worthy Prince and punish them to purpose by resigning his Crown into their own hands Let them take it for a warning if he should serve them such a slippery trick the hurt will be all their own but not an Atom of injury to himself Revenge they say is a sweet thing but this makes it sweeter then Empire that Princes should part with their Crowns only to vex their Rebellious Subjects However they are much obliged to Mr. B. for his kind advice and I hope will return him publick thanks for this easie expedient that he has invented to ease them of all their troubles And if we should ever be so unfortunate and abandoned of the Protection of God's Providence as to fall into the hands of another Presbyterian Parliament we are now provided of a certain Remedy against all the evils of a Civil War it is but the King 's resigning up his Crown and all will be well again He will be no loser the Nation will have the worst of it but t is no matter for that if they will be so foolish as to punish themselves by depriving themselves of a worthy Prince Once more thank you good Mr. B. had I any access to or acquaintance with Kings I would move them to settle a Pension upon you for so noble a piece of Service But in the mean while is not this an admirable Commentary upon Rom. 13. and yet it is the short result of a long discourse upon that very Text Resist not the higher Powers i. e. says he Wring their Swords out of their Hands and fret them till they throw away their Crowns too But as bad as the Doctrine is the Application is somewhat worse For to it he has annext a Discourse concerning the Lawfulness of the late Long-Parliament Rebellion and the Reasons that moved himself to engage in a War against the King And in it he is so far from giving any signs of Repentance or so much as confessing any fault that he frankly declares both his readiness and obligation to do the same thing all over again upon the same opportunity And professes that After the strictest Examination of his own heart he dares not repent of it nor forbear the same if it were to do again in the same state of things And that if he should do otherwise he should be gâ—ilty of Treason and Disloyalty against the Sovereign Power of the Land And that if he had taken up Arms against the Parliament in that War his Conscience tells him he had been a Traytor and guilty of resisting the higher Powers and incurred the danger of Condemnation threatned to Resisters in the 13th to the Romans And in his Preface or Review makes this bold challenge Prove that the King was the highest Power in time of Divisions and that he had Power to make that Waâ— which he made and I will offer my head to Justice as a Rebel But this is to piece out one wickedness with another not only to rebel against the King but to Depose him Had he fought for the King against the Parliament he had deserved to be hang'd for a Rebel and had violated that Command of God Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers and incurred the danger of that Condemnation that is there threatned to Resisters Had been guilty of Treason and Disloyalty against the Sovereign Power of the Land and had been a Traytor and guilty of resisting the higher Powers From all which it is undeniably plain that not the King but the Parliament are the Sovereign and Supreme Power Which is such a contradiction to the fundamental Constitution of the English Government to all the known Laws of the Kingdom to so many reiterated Acts and Declarations of Parliaments from time to time that as bold an affront as it is to the Law of God it is a more impudent out-sacing the Law of the Land so that it seems there is no other way of justifying that Rebellion then by perverting and belying both And if Men can allow themselves such Liberties as these I know nothing that can keep them in any due subjection to the higher Powers that can dispose of the Supremacy by their own Arbitrary Will and Pleasure For where the Sovereignty of this Kingdom resides is a thing so easily and vulgarly known that to search it out requires no deep inspection either into the Laws of the Land or the Nature of Government The Oath of Supremacy is so full a Declaration of it that no Man whoever took it can after that deny the Sovereign Power to reside in the King alone without Perjury That the King's Highness is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm For if he be the only Supreme there is no other Supreme much less Superiour I do not argue from the bare Title of Supreme Governor because that say the Presbyterians may be honorary though others may share in the Power but from its being appropriated to the King alone For we do not only swear that he is the Supreme Governor but that he is the only Supreme Governor and then we swear that neither the Parliament nor any other State of Men whatever share they have in the Government are the Supreme Governors I shall not dispute with Mr. B. or any Man of the Principles of Fourty One of the Power of Parliaments for be it never so great yet unless the Oath of Supremacy be meer Perjury I am sure it is not Superiour nor Equal to the King 's when by it he alone has the Supremacy and then to resist him by their Authority is Rebellion by the Law of the Land and Damnation by the Law of God So impossible is it to tye Men to any Sense of Duty that can allow themselves such an unconscionable liberty of perverting and falsifying Laws and if this be consistent with any tenderness of Conscience or any Pretences to Integrity there can never be any such thing