw themselves from his subjection by protestation and publike act and entred into a league with the King of Portugall incensing him to take up Arms for their defence Where upon King Alphonso having some feeling that cruelty was too violent remedy for men that were Nobly borne he sought by all milde and courreous meanes to divide them and to draw some of them to his service which he effected and so more easily conquered and reduced their companions An. 1337. was founded the Town of Alegria of Dulanci in the Province of Alava and many Villages thereabout the which obtained from the King the priviledges and Lawes of the Realm whereby the inhabitants should govern themselves with libertie to chuse their own Iudges Don Pedro the first king of Castile surnamed the cruell most tyrannically murthering and poysoning divers of his Nobles and subjects without cause banishing others quitting Blanch his espoused wife within three dayes after his marriage to enjoy the unchaste love of Doxna Maria de Paedilla by whom hee was inchanted which much troubled the whole Court divorcing himselfe without colour by the advice onely of two Bishops without the Popes assent from Blanch and marrying Jane of Castro in her life time Hanging up divers Burgesses of Toledo causlesly for taking the Queens part too openly and among others a Goldsmiths sonne who offred to be hanged to save his fathers life causing his own brother Don Frederick and divers Nobles else to be suddenly slain Anno 1358. poysoning and murdering likewise divers Noble Ladies among others Don Leonora his own Aunt after which Anno 1360. he murthering two more of his own brethren executing divers Clergy men and Knights of Castile banishing the Archbishop of Toledo putting divers Jews as Samuel Levy his High Treasurer with his whole family to death to gain their Estates and causing his own Queen Blanch to be poysoned after she had long been kept prisoner by him Anno 136â— Hereupon his cruelties rapines and murders growing excessive and the Popes Legat denouncing him an utter Enemy to God and man Henry Earle of Transtamara his brother with other Fugitives getting ayde from the King of Navarre entred Castile with an Army where by the Nobles importunity he tooke upon him the title of King of Castile and Leon which done the whole Kingdom long oppressed with D. Pedro his Tyranny immediately revolted from him so that in few dayes Henry found himselfe King of a mighty great Kingdom almost without striking stroke the people striving who should first receive him such was their hatred to the Tyrant Pedro who being doubtfull what to doe fled with two and twenty Ships out of his Realme to Bayon craving ayde of the English to revest him in his Kingdom mean time king Henry assembling the Estates at Burgon they granted him the tenth penny of all the Merchandize they should â—ell in the Realm to maintaine the warres against Pedro who getting ayde from the English upon conditions accompanied with the valiant Black Prince of Wales entred with a great Army into Spain where the Prince writing to Henry voluntarily to resign the Crown to Pedro his Brother to avoyd the effusion of Christian blood he made answer That he could not hearken to any accord with him who had against the law of nature taken delight to murther so many of the blood Royall and other great personages of Castile who had not respect of the Lawes of the Countrey and much lesse of God falsifying his Oathes and promises having no other rule in his actions but his Tyrannous passions Whereupon battell being joyned Henry was conquered and Pedro restored But hee discontenting the English and others who had reseated him in his Kingdome by his insolency and Tyranny and the Biscaniers refusing to be under the command of strangers whom they would never consent to be put in possession of their Countrey and with all falling to his former cruelties and courses contrary to the advice of his friends and Astrologers he so estranged the hearts of all from him that the English returning and Henry receiving new forces from the French entred Castile suddenly and conquered the Tyrant who being betrayed into Kâ—ng Henry his hands as hee was taking his flight by night King Henry stabbed him with dagger in the face and at last getting him under him slew him with his dagger for his excesse and tyranny Anno 1368. and raigned quietly in his steed I might prosecute and draw down the Histories of all the Spanish Kings and Kingdomes from his dayes till this present which are full fraught with presidents of this nature â—o prove all the Kings of Spaine inferiour to their Kingdomes Assemblies of the Estates Lawes resistible deprivable for their Tyrannyes but because those who desire satisfaction in this kinde may read the Histories themselves more largely in the generall History of Spaine in Ioannis Pistorius his Hispanie Illustratae where all their chiefe Historians are collected into severall volumnes and in Meteranus and Grimstons Histories of the Netherlands I shall for brevity sake pretermit them altogether concluding with one or two briefe observations more touching the Gothish and Arragonian Kings in Spain which will give great light and confirmation to the premises First for the Antient Kings of the Gothes in Spain Aimoinius and Hugo Grotius out of him confesse that they received the Kingdom from the people revocable by them at any time and that the people might depose them as often as they displeased them and therefore their acts might be rescinded and nulled by the people who
