all â—laces or upon the same day So that it would have occasion'd a kind of intricacy and would have render'd the matter dry and sapless which of it self is not very opulent or pleasant had I put so many different Dates to every Edict I know very well that usually they mind no more than the day of verification in the Parliament of Paris as having some certain priviledge which distinguishes it from others But since an Edict which is therein register'd has not the force of a Law in another Parliament till the performance of the same Ceremony there I thought it more to the purpose to keep to the Date of the Seal which is fixt and common over all the Kingdom Besides that at this day it is a Maxim of the Council of France that Edicts derive not the force of a Law from their being register'd but from the King's Pleasure only and from the impression of the Seal and that the Parliament has no other authority than to publish it and to put it in execution So that I had reason to prefer the Date from whence the Acts derive their force before that which affords 'em nothing and only serves to remove from among the People all excuses of ignorance I also give this farther notice in reference to the Dates that if I have fallen under any mistake ' tiâ— not I that am to be blam'd I follow'd that which I met with in the printed Papers which I made use of and which being almost all of 'em set forth by the Catholicks have receiv'd from them all the alterations which are there to be found Moreover if I commit any error in the number of the Articles several of which I divide into pieces there is nothing to be imputed to me For that division is almost arbitrary and sometimes you shall find it vary in different Editions of the same Edict and the same Decree tho they be all equally Authentick You will find that in some places I suppose that the Reader knows certain things without the knowledge of which it would be very difficult to understand the matter of Fact of which I give an account I know that this may well be lookt upon as a fault and I have found it bad my self when the Historian neglected to explain somethings which he presum'd I knew before because they were known to him But I must confess I thought it impossible to avoid this fault because that if a Historian were bound in favour of strangers to explain whatever may put them to a puzzle for want of having an exact knowledge of Customes of Families of the situation of Places and an hundred other particulars my History would have been swallow'd up in Episodes â—r Digressions with which I must have been constrain'd to load it So that whether I will or no I am constrain'd to refer the Reader who is desirous to know what I have not inform'd him to such Authors â—ho have particularly treated upon that Subject I do not believe they will be offended with me for â—ot enlarging upon Foreign Affairs because they were â—ot proper to my Subject Nevertheless when I thought â— necessary I observ'd their Connexion with those of â—e Reformed Churches I have not ty'd my self to the relation of Sieges and Battles when I speak of the Civil Wars because other Historians have made long descriptions of those matters besides that I should run astray too far from my principal aim which is only to relate after what manner the Edict was observ'd I have also taken the liberty to scatter some Sentences in my relations wherein I have done no more then according to the practice of all Historians If they be done with judgment the Reader will not be offended if they be little to the purpose he will not find 'em either so long or so frequent as to chastize me too severely for ' em It may be said perhaps that I tye my self too much to the Histories of the Great Lords such as Marshall de Bouillon the Duke of Trimouille the Constable de Lesdiguieres and several others But one reflection shall serve for all to shew that I could not do otherwise Those Lords were the occasion of almost all the Good or Mischief that befell the Churches They did 'em good when they renounc'd their own interest to serve 'em they did 'em mischief when they engag'd 'em in their own particular Affairs So that you meet with 'em every where nor can you speak of the Churches without having an occasion to mention those Eminent Persons who have either supported 'em with their Protection or ruin'd 'em by their Quarrels and Contentions There are some words which perplex'd me not a little Conversion Heresie Hereticks and the like have quite another signification from the lips of a Reformed from what they have in the mouth of a Catholick But I must have had recourse to endless Circumlocutions should I have been always studying to avoid the making use of those words in the same sence that the Catholicks take ' em I thought it sufficient to distinguish the places where the words carry a Catholick sence by printing them in a different character from the Text and there is no great likelihood that the Catholicks will be offended at me for calling 'em Catholicks quite through the whole Book 'T is a name they glory in and there are Edicts in France which forbid the calling 'em otherwise Nor did I think it proper to give 'em any other because 't is a long time since it has been made use of by way of President that it is no longer Synonymous with Orthodox and for that in common speech it signifies those who acknowledge the Pope for Vniversal Head of the Church 'T is in that sence that I give it 'em and I had rather comply with 'em so far then give 'em any other name that would not be so pleasing to ' em There is something more in that of Reformed which I give to the Protestants of France For a Reformed Officer â— Reformed Captain does not always signifie in the French Tongue such as profess the Reformed Religion But I could not meet with one more proper â—â—is a defect which all the exactness of the Academy or the good opinion the French have of their Language could ever have avoided that is to say to have some words that proved to be equivocal so that the Reader must gather the true meaning and sense of the word from the Subject in hand I did not think such an inconvenience sufficient to hinder me from making use of a word that sav'd me the labour of searching after Periphrases and Circumlocutions to express my self and 't is my opinion that when we write for the Publick we are not to mind the distaste of those that take a pett at such equivocals I shall not here go about to make any Apology for my sentiments touching the Authority of Kings and the Duty of Subjects 'T is true that the
forc'd the Reform'd to some desperate Attempt they wou'd thereby have found a pretext of making War against them which wou'd have been a fine occasion for them to have taken better Measures to dismember the Kingdom than they had done by the League the success of which made them observe the defects But the Reform'd only continued their Assemblies and after the ill success of their former Deputation they agreed to meet at Loudun the First of April to consult about the safety of the Churches The King permitted them because he had considered the consequences of his cold Answers and he was used upon all occasions to repair a harsh treatment by one more sweet and compliable The Deputies at their arrival found new cause of inquietude in that it was not long before the Cardinal de Joyeuse was to return from Rome whom they believed commission'd to make the first Overture of Peace between the Crowns under the pretence of uniting them to make War against the Turk But the Reform'd were not ignorant how the Court of Rome had abused these holy Leagues and on how many occasions these Croisades against Infidels had been turn'd against the pretended Hereticks and therefore were apprehensive that the Catholicks under this pretexs intended to ruin them and that in effect they wou'd imploy against them the Arms that in appearance were taken up against the Ottoman House In this Assembly they were wearied with Uncertainties and Delays and repuls'd by the Rigour of the Parliaments in many of which as well as in the inferiour Courts they still executed the Edicts of the League without considering the later Edicts which had revoked them The King had promised the Deputies at Lyons to send Commissioners unto the provinces to cause those Declarations which he had made to be executed and to re-establish the Edict of 1577 with all its Consequences But this Promise had been so ill perform'd that it was delay'd and so very little effect came from the Proceedings of the Court and from some Commissioners which were sent into some of the places that the condition of the Reform'd was no ways bettered besides that they cou'd no longer be content with the re-establishment of this Edict but demanded a new one more ample and more favourable to them The small advantage the Commissioners promised or sent to the Reform'd soon appear'd in the Parliaments in which during the same time the Assembly offer'd up a Complaint of their Rigours that of Burdeaux made an Act which extended to the ruin of a great number of their places of Exercise It was enacted in favour of the Marquess of Trans who had great Possessions that they shou'd not Preach within the limits of his Jurisdiction so that besides the places where this Act absolutely put an end to the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion it produced in them great Fears both of the Example and Consequence The Catholic Lords in whose Possessions they had preached until then might probably in imitation of the Marquess obtain Prohibitions for their continuing so to do And as all Roman Catholicks are very near equally prejudiced against all other Religions so there was no room to doubt but they wou'd signalize their Zeal by the like Prosecutions The Parliament of Tholouse who by Articles of Capitulation with the King had banished the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion four Leagues from the Town demanded that they shou'd not place within the Walls the Chamber of Justice which