first yet the present Conservators of our Liberâ—y have transmitted to after Ages a president for Parliameâ—taâ—ily taking away that Liberty whensoever the caprice of a fearful or foolâ—sh Minister seâ—s up pretences of State for doing it Certainly Paâ—liaments â— begin to â—orget the design of their first Instituâ—â—on begin to forget they wâ—re to assist us against Arbitrary Ministers to secure our Rights and not to sacrifice them I believe had the old Custom oâ— instructing tâ—em been revived few Flectors would have given a power to their Râ—presentativesâ—â—o Imprison their peaceable Neighbours without proof for nothing â— no' â—t can admit of no good excuse yet something more like one might have â—een offered if that Act had been suspended only whilst they could examine the cause of their pannick fear but to repeat it to reiterate such a prostitution of what wiâ—h all due Reverence to that Assembâ—y â—e it spoken tâ—ey have so liâ—tle to do withal unless to secure it by more express Laws is of â—â—â—amous example and I would almost as soon have been oâ—e of the Regicides of King Charles the first as such a murderer such a staâ—er oâ— our â—uâ—dâ—menâ—al Rights Was any of the men that were by vertue I mean by the Villany of that Suspentiâ—n committed ever tryed to this day Nâ—y did the Gâ—vernmeâ—t eâ—er pretend to try any one man for Crimes committed before oâ— during that Suspâ—ntion The Nation remembers how many the Mâ—ssâ—â—gers then locked up how many were then Imprisoned in lâ—athsome Goals how many were sent to the expensive Tower 〈◊〉 a Member of that Parlâ—amâ—nâ— I would not think a private Repentance would obliterate my â—aâ—lt I would print my Recantation of so destructive a Vote I call it dâ—stâ—ucâ—iâ—e because it has given an Inlet to Prerogative that our Forefathers never knew that no King ever once imagined that a Parliament of England would countenance tho' it were but for the least point of time But let us come to the Articles of Limerick does not King William plainly act by that devouring Monster as Doctor Welwood calls it the Dispensing Pâ—â—eâ— Does he not grant them Indulgence for their Religion allow them Arms and a freedom from Oaths and Securiâ—y against prosecutions for â—â—eir Plundering and does not he do all this by his own single authoriâ—y tho' it was contrary to the Laws of the Land the Rights and Privileâ—gâ—s and the very Safety too of the Protestant Subjects of Ireland Did ouâ— Parliament take any notice of the Illegality of this Act nay did they not ratifie it I suppose the Parliament of Ireland was not so cram'd with men in Places nor had the Members of it been so much softned by Pentions as the Members of our House of Commons are for when an Act for confirming those Articles was proposed to them they could find that the first Article of that Treaty if confirmed would make an Established Religion and the sixth would deprive all Protestants of their Actions against the Papists by wâ—om they were plâ—ndered even whilst they lived in Peace with them This you may find in a little Pamphlet called an Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland 1692. Which Pamphlet was put forth by some Members of that Parliament who are very fond of this Government tho' they are willing that the Settlement in Ireland may be Religiously observed and that the Proâ—estant and Brittâ—sh Interest there may be secured as the Prince of Orange worded it and promised in the last paragraph of his own Declaration Did we pay so many men to make War in Ireland and make at last such Conditions Could the Prince of Orange to Reduce one Town when hâ— had all the rest of these three Kingdoms assisting him to Reduce it promisâ— to enervate the Act of Settlement and yet must King Iames when he waâ— in the hands of the Irish when very few others of his Subjects appeared foâ— him when the greatest part of the Protestants in Ireland were actually in Arms against him or combining with his Enemies forever stand confounded because he was prevailed upon contrary to his own Inclinations and by a sort of fatal necessity to Repeal that Act of Settlement I believe if the Doctor will read Great Brittain's Iust Complaint and the Answer to Doctor King's Book he will not have Forehead enough to assert any more as he does page the 36 th that the King was Master and without controul when he passed that Act of Repeal and the King promises to consent to every thing that an English Parliament shall think necessary to reâ—establish that Act now he is really and properâ—y Master of his own Actions and tho' the King has good reason and is obliged in honour to recommend to the Parliament of England those Irish that have followed him to the last yet the rascally Irish as this mannerly Pupill of Titus Oates Doctor Welwâ—od calls them do not appear dearer to King Iames then to