forced Mary and her Mother to resigne their rights to the Crowne and crowned Charles King at Alba Regalis When he was crowned the Bishop of Strigonium according to the custome demanded of the people thrice with alowd voyce Whether if were their pleasure that Charles should be crowned King who answered Yes which done he was crowned and soone after murthered by the two Queenes treachery Who were shortly after taken prisoners by Iohn de Hornach governour of Croatiaâ— the Queen Mother Elizabeth drowned Queen Mary kept prisoner and at last released upon oath given not to revenge her Mothers death who contrary to her oath caused Hornach and 32. Nobles more to be beheaded by Sigismond her husband whose kindâ—ed and children thereupon conspired against King Sigismond tooke and detained him prisoner Anno. 1401. till they should proceeds further against him and in the meane time the Nobles of Hungary elected Ladislaus King of Apulia for their King and at last deposed Sigismond for his misgovernment cruelty love of women After Sigismonds death the Nobles and people were divided in the choise of their King one part electing and crowning Vladislaus King of Poland the other party Ladislaus an infant for their King but Vladislaus his party prevailing he was not long after â—laine in a battle against the Turkes and the government of the Realme committed to that Noble Souldier Huniades during the Minority of Ladislaus who at his ripe age was received and declared King by all the Hungarians Ladislaus deceasing the Hungarians elected the Emperour Frederick King who delaying to come and take the election they thereupon chose Mathias King who enjoyed the dignity notwithstanding the Emperours opposition Anno. 1608. Mathias King of Hungary denyed the Protestants in Austria free exercise of their Religion they thereupon were forced to take up Armes and assembling together at Honne made a Protestation and sent to the States of Hungary requiring them to assist them with the succours that were promised by the offensive and defensive league after which they obtained a peace and part of what they demanded Anno 1613. In an Assembly of the Estates of Hungary the differences concerning the defence and Militia in the borders of Hungary against the Turke were ordered and setled And An. 1618. After many slow proceedings they elected Ferdinand of Bohemia for their King of Hungary but with these conditions That he should Religiously observe and cause to be immovably observed all the Liberties Immunities Priviledges Statutes Rights and Customes of the Kingdome with the Conclusions and Treaties of Vienna and all the Articles comprehended therein and all other concluded both before and after the Coronation of the Emperours Majestie in the yeares 1608. and 1609. Which Articles being ratified by the Emperour under his Letters Patents they proceeded to the Coronation according to the accustomed manner Such is the Soveraigne power of the States of Hungary to this very day And in one word so odious were Tyrants anciently to the Slavonians and Hungarians that by a publick Law of their Ancestors he who slew a Tyrannicall King was to succeede him in the Kingdome Bohemia For the Kings and Kingdome of Bohemia M. Paulus Stranskins in his Respublica Boâ—emiae c. 5. 12. informes us out of the Fundamentall Lawes of Bohemiae That the power of the Kings of Bohemia who are Elected by the generall Votes of the States is so farre restrained in that Realme that they can determine nothing concerning the Kingdome or great Affaires of the Realme but in their Parliaments or generall Assemblies of the Estates by the generall consent of the people which are Summoned by the king himselfe and held just like our Parliaments in the kings Regency and during the Interregnum by the Senate of the Realme as often as there is occasion there being this claâ—se in the Writ of Summons That whether all those who are sommoned come at the day or not the king with those who appeare will proceed to decree wâ—at shall be just and bâ—neficall for the Republicke and that those who neglect to appeare shall be bound thereby all Lawes and Acts are therein passed by publicke consent The King cannot alien or morgage any of the Crown Lands nor release not diminish the revenueâ— Liberties of the Realm nor promote any strangers to the custodies of Castles or publicke functions impose no Taxes charges nor altar the ancient manner of the Militia of the Realm nor make warre or peace without the Parliaments advise and consent And before the king is Crowned the Burgrâ—ve and Nobles in the Name of all the Realme demand of him to confirm and ratifie both with his especiall Charter and publick Oath the Ancient and laudable Priviledges Immunities Liberties Rights Laws Customes and Institutions as well private as publicke of all and singular the inhabitants of the Realme and to governe them according to the rule of the Lawes after the example of his predecessors kings of Bohemiâ— Which done he seales and delivers them a speciall Charter takes such a solemne Oath and then is Crowned upon these Conditions The Arch-bishop of Prague after the Letany ended demands of the king kneeling on his knees Wilt thou keepe the holy faith delivered to thee from Catholiok men and observe it in just workes He answering I will He proccedes and saith With thou Governe and defend the Kingdome granted thee from God according to the Iustice of thy Fathers He answeres I will and by Gods Assistance promise that I will doe and performed it by all meanes After this kneeling on his knees the Arch-bishop holding the New Testament open and the Burgrave reading the words first the king takes this Oath in the Bohemian tongue We sweare to God the mother of God and all Saints upon this holy Gospell that we will and ought to keepe immovably to the Barons Knights and Nobles also to those of Prague and the other Cities and to all the Commâ—nalty of the Realme of Bohemia the Institutions Lawes Priviledges Exemptions Liberties and Rights and also the ancient good and laudable customes of the Realme and not to alienate or morgage any thing from the same Kingdome of Bohemia but rather to our power to augment and enlarge it and to â—oe all things which may be good and honourable to that Kingdome So helpe me God touching the booke with two of the fingers of his right hand and all Saints The Kings of Navarre take the like Oath How this Realme hath beene altered from a Principality to a Dukedome and from it againe to a Kingdome having sometimes Kings sometimes Dukes both elected by the free choyse of the Estates to whom they were inferiour in Soveraigne power accountable for their â—â—is-government and removeable from their Throne you may read in the marginall Authors Not to mention the Bohemians deposition of Libussa a Noble Virago who governed then for a season reputing it a dishonour to the Nation to be ruled by a woman and electing Przemysâ—â—s for their Prince