they promised to the Reform'd for Languedoâ— passing an Act which required all the Officers of Justice shou'd be received in the Parliament and not in the Mixt Chambers which manifestly excluded the Reform'd from all inferior Offices of Judicature and from all subordinate Charges since the Parliament took such measures as to admit none which wou'd not take an Oath to live and die Catholicks But the Parliament of Aix out-did all the rest and forbad the Publick Exercise of the Reformed Religion throughout its Jurisdiction on forfeiture of Life And when the Duke of Guise after his reconciliation with the King had the Government of this Province committed to him there was again renewed the Names of Papist and Huguenot which plainly shewed the Spirit of the League still reign'd amongst them since they thus revived the Names of the Parties which the principal Authors of this Faction had formerly given to them And what made the thing more odious was that the Duke of Guise had been introduced into the Province and confirm'd in his Goverment by the Reformed And that the Acts of Parliament were pass'd two or three Months after that he had been deliver'd by Lesdiguieres from the servitude of the Espernonists and that he had confess'd that this Lord had taken the Yoak from off his Neck It will appear plain upon what this acknowledgment was founded to any one that reads the History of the Divisions of this Province The Assembly complain'd of these Injustices of which they had Memoirs sent them from all Parts and of the small assistances that the Reform'd found from the King's benevolence who when they remonstrated to him all these Oppressions he return'd the Deputies words without effect and tiresome delays It was not long before they put up their Requests to the same effect as the former only a little illustrated with new Expressions and Additions to the like purpose It was almost the same method that the latter Assemblies observed who as to the material Points demanded as the precedent Assemblies had done only giving a little Explanation to prevent Frauds and Equivocations and to take away all pretexts of Disputes whatsoever Vulson whom the Parliament of Grenoble perplex'd on the account of his having obtain'd the Place of a Counsellor was deputed to go to the King to demand of him the performance of his Promise made at Lyons to the Envoy of the Assembly of Saumur Du Plessis writ by him to the King to shew him the importance of this Journey and the necessity of sending him back with some satisfaction He particularly advised him to send to the Assembly some peaceable Catholic qualified with sufficient power to the intent that they might treat with him to some purpose But the Catholicks which were near the King possessed him with quite different thoughts Vulson was received in the accustomed manner with a friendly Countenance and fine Words but obtain'd nothing more than the rest had done before him The Promises were oftentimes reiterated and as oft found vain and which in the end were reduced only to the Edict of 1577 and some Promises of compensation for what the Treaties with the Leaguers had retrench'd which cou'd satisfie no Man But there was a Conclusion from the Answer which Vulson made that put an end to all their reasoning and patience The Assembly had given him order to tell the King that they expected his Answer at Loudun and this was explain'd by the ill-minded Courtiers as an injurious Menace
drew up another with such Clauses that be thought himself discharg'd of it by the success of the first lying in of his new Mistress Now in regard it was high time to look after this Affair in good earnest the King bent all his thoughts upon it and the Pope who knew the Importance of the business which could not be concluded without him fail'd not to set it at the highest price he could put upon it Not but that he had his Reasons too to desire it should be brought to pass whether it were that there was a proposal for the King to Marry an Italian Princess or whither it were that he was afraid that if the Succession came to be contested some one of the Competitors might augment the Forces of the Reformed to support himself and perhaps Embrace their Religion to fasten 'em to his Interests Whereas if the Succession were ascertain'd he was sure that the King's Successor would be a Catholic and that his Right and Claim being founded upon a Marriage Authoriz'd by the Maxims of the Court of Rome he would maintain it with all his Power and would rather strive to Lessen than Exalt the Reformed in Strength and Power But for all this the Pope was Resolv'd to sell his Favour to the King at a dear Rate according to the Custom of the Court of Rome which always strives to make others purchase those things of which she makes a benefit her self So that the Reformed had all the Reason in the World to fear that they should be made to pay the Expences of this Affair The second Negotiation which might give 'em an Alarum was the Establishment of the Jesuits which was prosecuted with extraordinary sedulity The Pope omitted no Opportunity of talking of it to the Jesuits and he thought he could not use better precautions against the Mistrusts which he had of the King's Religion then to set the Jesuits over him either as Spies or Adversaries On their parts they were not Idle in France where they had the boldness to settle themselves in some places depending upon the Parliament of Paris maugre the Decree by which they were Banish'd And this Act of theirs appear'd so insolent that even at Rome it self it was Condemnd But they had good Protectors in the Kingdom For the Cardinal of Tournon stoutly supported 'em and the Parliaments of Tholouze and Bourdeaux upheld 'em within their Jurisdictions and they who had been of the League had always a great kindness for ' em The Clergy also encourag'd 'em to Petition for their Restauration and those Cunning Politicians well acquainted with the Air of the Court would by no means loose the Opportunity The King himself sided with 'em because he was willing they should take his part And for that well knowing 'em to be in a Capacity to undertake any Attempt against a Prince who had been their Enemy he thought he should have no Reason to fear 'em if he gave them occasions of Acknowledgment and Obligation But all the Religious Orders mortally hated the King even those that seem'd to have renounced the World and not only the Jacobins who had furnish'd the League with a Ruffian to take away the Life of Hen. III. but the Capuchins also and the Chartreaux conspir'd his Ruin 'T was too much at one time for him to Guard himself against the Jesuits besides with whose Genius he was experimentally acquainted and who never thought any thing sufficiently Sacred to protect the person of an Enemy of what Quality soever from their most bloody Revenge The pretence of these frequent Conspiracies was because the Bigots always suspected the sincerity of the King's Conversion and for that the Spaniards carefully set afoot whatever they could devise to confirm the Suspicion They laid to his Charge whatever happen'd in Europe where they thought the Catholic Religion had not all the Advantages which they desir'd Wherefore the Duke of Savoy having endeavour'd to Reduce his Subjects the Vaudois to the Roman Communion and for that purpose having sent into their Country a Mission of Capuchins back'd with some thousands of Soldiers to accomplish by force what the Monks could not obtain by perswasions the Spaniards fail'd not to make their Advantage of it to the prejudice of the King They compar'd the King's Indulgence with the Dukes bloody Zeal who observ'd no Medium between the Conversion and Extermination of Heretics He had Exercis'd the same Rigor in the Marquisate of Saluces which no way belong'd to him in regard he had Usurped it during the Civil Wars and he had constrained all the Reformed Inhabitants to change their Religion or quit their Country And his design in doing fo was to engage the Pope to maintain him in his Usurpation which indeed was one of the Reasons that the Pope would never do the King Justice in that particular point fearing least if the King were Master of the Marquisate the Reformed would abide there under the shelter of his Edicts But to render the King's Religion more suspected the Spaniards accus'd him of having hinder'd the Success of that mixt Mission by private Successors thô it were neither Honourable to the Religion it self nor to the Prince that sent it 'T is true there were some miserable Wretches that chang'd their Religion and that the Spaniards made the best they could of the â—oâ—quest But d Ossat thô a Cardinal much abated the Glory of those Conquests when he found that the Souldiers had done more than the Capuchins Nevertheless this made an Impression in the minds of the Zealots and foster'd the pretences for the Conspiracies of the Monks who look'd upon the King but as a hollow Catholic For which Reason in regard the Jesuits were the most formidable of all he was willing to secure himself from their Attempts by doing them some signal favour that might fasten 'em to his person and his service Such are the Politics of Princes to Caress those of whom they stand in awe and to neglect if not oppress those People whom they have no reason to fear They partake of Fear with those that are afraid of 'em and redeem themselves by Favours from the Molestations of those whom they mistrust This sort of Policy was very rife under this Reign at what time the Reformed complain'd that Favours and Rewards were far more Charily bestow'd on those that performed faithful Services than on those who were become formidable to the Disposer This Potent Reason made the King incline to recal the Jesuits and this design gave great Alarums to the Reformed who well knew what they had to hope for from that same always Perfidious and always Mutinous Society who if once they got to be settled in Paris would wriggle themselves into the Court and there put all things according to their usual wont into Confusion The Parliament of Paris who stood upon their Honour in this Affair by reason of the redoubl'd Decrees which they had Issu'd forth