as Truth or Honesty in the World Mr. B. declares that he is very desirous to Repent if he have sinned that he daily prays to God that he would not suffer him to dye impenitently in his Sin and promises that if he could but be convinced of it he would make publick Recantation I verily believe that he is serious in his Protestation and hope to live to see it perform'd and that is my only design here to convince him if that be possible before it is too late I intend not to upbraid him or others with old Miscarriages or to revive old Stories long since buried in Oblivion For when his Majesty has been pleased in his great goodness to pardon them as to all the Punishments of this life God forbid but that they should enjoy the benefit of his Mercy and Clemency But I call upon them to think of Repentance out of pure tenderness and compassion to their Souls For God never pardons Absolutely but always upon Conditions and with him nothing less will expiate
are the People So that the design of these Men that advance such Niceties as these is apparently nothing else then to render all Government an impracticable thing For what security or settlement can it ever have in the World when by such lavish Principles as these Subjects are impowred nay always Authorised to subvert the present Government For whatever the present Government is it will have defects enough and that which is worse the fewer it has the more it will be complained of For there is never so much noise of Grievances and Oppressions as under the kindest and the justest Princes in such happy times I know not by what unhappy fate Men run Mad with Insolence out of meer Vanity and Wantonness And it is observable in all Histories that good Kings have suffered more from the fury of the People then Tyrants and Oppressors So unfortunate and unruly a Beast is the Community of Mankind that nothing can make them happy and when they enjoy so great a Blessing as a kind Government they will destroy both that and themselves too only to trample upon its kindness But however upon this Principle that Kings may be resisted and so unking'd when they are supposed not to govern according to Law both good and bad must make a daily forfeiture of their Crowns and there never can be any such thing as Government in the World unless God himself would be pleased to forsake Heaven and settle a Visible Throne among us here on Earth And yet if he should though he would fall into no miscarriages he could never escape from the complaints and murmurings of such Men as these Their only delight and happiness is to be finding fault and were they in Heaven it self they would be peevish and discontented Good God purge thy Church from such sower Leven as this that has for so many years fermented all Christendom into restless Tumults and Rebellions and has at length by its violent and eager rage work't out the very Spirit and Life of Christianity But lastly this Principle does not only lead to confusion but is confusion it self because it takes away the very Being both of Government and Subjection For if the Subject may resist when the Prince does not govern according to Law Who is to be Judge of that if the Prince he will be sure to judge for himself and that destroys the Principle that these Men proceed upon If the People are the Supreme Judges then they cease to be Subjects and are made the Sovereign for wherever the Supremacy of Judgment resides there is the Sovereign Power So that by this Principle there is no avoiding the absurdity of setting at the same time the Prince above the People and the People above the Prince and so I remember Junius Brutus has done in the very Title Page of his Book De Principis in Populum Populique in Principem legitimâ Potestate Of the Lawful Power of the Prince over the People and the People over the Prince But sure if one be above the other then the other can have no power over that which is above it or if they are both endued with the Supremacy of Power then they are Equals and Equals have no Power over Equals for if they have they are not Equals There is no way of Reconciling this Reciprocal Superiority of Inferiours above Superiours and Superiours above Inferiours but his Poets way who recommending this worthy work to his dear Countrey of France he advises her for the Cure of all her present Breaches and Distempers to keep the Power both of the King and the People within due bounds and then all will be well again Haud aliter legum populo dum fraena relaxas Dum Regis solvis vincula tota ruis At Populum Regem solitis tu siste lupatis Ilicet antiquus restituetur honos Now if the Poet or the Politician could but have found out such a Person as France distinct from and Superiour to both King and People to adjust their mutual Rights then I must confess it might have been possible to reconcile this Project to common Sense but without it every Child can see that it is meer Non-sense and Contradiction Mr. Rutherford has one shift more upon this Argument that I will be so ingenuous as to set down though I must confess I know not how to Answer it and I doubt no Man will ever attempt its solution And that is this if this Proposition be Universal that it is unlawful to resist Kings in any Case Then when King David deflowred Barthsheba she might not lawfully have resisted him with Bodily Resistance and Violence and if she had David might have said to Barthsheba because I am the Lords Anointed it is Rebellion in thee a Subject to oppose any bodily violence to my act of forcing thee it is unlawful for