not accounted of the family of Christ hath no place in the Arke Yet he who is but a little moved ought no more to doubt whether he ought to aide the afflicted members of the Church then whether he may helpe himselfe since in the Church all are one but rather every one is bound in his place to afford his helpe and assistance to them and so much the more helpe by how much the more riches he hath received from God not so much to be possessed as expended This Church as it is but one so likewise it is universally and intirely committed commended to all Christian Princes severally For because it had beene dangerous to commit the whole Church to any one and to commit the severall parts thereof to particular persons had beene clearely contrary to its unity God hath committed all of it to every of them and its particular parts to any of them Nor yet so as that they should onely defend it but also that they should have a care to propagate it as much as they are able Therefore if the Prince of the Countrey takes care of one part thereof perchance the German or Englâ—sh but yet deserts and neglects the other oppressed part if he be able to relieve it he is judged to have deserted the Church since the spouse of Christ verily is but one which he ought to defend and protect with all his might lest it should be violated or corrupted any where The instauration of this universall Church as private men are bound to promote with bended knees so Magistrates I say are obliged to doe it with their feet hands and all their strength Neither is the Ephesian Church one the Colossian auother and the rest but all these particular Churches are parts of the universall now the universall is the Kingdome of Christ which all private men ought to desire but Kings Princes Magistrates are bound to amplifie dilate defend and propagate every where and against all whomsoever Therefore among the Jewes there was one onely Temple built by Solomon which represented the unity of the Church Now he should be a ridiculous Churchwarden and to be punished who should take care onely to preserve one part safe and sound but suffer the rest to fall to decay likewise all Christian Kings when they are inaugurated receive a sword of purpose to defend the Catholike or universall Church which taking into their hand they point out all the quarters of the world and brandish it towards the East West South and North lest any part thereof should be thought excepted Since then they receive the protection of the Church in this manner without doubt they understand the true not false Church Therefore they ought to doe their endeavour to defend and to restore intirely that Church which they professe to be true and pure Now that thus it was observed by pious Princes examples may teach us In the time of Hezekiah King of Iudah the Kingdome of Israel was long before enthralled to the King of Assyria to wit from the time of King Hoshea therefore if that Church of God onely which is in the Kingdome of Iudah and not also the universall had beene committed to Hezekiah and if the bounds of the Realmes had been to be kept in defending the Church in the same manner as they are in imposing tribute without doubt Hezekiah especially at that season wherein the Assyrians enjoyed the Empire of the world would have contained himselfe But we see that he invited by posts all Israel the subjects I say of the King of Assyria to celebrate the passeover in Ierusalem and moreover that the godly in Israel helped them in pulling downe the high places even in the territories of Ephraim Manasses and the rest So likewise we read that King Iosiah a most godly Prince purged not onely his owne Kingdome but the Realme of Israel likewise then wholly subject to the King of Assyria from the worship of Idols Verily where the glory of God where the Kingdome of Christ are in question no limits no bounds no railes ought to exclude or keepe off the zeale of pious Princes But if peradventure some greater feare hangs over their heads they may remember by the example of these that those who truly feare the Lord can feare no man These examples of pious Princes since the time that the Church which was first circumscribed in Palestina hath beene spread over all the world many Christian Princes have followed Constantine and Licinius were both Emperours he of the East this of the West they were likewise colleagues endued with equall power Now it is known what is commonly spoken That one equall hath no Empire over another equall Yet notwithstanding Constantine made warre with Licinius who being vexed slew the Christians and among them many of the Nobles either for the cause or for the pretext of Religion by force obtaines free profession of Religion for the Christians and finally breaking his faith and reverting to his pristine cruelty he commanded him to be put to death at Thessalonica This I say did Constantine the great whose piety is so much celebrated by the Divines of that age that some of them will have that spoken of him written in the Prophet Esay That Kings should become nursing fathers and Pastors of the Church He being dead the Roman Empire was divided between both his sonnes by equall right no prerogative being annexed to either of them Of them Constans fostered the Orthodox Constantius the elder the Arrians and he verily expelled Athanasius the enemy of the Arrians out of Alexandria Truly if any rules of bounds ought to have beene kept it ought to have beene betweene brethren Yet in the meane time Constans threatned his brother if he restored not Athanasius being ready to doe it by force unlesse Constantius had speedily restored him intirely Now if so be he doubted not to doe this onely for the restoring of one Bishop might he not much more justly doe it where some part of the people is oppressed when they implore assistance when they desire to defend their Religion by the Nobles approbation So likewise Theodosius by the perswasion of Bishop Atticus undertook a warre against Chosroes King of Persia that he might releeve the Christians persecuted for Religion sake although they were truly privat men which surely those most just Princes who enacted so many Lawes and who had so great a care of Law had never done if they had imagined that by this their Act others territories and the Lawes of Nations had beene violated Yea to what end were so many expeditions of Christian Princes into Syria against the Saracens to what end were those Saladinian Dismes so oft imposed to what end so many sociall warres against the Turkes so many Crossadoes indicted against them if it be not lawfull for any Christian Princes even the most remote to free the Church from Tyranny and Christian captives from the yoke of bondage Now with what arguments were they impelled