the Prince of Orange for King Iames will leave the method of recompensing those that have been Loyal to him to an English Parliament But King William falls out with the Parliament of Ireland because they are not willing those Irish Papists who plundered even while they lived in Peace with them should go unpunished which in plain English shews that King VVilliam to endear himself to the Natiâ—e Irish is willing to give an Instance that he thinks Robbery is no Crime but perhaps he remembred what the Pyrate said to Alexander may think that 〈◊〉 an Irish Popish Rapparee has no more natural conviction of the hainiousness of such a transgression then his Protestant Dutch Highness has shewn to his own Actions I am past Wondering at any thing King William does but Posterity will be astonished that a Parliament of England could ratifie such Articles To proceed to another Head it is notoriously known that several men were Executed by Martial Law before it was Enacted When an Army is no better paid then ours has been either in England Ireland or Flanders to empower a Commander to Shoot a man to Death because he demands the Money he has earned for himself and his Family with his Sweat and with his Blood is a Law that requires great subtilty and argumentation to prove it equal or just but to give this power to imperious and cholerick Officers without examining how many men had been before the settling of it murdered in their rage and to gratifie their own violence I say to enact this Law without such a retrospection and without guarding 〈◊〉 against a too vigorous execution of it for the future is what little becomes an English House of Commons who ought to have a tender regard to the Life of the meanest Subject Let us come to consider of the numerous Parliamentary Pardons bestowed upon Ministers who have falen foul upon our Laws have not the Subjects even the Peers of England been hunted by Proclamations clapt into Prisons for High Treason and refused the
he has broke it with the Episcopal partâ— there when I come to shew in what an admirable in how much a more setled condition Secretary Iohnson has left that Kingdom but at present I wilâ— observe how he has kept it with the Parliament of Scotland as I have heretofore how he has kept it with the People of England It is sufficiently known that those who delivered him the Crown of Scotland took a most parâ—ticular care to make the Redress of Grievances and the assertion of their oâ— Rights the conditions of taking it And the Conditions upon which only theâ— gave that Crown I must allow for the honour of that Nation and 〈◊〉 mitiâ—gation of what they did that had they had a Right to do it they acted like wise and serious men they provided Substantial Securities by their claim of Rights and they ordered those who presented their Crown to secure their Liberties by reading first their Claim of Rights then their Grievances both which went to the bottom of things and then to insist upon the exacting of a Promise from him to govern according to the one and to Redress the other before they administred the Oath unto him by which they designed and evidently implyed his being sworn to the performance which Instructions were punctually observed by those that delivered that Crown but within a very short time after that Crown was given tho' it was upon this promise yet notwithstanding the greatest part of that Parliament which placed the Crown upon his Head humbly petitioned the present King for which priviledge of Petitioning they had provided by their Claim of Rights as well as the Prince of Orange had in his own Declaration declared the slighting and rejecting Petitions delivered by Subjects with respect and submission to be a high strain of Absolute Power I say altho' that Parliament humbly Addressed to the present King for his Assent to some Votes which they had passed for Establishing their â—iâ—erties and which were agreeable to their Antient Laws and Priviledges and pursuant to their Claim of Rights they were scornfully and disdainfully refused and rejected Will you giâ—e me leave to mention some of the Laws of Scotland such as were set down in the Prince of Orange's Declaration to that Kingdom According to the Scotch Declaration the appointing of Judges in an unusual manner and giving them Commissions which were not to continue during Life or good behaviour was highly Illegal yet King William after he got the Crown found he was mistaken in that Paragraph and nominated the whole Bench without subjâ—â—ting them to a Tryal and the approbation of Parliament according as Law and Custom required did not think fit to continue their Commissions during Life or good behaviour and appointed them a Lord Presâ—â—â—nt tho' by express and antient Statutes he was to be Elected by the Bench. By the Prince of Orange's Declaration the Imposing of Bonds