to be in it self Illusory as to the latter part of it by a precedent act of Parliament to bind and frustrate a future whenas a supreme and absolute power cannot conclude it self neither that which is in nature revocable be made fixed no more then if a men should appoint or declare by his Will that if he made any latter Will it should be void the quality of the Statute it self being considered as to the Imprisoning Fining some of the Kings Party for adhering unto for taking part with him against the knowne and fundamentall Lawes seem to be of no use to the present Quarrell betwixt the late King and the People that objected Statute seeming Temporary only whereupon the aforesaid Writer concludes with this Aphorisme that things that do not bind may satisfie for the timâ— But to returne to the occasion of this Warre how unhappily continued how easily the terms of dissention now in being are reconcileable how petty a difference there is betwixt the two Tenents of Independent Presbyterian is easy for any man to know who shal enquire into the quality of either of what growth settlement and extent they are the one the Presbyterian not ripe enough as yet to be established neither the times now fit to entertaine a fixt or established forme of Government to bind all sorts of men many having been left at liberty whether they have or will take the Covenant many who have taken it thinking themselves not obliged forthwith and in all parts to keep it having for some cause discovered since their taking set it aside The other the Independent a seeming rather then a certain abdication or totall renouncing all Government or for ever the Lord General and his army called Independents but why let them that call them so answer for it have solemnly p declared against such disorder and non-Government There are t is to be believed some adhering to the Parliament other of the same sort belonging to or having been of the Army that desire an independent and unlimited Power which neither derives its beginning nor receives its bounds from the Magistrate which kind of humour the Parliament neither q approveth nor admitteth of There are some besides styled Independents and many of them may haply desire to shake off that heavy yoake of Government which growne through the corruption of manners and indulgency of times into abuse exorbitancy and oppressings doth gall and heavily presse their Fellow Subjects necks not by an easy or ordinary course to be taken off yet the granting these proves not that the Parl. maintains or which is lesse allowes Disorder or Nonâ—Government in a Commonwealth the Division between them two Presbyterian and Independent was handsomely hatched and as cunningly carried on by the Common Enemy on purpose by Dividing to overcome them both or as is before observed it befell through their pride of Conquering The main and originall difference first in dispute between the Kings party and the Parliament's arose from matter of Fact which brought in this dispute or question amongst other things unto whose charge the Deluge of blood spilt in this Warre is to be laid The Parliament hath declared That it is to be lâ—iâ— at the King and his Parties doores For instance sake The bloud-guilty and horrid act of hindring the relief of Ireland whereby thousands of his Protestant Subiects have been slain which holds the three heretofore united Kingdomes in a languishing and sad estate even at this day the one divided against the other and many of the People of all three despairing to enjoy their former Pâ—ace the Parliament instancing First in his sparingly anâ— too late proclaming their Enemies Rebells when the Rebellion first broke out By signing Commissions to the chief Actors in the Rebellion r the Generall Assembly of the Church of Scotland sending unto him a serious Admonition to that purpose and charging him therein to be guilty of the shedaing the â—loud of many thousands of his best Subiects The Parliament of England their Commissioners at the Å¿ Treaty at Uxbridge urging as to the Warre in Ireland his disapproving the subscriptions of the Adventurers and Officers of the Army imployed for the relief of his Protestant Subjects there by meanes whereof the course intended was then diverted his making a Cessation with the Rebells which had it not been in the time of their greatest want and the Forces imployed against them not drawn off they might in all probability have been ere this subdued and the War even finished Instead thereof it is protracted That Kingdome having been by the prowesse of his t Predecessours kept entire united unto and a u Member of this State of England is by his and his Party's abetting it put into a Condition and even invited to invade and conquer This And what was wanting to be further acted by himself and his Councell is now set on and continued by his Party hindring the supplyes and forces sent over by the Parliament to reduce the Rebels raising and fomenting a new Warre between Us and the Scots to divert the Forces intended for the relief of Ireland that by a Warre with Scotland the English may be lesse enabled to prosecutâ— their design in Ireland That the Commissioners sent by the two Houses of Parliament for the better supply and encouragement of the Army in that Kingdome were discountenanced and commanded from the Councell there where the prosecution of the War was to be managed The Houses of Lords and Commons in the debate with the King about the Affairs of Ireland sent him word that his Message then sent to Them wherein He chargeth them with false pretences and a purpose in Them to divert large sums of money collected from the English from the proper use to which it was intended was an high breach of the Privilege of Parliament and upon that occasion They declare many particulars of their care for the reliese of Iâ—eland and the Kings hindring it Those particulars there expressed are as followeth They declare that this bloody Rebellion was first raised by the same Counsell that had before brought two great Armies within the bowells of this Kingdome and two Protestant Nations ready to welter in each others blood which were both defrayed a long time at the charge of the poor Commons in England and quietly at last disbanded by Gods blessing on the Parliaments endeavours That this designe failing the same wicked Counsel who had caused that impious Warre raised this barbarous Rebellion in Ireland and recommended the suppressing thereof for the better colour to the Parliaments care who out of a fellow-feeling of the unspeakable miseries of their Protestant Brethren there not suspecting this horrid Plot now too apparent did cheerfully undertake thâ—t great worke and doe really intend and endeavour to settle the Protestant Religion and a permanent Peace in that Realm to the glory of God the honour and profit of his Majesty and security of his three Kingdomes
The English PRESBYTERIAN AND INDEPENDENT Reconciled SETTING FORTH THE Small ground of Difference between them Both LONDON Printed for Edward Brewster at the Sign of the Crane in Pauls Church-yard 1656. THE ENGLISH PRESBYTERIAN and INDEPENDENT RECONCILED THe great long and heavy troubles brought upon the three Kingdoms under the late King's Dominions complained of in the Discourse and a Meditations of the Book called The Kings Pourtrayture have had other Causes from whence they originally did spring and have derived their Being from a more antient date of time than of what the Author of that Book complaines of the King's Complyance and giving way unto the death of a Lord a Favorite of his mentioned in that Book when as the late Jealousies between the King and his party on the one side and the Court of Parliament on the other grown into Civil broils and having for many years disturbed the Peace of his Kingdomes cannot be ascribed to any other visible Motive than to a more generall and universall one at first Iniustice and Oppression practised where no Power was able to resist for if as the b Wise man observes Righteousnes exalts a Nation sheweth also how the King's Throne may be established by the rule of contraries Iniustice overthrows a Nation and by His listening unto the wicked His Throne is thrown down The next motive whereunto the continuation of these troubles mentioned in that Booke may be ascribed is unto the Violence and Heat in the prosecuting their severall Interests upon the one Party's mis-apprehending the Subject of the Quarrell both Parties pretending to the preservation of the common Peace and severally setting forth the justice of their Cause the reason and equity of their proceedings which hath produced so much Sedition Strife and Faction that untill in more of all sides a right and perfect understanding be had the Common-wealth is likely to remain as a long time it hath in a languishing and sad estate Severall discourses have been vented diverse Bookes of an opposite sort each to other published to vindicate and cleare the one to calumniate and traduce the other Party when as there is but one Truth and Justice which both Parties challenge to be theirs laying the Iniquity and Wrong-doing to their Adversaryes charge A scrutiny made into the falshood and counterfeit glosses practised by the one an equitable acceptation of the just interest and pleading of the Other a serious and true examining the various Writings on either part what hath passed in the transaction of their Affairs might stint the Quarrel the observing how the one Party in their Declarations have unjustly and deeply charged the other of severall Crimes and Misdeamenours thereby wronging their own proceedings in the manner of their dealing might convince the Adversary and consequently put a speedy period to this contention When about eleven years since the King c from the urgency of his own affairs as is given out in his behalf from indeed His contesting with His Subjects of Scotland about their endeavouring to defend their antient Constitutions summoned this Parliament and by his Writ confined it to such a Time and Place when the matters were debated there the Convention being full and free so by himself acknowledged that which seemed displeasing and not consonant to his Will was attempted to be made frustrate by his Power which the Parliament being sensible of and foreseeing future and forcible attempts to be made upon their Priviledges sought on the other side to maintain their Power and Rights to relieve their fellow subjects suffering under the late oppressions offered by the Ministers of Justice against the peoples liberties against the known fundamental Laws The infringing of which added to the late jealousies entertained by our neighbouring Nation the Scotish and divers of the English Nation was in most mens judgment the first Ascent to these Divisions Oppression Injustice in the King his party first then their contending to defend and excuse themselves to accuse and retort on the Parliament and their Party the guilt of their own demeanor wherein when they could not prevaile their desire and pursuit of making good their Accusation encreased the division to this height how and by what degrees it went higher what projects and practices to get the upper hand follows in this Narration In the resenting which all men seemed engaged either in Affections and tacite Wishings or in Action some to the one others to the other Party most unto that which they conceived was ordained and then convened to preserve Peace and Justice which by the other had been not long before disturbed Not by the way that it is thence inferred that the Parliaments Cause was therfore the better or more just because the most and greatest part of People then sided with them or that the King's Parties Cause is so now in that so many are faln off from the Paâ—â— and that party some upon dissenting in Opinion others grudging at without duly weighing the reasons of the Parliaments actings most indeed troubled at being subject to their Power Government by reason of the Impositions Taxes wch for a time they do lie under repine to pay not looking back to the first Occasioners of the war but fondly conceiving because they feel not the fury of a prevalent hostility war that therefore there is no war but because the People the wiser sort at least long since knew the benefit and use the dignity necessity of that Court as the supreme Judicatory of the Kingdom therefore the antient Authority thereof to be maintained the Power and Priviledges not to be infringed or violated they knowing the End wherefore that Court was instituted at first by an ancient necessary and wholesom * Law of giving redresse to grievances in a Common-wealth of what quality the Persons assembled by solemn Writ should be directing how they were to be Habited to defend their Country against all force opposing them as by the d Emblem of Valour required in them it may appear And no question if the Kings of this Realm have deputed none to place of iustice but e meunltz valiantz as King Edward the 3. expresseth it None but such are to defend serve their Country in the highest place of Judicature That as to this present Parliament the King himself in his f Answer to a Declaration sent him from both Houses of Lords and Commons doth confesse and allow them a full and Iuridicall power to iudge and determine the most doubtfull high and weightiest crimes and causes although he seems to limit it again by particular Cases and regularly brought before them acknowledging withal g together with the Lords and Commons assembled at Oxford the Privileges of Parliament to be so substantiall and entire a Right that the Invasion of the liberties of either House as the course of Parliaments was then heretofore held was an iniury to the other and to