Liberties Countrey Parliament yea your very selves your soules bodies estates posterities Consider with your selves the bitter curse denounced by God himselfe against Meroz Iudg. 5. 23. Consider the fatall dismall end of treacherous Iudâ—s Matth. 27. 3. 4 5. Acts 1. 18. 19 20. Consider that dreadfull speech of our Saviour Christ Marke 8. 35. 36 37 38. Whosoever will save his life shall lose it but whosoever shall lose his life for my sake and the Gospels shall save it For what shall it profit a man if he shall gaine the whole world and lose his owne soule or what shall a man give in exchange for his soule Whosoever therefore shall be ashamed of me and of my word in this adulterous and sinfull generation of him also shall the sonne of man be ashamed when he commeth in the glory of his Father with the holy Angels * If we suffer with him we shall also reigne with him if we deny him he will also deny us If we be but fearfull in the cause of Christ we shall be sure to have our part in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone Rev. 21. 8. O what then will be our portion if we be unzealous negligent perfidious to it or professed enemies especially in open armes against it when it cries out to us for our necessary assistance every where If Iesus Christ will render tribulation to them which doe but trouble his people yea and shall be very shortly revealed from Heaven with his mighty Angels in flaming fire taking vengeance on all them that onely know not God and that obey not the Gospel of Iesus Christ who shall be punished with everlasting destruction from the presence of the Lord and from the glory of his power 2 Thes. 1. 6. to 10. O where shall all those ungodly sinners Rebels and Traytors appeare who now every where murther plunder persecute extirpare Gods dearest Saints and not onely refuse to owne but even desert betray the cause of God and their Countrey who refuse not onely cordially to maintaine the very truth of God the Gospel of Christ which themselves in shew not onely pretend to know but professe but also joyn with Papists and Malignants openly to fight against and totally to suppresse it Certainly if judgement shall beginne at the house of God it selfe as now it doth and if the righteous who defend the cause of God and the Kingdome shall scarcely be saved what these mens dreadfull end and judgement at last shall be transcends my thoughts to conceive my expressions to relate all I can say is this it will be so superlatively miserable and grievous that an eternity of incomprehensible torments will onely be able to demonstrate the infinity and execrablenesse of their sinne O then let all of all sorts consider seriously of this and all the premises and the Lord give them understanding and grace to keepe a good conscience and discharge their severall trusts and bounden duties faithfully cheerefully to their God Religion King Countrey and the Parliament in all things that so they may enjoy the honour comfort benefit of all their faithfull endeavours to defend promote propagate our Religion Lawes liberties and the publike welfare here and the Crowne the full guerdon of them hereafter and poore bleeding dying England and Ireland may now at last attaine that speedy holy lasting honourable blessed peace and unity which all good men cordially pray for and endeavour which doubtlesse had beene easily effected long ere this had we all beene faithfull true reall to the publike cause of God and our Countrey in our severall places and not faithlessely betrayed but sincerely discharged the severall trusts reposed in us to the uttermost of our powers the readiest meane to re-establish and perpetuate our pristine tranquillity which I humbly beseech the God and Prince of peace effectually to accomplish in his owne due season before our whole three Realmes become a desolate Wildernesse an Accheldama a Golgatha as many places of them are already and more like to be if the extraordinary mercy of our ever-gracious God prevent not the mischievous long plotted conspiracies malice rage treachery of unnaturall and deceitfull men FINIS This Oath should have come in the Appendix page 73. line 17. The Oath of CHARLES King of Navarre at his Coronation An. 1390. recorded in the generall History of Spaine l. 17. p. 625. 626. VVED CHARLES by the grace of God King of Navarre c. doe sweare unto our people of Navarre upon the holy Evangelists toucht by us and to the Prelates and rich men of the Cities and good Townes and to all the people of Navarre for all your Rights Lawes Customes Freedomes Liberties and Priviledges that every one of them as they are shall be maintained and kept to you and your successors all the time of Our life without corrupting them bettering and not impairing them in all or in part and that the violence and force which hath beene done to your Predecessors whom God pardon and to you by Vs or Our Officers We shall hereafter command it to cease and satisfaction to be made according unto right as they shall be made manifest by good men of credit After which the Deputies of the State swore in their owne names and for all the Realme faithfully to guard and defend the Kings person and their Countrey and to aide him to keepe defend and maintaine the Lawes and Customes with all their power Errata and Omissions in some Copies Part. 4. p. 1. l. 26. it is p. 9. l. 39. c. 33. p. 27. l. 13. private publike p. 28. l. 7 other 31. pugnae Appendix p. 2. l. 3 parallel p. 4. l. 14. them the people l. 34 p. 5. l. 29. Maximus p. 8. l. 1. Polieuctus p. 39. l. 26. dele in the p. 41. l. 41. other p. 44. l. 40 retired p. 50. l. 44. the hand p. 54. l. 1. Cara Lara p. 55. l. 41. Pacensis p. 59. l. 27 dele the p. 66. l. 34. yeares p. 79. l 12 dele 〈◊〉 l. 3. Mariana p. 129. l. 2. adde 2 Chron. 22. 1. And the inhabitants of Jerusalem made Aliaziah his youngest sonne King in his stead l. 18. confirmed p. 145. l. 2. not from it to p. 147. l. 20. in some sence in private cases p. 150. l. 23. pem patu p. 153. l. 14. Cauarvius p. 162. l. 7. received renued p. 162. l. 28. Hotomani Francogal 38. Vindiciae p. 163. â— 2. revocable l. 3. Historicall l. 19. Cuiacius l. 23. usufrvctuary l. 35 dele the p. 166. l. 14. to doe l. 19. dele to l. 21. foundations p. 167. l. 7. is an p. 169. l. 26. Caracalla p. 170. l. 41. 2. secun qu. p. 171. l. 22. in Law p. 172. l. 27. fealty to p. 173. l. 8. adjuvante l. 15. rapacitates p. 174 l. 4. if it p. 177. l. 15. preserve l. 32. and. l. 35. goods p. 186. l. 15. 16. forcibly resist p. 187. l. 2. so to p. 190. l. 31. 206. p.