without Act of Parliament and the permiting of free quarters to the Souldiers are declared to be high and intollerable Stretches of Government as indeed they are by the municipal Laws of that Kingdom but yet under this Government with greater Confidence and less Compassion then ever Bonds have been in Scotland imposed by authority of Parliament as may appear from their publick Proclamations and many thousands of Souldiers have been maintained upon free quarter for many Months together countenanced and abetted in it by the Government and the Funds for the reimbursing the Country which were appointed by Parliament have been otherwise diverted The Commissionating the Officers of the Army to sit as Judges upon the Lives and Estates of the Subjects and the â—uâ—ing People to death without a Lâ—gal Tryal Iury and Record were complained of in the Dâ—claâ—ation wâ—re thought good reasons for Forefaâ—â—â—ing of King Iames and were provided against upon this last settlement of the Crown and yet both the caution given against them by the sentence of Forefaulture in the Person of King Iames and the future provision made by the Estates prove too weak to restrain this Government from practising the same things for Colonel Hill and Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton were ordered and empowered to puâ— Glencoa and all the Males of his Clan under seventy to death which was partly executed upon them without any Legal Tryal Iury or Record Neither can their former enmity and opposition to the Government furnish any appology for so barbarous a Murder since they had all either actually taken the benefit of the Indemnity then granted and so were pardoned or had Protections in their Pockets which put them under the immediate care and safeguard of the Government Will you give me leave now to put you in mind of a matter that concerns both Kingdoms The frequencies of Parliament for redressing of Grievances the amending strenthening and preserving of the Laws with all freedom of Speech and Debates in them was insisted upon and fundamentally established by the States of both Kingdoms when they Elected their present Majesties to the Throne How well this is observed and made good to both Kingdoms is obvious enough I believe it would puzzle Doctor Welwood to give any considerable Catalogue of Grievances Redressed No it is not for Redressing of Grievances amending or preserving the Laws they are assembled but for giving of Money The craving Necessities of the State the pressing circumstances of the Confederates and Forreign Affairs the early Preparations of the French King anâ— honourable Peace the good of the Protestant Religion and Fears of King Iames are become the cruel and everlasting Topicks the common and ordinary Stale whereby the true intent of Parliaments is baffled and the Money-business quickned and finished The last is now so much the business of Parliaments and the first so little that is is an equal Wager that this Court may come at last to plead Prescription against Parliaments as to any other business but Money Bills Doctor I am afraid you will be put hard to assign many redressed Grievances but I can present you with an account of at least six or seven and twenty Millions that we have paid King William a prodigious Sum for five Years besides the Money that we have in that time lost by his management and the vast Sums he owes Methinks our bounty should have made him keeâ— better touch with us have made him perform his Promises I begin to pitty you Doctor for as I said you must not discount for theâ— things by laying the blame upon the advices of Ministers thereby to easâ— the Prince because every Branch of Law is a Breach of Promise by your own Doctrine if such a poor Animal as I can pick out the sence of what you write Methinks you are a little abashed we have been a long time â—very serious Have you a mind to be merry Doctor and I will by repeating a Jest shew you how in a very few Lines you might have given a more effectual answer to thâ—s Declaration The Story
so strong as to Canonize him a Martyr and to appoint upon the account of his usage a Day of Humiliaâ—ion and Repentance to all after Ages Nay since the Injury done to him has left still such an impression that many men who have had a Hand in this Revolâ—tion yet remember his Blood shed with Horrour and since however contradictory it was to the Principles of this change the Convention it self caused Ludlow to be sent away with a Proclamation at his heels and farther since multitudes of People in all parts of England attribute almost all our Misfortunes to that Vâ—ngâ—ance wherewith God retaliates the Injustice of his Death I say all this considered can it be doubted that King Charles the First would have been bâ— this change of the Peoples temper re-possessed of his Throne had he had the good luck to