thee to cry for help for if any shall offer violently to rescue thee from me he resisteth the Ordinance of God One would think that these Men design'd nothing else then to prophane and ridicule the Scriptures for how else could it ever have come into any Man's head to parallel Rebellious Resistance to the Commands of Sovereign Power with not yielding to a Rape If the Man had intended mirth and entertainment by the conceit it might have pass't for a prophane Jest but to be grave and serious nay fierce and eager in such smutty impertinencies turns the whole matter into down-right folly and dulness And yet our great English Divine R. B. has very much out-bid the Scotch Divine in the Emprovement of the Notion inferring from hence as he says a fortiori that we are much more bound when unjust and unchast Kings would commit Rapes upon their Parliaments to rescue them by force and violence from their Lascivious Attempts And so it is evident that in the long-Parliament-Rebellion against his late Majesty they were so far from doing or intending any harm to the King himself that they only kept him off from doing violence to the Chastity of the Houses So easie is it for these sort of Men to find pretences or excuses for Treason that no similitude can be so light or trivial but that it shall have weight and sense enough to bear them out in all their enormities Though I must confess that of all Men that ever I met with this holy this mortified this daily dying Saint has exceeded them all in the licentiousness of his Principles and the prophaneness of his Talk upon this Argument As for my own part I cannot think what to make of some Mens Consciences for I cannot imagine that Men who pretend to great zeal for Religion and take mighty pains as they think to promote it who say that they live in a daily expectation of speedy death and a future Judgment should be stubborn and resolute Atheists And yet I can as little conceive that Men who are serious in the belief of these things should through the
nothing But at the third Meeting Marcellinus keeps them close to the point and after long strugling and much patience with them causes all the Records relating to the whole matter to be read especially concerning the Cause of Caecilian and Faelix of Aptung And here the Donatists were quite undone at the first shock and had no shift to escape only to the Absolution of Caecilian by Melckiades they have the Impudence now to say that Melchiades himself was a Traditor Which as it was a new lye invented at so great a distance of time so was it utterly groundless and without any pretence of Authority then only their own Report and therefore could not pass In short the Schismaticks having nothing to except against the unquestionable Evidence of publick Records but repeating the same Cavils and Calumnies the Verdict is given against them and themselves are brought to subscribe the truth of all the Acts of the Conference as we now have them which otherwise they would afterward have pleaded to be false so that they had now no shifâ— left but their old one to complain of the Partiality of Marcellinus Unless it were to Appeal from the Emperor to whom themselves first appealed to the Scriptures Thus upon this shameful overthrow Primianus a chief Man among them cryes out Illi port ant muliorum Imperaâ—orum Sacras nos sola portamus Evangelid And they were then the two Tribes that continued Loyal to the true Religion whilst the Catholicks by whom they were so much over-voted were the other Ten Tribes that followed Jeroboam into his Idolatry But so it was that things were managed with that clearness of Conviction that though theÌ„ Ring-leaders went on in their old stubbornness yet the greatest part of the People hereby understanding the true merits of the Cause forsook them forever and as St. Austin says great Numbers of the Circumcellians return'd to their Callings and Parish Churches and as for the Number of the more sober People of all States and Conditions that were reduced he says it was so great that it was not to be numbred And to settle the business more effectually St. Austin prevails with Marcellinus to publish the Acts of the Conference the truth whereof was subscribed by both Parties that all the World after that might be satisfied of the foulness and disingenuity of the Schismaticks And then the African Bishops agree among themselves for keeping up the memory of the thing fresh against them to have them publickly read in all Churches on the last Sunday in Lent And because the Acts themselves were too long for the People St. Austin drew up his Breviculum for that use Upon this great overthrow the Emperor resolves to push on the Victory and immediately publisht such a severe Rescript against the Party that soon broke their Obstinacy and vanquisht the Schism strictly commanding them to return to the Catholick Church first under the Penalty of an high Fine according to every mans Estate and Quality Secondly Inflicting the same punishments upon all Persons that should conceal them Thirdly Requiring all diligence in all Officers to discover them Fourthly If notwithstanding they continued stubborn all their Goods were to be seized and sold. Fifthly All Landlords and Masters are to see that their Servants and Tenants conform to the Catholick Church under the same Penalties Sixthly All their Preachers are to be banisht into distant places Clerici vero ministrique corum ac perniciosissimi sacerdotales ablati de Africano solo quod ritu sacrilego polluerunt in exilium viritim