the whole Kingdome In severall his Messages returned unto their Propositions he repeats and confirms the same judgement of and concerning their full and ample power being lawfully summoned and by a Law consented unto by himselfe in full Parliament Not to be dissolved unless by their own consent Notwithstanding which severall attempts of force and violence were offered as far as his and his parties power could extend it self to the dissolving it by contending to divide and scatter them accusing the remaining part of the Members sitting in the House at Westminster of being Rebells so being divided to account no other of the Parliament at Westminster than he did soone after the Pacification made with his Scotish Subjects of the Parliament in Scotland terming them h The divided Members of that distracted Parliamentary Body remaining at Edinburgh So that as to the Parliament of England it must be confessed that he meaned not what he expressed in allowing to them that lati-tude of Power and Priviledges or that his Party hath since prevailed with him to renounce that judgement which he declared to have had of them That the contentions at the first sitting of the House were upon the point about matters of fact what things were done what projected to be done How the King and his Ministers of Justice had demeaned themselves since the beginning of his Reign how many oppressions of severall kinds had been offered by them how they had offended against the known Lawes in an Arbitrary way of Government which being disputed by all men as they conversed together or within themselves a Division could not be avoided but must break out into contrariety of Opinions and Affections consequently into Partyes and Engagings as their judgements should direct some likely to adhere unto the King contending to make him Absolute to doe whatsoever he pleased others contending on the other hand to have him govern according to the Lawes as bound by his Oath the result from out the differences betwixt them both could be no other than for the one Party knowing what of late had passed to endeavour a redresse to consult a remedy against the like Exorbitances withall that there was no other visible power in being to emulate and check a King 's except a Parliament's i the Power and Priviledges of which Court in Rivalship with the Kings have been many wayes manifested in the actings and contestings betwixt their powers In the present contention betwixt which it is not so much what hath accidentally fallen out in the progresse of this war as what hath been actually and intentionally attempted to be done which foments the quarrell or decides the controversy That this Parliament in contending to maintaine their power their friends and assistants against their enemies confronting them was by an high hand interrupted and opposed and if we take our Neighbour Nation the k Scots their judgment in the stating the occasion of this VVarre and the Enemies designe this Parliament was for no other reason called then to give the King relief and aid against their comming into England This the occasion of the League and union betwixt us and them On these and the like grounds they knowing what had been attempted against their Nationall Lawes and Rights foreseeing what the event was like to be in case they did not bear with patience knowing also in what condition the English at or near that time were what Declarations the King had published against some what severe courses he had taken against other Members of the Parliament of England which the Historian notes the dejected People were enforced to endure with patience and to allow against their own reason the Scots considering withall that if of themselves they made resistance without the aid of friends they were too weak a power that if they delayed their course for remedy too long their friends and strength might have been prevented and knowing before hand that there are but two remedies applyable to the approach of dangers Prevention and Recovery the first the right hand rather the heart of Policy the other the left and after-game They begun before any preparations made for or against a VVar with sending to the Parliament of England a Iustification of their proceedings intreating them to be wary in Vindicating their own Lawes and Liberties to frustrate the designs of those evill Counsellours who had procured this Parliament for no other end than to arme the King with warlike supplies against his Scotish Subjects and by that Warre to enslave if not to ruine both Nations that after many violations and dissolutions of Parliaments in England This was not to redresse grievances but to be so over-reached if they were not carefull and couragious that no possibility should be left for the future redressing any That so dangerous practises might be well suspected when at the same time a Parliament was denyed to Scotland although promised on the word of a King granted to England when not expected and obtruded upon Ireland when not desired The rise of all which was from the anger which the Scots knew the King conceived against them for some particular acts of theirs charged with Disloyalty as without recounting all other differences and jealousâ—es betwixt him and them That they refused and declared against the Messages sent them to receive the Service-Book obtruded on them for which as for vindicating themselves from the like charged Disloyalties they were accused by the King to have wrote a l Letter to the K. of France Imploring His Protection as weary of their Obedience to their owne King for which disloyall Letter as it was termed a chief m Peer of theirs was imprisoned and condemned to dye That the Pacification had and made to take away all differences past and which might ensue betwixt the King the English and the Scots by the prudent and joynt advice of a select Committee of English and Scotish Lords as to remove all jealousies betwixt both Nations was soone after it was made scoâ—ned and slighted the Scots then complaining in their informations made unto the English their Friends and Brethren of many injuries they had received since the Pacification made and contrary to that Agreement This was the condition of the Scots these the very words of their Remonstrance That the Union and Brotherly League entred into by both Nations was no otherwise construed than an Invitation in the one and invasion of n Forreiners in the other Nation and howsoever the Charge in the 7. Articles exhibited against the 5 Members of the House of Commons and one Lord of the House of Peers was laid to those few onely yet probably it had reached many other of the English Nation had not the first assault of violence in the Kings party miscarried as it did But wherefore were those Articles exhibited against those Members and the King attempt in an hostile array to seize their Persons in the House of Commons which when he could not effect
he was blamed by some of his neerest friends for not seizing some others in their stead as hath been credibly given out so that nothing was properly to be laid to the charge of those six when as the same crimes were to be fitted to any other in the House the Articles charged on them are elsewhere mentioned by a Gentleman who hath writen the History of the Parliament of England and those six Gentlemen charged to be Ringleaders in the committing severall Treasons but how justly in every designe and purpose there is some more activity in one two three or more than in the rest and every conpleated Act is first the conception and motion of some few individuall persons than the consent of the rest if the first motioners of such a designe shall for their forwardnesse without any advantage to themselves be therefore accused of Treason and in a violent way pursued and when their persons could not be met with others of their fellow Members were to be seized in their room it could not but strike at the root of the Subjects liberty the power and privileges of Parliament So many sad and direful notes could not but portend a War against one or both Nations as time and opportunity should best serve to manage the design in hand or else the Parliament knowing themselves to be a free and full Convention in all parts a Parliament both in the Substance and Form summoned by the Kings Writ to meet c. as in the circumstance of Time and Place must submit to the will and pleasure of an o incensed King so to be dissolved or awed at pleasure or to have Boundaries put upon their Acts and Counsels by such as they knew to be corrupt and would have removed from the King to the end his Throne might be established which desire of theirs was on the other side counterpoised by a factiously framed and superstitious Maxime amongst his Favourites That if a King will suffer men to be torne from him he shal never have any good service done him So that in this Doubt and Perplexity whether the Parliament should Submit Desist or Act according to their Trust they thought it neerly and necessarily concerned them to provide for their own the Kingdoms safety for the publick welfare some of their Members being impeached and charged two Kingdoms provoked and mâ—naâ—ed the p Third also likely to bear a part in the broils of the other Two the King himselfe jealous and displeased to see the Parliament then at distance with him in transaction of matters concerning the three Kingdomes Petitioned and Appealed unto termed in an envious and scornfull way by some of his Party Omnipotent others murmuringly upbraiding that it was Idolized himself as it were neglected and left out none or seldome Addresses made to him which by the Author of the q {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is with much indignation urged that some few of the Members of the House were more looked on as greater Protectors of the Laws and Liberties than the King and so worthier of publique protection Hence it was that the Parliament had a narrow path to tread between their hopes to regain the Kings lost favour after many evidences of his anger poured forth and their hazarding the ruine of those principles whereon they did first engage that they thus Acting knew well that their Cause was just their War defensive as was at the beginning of these Troubles by a r Gentleman of good abilities in an excellent Speech of his delivered