have gone into Exile From all these Instances and many more that may be met with in Story I think we may infer that nothing is more certain than that the love which People have to the rightful Descendant and Successor of a Family that has a long time held the Reins of Government and which has been submitted to by them will at last prove too hard for any Fascination with which the People may for a while be inveigled by the arts of an Usurper and his Emissaries together with the Billinsgate of such Scriblers as your self That the King will be Restored I don't at all question The Follies the Faults the Unsuccessfulness and Ingratitude of the Prince of Orange make way for his Restoration Our Injustice and his Right enter a strong Claim for him in the Courts of Providence and our own Consciences His own repentance 〈◊〉 the Male-administrations that were committed during his Reign and the â—ecurities he offâ—rs against such Errours for the fuâ—ure corroborate his Title â—â—d will infallibly dispose all mankind to receive him But afâ—er all I must â—onfess that how much soever I have all along been convinced that he will â—ome home and that the Monarchy of England is Hereditary and conseâ—uently that he is our Rightful and Lawful and only King of all which I â—m absalutely convinced I say as much as I am satisfied of all these particulars yet I should have had leâ—s Heart to serve him had I not been well â—atisfied also that Common Proâ—estancy the Church of England as it is Established by Law and our Civil Rights would be all Safe if impartial Liberty of Coâ—science wâ—ich does not imply sharing Ecclesiastical Preferments but freedom to all sorts of People be their perswasion what it will to worship God according to the â—ictates of their own mind withouâ— any Penalty I saâ— Common Protestancy will be safe if such a Liberty is settled The Church of England may make her self now safe by drawing at present proper Civil Securities within the Walls of our Hâ—use of Commons and tendering them in the first Parliament after the Restoration The same promise of raâ—ifying Laws now made might give us uâ—questionable Securities for our Civil Rights if the present House of Commons would think it their duty to provide any Securities for the Nation But farther if these Gentlemen don't think that their business yet we have another paragraph in the Declaration that will if it is not our own fault effectually secure us and I think we need not be afraid of a Revolutionary Parliament under a Popish King In the paragraph I mean the King promises with all speed to call together our Representative Body and therein to inform himself whâ—t are our united Interests and Inclination and with their concurrence to redress all our Grievances and to give all those Securities of which we shall stand in need And in another place he particularly promises they shall chain up your devâ—â—ing Monster explain and limit the Dispensing Power and most effectually secure the Church of England more effectually than that Promise you recite page the twenty ninth could be supposed to secure it before this Dispensing Power was either circumscâ—iâ—ed or defined and before the Power of the Judges to interperet away our Laws was provided against We have not only his Promises the King 's being Sixty and his Son not Six our advantages against him by reason of the King 's being of a Religion that is not popular amongst us but also our own Tenures and tempers and his experience that English men nay that the generality of the Members of the Church of England will not live up to all the stretches of Prerogative and Passive Obedience to proâ—ect us against future Iâ—regularities It will not be the King's fault if any umbrage for Jealousies is left in relation either to Religion Liberty or Property It is not He sees it is not his Interest to leave any and therefore ever since he first heard of the Prince of Orange's intended design of conâ—â—â— and likewise what Jealousies whether well or ill grounded his Peoâ— have had he has been always willing to condescend to ample Securitiâ—â— and in this last Declaration he very plainly invites us to secure our selves 〈◊〉 the future encourages us for the future to Word our Acts of Parliament mâ—â—â— cautiously What Despotick Doctrines may be found in our English Statâ—â— Books And when the Duke of Queensborough one of King William's pâ—â—sent Privy Counsellours was Commissioners in Scoâ—land was not that foâ— of speaking Absolute Power without reserve introduced into their Laws 〈◊〉 was the King the safer for these extravagâ—nt Complements of these Parâ—â—â—ments Did these Flatteries of those Houses subjugate the minds of 〈◊〉 People of these Kingdoms I am glad to see by the wording of the King Declaration that hiâ— Majesty is sensible that soothing exprâ—ssions giveâ— real Power don't