conspicuous for their Mildness and Moderation whereas the same Choice was not observ'd in any of the other The Reformed therefore having no more then one Voice either in the one or the other there was nothing could make the Clergy prefer one Chamber before another but that they were assur'd of finding more Favour before Bigotted and Violent Judges then in a Court where only the most Moderate and Prudent Judges were admitted The same Course was taken at Rouen to Regulate Religion and Justice after they had once agreed upon the Erecting a New Chamber there according to the Model of that at Paris The Place for the Exercise of Religion was appointed within three quarters of a League from the City and the Judges were Elected according to the Roll presented by the Reformed to the Commissaries In this Parlament were Created three Employments of Counsellors who were distributed into the Chambers as at Paris This manner of forming the Chambers of the Edict lasted several years And since the Establishment of General Deputies they who were preferr ' to that Employment conferr'd every year with the Chancellor the first President and the King 's Learned Council for the Election of the most Moderate Catholic Judges Which Custom while it was duly observ'd the Chambers of the Edict Administer'd Justice very Regularly and because their Jurisdiction was more Noble and more Profitable then that of other Chambers all the Catholics Affected to be moderate and equitable Judges for fear of being Excluded from serving in those Chambers But the Affairs of the Reformed falling to decay under Lewis XIII these Chambers were no longer form'd as they were wont but Elections were carry'd by under hand Packing and Caballing wherein the honestest Men had not always the best Success and at length they were admitted without distinction and without so much as the Ceremony of Choice So that the Reformed met with no more Justice there then in other Places The Chamber call'd Mipartie half one half t'other in Guien was form'd after the Model of that at Castres In the Year 1600 a Provincial Assembly was held at Sainte Foy where Nine persons were Nominated to fill the Employments that were to be Created for the Reformed and all that were preferr'd to those Offices were forc'd to Swear that when they were willing to lay 'em down the should resign 'em Gratis to those whom the Churches should appoint and without exacting any Composition for their own profit This was renew'd some years after at a general Assembly held in the same place but with permission to compound for the Expences the Person should be at to obtain his Patents So that t was easie under that pretence to elude the Institution of the Assembly But at length after the Establishment of the Paulette those Employments were put to Sale and became Here. ditary like the rest Moreover all that took upon 'em these Employments were oblig'd to Swear to the Union of Mantes and to subscribe their Oath And it was Ordain'd that the Oath should be taken by those who had the Nomination of Churches in the Consistory of the particular Church of which they were Members Thus at length the Edict was verify'd with all these Alterations and several others of less Importance which I shall sett down when I come to speak of the Complaints which the Reformed made It was Register'd the 5th of February a day which fell out to be the same which the Catholics call Ash vednesday It pass'd also in the other Parlaments much about the same time Nevertheless there were some places where it was not Register'd but under certain Restrictions which all the King's Authority could not get off nor was there any Remedy for it during his Life The particular Articles Address'd to the Parlament of Paris were verify'd in a short time after but not in the other Parlaments And this inequality was the Occasion afterwards of a great many Acts of Injustice in regard advantage was taken of their not being receiv'd in certain Courts as if that had been a Proof that they were not receiv'd any where else Hitherto the Affairs of the Edict had made no Noise at Rome True it is that the Pope had complain'd to Cardinal de Joyeuse and the Duke of Luxemburg toward the end of the preceding year that the King was about to Grant the Heretics a New Edict but it was but very coldly for he only told the Cardinal that it would have been more to the King's Advantage both at home and abroad if he had proceeded in another manner But this year he Renewed the same Complaint to the Cardinal upon the same occasion before the News of the Verification of the Edict arriv'd at Rome To which he added other Complaints that the King had proceeded to the Mariage of Madame without staying for his Dispensation It cannot be said That it was his ignorance of what was contain'd in the Edict that caus'd the Pope to talk so Calmly in regard that the Legate and the Nancio not to speak of a hunder'd other Spies that he had at Court had not fail'd exactly to inform him of it which they might easily do because they had been very far concern'd in the Negotiation But it was not yet seasonable to make a Noise as I have observ'd in another place 'T was requisite to stay till the Business was brought to such a Head that whatever Noise was made about it it would signifie nothing But then the Pope chang'd his Note and it is not to be imagin'd what a Clutter he made about a thing which he had dissembl'd for three years together True it is that this Fire was soon quench'd and that after the first time he spoke no more of it or at least he return'd to his first indifferency The Reason of all that heavy sputter which he made was only because it behov'd him to stop the Mouths of the Spaniards who stunn'd him with continual Reproaches and to be Reveng'd for the Absolution he had given the King in despite of all their Opposition turn'd into Crimes all the Kings Actions that were not to their liking And in regard that all their principal Accusations mov'd upon the Hinges of His Religion which their main Aim was to render suspected they forgot not to cry out loudly against the Edict which had been verify'd as a Testimony of his Inclination to favour the Reformed even to the prejudice and maugre the Opposition of the Catholics The Pope therefore least he should be look'd upon as a Favourer of Heretics could do no less then exclaim as they did and Testifie his Resentment against a Thing which he will knew a long time before could not be hinder'd To this purpose upon the 27 of March he sent for the Cardinals de Joyeuse and d'Ossat whom he had promoted but some few days before to come to him and in his Discourse he omitted nothing that might give 'em to understand how highly
Briefs which they were expresly charg'd to get by the Treaty of Peace and upon which they would have insisted more earnestly but in deference and respect to the express Requests and desires of the most Serene King of Great Britain our Master in whose name we advis'd and exhorted 'em to condescend to the Conditions offer'd by the abov-nam'd Peace for the good of this Kingdom and the Satisfaction and succour of all Christendom For these Causes we declare and certifie That in the words which were agreed upon between us in order to the accomplishment of the said Treaty and which were utter'd in the presence of his most Christian Majesty by the Chancellour upon the Acceptance of the Peace to this purpose that by long services and continu'd Obedience they might expect from the Kings Goodness what they could never obtain by any other Treaty in things which they esteem'd most necessary as to which in time convenient their Supplications might be heard supposing 'em to be presented with respect and humility there was a clearer Interpretation on his Majesties and his Ministers Part of which the sence and meaning was That they were meant of Fort Lewis before Rochel and to give assurance of the Demolishing of that Place in time convenient and in the mean time of ease and relief in other things which by the said Treaty of Peace continue prejudicial to the said City of Rochel Without which assurance of the demolishing the Fort and withdrawing the Garrison the said Deputies protested to us that they would never have consented to the letting that Fort stand being enjoyn'd and resolv'd to have maintain'd their Right to demolish it as they do by the present Declaration with assurance that the King of Great Britain will labour by his Intercessions in Conjunction with their humble Supplication to shorten the time appointed for demolishing the said Fort for which we have given 'em all the Royal words and Promises they can desire having assur'd 'em that they ought and might rest satisfi'd and contented For the Faithful performance of which and of what is abovmention'd we have Sign'd and Seal'd these Presents and caus'd it to be under-sign'd by one of our Secretaries Given at Paris the 11th day of February 1626. Sign'd Holland D. Carlton And below Augier An Edict of the King upon the Peace which his Majesty pleas'd to give his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Given at Paris March 1626. and Publish'd in Parlament April 16. LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navar To all c. In regard that Soveraign Authority is no less Illustrious in Acts of Grace and Clemency then in of those Justice and Arms and for that to know how to vanquish and pardon are the highest Marks of Grandeur for the same reason we ought to esteem that Prince most worthy of Honour and Glory who having letn loose the fury of his Arms against those that drew his Provocations upon 'em and subdu'd 'em to their duty is contented to exercise his Clemency toward 'em and to let 'em reap the publick Fruits of it by restoring 'em to Peace whence it comes to pass that God is call'd upon and serv'd in all Places that the Royal Authority is reverenc'd