to that purpose setting forth the Enemies series and succession of designes to interrupt the Parliament as first by awing and taking away the freedom of it by an Army then actually assaulting it and with the sword to cut asunder the onely Nerves which strengthens and knits together the King and People the People amongst themselves and the whole frame of Government in one firme and indissoluble knot of Peace and Vnity That the Parliaments taking up Arms was to defend onely to repell the force and violence practised by a few of the King's side at first afterwards to provide against the mischief which his Party heightned through rage against the Parliament pretence of Loyalty towards the King might severall wayes intend That their resisting his and his Parties practices was then judged and discoursed to be for no other end then to maintain their own just Privileges in order to the maintenance of the Lawes and Liberties of their Fellow Subiects that for these familiar Reasons here ensuing no man would imagine that they dâ—â— intend an Offensive Warre to engage the Subjects one against the other or the King against themselves An instance thereof may be fully seen in these particulars following I. First for that they could not but foresee that the consequences of a War falling ouâ— betwixt a People oppressâ—d a Court of Parliament provoked and a King displeased Å¿ Counsell and Duty on the one being recompenced with Indignation and Reproach on the other side would prove calamitous and sad but on which side the calamity would fall with greatest force fury very uncertain when as besides the two Parties immediately engaged one against the other a middle and Neutrall part worse aâ— wel in the t Kings Partyes accompt as in the u Parliaments would fall in as opportunity should serve II. That it being presumed the aim and Counsells of the Parliament and all men else â—â—ing for Peace and Justice a War once waged would hinder and destroy their aims produce more overtures for discord more fresh supplies for quarrelling in the prosecuting which many unexpected chances would fall out to increase the discord as in the controversies between man and man he who hath not been so forward and visibly active for them unto whom he did adhere as in every particular opinion of theirs concurrent with them shall be traduced and accused by them also for a Neutrall or an Enemy when as men not at all assisting have therefore been by the one Party convicted Neutralls and thereupon pronounced w Forsworne III. That amidst their hopes of conquering there would not be wanting discontented and seditious humors even out of their own first Party to traduce and vilifie their proceedings if not consonant to their particular humours and fantasies that those humours would be fed and animated by the first and common Enemy on purpose to divide and weaken the prevailing Power IV. That divers other consequences likely to result from War would prove harsh and irksom to a people born free and governed under Laws and Peace as that the Soldiery and prevailing Power knowing their own opportunity and strength would be apt to intermeddle with private Interests or at least the People would be jealous of it to the perverâ—ing Justice and trampling down the Lawes which in a time of Peace distristributes to every man his iust Right so that the people would not onely
of a civill Warre many dissentions and emulations upon true or misapprehended grounds would fall out amongst the orders and ranks of men to disturb and overthrow the degrees and dependencies each on other according to their severall and respective Qualities all begetting and Fomenting an universall distraction throughout the Kingdom not easily to be allayed in the heat and preparations to a Warre untill a deliberate and true examining the misunderstandings which the fury of a War begun would scarce endure should set it aright XXI that if new and sub-divisions should fall out amongst themselves in matters of judgement or opinion and thence contentions grow the prevailing party would be to seek how to deale with those who formerly had been their friends and heretofore assisted them in their greatest wants but since by reason of new dissentions have discontinued their affections acting and labouring against their proceedings whether in point of Gratitude they should forbear to punish them as their adversaries or in point of Safeâ—y take such a course as may best defend and secure them and themselves also from the common enemy XXII That a VVarre the longer it continues the more cruel and desperate it would grow for that when as one party hath prevailed and afterwards the victory comes againe to be disputed the successe grow doubtfull the prevailing power must and with good reason would punish their adversaries with a severer hand the adversaries out of foresight thereof would be the more sedulous to prevent the more active to provide against such severity so the contention between them would become the more extream XXIII That in the summe of all a VVarre although of a short continuance would produce more mischiefs more Sects and Schisms more disorder and disturbances in a commonwealth than a Peace restored againe although of many years growth would recover to its former temper So many anxieties so much evill incident to a civill war could not but keep wise men from harbouring the least thoughts of Leavying one yea to say more on the Parliaments behalfe and Their desires of peace after the war was waged and to prevent the effusion of more blood Their offering and accepting Treaties have manifested the same that when in Theiâ— Battails fought They were at the highest Tyde of successe They did not refuse to Treat nor when at the lowest Ebbe forbeare to Fight These prudentiall Reasons incident to and consequent on a Warre and to wise men obvious to have been foreseen could not but induce Them to decline a Warre yea deter Them from levying one These might withall together with many more which might be added hereunto and put into the Ballance with the Objections offered by the Kings Party to prove the Parliaments designe of overthrowing Monarchy which they could not doe but by a Warre will outweigh the objections and imprint in all men who shall impartially look into the beginnings and progress of this War an undoubted knowledge of the Parliaments just actings and these Reasons of foresight together with what hath past might satisfie all knowing and discerning men that if the Parliament did intend to levy a War against the Kings evill Councellours the Kingdomes e Pests and Vipers rather then They should be borne down in Their just defence They did not intend to levy one against the King who had as many friends to adhere unto as the Parliament had enemies of many sorts Offendors Interested and Obnoxious Persons to confront and oppose Them in their proceedings The Reasons being now set forth which might give assured satisfaction to the Reader of the Parliaments aversenesse from a War of their desires for Peace it is to be equally considered what may be brought in by way of opposition against the applying them rather to the Parliaments Interest than to the Kings If it be retorted as an Objection against the Parliament and Their Friends that the Kings Party being discerning and prudent men might have made use of the self same Reasons for their declining a Warre also being of the like prudence and foresight 'T is answered they being invested with a ful and ample power of the King and his adherents it might breed in them a greater confidence of prevailing and so were not to be conceived to apprehend so many doubts and fears in their undertaking a War as the Court of Parliament did The chief matter of Objection which their enemies give out whether published in Print or discoursed onely is that three or four Gentlemen of quality of popular note as they render them before the beginning of this Warre chosen Members of the House of Commons together with a Baron of the Realme a Peer of the House of Lords dwelling in neighbouring Counties each to other and sojourning before the beginning of these troubles with a f Gentleman a Neighbour and Friend of theirs did there conspire or contrive the overthrow of Monarchy to alter the frame of Government with intent to act against the Power and Person of the King If neither of these contrivances or intents appeared by any Discourse Letters or other Acts of theirs the Objectors shew more spleen against those Gentlemen then reason in drawing a prejudicial conclusion against the Parliament from their owne feigned or mis-conceived premises Many the like objection may be devised and whispered on purpose to traduce the Cause and Persons now opposed but unless the Truth were proved and the Inference better framed the Objections are of little use Did not the Parliament suffer more through Divisions within Themselves then by such Arguments and Inferences used by Their adversaries such like Calumnies could not hurt Them for that They have now got the upper hand They seem notwithstanding to divide anew with apparance and approach of danger to both the divided Parties the one leaning on a Covenant which party supposeth it to enjoyn and hold a Presbyterian Form of Government the other contending for a kinde of Independency as 't is called yet it is to be presumed that neither the Independent which seems a privative nor the Presbyterian a positive Forme can as yet during these Distractions be firmly and throughly established such Contentions may unhappily beget a Quarrel to the overthrow of both upon their Conquering which will be held rather an event of the Conquerours good successe than from any self-wilfull humour many on either side being sober and discerning Gentlemen which division if it should continue what may be guessed to be the event thereof that for the sake of a few dissenting in opinion we should fall out within our selves or that a Neighbouring Nation of late our friends and fellow-sufferers g whose aid and union might have been of mutuall security and use to Us both should fall out with Us or We with Them and so imbroil two Kingdoms at the least in an irreconcileable War about differences in opinion about termes meerly notionall about opinions strange and unknown to them In the first War they knew for