1310. Hist. Ang. p. 70. 1077. S. p. 608. c. with Hol. Stow Grafton How Daniel others Fox Act. Mon. vol. 1. Ed ult p. 4 so 481. * Note the credit of Princes Regal promises and Protestations g Totles Magna Charta part 2. f. 50. to 57. h Walsin Hist. p. 90. to 110. Ypod. Neust. p. 195. to 111. Speeds Hist. p. 674. to 683. See Fabian Hollin Graf Thomas de la More Higden Caxtâ—n Daniel in his life h Part. 2 f. 50. i Walsingham hist Ang. p. 349 to 400 Ypodig Neustr. p. 144. to 158. Speed Hist. â— p 747. to 762 Hollinsh Grafton Stow Fabian Caxton Trussell and others * Note this * Note the perill and policy of protracting * Graft p 348 349. 150 151. * Nota. The King should be present in Parliament once in forty dayes * Walsing Ypod. Neust. p. 145 147. Grafton p. 352 353. k 10 R. 2. c. 1â— 11 R. 2. c. 1 2 3 4 5 6. 21 R. 2. â— 2 3. 12. l See the Records of this Parliament published by order of both Houses Aug. 27. 1642. m Graf p. 329 c. Mr. Saint Iohns Speech 1640. p. 33. 1 H. 4. No. 21. 21. 48 n As the Cavaliers do now o 21 R. c. 12 p 21 R. 2. c. 16. 20. 1 H 4. c. 3. Walsin hist. Ang. An. 1398. p. 394. Grafton Holinsheâ— * Graft p. 400 401 402. c. Trussel p. 45 46 47. * Note * Such a kind of proviso was endevoured to be added to the Petition of Right 3 Caroli q 1 H 4 c. 1. 2. 3 4 r Walsin hist. Angl. p. 416. 417. Ypodig p. 168. 170. Pol. l. 8. c. 10. Caxton p. 430 Hal. Chr. par 1. f 25 Hol. p. 529. Speed p. 775. Martin Fab Graft and others Fox Acts Mon. vol. 1. p. 676 677 678. Trussell p. 74 75. s Spee p. 486 Hunting lib 8. t Walsing hist. Angl. p. 258. to 281. Speed p. 849. c. 734. c. u Speed p. 1032 to 1049. 1112 to 1120. See Hall Gâ—aft Hollinsh Howes Martin in the lives of H. 8. Ed. 6. and Q. Eliz. x Walsin hist. Ang. p. 36 37 38 39 40 4â— 42 44 48. Ypodigâ—a â—â—â—st p. 83 84 85 86 97 Coâ—kes Magna Chaâ—â— p. 530 to 5â—0 y Articuli super Chartas a Surius Concil Tom. 4â— p. 103. c. Fox Acts Monu vol. 1. Edit ult p 879 c. * Iohn White his way c. Sect 37. n. 30. p. 102. b See 21 R. 2 c. 12. c Cooke 9. Rep. f. 1. in the Epistle 4 E 3. c. 14. 36 E. 3. c 10. d 18 E. 3. Stat. 3. â—0 E. 3. c. 1. Answ. 3. The Parliament and kingâ—dome proved to be above the King e See Cromptons jurisdiction of Courts Tit. Parliam Brooke Tit. Parâ— Hâ—lm Descript. of Eng. c. 8. p. 173. Chro. of Ireland p. 120. to 130. Sir Tho. Smith Commonweal of Engl. l. 2. c. 1 2 3. Cowel Minsh Tit. Par. Cam. Bâ—i p. 177 f Rex in justitia reci pienda minimo de regnâ— suo comparatur minimus esse debet vel quasi in judicio suscipiendo Bracton l 1 c. 8. f. 5. b. l. 3. c. 9. f. 107. g li. 1. c. 5. 17 h Cap. 9. to 15 i Speech in Parliam 1609 k In his Laws in Fox Acts Mon. Edit vol. 1. p. 214. l Polit. l. 3. c. 10 11 12. m 1 H. 7. 1. Br. Parlia 92. Ash. tab 65 67. m See 1 Eliz. c. 1. Rasâ—all 〈◊〉 Sâ—wer â—or Commissioners Rasâ—al Tit. Iustâ— c. n Quiâ—quid efficie tale est magis tale namâ— potest daâ—e quod non labeâ— are true in this case o See Alex. ab Alexanâ—â—o l. 3. c. 2. â—acile peâ—spâ—eâ— poâ—est 〈…〉 esse gâ—uera nec candeâ—◠〈◊〉 ii formasâ— in â—mnibuâ— esse regilbus Regalis potentiae genera numero sunt quaâ—uâ—r Arist Polâ—â— l. 3. c. 10 11. See Dan. c. 8. 11. p See Mat. Pa. Spee Hol. Graf and others q Livie hist. Rom. l. â— Arâ—ist Polit. l. 2. c. 8. Goodwins Rom. Anâ—iq r 1 Pet. 2. 13. 14. Alex. ab Alexandro Gen. die l. 3. c. 3. l. 4. c. 23. s Polit. l. 3. c. 10 p. 209 210. t â—b l. 5. c. 13. p. 367. u De Officâ—â—s l. â— Câ—elius Rhodi Antiâ— Lect. l. 8. c. 1. Alex. ab Alexandro Gen. Dieâ—â—â— l 4. c. 23 Lâ—â—iel est Rom. l. 1. Sect. 17. p. 14 15. l. 4. p. 144 145. Plutarâ—lâ— Numa Pompilius * So Iacolâ—â—s Carbinellus others 〈◊〉 him * See p. 45. 126 127. x Lab. I. c. 8 f 5 lib. 3. c. 9. f. 107. y Hujusâ—odi leges Anglicanae own fuerint appâ—â—batae Sacramento Regis confirmatae mutaâ—i non poteâ—â—nt c. Idem I. 1. c. 2. f. 1. b. z Gal. 4. 4 5. a Luk. 2. 22 23 24. b Brâ—ct lib. 3. c. 9. f. 10 I. 1. 8. f. 5. I. 2. c. 16. f. 34 c Comites viz. quia a Comitaâ—â— sive a societaâ—e nomen sumpserunt qui etiam dici possunt Coâ—sules a consulendo Reges â—uim tales sibi associant ad câ—usulendum regendum pâ—pulum Dei ordinantes cos in magna potestate â—enore nomine c. Idem I. 1. c. 8 f. 5 6. d Fortesâ— de Laud. Legum Angl c. 9. * This he writes to our King Henry the 6. to whom he directs his Booke f â—ap 8. vol. 1. p. 173. * See Bodin l. 2 c 5. l. 1. c. 10. Euâ—ropius Grimston in the life of Nero Maximinus Heliogabalus and others g See the Arguments against Shipâ—money Impositions the declarations against the commission of Array h Resolving of Conscience Sect. 4 5. i See Ioshua Iudges Saumel Kings Chro. Dan. throughouâ— Isa. Ierem. Ezek. in sundry chap. k See Sleidan de 4. or Imperiis Mat. West Livyn Iustin Opmerus Purchas Chroni Chronicarum all generall hist. l Polit. l 2 3 4 5 Plato de Republica Bod. Common-weale The Repub. of sundry Nations Polyb. Hist. l. 6. m Rom 14. 1 to 6. 1. Pet 2. 13 14 2 Sam. 5. 12. Nehe. 2. 10. Psa. 78. 70 71. 2 Chro 9. 8. 1 Cor. 3. 21 22. Estn. 10. 3. Arist. Pol. l. 3 4 5. Coelius Rhodig l. 8. c. 1. Bra. l. 3. c 9. f. 107. n Augustinus de Gest is 〈◊〉 Emerita Donatist Epis Tom 7 par 2. p. 882 783. o At the end of the Petition of Right 3 Caroli p See Europius Sabellicus Grimston Speed others of his life q Speeds History p. 757. r See Br. Tit. Corporations s See the Fullet Answer to Dr. Ferne p. 2 3. t Quod eorum qui rempublicaÌ„ gerunt majori parti placuerit id est ratum ac firmum Arist. Polit. l. 4. c. 8. l. 1. c. 2. l. 3. c. 8. u Br. Corpora 34. 8. H. 6 c. 7. x 14 H. 8. f. 3. b. y Major Pars est totum Brooks Corporati 34. Smiths Commonwea of Engl. l. 2. c.