and acknowledg'd by all that the Laws are religiously observ'd the People eas'd from their Oppressions and that the Body of the State uniting Forces together becomes more puissant for their own Preservation and for the Succour and Protection of their Confederates These considerations which we have always had before our Eyes have been the reason that we have us'd so much Moderation to lay asleep and extinguish the Commotions that have so many times like so many Convulsions shak'n this Kingdom making use of Favour toward those who had over inconsiderately engag'd themselves as we have exerted our Vigour resolution and diligence in suppressing and chastizing when we have been thereto constrain'd As to the present Affairs our Conduct has been such as having employ'd both Threats and Punishment in Places that openly stood out in their Disobedience and Mildness Patience and Remonstrances toward others that continu'd in their Duty so that we have restrain'd the bursting forth of that Trouble with which this Kingdom was menac'd by reason of a Civil War and preserv'd the best and greatest part of the Religion in that Fidelity and Obedience which they owe us Who have no less clearly seen and understood that our Intentions have always been as still they are to maintain 'em in Peace Concord and Tranquility and to cause 'em inviolably to enjoy the Favours bestow'd upon 'em by our Edicts and Declarations All which they who ' have taken Arms and the Cities which sided with 'em having lately well consider'd and having understood the Nature of their Crime the Publick Indignation the Ruin and just Punishment which they drew upon themselves by continuing to Trouble the repose of the Kingdom they had recourse to our Goodness as their only safety and Refuge and by their Deputies have several times besought us with all the submission that Subjects could pay to their Soveragn to pardon 'em to bury things past in Oblivion and to afford 'em Peace Upon which We enclining rather to Mildness and Clemency then to the Ruin and Desolation of our own Subjects having also a regard to their most humble Supplications in the Name of those of the Pretended Reformed Religion who have remain'd within the Bounds of their Duty since we had accepted the submissions of the rest to pardon them for their sakes and to reunite 'em all in Peace and Concord under that Obedience which they owe us protesting and assuring us that they will never swerve again from the same upon any pretence occasion or cause whatever We make known that for these Causes and for other great and weighty Considerations Us thereunto moving with the Advice of the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother the Princes c. We have said and declar'd and do say and declare by these Presents Sign'd with our Hand and it is our Will and Pleasure I. That the Edict of Nantes the Declarations and secret Articles Publish'd and Register'd in our Courts of Parlament shall be inviolably kept and observ'd to be enjoy'd by our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion as they were well and duly observ'd in the Time of the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father whom God Absolve and since our coming to the Crown before these last Commotions II. That the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion shall be restor'd and re-establish'd in all Parts and Places of our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience where it has been interrupted during these last Commotions to be fully peaceably and freely exercis'd And we expresly forbid all Persons of whatever Quality or Condition soever upon Pain of being punish'd as Disturbers of the Publick Peace not to trouble molest or disquiet the Ecclesiasticks in the Celebration of Divine Service and other Functions
Estampes whom she mortally hated and out of interest to gain by the Confiscations of the Goods and Estates of the Condemned which she obtain'd for her self But especially after the Edict of Chateau-Briant she was accused of making advantage by the rigorous Prosecutions then carried on against the Protestants and was thought even to have kept Emissaries on purpose to inform against those who were rich enough to tempt her covetous inclination The Clergy on their side took pleasure in seeing so many innocent people Sacrificed to the flames for their interests tho on the other side they had a great deal of Indulgence for themselves and accordingly to put the world out of all hope of the amendment of the Church-men they obtained from the Kings Council the annulling of an Act of the Parliament of Tholouse which tended to nothing else but the suppression of the looseness and debauchery of Priests That Parliament was likewise lasht with bloody Satyrs published by the Clergy on that occasion and when one of the Members of that Court had written an Apology for that venerable Body in which the Vices of the Ecclesiasticks were too openly reprehended they yet had so much power as to cause it to be censured However all this hindred not some seeming Justice to be done for the cruelties committed some years before by Oppeda the Executioner of an Act of the Parliament of Provence against certain remains of the Vaudois inhabiting about Merindol and Cabrieres That affair had been husht up in silence during the Life of Francis I. because the Cardinal of Tournon who then was very powerful at Court was suspected to have been the Counsellor or chief complice of that Barbarous Action but after the Government was passed into other hands that Cardinal was removed from the helm of Affairs and the Constable who bore him no great good will was suspected in his turn to have excited those that were left of those poor People to demand Justice on purpose to bring the Cardinal into trouble by the success of their Complaints There was much ado about fixing upon Judges fit for that business The Great Council first took Cognisance of it from thence it was call'd up before the King and by him at last turn'd over to the Parliament of Paris where it was pleaded for 50 Audiences together but yet after all that great Bustle it came to little effect the principal Criminals escaping unpunisht and King's Advocate in the Parliament of Provence was the only man that lost his life for it as for the Count de Grignan he was only frighted with the fear of losing his Estate which was preserved to him by the favour of the Duke of Guise and Oppeda himself was acquitted by producing his Orders and by the Dukes interposition who served him with all his credit so that the Protestants obtain'd no other vengeance for his Cruelties than the satisfaction of being inform'd he Died afterwards a horrible Death and of saying openly That he suffered it by a just Judgment of God Those Executions did not at all diminish the number of the Protestants the constancy of those who were burned serving to make more sensible impressions upon peoples minds in their favour than either their Books or Preaching but the King however was inexorable and tho the doleful spectacle of those he had caused to be burned after the procession above mentioned and their horrible cries in the torments of their sufferings had so deeply struck his imagination that the remembrance of them was a lasting Terour to him all his life after yet did he not at all abate his severities for they burned after that some persons come from Bearn into France where they preached the Doctrine of their Country among whom Lewis de Marsac was most taken notice of for that having been a Soldier all his life and being dispensed with from having a rope put about his neck at the stake like other sufferers out of respect to that noble profession he complain'd that such a difference should be made between him and his Brethren as if by retrenching any thing from the infamy of his Punishment they had design'd to lessen the glory of his Constancy That year the use of the Gag was first practised invented purposely to hinder the Protestants that were put to death from speaking to the People or singing Psalms for their consolation when they were led to Execution And 't is reported that Aubespine who was the inventor of it was some years after struck with the lowsie disease which put him into so great a despair that he would needs let himself starve to death which furious resolution obliged those which were about him to open his jaws with a Gag to make him take nourishment by force so that he increased the number of those that have been known to suffer those torments themselves of which they were the first inventors Amidst these Executions the Churches took the firmer root and there were already some that were governed by a regular discipline and setled Pastors And at Paris it self where the fires never went out and under the King's Nose there was one which had its peculiar Pastor The several Jurisdictions of the Kingdom accused one another reciprocally upon this occasion for not executing rigorously enough the Court-Orders for which Reason the cognizance of Crimes of Heresy was sometimes committed to the Royal and sometimes to the Ecclesiastical Judges and sometimes parted between both those Tribunals so that since the first introduction of that kind of Processe there had been publisht 5 or 6 Edicts about the competence of Judges which revoked one another by turns Nay and in the following Reigns there was nothing fully fixed as to that matter That year the Cardinal of Lorrain to please the Pope depriv'd the Parliaments in spite of their Remonstrances to the contrary of the power of hearing Causes of Heresy which was transferred to the Bishops leaving to the Royal Judges nothing but the Executions of the Criminals And indeed this proceeding of the Cardinal was very reasonable if measur'd by the interest of the Clergy For the Parliaments began to incline to a Temper of Moderation and there were some Spirits among them that could not think those Rigours agreeable to Justice Nay there were some Judges at Bordeaux that maintain'd it was a thing unheard of that ever so many cruelties were at any time before practised as had been exercised within the last 40 years and that it was against Equity to condem any man for simple Errors before Endeavours had been used to instruct and reclaim the person accused And that since the Council was still on foot as being only suspended which was finally to determine that affair Their Decisions ought to be waited for before they proceeded to condemn to such extraordinary punishments any persons before-hand accused upon such accounts The party of those moderate men was so strong that the