which Party doth declare and argue more prudentially the Reasons of their severall undertakings in this Quarrell as which Party the Kings or the Parliaments have writ more sufficiently and substantially concerning the subject of their Proceedings in this Warre whose Writings and Declarations have been more true whose most seditious and false which Party hath in their severall Books been most seriously and truly charged and accused of offending which more genuinely and sincerely have argued let the Reader judge So because there may not want Fuell for Contention 't is debated concerning the actions of Violence and Terrour to the People on either part the Kings and the Parliaments which did act with more Cruelty by putting all sorts of People to the Sword spoyling consuming with sire laying wast Houses Villages Towns 'T is known that a a County not farre distant scituate in the chiefest part of the Land gives testimony of consuming by b fire against the one in a sad Record As to the Writings on either side where the one hath propounded and objected what the other hath answered for instance sake take three or four here following for the rest First the Letter to the Governour and Councell of War at Bristol that City being then a Garrison for the Parliament from the Lord Lieutenant-Generall of the Kings Forces c requiring the Governour and Councell there to forbear the putting to death the two Citizens threatning withall to retaliate the like judgment and execution upon some Gentlemen of the Parliaments Party kept Prisoners by the Kings with the resolution and Answer of the Governour and Councell to such Message The quality of which Answer is forejudged already and replyed unto in d Print to be an insolent Pamphlet with other words of scorne which Letter and Answer being here set down the Reader may discerne the difference between the weight of either PATRICK Earl of FORTH Lord ETTERICK and Lord Lieutenant-Generall of all his Majesties Forces I Having been informed that lately at a Councell of War you have condemned to death Robert Yeomans late Sheriffe of Bristol who hath his Majesties Commission for raising a Regiment for his service William Yeomans his Brother George Bourchier and Edward Dacres all for expresing their Loyalty to his Majesty and endeavouring his service according to their Allegiance and that you intend to proceed speedily against others in the like manner do therefore signifie to you that I intend speedily to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others taken in Rebelion against his Majesty at Cyrencester into the same condition I do further advise you that if you offer by that unjust judgment to execute any of them you have so condemned that those here in Custody Master George Master Stephens and Captaine Huntley must expect no Favour or Mercy Given under mine hand at Oxford this 16th of May 1643. FORTH To the Commander in chief of the Councell of Warre at Bristoll The Answer of this Letter was as followeth NATHANIEL FIENNES Governour and the Councell of Warre in the City of BRISTOL HAving received a writing from your Lordship wherein it is declared that upon information of our late proceedings against Robert Yeomans William Yeomans and others you intend to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others into the same condition we are well assured that neither your Lordship or any other mortall man can put them into the same condition for whâ—ther they live or dye they will alwayes be accounted true and honest men faithfull to their King and Country and such as in a faire and open way have alwayes prosecuted that cause which in their judgment guided by the judgement of the highest Court they held the justest whereas the Conspirators of this City must both in life and death carry perpetually with them the Brand of Treachery and Conspiracy and if Robert Yeomans had made use of his commission in an open way he should be put in no worse condition then others in the like kind had been but the law of Nature amongst all men and the Law of arms among Souldiers make a difference between open Enemies and secret Spyes and Conspirators And if you shall not make the like distinction we do signifie unto you that we will not only proceed to the execution of the persons already condemned but also of divers others of the Conspirators unto whom we had some thoughts of extending mercy And doe further advise you that if by any inhumane and un-souldier-like sentence you shall proceed to the execution of the persons by you named or any other of our freinds in your custody that have been taken in a faire and open way of Warre then Sir Walter Pye Sir William Crofts and Colonell Connesby with divers others taken in open Rebelion and actuall Warre against the King and Kingdom whom we have here in custody must expect no Favour or Mercy And by Gods blessing upon our most just Cause we have powers enough for our friends security without taking in any that have gotten out of our reach and power and although divers of yours of no mean quality and condition have been released by us Given under our hand the 18th of May 1643. Nathaniel Fiennes President Clement Walker c. To Patrick Earl of Forth Lord Lieutenant-Generall Secondly e That from the Marquesse of Argyle and Sir William Armine Commissioners from both Kingdomes of England and Scotland fully and in few words delivering their Intentions and Reasons for the Summons sent to the Governour of Carlislâ—a Garrison for the King with his Answer to them full of words pregnancy of wit and iealousie reiecting their Summons and some of his Party derogating elsewhere from the worth of f one of the Commissioners A g third of no great length the Reader hath it in the very words sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King with his Parties descant and scornfull Comment on the same The Message sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King VVE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England taking into our Consideration a Letter sent from your Majesty dated the third of March instant and directed to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster which by the contents of a Letter from the Earle of Forth unto the Lord Generall the Earl of Essex we conceive was intended to our selves Have resolved with the concurrent advice aâ—d consent of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland to represent to your Majesty in all humility and pâ—aiâ—nessâ— as followeth That as we have used all means for a just and safe Peace so will we never be wanting to dâ—e our utmost for the procuring thereof But when we consider the expressions in that Letter of your Majesties we have more sad and despairing thoughts of attaining the same then ever because thereby those persons now assembled at Oxâ—ord who contrary to their duty have deserâ—ed your Parliament are put
retired and solid Parts wherewith he was endowed then doubtless free from the affectated words whereof the Book is full in defence of the manisold actions of his incident to this War many of them too weakly excused to be his although in an handsome way of writing to possesse the belief of men obtruded on him by indeed the Author of the Booke of Divine and wholsome Councell left in his name to his Sonne might gaine a beliefe of what was vehemently suspected to the contrary That the Fathers heart was seasoned with the like Principles according to the Councell given unto the Sonne and as to the time of that Councell given there are none but have observed that the fears of the growth of Superstitious Tyranny in the peacefull times were y only and a long time more then those of the growth of Anarchy easy to be let in amongst other disturbances and distractions through the licentiousnesse and confusedness of a civill Warre and wherefore is that Councell given as if the Parliament did intend or had brought in Anarchy or devised to root out all Government No calumny whereby to render them and their proceedings odious and detestable is of extent enough to serve and satiate their Enemies appetite The Parliament in their prudence and experience might discerne a reason for the changing the Monarchical into some other form of as much conducement to the maintenance of Peace and Justice But z what that Religion is which the Author enjoynes the Prince unto whether opposite to Popery or Schisme this like weeds in Corn choaking and hindring its growth that like Mildews blasting and destroying it he defining not makes it seem doâ—btfull to the Reader for presently after he would have the Prince his Iudgment and reason to seale to that Sacred Bond which education hath written in him let a computation be had of his young years how in his infancy uncapable of discerning the differences of Religion before this Warre began where and with whom he hath lived these eight or nine years since it began all men will not believe that to be the Reformed Protestant Religion which is there enjoyned him take it in its purity or as the corruption of times hath fashioned it the Prince is vehemently suspected to goe in a contrary Diameter to either as to those Instructions given him by the Author by what is reported of his having favoured and entertained at his Court the greatest and most known Papists Forraigners of all parts setting aside his Protestant and Native English And howbeit he seems now for a tyme to comply with the Protestants and other of the Scotish Nation and they reciprocally with him his constant and certaine ayde is yet kept up his interest maintained by the Kings Catholick Subjects in Ireland as they terme themselves in favour to the Prince so that what at the beginning of these Warres was acutely urged as a witty and plausible fallacy of the Papists taking up Arms for the Protestant Cause is at this day marveled at the name changed only as that the Papists in Ireland take Armes to defend a Protestant Prince in Scotland All which considered the Prince cannot be thought to take those instructions to be truely and genuinely the Kings or little observes them as the Kings That which should have beene expunged out of the Booke to make it the more admired his is that one passage strange amongst the rest about the Authors challenging the Parliament for discovering the Letters taken at Naseby Fight even now mentioned unlesse it were ill taken by the Author in the Kings behalfe that the naming his friends assembled at Oxford in the nature of a Parliament his Mungrell Parliament as himselfe stiled it should be disclosed together and Liberties of a Free-born people or presumptuously shall take part with the subverters of the same although in a small degree of Oppression and Eâ—action the Lawes having their Metes and Limits to bound out unto every man his owne are in the Judgement of a Learned b Prince no better than Pests Vipers and Traytors to a Kingdome whence it might be mervailed at but that the Parliament hath with Clemency passed by the Transgressions of their mistaken Country-men and fellow Subjects without any heavier censure then Fining them that the violating the ancient Law of Magna Charta so industriously and religiously preserved by their Ancestors and above thirty severall times confirmed in Parliament to use the very words of the Lords and Commons assembled at Oxford in their c Declaration printed there should be objected against the Parliament sitting at Westminster to be a bold avowed transgression of the Laws and Liberties of the People as if the parties of those Lords and Commons were altogether free from the like transgressions so they may in like manner object a violating the late Kings Grant to the Petition of Right when they and their party are setting aside the justice of the â—ause on either side as culpable as the Parliaments party are The pillaging the Earl of Stamforâ—'s house in Leicestershire by the Kings Party commanding there an undoubted and notorious Felony by the Letter of the Law all his Souldiers guilty of the same The storming by day and night the breaking into the Marquesse of Winchester his house in Hantshire by the Parliaments Party the highest degree of Burglary many the like Hostile Acts may be instanced in on either side but how in the heat of War in the pursuit of Conquest each party striving who should overcome and destroy their Enemy One other passage in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} as unjustly and improbably delivered is considerable viz. the plausible reasons d given of the Kings going to the House of Commons with so many armed Gentlemen which as the Author sayes was no unwonted thing for the Maiesty of a King to be so attended especially in discontented times The times were not then so discontented as that unheard of and horrid act might have made them at that time had but the hand of one desperate Caitiffe given fire to his Pistols ready cockt the House of Commons being neer full and equall in number to the Forces prepared against them no man knows how disastrous and fatall the Event had been Neither could the King justly fear to be assaulted by any in the House as the Author intimates None in the House within being armed answerable to the Kings Guard without The Author thinks he hath handsomely palliated that Attempt under colour of the Kings standing in need of a Guard rendring those His Attendants there short of his ordinary Guard but whether he meant short in number or in a daring and forcible array he declares not Many other Passages as improbable as these are the Discourses of the Booke too tedious to recite the examining and search whereof is besides this purpose It seems to have little of the King it hath elegancy of wit enough and affectation of