ad singulas quasque regiones sub idoneâ prosecutione mittantur And lastly Their Churches and all Profits and Revenues belonging to them are to be delivered up to the Catholicks Here are all the severities that can be inflicted except death it self for though the Emperor had threatned them with that immediately after his Conquest of the Barbarians upon some rude Provocation that they had given him in his distress yet now in his cooler and more deliberate thoughts he resolves to spare their blood but resolves to spare nothing else And what milder course could be taken with such men that out of meer extravagance and wantonness had put off all sense of their natural humanity And so upon this those few that would not be reduced betook themselves to the Fields and the Woods and wandred up and down the Country in Arm'd Troops doing all manner of mischief and violence in all places usually having one of their Teachers for the Captain of each Rout such an one was Macrobius one of their Bishops that St. Austin says roved up and down in his Neighbourhood Stipatus cuneis perditorum utriusque sexûs guarded or followed with Troops of desperate People of both Sexes But it hap'ned that the year following Heraclian the Emperor's Vice-Roy in Africk that had done the good service to Conquer the Goths breaks out into Rebellion and Invades Italy with the greatest Navy that perhaps ever was consisting of 3700 Ships whereas Xerxes his so samed Navy had no more then 1200. But he being surprised and overthrown by Marinus at his first landing and by him pursued into Africk the Donatists inform Marinus at his very first coming that Marcellinus was one of those that had sided with Heraclian in the Rebellion him therefore in his rage or hast or upon some worse account he puts to death among the other Rebels upon which instead of a Triumph for so great a Victory he is immediately commanded home put out of all employment banisht the Emperor's presence and only not put to death because of his late great service Now the design of these wicked Donatists in murthering Marcellinus was not only to be revenged of him for his acting in the Conference but to kill the credit of his Acts because all the Acts of Rebels were by the Roman Law null and void and therefore as the Emperor had already null'd the Acts of Heraclian upon his Rebellion so they hoped that the Acts of Marcellinus who was in the same case should undergo the same Fate But the Emperor on the contrary writes to Julianus his Pro-Consul to lay them carefully up among the publick Records that they might be secure from being ever imbezel'd and not only so but he renews his former severe Law with the addition of some new Penalties and more then that though he had damn'd all the other Acts of Government under Heraclian â—uch was his just fury against these treacherous and bloody Saints that he renews the Rescript of punishing them with death that he had sent in his rage to Heraclian in the year 311 and that is the reason why this Law bears Heraclian's name though it were not publisht till after his death Though it was never put in Execution but the other of banishing the Preachers was vigorously prosecuted and the Emperor sent Dulcitius into Africa with a new Office for that very purpose viz. Of Executor of
was collected before the Council of Calcedon and have ever since been received both by the Eastern and Western Churches till Baronius and the late Romanists endeavoured to bring them into disgrace for the Affront that they had given to Pope Julius in rating of him so severely for intermedling with their Affairs For thô that transaction is one of the main passages that they insist upon to make out the Authority of the Popes Universal Pragmaticalness yet there is scarce a fuller Testimony against it extant in the Records of the Church For when he takes upon him to act out of his Province in giving Absolution to Athanasius they charge him with a violation of all the Laws of the Christian Church and tell him that when Novatus was condemn'd by his Predecessors the Eastern Church would never receive the Schismatick to Communion and therefore challenge him how he dares make so bold with the Discipline of the Christian Church as to reverse any of their Decrees and they afterward proceed so high in the Quarrel as to Excommunicate his Holiness for his uncanonical Presumption and to signifie their Sentence against him by an Encyclical Epistle to all the Bishops of the Christian World which no doubt is a very likely thing if his universal Supremacy had been then as well known and as much talkt of as these Men would make us believe when as it is not in the least challenged or any way intimated by Julius so is it denyed by the Eastern Bishops as an utter overthrow of the known Discipline of the Christian Church And whereas he cited them to appear before the Council at Rome that was by virtue of their own voluntary Appeal when they had refer'd themselves and their Cause to that Council for it was summon'd only at their Request and importunity Now after all this that was done purely to gratifie themselves first wholly to baulk and decline the Council and then whilst it was Sitting and the Cause depending that they had put to reference to pass Judgment upon it themselves was such a piece of foul dealing as is not to be endured in common Conversation And that is the very thing that Julius himself charges upon them in Answer to their objection against him for intermedling with their Affairs not that they affronted his Supremacy