Magistrate shall not infringe the right of the Superiour and so likewise if the superiour Magistrate exceed the limits of his power and command that which is wicked not onely we need not obey him BVT IF HE OFFER FORCE WE MAY RESIST HIM So they in point of Law and Conscience then publikely resolved Secondly that the French Protestants and others in the reign of King Franâ—is the second Anno 1359. being much oppressed by the Guisian faction who had got the K. into their power and wholly swayed him as his Maj. ill Councellors sway him now thereupon assembling together to consult of some just defence to preserve the just and ancient government of the Realm They demaunded advice TOVCHING LAW AND CONSCIENCE OF MANY LEARNED LAWYERS AND DIVINES who resolved THAT THEY MIGHT LAWFVLLY oppose themselvs against the Government which the House of Guise had usurped and AT NEED TAKE ARMS TO REPVLSE THEIR VIOLENCE so as the Princes who in this case are born Magistrates or some one of them would undertake it being ordered by the States of the Realm or by the sounder part of them That defence of Religion and Liberties against violence and oppression were iust causes of Warre Et quod pia arma ea sint ultra quae nulla restat spesvitae nec salutis A like resolution and determination was madâ— by the chief Dukes Peers Nobles and Officers of France Anno 1614. which you may read in the Appendix Thirdly that the Angrognians and Waldensian Protestants of Lucerne and Piedment in the year 1558. to 1561. being persecuted by the Lord of Trinitie and their Popish Soveraigns assembling solemnly together to consult how to prevent the great dangers then at hand after long prayer and calling upon God for his grace and Spirit of direction and Counsell well to manage their weighty affairs and to preserve themselves and the Protestâ—nt Religion professed by them concluded in the end to enter into a solemn mutuali Covenant and to ioyn in a League together for defence of themselves and their Religion whereupon they all promised by Gods grace and assistance to maintain the pure preaching of the Gospell and administration of the Sacraments and one to ayd and assist the other c. which they did with good successe obtaining many glorious victories against invading persecuting enemies The like did Zisâ—a the Thaborites and Bohemians heretofore and of later times as the Maginall Authors largely relate resolving it iust and lawfull for them in Law and Conscience to defend themselves and their Religion by force of Arms against their persecuting Soveraignes Fourthly that the Netherland Provinces being oppressed in their Bodies Estates by the Duke of Alua and Spanyards Tyrannie and in their Religion and Consciences by the introduced Inquisition to extirpate Religion did after serious deliberation and consultation with learned men of all sorts unanimously conclude and enter into a solemn Covenant to defend their Libities Religion Laws by force of Arms against the Spanish Tyrannie as you may read at large in their Histories And in the year 1572. The Prince of Orange and his Confederates having levyed a goodly Army to relieve Mons besieged by the Duke of Alua caused this notable Protestation to be printed and published to the World as well in his own name as in his Confederates giving a reason of the Arms which he had taken up as followeth Wee William by the Grace of God Prince of Orange Earle of Nassau c. To all Noble-men Knights Gentlemen and others of what quality soever of these Netherlands which desire the Liberty thereof being miserably tyrannized and oppressed by the Duke of Alva the Spaniards and other their friends TRAYTORS AND MVRTHERERS OF THEIR OWN COVNTREY We declare that every one of us for a particular love and zeale he beares unto his Countrey and for the glory of God which we desire above all have often sought by all meanes the good and quiet of the Countrey as well by Petitions and other mild meane as by force of Armes thinking to draw those that were as we are to doe the like sometimes by sighes and prayers unto God having had patience untill that it should please him to mollifie the hearts of the said Tyrants but in the end solicited and called generally and particularly by the inhabitants of the said Countrey by reason of the inhumanities and oppressions We have in the Name of God ACCORDING TO OVR CONSCIENCES TAKEN ARMES protesting before God and his Angels and before all Men present and to come that we have not been moved hereunto by any private passion but with an ardent desire which we have to oppose our selves against this more then barbarous and unsupportable tyranny to the Proclamations Edicts taxes Imposts and charges of the hundreth thirtieth twentieth and tenth penny imposed by the in satiable covetousnesse of the Duke of Alva against the Lawes Liberties Freedomes and ancient Priviledges of the said countrey which Lawes Liberties freedomes and ancient priviledges we mean by the grace of God to restore unto the said countrey holding it under the obedience of their Prince and natur all Lord as we are bound to do affirming and maintaining that all Princes and Noblemen Gentlemen Commonweales or others of what quality 〈◊〉 be they strangers or home-bred that have been moved to give us 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 IN THIS SO IVST AN ENTERPRISE have not don it for any other◠〈◊〉 but for true piety and compassion which they have with us of the said 〈◊〉 and â—alamities Wherefore we pray and entreat every one both in generall 〈◊〉 pâ—â—ticular to assure themselves that we intend not to doe wrong to any man nor to attempt upon the good estates or honour of any of what quality soever were he of the â—lergy but are ready to aid and assist every one freely and willingly as for his liberty EVERY ONE IS BOVND TO SVCCOR VS BY ALL DVE AND POSSIBLE MEANES In the mean time we will give order that God and the countrey may be served in procuring the preservation of the people and the defence of their houses wives and children Praying to God that he would favour and bring to a good end SO HOLY AND NECESSARY AN ENTERPRIZE This their defensive Warre yet continuing hath been justified by many and in speciall maintained to be just and honorable BOTH IN LAW AND CONSCIENCE in a particular Book De jure Belli Belgici printed at the Hague with the States approbation 1599. to which I shall referre you Fifthly which comes neerest to our present case of any story I have met with Alphonso the 3. king of Arragon in the year 1286 through the ill advise of some bad Counsellors and Courtiers about him departed in discontent from the Parliament of the Estates of Arragon then assembled at Saragossa and posted to Osca because the Parliament took upon them to make Lawes to reforme and order his Court his Courtiers which he denyed but they