expressions to be applauded inconsistent with a sound and Christian wisdome whereunto his present condition was to be fitted and Charity enjoyns not to think it his when full of so ma every three years presumes an expiration of that Parliament which enacted it and the King binding himselfe not to dissolve this without their own consent implies a consummation of such matters and Acts as were to be handled and dispatched within the time before the Trienniall was to commence which could not well be done by reason of the Oppositions and Affronts offered to blast their meetings and retard their Councells otherwise a Trienniall Parliament would have began before the present Parliament should end Besides every future Parliament could not but expect an over-awing Power to shake and dissolve it at pleasure wherefore the care and taske of this could be no lesse then to make sure and valid Their power and station which if it be or had been borne downe what security could be had in the power and stability of Trienniall or future Parliaments The Kings forbidding Papists to fight in his Quarrell is in that his answer to the Lords and Commons well expressed and might give seeming satisfaction to the Protestant Party had it been as well observed for if that be true which is credibly reported of the soule and unheard of misdemeanour to the affront and scorne of the Protestant Religion committed by his party part of the Northerne forces and styling themselves the Queens Army at the storming a g Garrison Towne in Wiltshire with many other Acts of his and his party in countenancing Papists charged on him by his people was no good evidence of his inclinations to the Protestant And how by his Catholique Subjects as they are ambitious to style themselves in Ireland and desirous they may be so Recorded and by the Queens party and Army here shall his disavowing Papists be made good her Opinions and Demeanour destructive to Protestantisâ—â—â—e together with the ayd of an obnoxious and discontented party here at home to affront the Parliament and their proceedings in favour to the King when tyme should serve being no good Arguments to prove his constancy or sincerity really to performe what he promised and professed the Scots having a previous sense gave the English notice hereof to intreat them to be wary c. least if they were not carefull and couragious they might be over reached as in the beginning of this discourse is set forth at large which the Parliament revolving and from their owne Observation and Experience tender also of the great Trust which the people had reposed in Them were not willing to put it to the hazzard whether the King would make good his promises which if he did not the sad return which They must have made to the People of their Trust had been They could not have thought it would have so fallen out personall promises and tenders of grace are not compensatory nor an adequate discharge from reall injuries Which promises when againe objected the season of offering them may be retorted as an answer to the Objection as when they were promised viz. when he saw his Prerogative Acts scanned and enquired into swelling above the bounds of Law and Justice when divers of his friends and favourites questioned and even convicted of high and Capitall enormities and that he could not otherwise rescue them from the hands of Justice then by engratiating himselfe with the people by telling them of such Lawes made for their ease and benefit untill he had gained then their fellow Subjects did or could have discovered any darke or secret contrivances of such intendment or conspiracy against his person deeming all others of a narrow capacity ignorant and dull spirited they were too blame to conceale the plot the manner and means of effecting it they had opportunity encouragement liberty enough when his Party were with him at Oxford and then and there accused the Parliament sitting at Westminster of many Treasonable designs when the quality of the persons accusing being considered the heinousnesse of the crimes wherewith the accused were charged the accusers would leave no means unattempted to enhance their power to make good their accusation for the Iustice sake of their owne proceedings which heavy charges devised by them could not be the Iudgment of them all to censure those of Westminster Trayteurs c. It was most likely to be the pride of some few thirsting to overcome and taking upon them to be dictatours of Law and Treason who t is probable forced and drew on the rest present then and unawares of what sad consequences might follow to partake of their own Crimes and Errors So then the case is briefly thus The Kings party have in their Declarations charged the Parliament and their party of High Treason which party of the Kings to make good their charge have striven and done their utmost to improve their own to consume the Parliaments strength as by inviting both Forreigners and Natives to come to their assistance yea h Neutrals too under paine of Allegiance forfeiting and breach of Oath The Parliament have on the other side to defend themselves and friends from such guilt the Neutrals also from the censure of Allegiance forfeiting as much contended to abate and take away the Kings parties strength so both partie comming as it were to joyne issue in the tryall there is likely to be no further dispute concerning it then what the sword shall determine The next Treason wherewith the Parliament stands charged is the making a new Great Seale counterfeiting the Kings the Reader may observe the justnesse of such charge the Great Seale an Instrument of State i whereby Iustice is derived and distributed to the people as the Kings party at Oxford have confessed being surreptitiously and vafrously taken away from the Parliament the Representative body of the People contrary to the trust reposed in the Keeper of the same the making a new one cannot be rightly judged Counterfeiting within the meaning of the * Statute Counterfeiting is a close cover act against the knowledg and privity of a superiour and lawfull power damnified by such counterfeiting nor is every thing which is made to the mould by which t is made a simply counterfeiting The quality of the offence is discerned in the manner of the offending and the making a Law commonly relates to some precedent crime or fraud Now no man will believe that it is anywhere to be found upon Record whereon to ground a Law that a King and Parliament have at any time made use of a Great Seale to crosse or thwart each others actings Many other accusations of this kind are charged on them as disturbers of the Peace Authors and Fomentors of this they call Rebellion wherefore lest these severall charges heretofore denounced against them should by the Enemy's recovering his power againe be hereafter made good obedience to Their power They require no more
hands and hearts of all men against them but that the Persons and Estates of such of the Lords as have assisted the Court of Parliament in the time of their extremities may hence be preserved from ruine which in case the Enemy should get the upper hand they must be subject to and cannot therefore in their serious and prudent thoughts but confesse that Safety and Preservation are as valuable as Order or Honour is Did the Engagement crosse the above-named Oaths the Refuser might plead the tendernes of his Conscience that having taken those Oaths which to his present judgement doth deter him from subscribing to the Engagement he cannot without dispencing with his Conscience so subscribe The Subscriber from the tendernesse of his observes and builds on the Apostles precepts Let every Soule be subject to the higher Powers againe submit unto every Ordinance of Man for the Lords sake he holds withall Gratitude to be a morall act of Conscience and therefore thinks he may nay that he is bound to promise fidelity to the Power from whence be receives protection and enjoyes his safety so it seems strange that amongst men of the same uprightnes and integrity many of either party being conscientious and honest men one Party should Take another should Refuse and that the same guide of Conscience conversing about the selfe same object should tend and lead to contrary Ends and Actions Conscience is a certain and uniform habit of the mind of man and therefore cannot erre in a contrary Diameter as at the first entrance into this Warre the Kings Party did pursue their Cause as the Parliament did theirs each of them imploring Gods blessing according to the Iustnesse and Righteousnesse thereof which could not be Iust on ether part when their undertakings were contrary and crosse each to other It seems as strange that divers of either party acknowledging Gods Goodnesse trusting on his help should from contrariety of judgments and Courses each to other hope to succeed in that they expect from him a blessing upon their endeavourings he is the same knowes no change nor faileth them who trust in him none so wicked but will confesse that he is good and gracious but for any to expect that through his blessing through his goodnesse which they take not the proper course for in Prudence Sobriety and obedience or faile in that which he hath ordeyned for conveying unto us what we look for at his hands it is rather a tempting then a trusting on him Conscience else may be defined a perswasion of the mind that such or such a thing is sinne that therefore we are unwilling and afraid to commit the same for feare of displeasing a great and all-seeing Majesty sinne is a transgression of the morall Law subscribing is no breach of it the act of Subscribing or not subscribing may proceed from a disposition or indisposition to do or refuse what our will doth prompt us unto Neither is it so much Conscience in the Taker and Refuser both in respect of some t is to be feared a Passion or selfe wilfull humour governed and directed by a carnall and selfeseeking policy neither is it a matter of small difficulty to distinguish betweene the Naturall and Spirituall inclinations of a man It is not betweene Taking and not Taking the Engagement amongst us as betweene Eating and not Eating meats amongst the Christian Romans where as to the Eating and not Eating the Aposte judgeth it a matter of indifferency as to them that were so divided concerning meates and thereupon ordereth Let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not which he doth to take away the occasion of secondary differences which might grow betwixt them to preserve the common Peace to take away all scandall and division there was nothing there enjoyned as to the Eating or Abstaining from Eating It is not so between Submitting and not Submitting unto Authority as to the Lawes and Policies of a Commonwealth for whereas submission to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake is required and here the Powers that be enjoyne the same Obedience being a conscientious Duty better then Sacrifice the indifferency seems to cease and is become a duty and there the Conscience swayes the ballance rather unto that side which obeyes then unto that which resists Authority so the continuation of the quarrell rests in subjection on the one hand to in resisting on the other hand the higher Powers the process of this War lies on their score and theirs alone who when they have erred and are convinced shall not acknowledge and retract their errour which can be no injury or disrepute to the sober and lowly minded The wisest of * Philosophers maintaines that no injury can befall a wise man his stout and resolved heart keeps off the stoâ—ms of Calumny when weaker ones do feare and shrinke under every gust of reproach and censure so that if the convicted Party shall redeem their errour by confessing it the vanquishing forbeare to glory as some have over-hastily boasted in their extraordinary successe of a finite uncertaine and vanishing condition Å¿ rather then in the Equity and Iustice of their Cause of a more durable and lasting station t Or in the flattering and pleasing our selves with the divisions falling out amidst our enemies abroad concerning their Counsells and Commands rather in studying to compose and reconcile our own at home the Warre might soon be ended and the God of Peace own us as of the Number of those unto whom he hath promised * the Blessing of Peace FINIS a In the Meditation upon the second Treatise in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} b Proverb c See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ☞ * Edw. 3. cap. 25. d With swords girt on their sides c. See the form of the Writ in the Crown Office e Mr. Lambard in his Eirenarch lib. 1. cap. 6. f See his Answ to a Declaration sent from both Houses May 1642 g See the two Declarations entituled The Declarations of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oâ—ford with the specious Frontispices of The One Touching a Treaty Other Concerning their endeavors for Peace Print March 1643. h In his Declaration concerning his proceedings with his Subjects of Scotland since the Pacification in the Camp near Berwick Printed 1640 pag. 38. i Namely in that Recorded in the Chronicle of Richard Earle of Warwick his Answer unto King Henry the 6th who directing His Privy-Seal to discharge him of his Governourship of Callis the Earle refused alleging That it was granted him by Parliament Whereunto if it be answered That that might be a personall Contumacy in the Earl nothing proving the validity of that Court the reply may be That the Authority of Parliament hath been of so large an extent That some Kings of this Realm have been by Act of Parliament confirmed as Edw. the 4th Some with their Wife and Issue dis-inherited