establish the Interest of the Câ—own I said some tiâ—â— since that I wouâ—d make no Apology for the Male-administrations of Kiâ—â— Iames's Reign but yet if we would Saddle the righâ— Horsâ—s I think Parlâ—â—ments and Pulpits come in for their share of reproof as well even as tâ—â— King's Ministers and I am sure are more blameable by our Constitutioâ— than the Kâ—ng For was not that Parliament of Scotland more faulty â—oâ— introducing such a luscious Expression into the Laws of their Country thaâ— King Iames or his Minister for using the very Words of an Act of Paâ—liament in the Declaration of Indulgence that was sent â—hitheâ— As I saiâ— in another case Extravagant Acts of Parliament never have the validity 〈◊〉 Laws but yet they may mislead Kings It is happy for Kings when the keep exactly to the Fundamental Constitutions of their respective Kingdoms but sure they are pardonable if not excusable when Representatiâ—â— Bodies tempt them inâ—o Errours unless by sâ—me Declaration of their own they seem to have a thorow knowledge of the Constitution Indeed thâ— Prince of Orange seemed in his Declaration to uâ—derstand our Constitutioâ— so well that he understood even the Chicaneriâ— of our Beautifâ—ux and fâ—â— this
A Reply to the Answer Doctor Welwood has made to King Iames's Declaration which Declaration was dated at St. Germaines April 17th S. N. 1693. and Published also in the Paris Gazett Iune 20th 1693. Aetas parentum pejor avis tulit Nos nequiores Horat. People endure Oppression with more Patience from an Usurper then one ascending through a long Succession as esteeming it more Natural and no less then they look'd for or as acknowledging to have deserved it for not seeing when they were well Osborne's Advice to his Son Second Part. The PREFACE I am so far from triumphing over our Misfortunes that I call God to witness England can receive none that do not sensibly wound me but the Wise Man in the Scripture advising us To consider in the day of Adversity I think it not unseasonable at this time to recollect the present State of our Affairs and under a few short Heads expose the Calamitous Condition of our Country to the view and the consideration of all disinterested and honest People Some of those things I shall offer here have been already mentioned in Print and others in private Conversation amongst such whose Judgments tho' in some particulars differed from mine yet who I have the Charity to believe are guided by Principles of Integrity and in the pursuit of the ends they drive at prefer the publick Good before any private Advantage of their own But tho I have sometimes discoursed to the same purpose with men in Place and Power and such too as have the reputation of good Sence yet what I have delivered with all the Sincerity man is capable of has generally met with the Fortune incident to such meagre Doctrines as won't make the Pot boyl and I have been listened to as Sermons are more for decency than application I have therefore restrained my self hitherto from publishing my thoughts so freely unwilling to oppose the rapid Tydes of Passion and Interest which for these last five Years have born down all before them and overflowing the defences of Law and Reason have brought a deluge of Miseries upon tâ—is distracted Nation But now that the Fulness of time is at hand and our Ruin almost quite accomplish't I think I am obliged to contain my self no longer within Table talk but to do my Country all the Service I am capable of from the Shade I live in by endeavouring to dispel those Miâ—ts of Prejudice from before their Eyes and demonstrating thaâ— a Duâ—ch Government that never was founded in any Religion has been much more destructive to us then a Popish one could have been tho' seasoned with too mâ—ch For I don 't in the least doubt but that most of those who were the chief Incendiaries in the Late Revolution and who scattered the Fears and Jealousies of Popery most would now acknowledge if they duâ—st speak out that all the Provocations of the last Râ—ign were in themselves as Impotent as Unjust and that it was impossible for so inconsiderable a Party to contrive any Mischiefs that required such violent Remedies as were preâ—cribed For whoever heard that a Country govern'd by Laws was enslaved by a Prince whom his Subjects had entertained inveterate apprehensions of even before his accession to the Crown or would not laugh at the pretence of five or six thousand Papists endangering our Religion and Property when there was a Million of Protestants keepers of the Liberties of England It was therefore a vain Phantome to imagine that a King whose Subjects were suspitious and watchful over could surprise us with any material Innovatiâ—ns in Religion or undermine the Fundamentals of our Government for as no man can be dangerously betrayed but by a Friend so no Government