affirmed they had justright and power to doe Hereupon the businesse being put unto geeater difficulty the Estates affirmed A Comitiis intempestive discedere Regi NEFAS ESSE That IT WAS A WICKED ACT FOR THE KING THVS VNSEASONABLY TO DEPART FROM THE PARLIAMENT NEITHER WAS SO GREAT A BREACH OF THEIR PRIVILEDGES AND RIGHTS TO BE PATIENTLY ENDVRâ—D Whereupon they presently raised up the Name and FORCES OF THE VNION or Association formerly made and entred into between the Nobility Cities and people mutually to aid and assist one another to preserve the Peace and Liberties of the Realm even with force of Armes IT BEING LAWFVLL for the common cause of Liberty Non Verbis solum SED ARMIS QVOQVE CONTENDERE not onely TO CONTEND with words BVT ALSO WITH ARMES Vpon this king Alphonso desirous to prevent the mischiefs then present and incumbent by advise of his Privy Counsell published certaine good Edicts at Osca for regulating his Court Counsell Iudges Officers by which he thought to have ended all this Controversie but because they were promulged onely by the Kings own Edict not by the whole Parliament as binding Lawes they still proceeded in the Vnion till at last after various events of things this King returning to the Generall Assembly and Parliament of the Estates at Saragossa in the year 1287. condescended to their desires and confirmed the two memorable priviledges of the Vnion with the Soveraign power of the Iustice of Aragon which could controll their very Kings Of which see more in the Appendix I shall close up this of the lawfulnesse of a necessary defensive warre with the speech of the Emperour Alexander Seuerus recorded by Herodian l. 5. He who first infers injuries hath no probable colour but he that repulseth those who are troublesome to him EX BONA CONSCENTIA sumit fidâ—câ—am assumes confidence FROM A GOOD CONSCIENCE and good hope of successe is present with him from hence that he offers not injury but removes it Thus have I now at last waded thorow this weighty controversie of the lawfulnesse both in point of Law and Conscience of the Parliaments present and all other subjects necessary Defensive Warres against their Soveraigns who invade their lawes liberties Religion Government to subvert them by open force of Armes in which I have freely and impartially discharged my conscience not out of any turbulent seditious or disloyall intention to foment or perpetuate the present or raise any future destructive unnaturall warres between king Parliament and People or to countenance to encourage any tumultuous rebellious factious ambitious traiterous spirits to mutiny or rebell against their Soveraigns for private injuries or upon any false unwarrantable ends or pretences whatsoever let Gods curse and mens for ever rest upon all those who are in love with any warre especially a Civill within their own dearest Countries bowels or dare abuse my loyall sincere Lucubrations to any disloyall sinister designes to the prejudice of their Soveraignes or the States wherein they live but only out of a cordiall desire to effect such a speedy honourable safe religious sempiternall peace between king and Parliament as all true Christian English hearts both cordially pray long for and endeavour by informing his seduced Majesty his evill Couâ—sellors his Popish Maâ—ignant Forces that if they will still proceed unnaturally and treacherously to make war against their Native Countrey Religion Lawes Liberties and the Parliament which to doe I have elsewhere manifested to be no lesse then high Treason Rebellion against both King and Kingdome they may in point of conscience and Law too be justly opposed resisted repulsed even by force of Armes without any guilt of Treason Rebellion or feare of temporall or eternall condemnation as publike Enemies Rebels Traytors to the Realm whateveâ—er they have hitherto been informed of to the contrary by temporizing Lawyers or flattering illiterate Court Divines and by assuring all such noble generous publike spirits who shall willingly adventure their lives or fortunes by the Parliaments command in the present necessary defensive warre for the ends prâ—mised that for this good service they shall neither in the Courts of Law nor Conscience incurre the least stain or guilt of Treason Rebellion sedition or any such like odious crime much lesse eternall condemnation the panick feare whereof frequently denounced against them by many sottish Malignants Royalists ill-instructed Lawyers and Theologasters hath frighted kept back and withdrawn multitudes from yea cooled corrupted many in this honourable publike duty service which they now owe of Right to God and their Countrey in which to be treacherous perfidious sloathfull negligent cold uncordiall or timerous as too many hitherto have been to the greater honour of those who haue been faithfull actiue Valiant and sincere especially now after so many late horrid treacheries most happily discouered and a new Couenant solemnly entred into demerits a perpetuall brand of iâ—famy and reproach To dye fighting for ones dearest bleeding dying Countrey hath in all ages been honoured with a Crown of Martyrdome to liue or dye fighting against it hath ever deserved the most capitall censures ignominies and heaviest execrations Let both sides therefore now seriously ponder and lay all the premises close to their soules consciences and then I doubt not through Gods blessing but a happy peace will speedily thereon ensue Nation shall not lift up sword against Nation Countrey against Countrey Englishman against Englishman Brother against brother any more as now they doe neither shall they learn such an unnaturall cursed kind of Civill Warre any more but beat their swords into Plow-shares and their speares into pruning â—ooks and greet one another with a kisse of holy peace and charity Which desired end and issue of these present bloudy warres God in his mercy hasten and accomplish to the joy of all our Soules I should now according to former engagements proceed to other remaining particulars but because this part hath already farre exceeded its intended bounds out of a desire to give full satisfaction in a point of highest present and future concernment every way I shall reserve the residue with the Appendix for another distinct part with which I shall conclude my Meditations and Collections of this subject without any further Additions if God say Amen Finis Partis tertiae Errata in some Copies PAg. 100. l. 8. to by p. 101. l. 32. Omri Zimri l. 40. ludah Israel p. 115. l. 12. that p. 127. l. 36. of their p. 128. l. 31. hence p 136. l. 8. not a Bishop a Bishop not a Lay-man p. 14. l. 17. dele as p. 15. 1. 16. brevis p. 26. l. 1. assistants p. 94. l. 22. offer to r. ask of p. 17. 1. l. 8 no man should long p. 105. l. â—2 â—ipodes p. 106. l. 2. Rulers l. 34. irresistance p. 107. l. 3. by the. p. 121. l. 16. Emperours l. 36. Emperour THE FOVRTH PART OF THE SOVERAIGNE POWER OF PARLIAMENTS and KINGDOMES Wherein the Parliaments Right