But how they have been discouraged retarded and diverted in and from this pious and glorious worke by those traiterous Counsells about his Maiesty will appear by these particulars They there mention the sending over at the first of twenty thousand pounds by the Parliament and that good way found out to reduce Ireland by the Adventure of private men without charging the Subiect in generall which would probably have brought in a million of money had the King continued in or near London and not by leaving his Parliament and making War upon it so intimidated and discouraged the Adventurers and Others who would have adventured that that good Bill is rendered in a manner ineffectuall They mention that when at the sole charge of the Adventurers five thousand Foot and five hundred Horse were designed for the relief of Munster under the Command of an English w Lord and nothing was wanting but a Commission to enable him for the service such was the power of wicked Counsell that no Commission could be obtained from the King by reason whereof Lymrick was wholly lost and the Province of Munster since in very great distresse That when well-affected Persons at their own charges by way of Adventure had prepared divers Ships and Pinnaces with a thousand Land Forces for the service of Ireland desiring nothing but a Commission from his Maiesty that Commission after twice sending to York for it and the Ships lying ready to set saile three weeks together at the charge of neer three hundred pounds a day was likewise denyed and those Adventurers rather than to lose their Expedition were constrained to goe by vertue of an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament That although the Lords Iustices of Ireland earnestly desired to have some pieces of Battery sent over as necessary for that service â—et such Command was given to the Officers of the Tower that nâ—ne of the Kings Ordnance must be sent to save his Kingdome That a prime Engineer and Quarteâ— master Generall of the Army in Ireland and in actuall imployment there against the Rebells was called away from that important service by expresse command from the King That a Captaine Comptroller of the Artillery a man in pay and principally imployed and trusted here by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for providing and ordering the Train of Artillery which was to be sent to Dublin and who had received great sums of money for that purpose was Commanded from that Employment and Trust to serve the King in this unnaturall War against his Parliament and when the Parliament had provided many hundred suits of Cloaths and sent them towards Chester the Waggoners that undertook the Carriage of them were assaulted by the Kings Souldiers lying about COVENTRY who took away the Clothes That three hundred suits of Clothes sent likewise by the Parliament for Ireland towards Chester were all taken away by the Kings Troopers under their Captain allowing it As likewise that a great number of Draught-Horses prepared by the Parliament for the Artillery and Baggage for the Irish Army and sent to Chester for that purpose being there attending a Passage were then required by the King for his present service in England whose Forces were so quartâ—râ—d about the Roads to Ireland that no Provision could pass thither by Land with any safety That two other Captains the the Admirall and Vice-Admiral of the ships appointed to lie upon the Coast of Ireland to annoy the Rebels and to prevent the bringing Ammunition and Relief from Forreign Parts were both called away from that employment by the Kings Command and by reason of their departure from the Coast of Munster to which they were designed the Rebels there have received Powder Ammunition and other Relief from Forreign Parts By which z particulars say they it may seem that those Rebells were countenanced there to assist the Enemies of the Parliament here especially considering that those confident Rebels have presumed very lately to send a Petition to the King entituling themselves his Majesties Catholique Subjects of Ireland complaining of the Puritan Parliament of England and desiring that since his Majesty comes not over thither according to their expectation they may come into England to his Maiâ—sty These are the Charges whereof both Houses of Parliament have in these very words accused the King and cannot look back to retract their Charge And what at the beginning of this Warre was imputed to the Kings evill Counsell as their crime in seducing him to an arbitrary and tyrannicall way of Government to the countenancing if not the promoting this Rebellion of the Irish even now mentioned to the refusing to signe the Proposition tendered to him by the two Houses of Parliament as the onely and necessary means for setling a firm and well-grounded Peace with other of the like kinde which might be instanced in the Houses out of tendernesse to his honour would have remitted as to him being willing to abstract and sever his personall Acts from the Acts of such his Counsell yet he refuseth not to excuse his Counsell nor positively or seriously denieth those Charges as to himself only jestingly declines the particular presumptions wherewith he was charged of his privily countenancing that Rebellion in Ireland as not worth the answering Withall whereas the Kings party argue to have the King himself excused his Counsell blamed for his mis-government they must as well distinguish betwixt his Counsell before the Warre and his Counsel since the War began and limit it to whom of that his Counsel were his Seducers so the distinguishing before the War began between the Kings own Acts and those of his evill Counsell seems to be of no value whereby to excuse the King and wholly and in a generall way to charge his Counsell indefinitely named his Evill Counsell ignoâ—ely spoken who they were neither assigning or setting forth as the Arguers in the particulars should for the better compleating their Apology for the King who the Super-intendent and President of that Counsell was Besides the King contending on the one hand to rescue and protect whom the Parliament on the other did contend to punish it was a matter of no small difficulty to discern and judge by the understanding how an abstract and separation might be had betwixt the King and that his Counsell they mutually and strenuously contending to assist and defend one another The Question therefore by way of Argument betwixt the Kings party and the Parliaments as between the Commissioners imployed on either side to Treat admits now no verball or written Answer to or Denying it is to be determined by no other Umpire then the Sword and what the two opposite Parties have a long time strove for the one defending their Cause in their Books and Writings by vehemency and height of Wit the other theirs by solid and substantiall Prudence seems to be left to the Conquerour to determine What the odds is betwixt their Writings because controverted by either side
Place receiving them by traducing and rendring it one of the most famous Cities of Christendome guilty of High Treason and thirsting to make the Citizens wealth their Enemies prey another way by contending against the Parliament it self and Their z Friends assisting Them to undermine Their power they thought the Covenant not like an Almanack out of date as the a Ministers within the Province of London doe smilingly object rather like an Obligation where the Obligor is left remedilesse through the Obligee his fury and oppression disabling him from performing his Conditions b one part of the Covenant then being that they had no thought or intention to diminish the Kings just power and greatnesse another part when they presse the Covenant-taking the maintenance of the Peace and Union betweene the three Kingdoms they would bring to Justice all without respect of Persons who did or should wilfully oppose the same or hinder such Peace or Union so that if the King did by himself by his friends and followers by his example awing other men from taking the Covenant or did by any Power or Commission whether to defend himself or offend his Opposites act or abett whereby the Peace became disturbed one Kingdome engaged against nother the Parl. could not according to their Covenant preserve his Power and Greatnesse and punish such without respect of Persons as did willfully oppose the Peace and Union as is before observed comprehending within that Universality of without respect of Persons him and all who did adhere unto or take part with him so that the Covenant the parts whereof seem to be hetreogeneous and inconsistent within themselves and therefore not perfectly and exactly to be kept is either newly to be molded or which is more probable if he had had power to carry on his purpose the War to continue between the Covenanâ—ers and the Non-Covenanters many thousands of men neither having nor through the Kings example willing to take the same By the observing the passages and times when the Covenant was made and tendered what since hath happened impartiall men will judge that there was no fraud or failing of syncerity in the Parliaments proposall of the Covenant before nor any backsliding or levity since in preferring the main end which was and still is the publique safety before any of the clauses supposed and set down as conducible to the Covenant The great Quarrell of prophane and ignorant persons against the uniforme current of the Holy Scripture of an higher concernment then an humane Covenant is acutely taken up by a learned * Writer Distingue tempora reconciliantur Scripturae in answer unto those who cavill against the Scriptures as if the Texts thereof were dissonant and repugnant each to other as if Gods word most certain and infallible in it self were contradictory to it selfe distinguish between the time of the Covenant taking four or five years before the time of bringing the King to Tryal observe the limitation in the particle of the Covenant That they had then no intention to diminish the Kings Just Power in opposition to unlawfull and Arbitrary and you will find that the Covenant could not be so well and safely taken or that it is not so heinously broken as some of the Covenanters give out But to the Objections against the Army and the powâ—â—s establishing it That in adhering to them is to trust to an Arm of Flesh so all sublunary and Earthly Powers are but Arms of Flesh