can be subverted but by a Magistrate in whom a Trust and Confidence is reposed agreeable to which is a Maxim of our modern Polititians That the English Liberties were never so much endangered as under vertuous Princes the meaning of which is that our People charmed with an Opinion of their Justice have been too unwarily apt to submit to such extensions of the Prerogative that by the abuse of evil Successors have become Presidents for a too exorbitant exercise of their Power This consequence is much worse because nearer at hand if the Prince be vertuous only in the giddy conceit of the Populace deluded by the fallacies of artificial men for such an one carries the secret Venom about him and is impatient of opportunities to profit himself upon the dupes of his own Reign And this is just our case for by starting at a Shadow we have embraced the very Substance that we feared in deposing a Lawful home-born Monarch who could not nor had a thought to hurt us and exalting with a popular but blind Zeal a little Forreign Prince who has imbibed by his Education a dislike for English men and has so modell'd his Affairs as if the King truckled to the Statholder and inâ—ended these three Kingdoms should be Provinces subservient to the Seven from whence he comes This may be deduced from every Act since the first Scene of this so fatal and expensive Reign but it not being the subject of this place to launch into a thorow Comentary I will only hint at what is freshest in our Memories and put you in mind of the late admirable Caution in the Conduct of our Fleets and Army Was it from his Love to England that he broke his Promise to the King of Spain to send a Squadron of men of War into the Mediteranean which was to be there before the beginning of last Spring to act in Conjunction with the Spanish Admiral in case the French attempted any thing in Naples or in Catalonia Was it from his love to our Merchants that he detained our Ships that had been a Year loaden at Spithead and might safely have ventured last November out without a Convoy But were kept in under an Embargo because the Dutch were not ready and and neither Sir G. Rook nor they permitted to sail until our Holland Friends were pleased to joyn them at such a time that it was true a Convoy became necessary but such a Convoy as ought not to have been less than the whole Naâ—al strength of England By this breach of Word with an Ally his Catholick Majesty owed the safety of his whole Fleet at Naples only to the Storm that dissipated Mr. d' Estrees Squadron but by it has since actually lost Roze and by his tender care of our Smirna Fleet in keeping them safe so long in Harbour and hugging them as Monkeys do their young ones to death our Turkey Trade nay and the whole Exchange of London were all at once upon the utmost precipice and brink of ruin I cannot but admire the Courage of our Sanguine Citizens that still bears up against so many repeated Losses for tho' the richest of their Tuâ—ky Ships were sunk at Gibâ—altar and Malaga and those that escaped have lost a whole years Trade and
will forget his quaâ—dum Negoâ—iations with that Parliament which the lewd Whiggs many of whom are your intimate Friends called Pentionary but I protest I can't help remembring that my Lord Montague told odd tales as if he held some unfit Correspondencies with that Tyrant of France Good God â— that a man who stands Impeached by a House of Commons for such transactions with a Crown with whom we now wage War should be made the President of all our Councils Is iâ— not more wild and a greater protonation in our Politicks to place an Impeached man at the Head of all our Affairs than even to make a Iâ—sâ—ite a Privy Councellour But let the Marquess of Car -- then make room for the Earl of Sun -- land The Preface has given some account of that eminent States-man but I will tell you Doctor a Secret upon condition that you will not tell that you have it from me the Earl of Sun -- land this very Earl of Sun -- land tho' he has been out of Office has not for a great while been out of business I am sure for above these two Years he has not been out of it Are you at leisure worthy Sir to go to the Secretaries Office where Mr. Br -- n is to be found who must be a very adroit and experienced person and well worth your acquaintance for all the World knows he has run through all sorts of business He was Secretary to that Offensive High Commission Court The four Popish Bishops found him very useful He could instruct Regulators and at Tryals lend an Oath Heavens bless me No body but Sun land could have recommended such a Tooll to Fâ— rd who must certainly think himself overstocked with Reputation of which deservedly he haâ— a great share or he could never have ventured so much of it by pâ—tting the Secrets and business oâ— his Office into such hands I am really