but that when they had put him to the trouble of summoning a Council and while the matter was under Examination they should put such a slur upon it as meerly to steal away the cause that themselves had seem'd so much concern'd after so many Contests to refer to its final determination And in truth the whole business was so involved by the Craft of Eusebius from the time of the Tyrian Council that Athanasius which way soever he turn'd to clear his Innocence found himself insnared by the Canons themselves For as he was deposed in Council so he could not be Canonically restored but by Council and that is it they press upon him notwithstanding the Emperour's Restitution in that though he had power to call him from banishment yet he had none to take off the Censure of the Church And the Plea had held good if there had not been so much and so exorbitant Villany at the bottom though by it we may see by laying one ill Action for a Foundation what a vast Pile of Dishonesty may be built upon it For granting the Sentence of the Tyrian Council to be good as it would have been had it not been so enormously base Athanasius was which way soever he moved catch't in the Canons and therefore in all his Pleadings he is so wise as to refer his whole Cause to the Acts of that Council and that at last got him the Victory by making known their Villany But granting them Valid his Restitution by the Emperour was Canonically void as to any exercise of his Episcopal Function and that was the point that they urged to the Emperour Constantius in order to his Second banishment but fearing lest if he should make enquiry into the whole matter all their Forgeries should come to light they carry their Cause a great way off as far as Rome and that with a mighty shew of fair dealing and ingenuity on their part that they were so far from desiring any partial Judgment that they would refer it to Judges utterly unconcern'd and therefore send it into the other Empire And now when this was done with so much plausibility Eusebius all on the suddain huddles up a Council at home and dispatches the business before the Council at Rome could publish their Sentence and by that trick he very artificially ensconst himself and his Cause in a new Quarrel that would engage one half of the Christian Church on his side For now it was become the Quarrel of the Eastern Church against the Western because when they had sentenced a Cause at Antioch what power had they to reverse the Decree at Rome This must be an Invasion of the Liberties of the Oriental Church and no less then an Attempt to bring them into subjection to the Western Bishops and thus were they all drawn in by this Crafty Man to back his own Quarrel And therefore it is observable that this Cause was ever after managed by this very pretence and it was the very Complaint of the Eusebian Bishops that parted from Sardica and sat at Philippi against the Sardican Council that they endeavour'd to introduce a new Law that the Eastern Bishops should be subject to the judgment of the Western And thus by this Artifice did this subtle man remove his Tyrian Villany out of the sight and then he might go forwardwithout fear or danger for nothing else but the discovery of that could ever expose himself ruine his Cause and defeat his Malice But the most cunning Stratagem of all was that at the same time that they proceeded with so much seeming Christian Severity against Athanasius they either Enacted or Ratified so many excellent Laws of Discipline that yet were but so many Snares to Athanasius and his Friends after his Tyrian deposition especially the fifth eleventh and twelfth In the fifth it is decreed that if a Presbyter refuse to Communicate with his Bishop he shall after three Admonitions be deposed forever and be punisht by the Civil Magistrate as a Seditious Person a very good Canon in it self but at that juncture of time it was only a Rod for the Orthodox Clergy of Alexandria who the Eusebians too well knew would peremptorily refuse all Communion with their new Bishop Gregory that was thrust upon them by this Council and a Military Force in the place of Athanasius their true and lawful Bishop In the eleventh and twelfth Canons all Appeals from Ecclesiastical Censures to the Emperour are strictly forbidden under pain of Deposition and it is farther provided that if any Bishop be Synodically deposed he is not to be restored but by a greater Synod of Bishops This reach't Athanasius to the
were plaid at Antioch the great Scene of his shame and folly Hither at his first coming Artemius an old Commander under Constantine and who for his good Services had obtain'd a good Government in AEgypt under Constantius is sent for by the Emperor under pretence of serving in the Persian Expedition but when he comes he is suddenly put to death upon pretence of Treason though the real Crime was that he had been the chief Agent under the Christian Emperors in the destruction of Idols Artemius is followed by the two famous Captains Juventinus and Maximus who bemoaning the Restitution of Idolatry are by the Emperor cast into Prison upon the sham of Treason where divers attempts are made upon them to betray their Religion but all in vain their constant answer is That they are always ready to lay down their Lives but never their Religion and so at length they are privately beheaded This is all the harm that we know of them and yet they are exhibited to the World among that Pack of Julian Christians that pursued their Prince as if he were a midnight Thief or an