take from the Parliaments the right of watching over it and in this design required that they should be prohibited taking any Cognizance of what should pass betwixt the King and the Pope They presented to the King some other Articles upon all which Du Plessis sent a vigorous Memoir to the Parliament of Tours which that Senate approved and it was upon these grounds that he advised the King by delays to frustrate the Pretentions of the Clergy Besides the honour of the Parliament that was concerned to maintain its Possession to preserve the authority and Dignity of the Kings against the Bulls of Rome there was moreover a reason of Interest that obliged it to withstand the demands of the Bishops There had been since the death of the Cardinal of Bourbon seen to grow a new Cabal amongst the Royal Catholicks which was termed the Third Party The pretence of those that formed it was to put the Catholick Religion in safety whose ruine they thought could not be hindered if Henry IV. came to reign peaceably without changing his Religion This Prince was growing suspected to them because he seemed to them too long to put off the Instruction that he had promised them and that they feared by reason of the Prosperity of his Affairs that he would soon be in a condition to make his own Religion to reign in spight of the Rebels The new Cardinal of Bourbon's Tutor and David du Perrón who had been of the Reformed Religion and who was even as they say a Ministers Son were the Authors of this Faction and they pretended to make it a way to the advancement of their Master who was the Idol of that Party They casted for a Foundation that it was necessary to have a King who had always been a Catholick and that consequently would not be suspected but that he must be taken out of the Royal Family that the fundamental Law of the Crown might not be violated So that they could cast their Eyes on none else but the Cardinal of Bourbon This Party grew easily because two sorts of Catholicks joyned in it to wit those that mistrusted Henry IV. and who above all things were for the safety of their Religion and those who tho' they would not leave him yet were willing to make him afraid of losing his Adherents if he did not speedily embrace the Catholick Religion Villeroy and Janin who gave him both advice and the example of it tho' they both were deeply for the interests of the League joyned or at least made a shew of joyning to this Cabal to weaken the King by dividing his Party or for to force him to change his Religion thro' the fear of seeing himself abandoned for another This Faction became so potent as that mention of it was made to the Pope they desiring to have his Authority for a Prop So that the King was wonderfully troubled at it and held him for a long time in grievous Alarms Therefore the most passionate Historians and who seem to have writ for no other end but for to perswade that the Catholicks had reason on their side in every thing have not dared to justifie this Conspiracy and do confess that the Royal Catholicks designed to put the Royalty at a Compromize Du Perron the most ambitious and unfaithful Man of his time revealed unto the King the secrecy of that Party altho' he had been the Promoter of it himself and 't was by that means he gained that Prince's Confidence whose Favour some years after made him a Cardinal The Assembly of Chartres did favour this Cabal and it was resolved there to present the King with a Petition in their Names to exhort him to become a Catholick with all speed because otherwise several who had been faithful to him as the Lawful Heir would take other Measures and should be forced to abandon him This Petition was Printed at Angiers without the Printer's name â—ut not presented Notwithstanding the Cardinal of Bourbon made or according to others caused to be made to the King a Speech in the same sense and with the same threatnings It was â—ndeavoured for the authorizing this Party to establish under the â—ame of Chamber a kind of Parliament at Moulins or at Clermont â—nd it was so publick that they sought to compose it of such as were affected to that Cabal and that it was called publickly the third Parties Chamber The Parliament sitting at Tours was very much concerned at the erecting this Chamber because it could not be done without dismembering from that Court the Countries that should be made to hold of this new Jurisdiction But as it was profitable for the third Party to ruine the Parliament whose constancy when the rights of the Crown and Succession were to be treated of concurred not with these new Pretentions those that entered into this Faction and the Clergy as well as the rest did favour the setling of this Chamber that they might have at their devotion a Soveraign Court of Justice Therefore the Parliament and the Reformed to whom the Creation of this Chamber gave an umbrage for different reasons mutually opposed the Enterprizes of the Clergy It was only the business of Employments that the Parliament and the Clergy did agree in The Clergy complained that there were twenty six Hereticks in the Parliament of Tours and the Parliament stuck fast to the excluding the Reformed from lesser Offices Wherein they all manifested their aversion for Protestants and the same repugnancy to their being in profitable or honourable Imployments The King being urg'd by the Cardinal de Bourbon on behalf of the Assembly of Chartres to give him an answer to three Articles followed the advice of his Parliament and got clear of this Instance by general Answers The first of these Articles was concerning his coming over to the Romish Church He defended himself from it by the ordinary Protestation of being ready to receive Instruction and to procure the end of the differences that divided the Church adding that he found it less honourable to turn into it alone than to bring back the rest with him and excusing himself for not being able to hearken to the Instruction which he had promised by reason of his Military Distractions during which the Voice of the Canons of the Church was stifled by the Noise of the Canons of the Arsenal The second was touching the Peace which the Clergy desired might be concluded by his Intermission Upon which the King was content in general to testifie that he desired a Peace The third was for obtaining permission to send to the Pope as the Assembly of Chartres had resolved directly against an Act of Parliament of Tours which prohibited all communication with the Court of Rome The King answered it was a matter of State complain'd of by the deceased Pope and the Pope regent declared That he thought it contrary to his Reputation to court him whilst he did what he could against him
at the same time bestowed upon their Enemies Divers pretences were contriv'd either to hinder them from fortifying the places they held or to perswade them that the keeping 'em was not worth while Valognes in Normandy was taken from 'em under a pretence that it signifi'd nothing to keep it because two or three useless Forts about it were ras'd Mention was made of demolishing all the places that kept Poitiers block'd up as soon as that great Town wou'd be reduc'd The Baron of Courtomer also was depriv'd of the Government of Argentan to put Medavi in his place and elsewhere many the like Subjects of Complaint were given The King to appease the Murmurings that were occasion'd by such Acts of Injustice pay'd the Reformed with the Parable of the Young Man at whose return after a shameful wasting of his Wealth his Father kill'd the fatted Calf for Joy of his Repentance But they answer'd that they ought at least to be treated as the Son that had always been faithful and to whom his Father said Son all that I have is thine That if they were resolv'd to spend the revenue of the Family in favour of a Prodigal to reclaim him it was but just at least to make him a sharer to whom it was said Son thou hast always been with me That certainly the obedient Son was not to be Sacrific'd for the return of the other nor to be despoil'd of his Rights to confer 'em on him that trampl'd under Foot the Authority of his Father Besides these general affairs there happen'd others particular in many places which were enough to weary the Patience of the most prudent and moderate The Lieutenant Civil of Paris put out an Order commanding the Reformed to bow to Crosses Images Banners and Shrines when they shou'd meet 'em in the streets This seem'd to be of consequence because it was done as 't were in the very Presence of the King who seem'd to Authorize seeing he did not hinder it An order of the Judges of Lyons drove from the City and its Jurisdiction upon pain of Death all those that shou'd not profess the Catholick Religion The Parliament of Rheims prohibited on pain of corporal Punishment the selling reading or keeping Books for the use of the Reformed Religion That of Bourdeaux had made an Act that authoriz'd the digging up of the Bodies of the Reformed which in the space of fifteen years had been buried in the Churches or Church-yards of the Catholicks The orders taken with those that had the management of the King's Exchequer for the payment of Ministers were of no effect The Courts that were promis'd for the Administration of Justice in Guyenne and Languedoc were not set up though the Passion of the Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Thoulouse against the Reformed wanted but little of Fury At Orleance the