sorry he made such a choiâ—e for there are some men in this Government whom I would not have disgrace themselves He is one of those and I am sure he might have chosen out of his old acquaintance men that would not have been a reproach to him Had Nature pleaded as strongly for his Father I would have forgiven the Princes of Orange tho' she had overlooked all the faults of her Uncle R r and recommended him to the Cabiâ—et I believe you aâ—e well known to Sir R râ— R h and I think I ought not to name him upon the accounâ— of Regulation because he â—out started in the House of Commons all those that laid it to his charge as a Crime I must confess this Government could not have found out a â—iâ—ter man â—o be a Secretary of War than handsom formal Mr. Bl te for 〈◊〉 Speech in the House of Commons did to the utmost of his power demonstrate that a standing Army was cheaper then the Militia He talked himself out of Breath and the whole House out of Patience upon that subject and I have been told by those that were by that if he had any meaning what I have set down was what he dâ—ove at He is indâ—ed a profound man and therefore our Senates was not so much to blame that they could not understand all he said but so much is certain he had a mind to a standing Army and that propensity is a good qualificaâ—ion for a Secretary of War and we shall comprehend his Reasons for what he would have maintained when he thinks fit to publish his Notes I believe you will be weary before you have made these Visits therefore we must let alone the Right Honouraâ—le 〈◊〉 Lord Câ—nningsby Sir Râ—bert Howard Siâ— R. Tâ—mple Sir I. Wâ—rdâ—n and a mulâ—itude of other such excellent Persons who are very well with the Government till another oppâ—rtunity Another reason why the authorised Writers for this Government should not so eternally insist upon Male-administrations of the last iâ— because we have so many Instances of misgovernment under our Reformer and I asure you Doctor his Title will totter if he may not discharge himself upon evil Ministersâ— from which 〈◊〉 such Writers as you by the doctrines of your own Pamphlets shut him out In speaking to the Male-administrations of this Government I must make use of a division that some will think new for I must speak of Lâ—gislative Errours as well as Execuâ—ive Male-administrations Amongst the first I reckon the suspention of the Habeas Corpus the gratification of the Articles of Limerick and the Enacting of Marital Law without punishing those that had exercised it before it was enacted and also the numerous Pardons they have bestowed upon the Ministers of State when they had broken thoâ—ow the most valuable of our Rights when they had broken in upon the Lâ—berty of our Persons Thesâ— and many other such exorbitanâ— measures which have passed both our Houses may be reckoned Legislative Errours I don't question but sâ—me will think it very strange that I impeach a Parliamâ—â—t but what man that has common sence can believe that the Nation ever intruâ—ed a Hâ—use of Commons with a Power to destroy them with a Power to surrender up all our Liberties to enslâ—ve the Nation to sell our Rights to a â—orreign tho' â— Dutch Pâ—â—â—ce to sink our Ships or to burn our Cities They may as well make any of these and Murder it self â—egal as long Imprisonments without assigned Crimes Extravagant Acts of Parliament are no Laws and it our Senate House is delivous we can be sâ—pposed to render obedience tho' a Lawful King were at the Hâ—ad of them upon no other reason but because we are not in a condition to deny or dispute it OUR ORACLE COOK has some where in his Institutes an expresâ—on to this purpose Laws made against right Reason and the â—aâ— of Nâ—turâ— are Nâ—ll in themselvesâ— Can it be reasonable that the Habeas Corpus should be three timâ—s one after another suspended and that upon no better pretence than a Minister's shewing some Letters that he said came from Scoâ—land and which were stuffâ—d with palpable Falshoods such as King Iames's being Landed there with a greâ—t Force and of which Letters we nâ—ver heard more after the first suâ—pention of the Habeas Corpus The Liberty of our Persons is a Native Night Our Common Law originally provided for it by Wrâ—â— before it was provided for by Sâ—atute and the Act of Habeas Corpus was only to make uâ— as safe in the Vocation as in the Term and to provide a Puâ—ishment for the Judges that denyed to obey that Writ Those Judges that had before that Penalty was ascertained denyâ—d to obey the Wrâ—t were punished severely in the Late times when they went upon Principles of Liberty tho' they went too far and the Persons injured had Reparation made them out of the Estates of those Arâ—itraâ—y Judges Câ—sless Imprisonmeâ—s was one of the most clamarous and best warranâ—ed Gâ—ievances in the days of King Charles the