High-way-Robber The next Set of bloody Conspirators against the Apostate's life were Abbass Publia and her Quire of Virgins that persisted to sing Anthems against Idolatry at such times as his Majesty passed by their Chappel at which he was at last so enraged that he very honourably commanded one of his Souldiers to beat the old Woman that was Mistress of the Quire so that he made her nose bleed Which contumelious Usage says the Historian she received as the highest honour as the Apostles did when they were beaten too that they were accounted worthy to suffer shame for Christ. And therefore the old Woman and her Maids were so far from pursuing him as a Thief and a Robber that they did not so much as return him any warm Language These are all the instances of Rebellion against the Apostate that I know of unless we may add that very credible Romance of an old decrepit Bishop threatning to kick the Emperor in the head of his Praetorian Bands at which the great Soldier that had fought so many Battels was so scared that he was forced to betake himself to his Heels These are all those numberless Instances in the great variety whereof a man may almost lose himself which may be given of the Christians hatred and contempt of Julian when he was Emperor How they reproached him and hiâ— Religion to his very beard beat his Priests before his face and had done him too if he had not got out of the way But whatever becomes of all the other Outrages there is no other instance of the danger of his own being beaten but by this old man that had lost the use of his Limbs who yet it seems would have kick't him before his own Guards had he not run away Any Passive Obedience how sneaking soever would have been much more Manly and Heroick then to kick one that was so great a Coward that in the head of his Troops had not courage enough to stand the brunt against the impotent fury of Fourscore and Ten. But what shall we say to the other objection That if the old Bishops did not beat him yet the young Divines jear'd him gave him Nick-names and Lampoon'd him to his beard This I must confess is a great fault to offer any indignity to the Person of a Sovereign Prince and reflects scorn and contempt upon his Government But yet I hope there is some distance between breaking an indiscreet jest and breaking out into open Rebellion For that is our design to prove that in the days of Julian the Doctrine and Duty of Passive Obedience was out of doors and that the Christians who would have quietly submitted to the Laws under a Nero or a Dioclesian pursued Julian as a midnight Thief or an High-way Robber That is plainly that they thought it Lawful to resist and pursue him by force and that I think is Rebellion though indeed therâ— was no need of such broad Expressions as of hunting a Thief or a Robber for if the obligation to Passive Obedience be once taken off active Resistance immediately takes place and that again is actual Rebellion Now what a strange leap in arguing is this from a jest upon a Princes Beard to raise an Army to cut his Throat For that is the inference here to prove that the Christians in his time thought it Lawful to resist and rebel against his Government because they Lampoon'd his Whiskers But certainly men must have a very sharp stomach to Rebellion that can encourage themselves to fall on upon such slender Invitations But to state the matter aright between the Imperial Beard and its sawcy Subjects if it met with any rough and uncivil usage it may thank its Owner for it who indeed brought that rude treatment into fashion by Lampooning all his Predecessors And if Princes will condescend so low as to write Libels themselves they must pardon the Poets if they give them as good as they bring for there is no King of Wit And therefore this Pedantick Prince putting himself upon such an equal Level with his Subjects by vying Wit or rather Buffoonry with them which no Prince beside himself ever did it can scarce amount to an act of Treason if they made so bold with his Beard And the truth of it is his Beard was so very singular and remarkable that no Stoick could well pass it by without a fling at it for it was the very Comet of a Beard upon a Boys face and that alone was a very provoking and ridiculous sight And let but the Reader peruse his Coins especially that in which his young self is drawn with the old Goddess Serapis and then I may challenge him to forbear smiling if he can And long before this Beard was assaulted by the ill-bred Antiochian Citizens it had been Canonised when he was much younger in the Court of Constantius where as Ammianus Marcellinus his Panegyrist informs us he was Nick-named the Goat for his long Beard and not only so but a pratling Mole a Monkey in Purple a Greek Pedant All which the Historian imputes to their Envy of his great Glory and parallels his Case with Cimons that Envy accused of Luxury and with Scipio's that it charged with too much love of Ease and with Pompey's that was blamed for too much neatness These are little defects incident to great Men that their spiteful Enemies might take advantage of to Eclypse the Glory of their Vertue with the Rabble but as for these Pedantick Affectations for which Julian was so highly despised they could not be incident to any Man that was not a remarkable Fopp But beside all this we must consider to what sort of Men the Antiochian Provocation was given and that was to the Poets by his discountenancing and discouraging the Play-Houses by which they were undone and they are a sort of men