Officers already receiv'd were deposed The Parliament of Roan caus'd the Proctors and Advocates to make a publick Abjuration before they were permitted to plead or argue at the Bar And even at Tours the Parliament before it's return to Paris had caus'd a Judge Assistant of Saumur to make his Abjuration afore his Pattents could be register'd which appear'd so much the more strange that Saumur was a Town of Safety Among the Reformed Lords there were some that took no great Care of the Affairs of their Party Lesdiguieres minded no body but himself in Dauphine where he was very powerful His manners were irregular and his Life not very edifying He was covetous ambitious and debauch'd and he had join'd himself to the Reformed in his outward Profession rather because their Religion had been the raising of his Fortune then out of any real Piety There was a Proposal also of marrying his only Daughter with la Trimouille or the Marshal de Bouillon which would have very much advanc'd the Affairs of the Reformed But the Court prevented those Alliances and a little after that Lesdiguieres marry'd her to Crequi a zealous Catholick Neither was Roni less cold in the matter of Religion He was one of those wary Blades that will be always serving God on the winning side so that his Religion consisted only in Appearances and those but very superficial too There were also Governours both of the Provinces and of strong Towns whose Character was much the same who though in the main they were perswaded that their Religion was right nevertheless were so strongly engag'd with the Court that 't was not very probable they would break with Her to serve their Brethren But there were several others who laid things more to heart and who us'd all their Endeavours to prevent the Reformed from falling into any Snare upon the account of fair Promises and would not permit 'em to lose the Opportunity of securing their Persons and the Exercise of their Religion The Mareschal de Bouillon was one of these and in greatest Authority A Person of great Merit and great Ambition He had the Reputation of a good Head-peice in the Council and of a great Captain in the Field in Credit with Foreign Princes and capable to be the Head of a Party His Estate was considerable and he had Places of Strength in his Hands More especially Sedan which as he said belong'd to him by the last Will and Testament of his Wife who dy'd but a little before without Children and was a Place of great Consequence as being an Inlet for Foreign Armies into the Kingdom La Trimouille was next to him Neither had Competitorship made 'em so jealous of each other but that they aim'd both at the same Mark. Besides they were united afterwards by a more strict Alliance in regard they married two Sisters of Prince Maurice to whom the Vnited Provinces had granted part of that Power which William his Father had exercis'd until his Death La Trimouille was Young Brave Resolute Daring Courteous Generous Powerful in Poictou and drew a great Train of Nobility after him The Court accus'd him of being a Lover of Quarrels and of being Head-strong But others gave him a better Character That he was one who would listen to Reason understood it and was capable of good Counsel and look'd upon him as a Person endu'd with great Qualities happy natural Parts and one who only wanted a little Age and Experience to ripen him for a perfect Heroe The Honour he had to see the Prince of Conde his Nephew Presumptive Heir of the Crown because the King had no Legitimate Issue and was by no means to be reconcil'd to Queen Margaret de Valois his Wife somewhat lifted up Tremouille's Heart and made him look'd upon with more Respect by the Reformed who despair'd not one day to see him their Masters Governour But on the other side it render'd him suspected and odious to the Court where his Genius was dreaded Some Proceedings of his at St. John d' Angeli where the Prince of Conde was brought up were much disgusted of which I shall tell the reason in
'em was not to consent to any Rehabilitation as if the King stood in need of obtaining the Popes Consent to be a Lawful King or capable of the Functions of Royalty And the King prescrib'd 'em most exactly how far he gave 'em leave to exert their Complacency upon so nice and delicate a Subject 'T was his pleasure also that they should be very careful of his Honour and his Dignity and that they should obstinately maintain the Validity of his Absolution which he had receiv'd in France Moreover there was one express Article in behalf of the Reformed the Terms of which are so remarkable that I cannot but incert the chiefest part of it in this place After they had alledg'd the Reasons for advising the King to revive the Act of 1577. which was the meanest of those which had been granted the Reformed and laid down the Mischiefs which the Revocation of it obtain'd by the League had occasion'd in the Kingdom together with such as might happen had they secur'd the Reformed from the Edicts of Proscription which the League had publish'd against 'em the Instruction adds That they of the said Religion being very numerous and potent in the Kingdom as they are greatly serve and strengthen his said Majesty to defend his Dominions against the Enemies of it as formerly they have done so that his said Majesty should be accus'd of Imprudence and Ingratitude if after so many Services as they have done him and which he may have need of fartâ—â—â— from 'em he should fall pell mell upon 'em and constrain 'em to take Arms against his Person as they have always done against those who have gone about to force their Consciences But his Majesty hopes â—â— give a better account of 'em by his mildness and the example of his Life then by ways of Rigour There is nothing more Authentick nor more express then this Testimony giv'n upon an occasion so publick and so important of the past and present Services of the Reformed If there be any Equity among Men there needs no more to demonstrate that the Liberty of their Conscience and the Security of their Persons their Estates and their Honour besides that they are Dependencies upon Natural Right which oblige the Prince to assure his Subjects those priviledg'd Advantages were granted 'em as the just Reward of their long and faithful Services So that in depriving 'em in our days both of the one and the other of these Immunities their Enemies have not only violated the most lawful Duty of Sovereigns who ought to look upon themselves as Conservators of the Liberty and Welfare of their Subjects but they have blacken'd the Great Henry with the Reproach of Ingratitude which he adjudged unworthy of himself by depriving an Obedient and Peaceable Offspring of what had been so lawfully yet dearly purchas'd for 'em under the Reign of this Prince by the Services of their Fathers But what-ever Caution was taken to preserve the King's Honour his Proctors forbore not to comply with whatever the Pope demanded and their Excuse was that they could not possibly do otherwise and that they were fain to accept of some Conditions to avoid others that would be more irksom They would also needs perswade the King that they had done him great Service in this that the Article of Rehabilitation had been chopt and chang'd with so much dexterity that it might well be maintain'd that there was not a Word said of it in the Bull of Absolution nevertheless if there were any Persons who thought it necessary it might be affirm'd on the other side that there was enough to the purpose contain'd in it So that all the Fidelity of these Proctors in an Affair of so great Consequence and where the main Concern in Agitation was the establishing the Dependance or Independance of the Crown was reduc'd to unfold this weighty Question by equivocal Terms from whence equal advantage might be drawn as well for the one as for the other This was by no means well relish'd by the honest French-men but those Slaps with a Wand which they receiv'd upon their Shoulders in the King's Name as his Proctors in the Presence of the Cardinals during the Ceremony of the Absolution were far less approv'd The Spaniards made it the Subject of their Sport and Merriment the French Politicians murmur'd at it the Reformed storm'd at it and threw it in the Catholicks Dish as a high Affront put upon Royal Majesty that the first King in Christendom should be expos'd to be swaddl'd upon the Shoulders of his Proctor The Court also was asham'd of such a pitiful Condescension and du Perron had much ado to ward off the bloody Reproaches that were cast upon him for this Prevarication at his Return But he had such a Wit that he could do what he pleas'd with it and he had such a graceful slight of expressing himself such a knack of making Black White and White Black that no body had either the Will or the Confidence to contradict what he said For which Reason it is reported that the Pope was heard to say at Rome that he besought of God never to infuse other then vertuous Thoughts into his Mind for that if corrupt and vicious Meditations got footing there he had a Wit was able to defend ' em D'Ossat excus'd this Indignity by saying that the Raps were so slight that they would not have hurt a Fly As if the Affront had consisted rather in the Violence of the Blow then the Ignominy of the Ceremony Some Historians have deem'd this Circumstance so very disgraceful the they durst not recite it faithfully in their History as if the Affront were the less real when it is minc'd and neatly daub'd over These Proctors had consented to Sixteen Articles which the Pope impos'd upon the King by way of Penance And there were some of these in reference to which the King could have wish'd they would have let him have done as Time should have given him an opportunity But the Proctors had been as faithful in this as in all the rest for they suffer'd the Pope to impose upon the King a Necessity of Obedience after a very coercive manner Such were the Third Fourth and Sixth Article whereby he was enjoyn'd to re-establish the Mass in Bearn and to restore the Bishops in that Principality to be maintain'd at his own Charges till they should be settl'd in their Estates to get the Prince of Conde out of the hands of the Reformed within a year that he might be bred up in the Catholick Religion and to publish the Council of Trent and cause it to be observ'd in every thing that might not disturb the Publick Repose The Tenth was couch'd in most Artificial Terms and oblig'd the King in all things to give continual Marks of his Respect and Favour to the Catholicks before all the rest of his Subjects and to testifie his eager desires to unite his whole Kingdom in one