and it doth not therefore follow that those that do set forth the Army do put their confidence in Them further then God is pleased to give a blessing to their endeavourings Secondly That Independency admits of all Irreligion Heresies c. The Proposition is not well proved in that some particular Souldiers others well-wishing to the Army do devise and publish strange and unsound Tenents and Opinions which is not to be imputed to the governing part of the Army to the Court or Councel of Parliament neither is a present â—ure forthwith to be applied in all parts and places where they are vented The Army and their party have enough to doe to prevent and provide against the Power and Policy of their Enemies without an overhasty endeavouring to suppresse the Schismes and Errours of every one of their Adhereâ—ts The Complaint against Heresie and Schismes abounding is just seasonable and most sit that the Herefies should be suppressed both to settle the Discipline and Government of a Reformed Church as to remove and take away all occasion of scandall and quarrellings between us and other Nations but how and when Every thing to be done in its order and appointed time The complaint was long since made and it was foretold of old That Heresies must be the Apostle gives the reason That the sound and approved Truth may be known and differenced from fond and received Heresie the ground and seminary of broaching them may be besides the common and inbred corruption of Pride and Falshood which mankind is prone unto that so many sorts of men in many places doe despise and speak against the Scriptures although they be the infallible rule of our Christian Faith In disordered and licentious times caused through the distractions of a civill Warre it may fall out as a * Father of the Church complained it did in his of Scripture Teachers of expounders of the Misteries in Divinity cited by a learned Divine upon the words of the Apostle charging the unlearned and unstable for wresting the Scriptures to their own destruction whose presumption the Divine tells us is enough to produce any Schisme or Heresie Sola saith he Scripturarum ars est quam sibi omnes passim vendicant hanc garrula Anus hanc â—elirus Senex hanc Sophista verbosus he might have filled up the measure of his complaint by discovering many other sorts of unlearned people intruding into the holy mistery of Divinity hanc universi presumunt lacerant docent antequam discunt every one presuming upon his parts and gifts to be a teacher and interpreter of Scripture whereas Practitioners in other arts can keep themselves within the the bounds of their own profession the times are now for Reforming and the Parliament is sedulous therein wherefore there must be persons to Informe and instruct qualified with Knowledge for that Office The Divine gives the reason why the unlearned are so bold namely the want of abilities to discerne the strength of the Objections which may be made against them By the unlearned is not meant he who hath not read a multitude of Auâ—hors but he who taking upon him to divide the word of God is raw and unexperienced or if he hath experience wants judgment to make use of it the anguish that these rash presumers bring unto the discreeter sort of Brethren cannot but be great when being convinced of their unsound Oâ—inions for the maintaining that which with much boldnesse and open falshoods they have averred
England to be bound by any Coronation Oath in a blind and brutish formality and that the King reckons himselfe accomptable to none but God which the Parliament objecteth as a maxime and ground for any Tyranny the enacting Lawes are of no value as to the King and then the Question is how far swearing Allegiance is to the Subject as the Oath was therefore and then imposed which is next to be discussed To the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance obje Books seditiously printed and privately dispersed abroad to discountenance and depresse the Parliaments cause to extoll and magnifie their own obtruding their writings on such Authors as they please all to affect the Reader sometimes on the adverse part to render them the more dâ—spicable and ridiculous sometimes on their own Friends to make them the more applauded and famous for their Actions or sufferings as by that one more remarkeably for the King in his name it may appeare of which it may be said as it was of Sampson that it did his Enemies more hurt upon and by the occasion of his death then he could doe when he was alive namely and to instance in one of his parties acts amongst the rest their publishing the Posthume Book called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} by some men reputed to be his though unlikely since by the Parliaments Declarations and Proofes convicting him of severall crimes it is made appeare unto those who shall impartially read and judge the transactions mutually passed betwixt him and his accusers either that the Book and those applauded Tracts and Meditations in it are none of his or that his party by setting forth that Book in his name would have him act the part of an exquisite hypocrite in representing such devotions as most of all should consist and be wholly taken up in a serious and reall sincerity so that the Tytle of that Book might be both literally and morally as to the King himselfe or to him who personates such conceptions in his name be entituled the Image and Pourtraiture of a Counterfeit rather than the Pourtraiture of a King the falshood and imposture resting on them alone who thus dresse and sets him forth Whosoever shall read the Parliaments often Declarations and Charges against the King set forth since the beginning of this War not denyed or answered by any of his Party saving in a recriminatory and scoffing way calling the Parliament and their Acherents Rebells or who shall read the n History of the Parliament of England summarily reciting what the Lords and Commons have accused the King of his countenancing and giving way to the Rebellion in IRELAND setting downe at large the strong presumptions against him for his countenancing it although eloquently excused and in a fine and pious Language denyed by the Author of the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} his averseness from calling Parliaments cannot but acknowledg that Book o whatsoever the fair and plausible flourishes in it do pretend of the Kings inclining to and desiring Parliaments to be falsly and injuriously charged on him few or none so indulgent to his Cause as to beleeve the whole Booke both for matter and forme to be of his owne penning however they may thinke some part of it to be his Falsly because they cannot but know how p unwillingly and seldome he called any how q oft he did dissolve or attempt to dissolve them when they were called notwithstanding the great Necessity of that Court for the propagation and maintenance of Justice that it drew on a r Law yet in force to call a Parliament every year in that through the discontinuance of them through the often dissolving them in the time of his Reigne and his Declarations published against some of the Members of either House the Historian reports The deiected People were forced to read with Patience and to allow against their own Reason Whence the Reader may observe an Answer to an Objection which the Kings Party makes r That the Parliaments party did begin the Preparations for a War before the Kings The People 't is true were discontented and greived at the Exactions and Oppressions practised in the time of his Reign they held themselves destitute of any means of redresse and therefore might harbour Heart burnings and thoughts of Rising but could not devise or thinke of any course towards the Preparations for a War the Power of the County being in every Sheriff of the severall Shires and Lords Lieutenants and their Deputies many other suborâ—inate Officers of the Kings upon the first Summons given from him to them in a readinesse to suppresse and check the People in case they should but move or stir up Commotions to the likenesse of a War neither could they build upon the strength of any Power to levy War on their behalf a Parliaments strength they sadly and long since observed was of too frail and uncertain a fabrick for them to trust unto as being awed and dissolved at pleasure so that if they had no thoughts of levying a War wanting the opportunities means of Prevailing if they had entertained such thoughts the first offering of Hostile attempts and acts will lye upon the Kings Parties accompt his aversenesse to call Parliaments his awing and dissolving them when called often and long before any preparations could be thought of for a War may satisfie the Objection when as to adde to the probability of some of his parties hostile and warlike preparations it hath been observed that some of his Friends knowing themselves obnoxious and questionable for their Tenents Demeanours when time should serve have long since before this Parliament was called fortified and furnished their Houses in divers parts of the Klngdome with Armes and Ammuniâ—ion no other notice taken til of late then of adorning them for strength and splendour which with some small addition became strong Garrisons for him the Parliaments Friends had none or not so many Holds so soon or suddenly to be fortified for their defeâ—ce The most wise and happy of Å¿ Kings could tell us by his own practiced Policy That it is not the first Blow that makes the War Invasive for that no wise Power would stay for nor the Voting a War to be Defensive as the t Scots have theirs which makes it so but the first Provocation or at least the first Preparations towards a War Injuriously charged on the King in that the Author and Reader also if a friend to Him and would have the Book reputed his doe unawares and as it were against their Will wound his honour and render the manner of his death the more unchristian then otherwise it might be judged when whilst the life is mortall they make the Vices of Dissembling and Uncharitablenesse to be surviving and immortall moâ—ions The reporting it to be the Kings seems besides to blemish the credit of those penitentiall expressions therein derogating from the serious