stretch out an helping hand to an afflicted people and a prostrated Commonweale But thou must do it in such sort that thou mayest not looke after thine owne profit but the good of humane society altogether For since Justice wholly lookes abroad injustice onely regards it selfe thou shalt at last doe this justly if thou shalt have no regard of thine owne profits Briefely if a Prince violently passeth over the fixed limits of piety and justice a neighbour may piously and justly leape over his limits not that he should invade anothers but that he should bid him be content with his owne yea he shall be impious and unjust if he neglect it If a Prince exercise tyranny over the people he may no lesse or lesse slackly assist them than him if the people should move sedition yea he ought to doe it the more readily by how much it is more miserable that many suffer than one If Porsena reduce Tarquin the proud to Rome much more justly may Constantine sent for by the people and Senate of Rome expell Maxentius the Tyrant out of the City Finally if a man may become a Wolfe to a man nothing truely forbids but that a man may be a God to a man as it is in the Proverbe Therefore antiquity hath enrolled Hercules among the number of the gods because he punished and tamed Procrustes Busyris and other Tyrants the pests of mankinde and monsters of the world in every place So also the Roman Empire as long as it stood free was often called The Patrocinie against the Robberies of Tyrants because the Senate was the haven and refuge of Kings People Nations So Constantine sent for by the Romans against Maxentius the Tyrant had God the Captaine of his Army whose expedition the Universall Church exalted with powerfull prayses when yet Maxentius had the same authority in the West as Constantine in the East Likewise Charles the Great undertooke a Warre against the Lombardes being called by the Nobles of Italy to their aide when as yet the Kingdome of the Lombards was long before established and he could claime no right to himselfe over them Likewise when Charles the Bald King of France had by Tyranny taken away the President of that Country which lyeth betweene Seine and Liger Duke Lambert and Iamesius and the other Nobles of France had fled to Lewis King of Germany Charles his Brother by another mother to crave aide against Charles and his mother Iudith a most wicked Woman He in a most ample Assembly of the Germane Princes heard these suppliants by whose unanimous Counsell a warre was publickely decreed against Charles for to restore the exiles Finally as there have beene some Tyrants in every place so likewise among all Historians there are every where examples extant of tyranny revenged and people defended by neighbour Princes which the Princes now at this day ought to imitate in curbing the tyrants both of bodies and Soules of the Republicke and of the Church of Christ unlesse they themselves will be named Tyrants by a most deserved right And that we may at last conclude this Treatise in one word piety commands the Law of God to be observed and the Church to be defended justice that Tyrants and the subverters of Law and the Republike should be curbed charity that the oppressed should be releeved and have a helping hand extended But those who take away these things take away piety justice charity from among men and desire them to be altogether extinguished So he If this then be an irrefragable verity that forraine States and Princes are so farre obliged to assist and relieve those of the same Religion and all others whose liberties rights priviledges are forcibly invaded which our Parliament and State by their assistance of the Netherlands and other Protestant States both in Quaene Elizabeths King Iames and King Charles his reigne approved and justified both by words Acts of Parliament and reall performances then certainly those of the self-same Church Nation Kingdom and fellow Subjects under the self-same Prince betweene whom there is a farre nearer relation much stricter obligation and more strong ingagements ought mutually to aide and assist each other to the uttermost of their abilities when their Religion Lawes Liberties be violently invaded their dearest native Countrey wasted sacked plundered burned ruined in a hostile warre-like manner with open force of Armes either by the King himselfe or a prevailing Malignant Popish faction who have surreptitiously possessed themselves both of his person and affections which they have gotten into their owne over-ruling power How much then it now concernes every reall Protestant within this Realme of England and all other his Majesties Dominions to unite all their common forces together unannimously to protect defend maintaine and propagate our established reformed Religion fundamentall Lawes Liberties the very Priviledges of Parliaments their estates liberties lives the peace welfare and common good of their dearest native Countrey and our three united Realmes against all Popish Malignant forces now in armes to invade eclipse impaire subvert sacke ruine them and how monstrously unnaturally unchristianly and detestably impious treacherous perâ—idious all those English Irish and Scottish Protestants proclaime themselves to the present and future age who now trayterously joyne their forces with the Malignant Popish party or prove uncordiall false treacherous and perfidious to their Religion Liberties Countrey and the Parliment who have not onely waged imployed but confided in them and contribute their uttermost endeavours to betray enslave undermine and to sacke burne and totally overturne them as many we finde have done to their eternall infamy I here referre to every mans judgement and conscience seriously to determine Certainly such unnaturall monsters such trayterous Judasses such execrable infamous Apostates as these can expect no other reall remuneration of this their treachery and perfidiousnesse but the ruine of their credits the detestation of their persons memories the confiscation of their estates the extirpation of their families the execrations of all good men the severest judgements of God and utter confusion with horrors of conscience tormenting them constantly day and night whiles they continue languishing under all these miseries here and the sharpest torments the very largest punishments the hottest flames in hell for ever hereafter and those Antichristian Papists who now are and have beene so faithfull active zealous couragious industrious liberall bountifull if not prodigall to prosecute their owne interests designes to maintaine and propagate their false erroneous detestable Religion superstitions idolatries both in England and Ireland with the effusion of their bloud expence and forfeiture of all their estates and never yet deserted or became treacherous to their false execrable cause or Religion in the least degree shall all joyntly rise up in judgement against them both here and hereafter to their sempiternall infamy reproach and most just condemnation O consider this all yee who now so much forget neglect betray both your God your Christ Religion Lawes