Relaxations in both sides New Possession acquir'd in 1597. Principle Articles which the Count de Schomberg grants under the King 's good pleasure Debate whether they should be accepted with a Proviso 〈◊〉 definitively Cavils in Council about the Articles Interruptions of the Treaty Last Instructions New Cavils which the King puts a stop to by his Constancy The Assembly implores the Intercession of the Queen of England and the United Provinces New Delays partly Malicious partly Innocent WHILE this Affair was under Negotiation at Rome the Reformed in France who perform'd their Exercises at Chastaigneraye were massacred by the Soldiers of the Garrison of Rochefort who boasted that they had the Duke of Mercoeur's Warrant for what they did The Lady of the Place who had already signaliz'd her self by other Acts of Violence observing that the Reformed who assembl'd together from sundry places in the Neighbourhood carry'd Arms about 'em for their own Defence because the Garrisons of the League were always scouting abroad forbid the Meeters under pretence that she might not forfeit her Garranty to come arm'd upon her Ground and seconded this Inhibition with so many Threats that the poor People obey'd And in that condition it was that the Garrison of Rochefort surpriz'd â—…em met together in the House of one Vaudorè a Reformed Gentleman There were about two hundred massacred without sparing either Sex or Age. An Infant also that was carry'd thither to be Christen'd was kill'd among the rest Nor could the Innocency of another who would have given Eight Sols for his Ransom procure him the least Mercy And the Reason alledg'd by these Hang-men to excuse their Fury was That the Duke of Mercoeur had forbid 'em to suffer any of the Huguenots to redeem themselves And moreover they were sure as they said that the Duke in making their Peace would procure 'em a full Pardon for that horrid Impiety The Lady of Chastaigneraye who had contriv'd this bloody Execution with so much Artifice made it â—…er Pastime after the Fact was committed to be inquisitive after the Number and Names of the murder'd People and to inform her self whether such or such against whom she had a more peculiar Antipathy were comprehended in the Butchery This piece of Barbarism put the Reformed into a Ferment equal to the Merit of the Fact They call'd Assemblies to consider of it They arm'd themselves for their Defence against the same Violences in the Neighbouring parts or to make the like Returns and some that were more chaf'd by their Excess of Cruelty that talk'd of nothing else but of righting themselves upon the Catholicks They besought the King never to pardon the Authors of such a Massacre but to bring 'em to Justice as Robbers unworthy to be look'd upon as Soldiers The King gave out Letters Patents which declar'd that this same Act of Cruelty should be comprehended in the number of Military Violences for which Treaties of Peace generally provided an Act of Oblivion In pursuanee of which La Trimouille and du Plessis caus'd some of these Executioners that fell into their Hands to be hang'd up But the Punishment of Five or Six Scoundrels was not look'd upon as a sufficient Reparation for the Massacre of so many innocent Persons For which reason it was that the Reformed complain'd above two years after that Justice had never been done 'em for this no more then for several other Outrages which had been every day committed to their vast Prejudice in sundry parts of the Kingdom Moreover while the Negotiation went forward at Rome it was that they set all their Springs and Engins at work to get the Prince of Conde out of the hands of the Reformed The Verification of the Edict was not sufficient to perswade 'em to a surrender of his Person because it had only serv'd to give 'em new occasions of Complaint Therefore it behov'd 'em to set new Slights and Stratagems on foot neither would the King stay to make it his business till the Pope impos'd a necessity upon him One of their Artifices to sound their Intentions was loudly to give out that they well knew the Reformed would never deliver him up and to support this study'd Fear of theirs with all the Considerations that could hinder 'em To which they added Reflections upon the Prejudice which would accrew by their Refusal to the King's Affairs Nor did they forget to slip in dexterously by the way that they should be forc'd at length to take him out of their hands by force They gave 'em also clearly enough to understand that they were not to expect either Peace or Security while they continu'd obstinate in their Resolutions to be Masters of the Person of the young Prince That their Refusal to deliver him up to the King would be taken for an apparent Rebellion that they would be look'd upon to have forfeited all the Favours that had been granted and that there would be a fair Pretence found out to unite with those Foreign Powers against 'em that so passionately thirsted after their Destruction These Considerations wrought upon three sorts of People The Timerous who after Thirty Five Years Wars which had cost the Reformed so much Hardship Treasure and Blood desir'd only to live in Repose and became faint-hearted upon all appearances of a new War The Courtiers who never troubl'd their Heads much about the Time to come provided they had the Liberty of their Consciences and that their Religion were no Obstacle to their present Fortunes And lastly the Wiser sort who thought there was a necessity of Peace to settle and preserve 'em in their Stations that there could be no end of a new War but with their Ruâ—ine that it would be a Reproach to their Religion to re-kindle a War in the Kingdom when it was in so fair a way to be extinguish'd but that on the other side 't would be a great Honour to their Doctrine which the Catholicks accus'd of infusing the Spirit of Faction and Disturbance into People to contradict 'em in an Affair of such important Consequence But there were other People to manage besides the Reformed if they intended to have good Success in their getting the Prince of Conde into their Hands For the Death of the Prince his Father was accompany'd with such Circumstances which had fill'd the Minds of Credulous People full of Jealousies and the Prosecution commenc'd against his Widow suspected to have contributed to his Death had perswaded many People that she had strange Reasons which spurr'd her on to that Extremity The Prince of Conti and the Count of Soissons were in the number of those that really thought or would seem to believe that there was something in the Birth of that young Prince which did not permit that he should remove 'em from the Crown More especially the Count of an ambitious and turbulent Spirit and one that agreed but ill with the King was most to be fear'd and
Affairs that lay upon his hands In the mean time he earnestly exhorted 'em to continue their Services on Picardy side where he had great reason to fear the Attempts of the Spaniards against whom War had been declar'd but a little before with a great deal of Ceremony because till then the Hostility between the two Nations had been but indirectly carry'd on by reason of the League which they assisted with Men and Money For the Council thought it a shame to brook any longer that oblique way of attacking France and therefore that now the War was to be carry'd into the Enemies Country to hinder the Succours which they gave the French Rebels The Duke of Bouillon was one of those that press'd this Resolution most home and the Vnited Provinces who saw a certain Advantage for themselves in declaring a War labour'd it on their side as well as Queen Elizabeth 'T is true that Princess appear'd not a little offended that the King did so little for the Protestants of France and she grew jealous of those Proceedings that renew'd their Terrors and their Distrusts She was afraid of being the Victim of a Peace with Spain and of being abandon'd by a Prince whom she had so generously succour'd in Distress But to re-establish a Confidence between the King and Her Marshal de Bouillon was sent to negotiate with her a new League against the Spaniard Nor was it a difficult thing to obtain it But in regard the Queen laid to Heart the Affairs of Religion her Ministers propos'd the obliging the King to grant a favourable Edict to the Protestants of his Kingdom There was now a necessity to break off the Treaty or consent to a Promise that would have been attended with dangerous Consequences partly through the Disgust which the Pope would have taken at it partly by reason of the great Obligation which a Foreign Power would have laid upon the King's Subjects by vertue of this Article since they would have been more beholding to Foreign Favour for their Security then to their Prince But the Duke of Bouillon would never suffer any such Article to be inserted in the Treaty nor that any separate Act should be drawn up with which the English offer'd to be content for fear it might be imputed to him that he had been employ'd upon their Importunities and that he had abus'd his Credit and his Plenipotentiary Power to make that Attempt upon Royal Authority for the benefit of Religion However the Proposal made it evident that the Reformed would find Protection abroad if once they were in a condition to stand in need of it In the mean time the Queens good Intentions terminated in