have both behaved themselves The Presbyterians being against Subscribing is not in respect to the House of Lords nothing in the Covenant to deter them from Subscribing as touching the leaving out or holding in the Lords whom no part or Article of the Covenant includes or comprehends Briefly to understand the Reason of Enjoyning Taking or Refusing it which is now become a disputable Theame the exception against the taking is either in the manner the formall reason the scope and intention of those who enjoyned it or the matter enjoyned as to the first the reason of enjoyning it seems no other Bond and yet then what the Parliament their friends did about 8 years since of entring into a Covenant for the better strengâ—hening and 〈◊〉 fiâ—mly binding all men together in a Religious and Civill Union that seeing Dividings in Opinion and Dissentings in practice are fatall to the Conquerour Union and Accord to the Conquered the Parliament contends to bring all men into one form of Civill Government to one unanimous judgment whereby after the p Uniting of their Minds a Restraint of Hands and ceasing from further Contentions might ensue to the begetting a firme and lasting peace Opposition in Affections begets the like in Actings and Endeavourings especially in a Civill Warre where men of eminent and active spirits zealous for and fond of their own Opinions anâ— bold to vent them when subdued by Arms and convinced by Reason shall resolve into Revenge and Fury and become restlesse in their attempts even to the hinderance of an ensuing Peace untill they and their Party may gaine what they have lost The Engagement now enjoyned and tendred seemes more easy to be observed more uniforme then the Covenant the * Covenanters protesting in one place That they will desend the Kings Person and Authority in the preservation of the true Religion and Peace of the three Kingdoms in other places That they will really sincerely and constantly without respect of persons endeavour to bring unto condigne punishment all such as shall oppose and disturbe such Peace If a King shall sweare to governe according to the Lawes of the Land as the late King did the Oath is no longer to be understood an Oath then the Lawes have being To govern taking it without an addition is an indefinite and indeterminate act To governe according to the Lawe a qualified and limited one in the termination of his Oath The termination in the Covenant for the preservation of the true Religion Liberties and Peace is the reason and formality of that and of other Articles of the Covenant A Covenant or Promise to preserve the Kings person without setting down wherefore or to what end is a short and indeterminate promise unlesse the intent or finall Cause of such promise be expressed Wherefore if the King as the Lords and Commons have often charged him be guilty of the blood spilt in these his Kingdoms the Covenanters could not both defend his Person and Authority * and yet bring to publique Triall thâ—â—uthors of the effusion of that Blood and to bring them to that condigne punishment as the degree of their offences should require or deserve as is elsewhere mentioned As to the matter of the Engagement to be true and faithfull to the Commonwealth as it is now established without a King or House of Lords what is the exception against the subscribing this The King being dead and least the Prince his Sonne or any other of his Family shall pursue what he hath threatned the revenge of his Fathers death the Parliament hath thought it fit yea necessary to exclude him as a King from the Supremacy of this Government the Competition being betwixt a Monarchicall forme of Government a Government by a King and a mixt of Aristocraticall and Oligarchicall or of a Common-wealth without a King If the former be admitted viz. a Monarchicall the power of Government then descends unto the Prince the late Kings Sonne and Heire So the Presbyterian having entred into a Covenant chiefly and principally for the defence of the Protestant Religion the Subjects Liberties seems to waine those parts of the Covenant entred into for defending them if now that the Father is taken away they admit the Sonne treading in his Fathers steps unlesse the making and taking it were inâ—ended onely to inure and remaine in force for the term of one mans life Wherefore the Powers that be have good cause to be jealous of such as reject the latter Form embracing a Monarchicall one as complyers with the late King and Prince and weary of submitting and adhering unto them Wherefore the States enjoyning the Engagement is no matter of chance as a thing which may be required to be done or let alone of none or a slight concernment devised or instituted to little or no purpose when conducing as far as at the present they judged it might avail to the discovery of mens affections it conduceth likewise to the settlement of a Peace and Union for whilst the mindes and judgments are no more unanimous the contentions in this War will hardly cease The choice of Taking and Refusing should likewise be of a judicious and sober inquiry as who doth enjoyn and to what purpose t is enjoyned not that therefore we should so refuse because we have suddenly and rashly resolved so to doe a fault incident to yong wits hot and fiery spirits or because we see learned and eminent men in other kindes of knowledge able indeed to lead weak and unstable spirits Captive unto theirs do refuse but on good deliberation and well weighing wherefore the State hath required it They in their enjoyning the Engagement insist not nor is there cause they should so much on the value and efficacy of polite Learning and knowledge take it either in Languages Arts or Academick faculties or â—n the judgment and discretion of such Men as have read a multiplicity of Authors or are as Mâ—ses was skilfull in all the Learning of the Aegyptians as on a sober studied and well grounded Prudence ballasted with Observation and Experience all which the Learned may likewise have governing and guiding the safest way to a selfe-preservation and welfare of a Common-wealth Besides the Novity the Unexpectednesse of the Engagement now enjoyned other discontents and heart-burnings are whispered and cherished by the common Enemy insinuating and seditiously giving out That the Nobility are unthankefully and indignely dealt withall as being detruded from their Rights and Privileges of sitting in the House of Parliament as Peers to joyne with the Commons in the debate and handling the affairs of the Commonwealth withall that those Lords who have been active and assistant both in their Estates and Countenance to promote the good of it during these distractions may think themselves neglected and ill rewarded if now debard from their ancient and Native Liberty of Voting in the House The reason of the Parliaments enjoyning of the Peoples subscribing to this Engagement
presenâ— judgment of the Corvocation at Oxford dated June 1647. which if weighed with the Arguments in the Letter written by the London Ministers to the Lord Fairfax and his Councell of War dated January 1648. in behalf of the Covenant and the keeping it the Reader will soone discern the odds * Suprema Lex Salus Populi n See the Exhortation to the taking the Covenant for Reformation and Defence of Religion c. * Livy * Isaiah * Ciceâ—o o See the Exhortation of the Assembly of Divines to the taking the Covenant Printed Feb. 1643. p See the Lords and Commons Instructions for taking the Covenant The unanimous judgment of most part of the Kingdome observed by their severall Petiâ—ions at that time presented especially that of the Gentry and Trained Bands of the County of Essex presented to their Lord Lieut. the Earl of Warwick Likewise Sir Benjamine Rudyard his speech in the beginning of this Parliament about Popery countenanced See Master May his History Lib. 2. Chapter 6. Page 15. q See the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament with Instructions for taking the Covenant r Mr. Alexander Henderson in his reply to the Kings first Paper Å¿ See the Essex Petition before cited t See their Commissioners judgement and intentions concerning Episcopacy Declaring Prelacy to be the cause of all our broilâ— In their Papers dated 24 Feb. 1640. u See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in severall Treatises viz. Upon the Listing Raising Armieâ— against the King Upon the Covenant and elsewhere w See the 6. Article of the Covenant x See the Articles pag. 16 Demand 4 Granted by the King 1641. viz. That none should be admitted to his Councell or attendance but such as should be approved by both Kingdoms y See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 4 and elsewhere in that Book his parties constant 〈◊〉 towards the City of London and upon all occasions of his partâ—s naming it some of them have termed it a Rebellious City a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition raised against their King reproaching it with scornfull Nick-names as they pleased z See their Declaration Printed at Oxford 1643 pag. 14 15. against the suggested irregular and undue procâ—edings of the Common-Councell the Represenâ—ative of the whole City a See in the Letter of the Ministers their notice taking of the Parliament and Armies conceipt had of the Covenant page 8. b See his Parties opinion of the Covenant and the taking of it in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} pag. 113 114 115. whether and how far it is to be kept how little uniformity in the taking or keeping it and for what purpose in the Authors judgment framed at first how ambiguous and hard to be understood how much mistaking or dissembling in the making it at first or mis-representing by those who like it noâ— that howbeit one part thereof is That they had then no intention to diminish the King's just Power and Greatnesse the Authour in the King's name conceives that it was made and intended against the King as in many places of the Treatise against the Covenant the Kings Party complaineth See also the Kings Declaration since the Paciâ—iâ—aâ—ion against the Scots and the Covenant pag 8 which opinion of his see confirmed in the Marquesse of Montrosse his Declaration set forth 1649 As in a Bâ—ok called the History of the Kings affairs in Scotland before cited pag. 6. * Paâ—auâ— * St. Ierome c See their Acts and Ordinances for raising Contribution-money towards the Warrs throughout all Counties exempting the Universities and other Colledges from such Payments * Oxford d See the like observed in the Consecration of the Bishops of England written by Mr. Mason sometimes Fellow of Merton Colledge in Oxford in his Epâ—stle to the Archbishop of Canterbury e See their Remonstrances since the beginning of this War h See their Remonstrance before cited i See the Declaration of the Lords Commons assembled at Oxford c. printed there 1643. p. 24. 26. 27. k In the Treaâ—ise concerning the Kings retirement from Westminster n Written by Mr. Tho. May 1647. beginning at pag. 6. unto pag. 46. o See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 1. on the Kings calling the Parliament p Mr. May his History q Mr. Hollis his Speech r See the 36 Statute of Edw. â— r See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise to upon their seizing the Kings Magazines Forts Navy and Militia Å¿ Hen. the 7. t In their Apology Printed soon after the â—nglâ—sh Army went toward Scotland y Tantum res 〈◊〉 câ—m qu 〈◊〉 satellâ—ith 〈◊〉 Pontific is 〈◊〉 Iewel in Apolog. Eccles. Anglican z The speedy and effectu-suppressing Errors and Schisms is charged on him b K. Iames his Speech before-mentioned c See the Oxford Declaration pag. 19. d In the treatise concerning the Kings going to the House of Commons to surprise the five Members g Marlborougâ— Decemb. 1642. h See the Oxford Declaration page 26. 27. i See the same Declaration page 11. * 25 Edw. 3 l Sir Edward Cooke his Collections concerning the Authority of the Parliament in the fourth Book of his Institut m Quanquam Principes sunt ex numero {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} tamen natura temporis ratione prius sueâ— int Subditi Princ pes veâ—o nisi qui Tyrannidem usurpârint non naturà ut Patâ—es sed suffragio Subditorum gratia constituti sâ—nt Iâ—de illud Domini apud Daniel 4. 32. Scias quod dominetur Altissimus in regno homin um cui volueâ—it dabiâ— illud Ex quâ— sequitur non Regum causâ Subditos nasci sed Reges commodis SubditoruÌ„ inserviâ—e debere Bucan. Institut Theolog. Tractat. de Magistratu Thomas 1 part 1 samma Theolog. quest 9. Art 3 4. n The Author of the Peoples Plea * Aristotle * Tertullian * Treatise 26. p Master Lambards Eirenarch cap. 2. in his Tract on King Edw. the third his Writ directed to the high Sheriff of Kent for the Proclaming Peace where he speaks first of Uâ—iting Minds then of Restraining Hands as a meanes for the preservation of the publick peace * See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} upon the Covenant * See the Covenant * Pag. 16. Demand 4. q At the defeat given them by Montrosse at Kilsyth eveâ— to the ruining the State of Scotland when the Lord Fairfax the English Generall and other Commanders in chief wrote to the Earle of Leven the Scottish Generall that they accounted the calamities of Scotland to be their own and would willingly adventure their owne blood for the Scots as for the English till the Enemies of the three Kingdoms were fully vanquâ—shed See the Breviary of the History of the Parliament of England r Noli in caducum parietem inclinare Lipsius Politic. * In sapientem non potest cadere Injuria Seneca Å¿ See the exhortation for and touching the taking the Covenant annexed to the Covenant Printed 9 February 1643 t Commonly discoursed in the Diurnalls and Occurrences Printed in Aprill and May 1651. * Psal. 19.