this that she secretly sollicited the King to grant all necessary Liberty and Security to the most faithful part of his Subjects and the Reformed had often recourse to that same Intercession But the Enterprize prov'd not so successful as it was just and necessary and the King lost several considerable Places And from thence it was he took an opportunity to exhort the Reformed to do him new Service and jointly with him to turn their Arms against their Common Enemy But the Coldness which the Deputies observ'd in the King's Answers and the Inoongruity which they found between requiring from the Reformed new Services and referring 'em till another time for the Reward of Services past produc'd a very great alteration in their Minds It seem'd to them that an Affair which regarded the Life and Conscience of so many Thousands of good Subjects was as urgent as any other and in regard they desir'd no more then only to be treated like true and faithful French-men they could not brook to be put off till another time for the Examination of their Demands For their parts they look'd upon it as a flat Refusal of the Security which they desir'd or at least for a Declaration clear enough that they requir'd time to cavil upon an Affair of so great Importance to their Welfare Therefore they thought it not to be endur'd that they should be invited to shed the Remainder of their Blood against a Foreign Enemy while they were refus'd Security against their Domestick Foes and that they should be told abruptly that the King was not at leisure to provide for the safety of them and their Families The King also went about to perswade 'em that the Breaches made by the Treaties with the Leaguers of the Edict in 1577. were not considerable and that the great Benefit which accrew'd to the State by those Breaches was such that the Reformed might well sit down by the Loss with Patience as if it had been just that they should purchase at the expence of their Security the King's Reconciliation with their most implacable Persecutors For these Reasons it was that they propos'd in the Assembly the having recourse to more effectual Remedies They also discours'd among other Expedients of putting themselves into the same Condition they were in before the Truce between the two Kings and to regulate the Custody of their strong Holds the Administration of the Finances and the Method of Justice in the same Order as they were at that time Such a Resolution was enough to make the Court and the Parliaments look about 'em who each for their own particular Reasons were afraid of nothing so much as to see the Reformed Cantoniz'd And in regard the Springs of Fear and Interest more forcibly move the Minds of Men then those of Gratitude and Equity this irksom expedient appear'd to be the best of all to bring the Catholicks to a reasonable Composition However this Coldness of the King proceeded not so much from Nature as Infusion And therefore he repented of this rigorous Usage so soon as he saw the bad effects of it But he was continually spurr'd forward to these affected Severities by the Sollicitations of the Pope and the Catholicks The Pope would fain have perswaded him to destroy the Reformed Root and Branch but the King would never hearken to that and stood so positively to the Negative when they made him the Proposal that after that there was no body at Court who durst propound it to him any more But he listed more willingly to those who to bring about their ends fetch'd a larger Compass and who advis'd him to stay till he was rid of all his other Incumbrances that he might be in a condition to have the Reformed under his Girdle and to prescribe 'em Laws like a Soveraign that acts according to his Will and Pleasure This Council flatter'd the King who in that was like all other Princes who believe it more agreeable to their Supreme Authority to give what they please then what is demanded from ' em But those Catholicks of which the greater part were Leaguers in their Hearts or else prepossessed with that false Zeal which breath'd nothing more into 'em then the Ruine of those they call Hereticks had other Designs than
to advance the King's Power Their Aim was to hinder him from obliging himself by any Edict before they had taken all their measures for the Destruction of the Reformed for fear lest after that they might not be able to perswade him to violate the publick Faith of the Observance of which no Prince in the World was more jealous then himself They labour'd therefore with great Application to put off the Effects of his good Intentions of which they were not ignorant and they made use of all the Considerations to this purpose that might Incense the King whose Courage active to excess and vigorous easily took Fire They fought to incense him by laying before him the Importunities of the Reformed for recompense of their Services as an injurious Reproach as if they had fail'd in their respect to his Majesty in upbraiding him with a Fidelity confirm'd by long Experience And Kings are apt to show their Weakness in that particular They love to be serv'd without Interest and that after great Services done they may be permitted to forgive ' em The more they are pleas'd with the Affection of their Subjects the more they dread the Reproach They take it for an Affront that a Subject who has done no more then his Duty should think he has any way oblig'd 'em and many times also when they acknowledge the Services of any one they would have their Returns of Gratitude rather look'd upon as Favours then Rewards So that it was no difficult thing to perswade the King that the Reformed were in the wrong to boast their Services as they did and that the more deserved the Recompense was the more injurious the Demand seem'd to be The Catholicks were the first themselves that were provok'd at these Reproaches of good Services because they almost all knew that it was against them that the Reformed had perform'd it so that the one could not vaunt their Fidelity but the other were put in remembrance of their having been either Enemies or Rebels Moreover the Catholicks represented the Reformed to the King as a kind of Cabal that was form'd against his Authority under the Pretence of Religion and who having Oaths of Union Assemblies Councils Cheiftaines Strong Holds and Finances or Exchequers were a kind of another State set up within his own and which would prove a Source of Trouble and Confusion a Sanctuary for Male-Contents and Rebels and a Party always engag'd in Domestick Conspiracies and Foreign Correspondencies The Pretence for these Accusations was that among the vast number of stout and brave Persons of which the Party consisted there were some that were turbulent and talk'd high and some perhaps who had Interests of their own apart by themselves under the Vail of the Common Cause But it was a most malicious piece of Injustice to accuse of Faction so many Thousands of peaceable People that desir'd no more then the Repose and Liberty of their Consciences Nevertheless because the King's Vivacity render'd him susceptible of suddain Impressions from thence it came to pass that he gave the Reformed either Cold or harsh Answers while his Mind was prepossess'd with a present prejudice against 'em tho' in the main he had always a Design to grant 'em part of their Demands The Pope on the other side well knew how to improve his Advantages and in regard he saw there were many things of Importance wherein the King stood in need of him he granted him nothing for which he did not make him dearly pay That Pontiff diligently heighten'd all the Suspicions that were infus'd into him that the King's Conversion was not sincere and all the Discourses upon which those Jealousies might be grounded 'T was easie to pick out several Pretences in the King's Conduct which oblig'd him to speak and act quite contrary according to the Character of those with whom he had to deal To 〈…〉 the Catholicks it became him to shew a great Disgust against the Religion of the Reformed On the other side to satisfie the Reformed there was a necessity of telling 'em sometimes by way of secret Confidence that he had always a kindness for their Religion His principal Allies were Protestants and it behov'd him that his Ministers Resident among 'em should let 'em know as much to refix that Assurance in their Minds which his Reconciliation to the Roman Church and the Pope had almost quite eradicated They were afraid that another Religion had caus'd him to espouse other Interests Therefore he order'd his Agents to excuse to his Consederates his outward manner of Proceeding and to assure 'em that only the necessity of Affairs oblig'd him to dissemble and that he had alter'd his Conduct but not his Sentiments The Pope who was inform'd of every thing by his Spies believ'd or else seign'd to believe that this was true And therefore he extorted from the King many things under that Pretence as Dimonstrations of a sincere Conversion And fain he would have drawn him by these study'd Distrusts into a League against the Protestants But the King who could not confide so well in any but the Protestants refus'd to hearken to those Propositions And when he call'd to his remembrace that he had been bred among 'em and faithfully defended by the Protestants or that he had been so well assisted and serv'd both by Them and Foreigners in so many Dangers he could not without Horror hearken to the Council that was given him for their Extirpation Of all the Ten Things which he had made the Objects of his Wishes in his Life-time one of the most ardent was That he might be in a Capacity to establish the Reformed Religion which he then professed Therefore when he saw himself the Umpire of his Wiâ—e the Success of which depended upon his Will he could not resolve to destroy a Religion the Advancement of which he had so much desir'd and favour'd However there must be something done to pay the Pope For which reason the King enhanc'd the value of the Changes which had happen'd at Court as so many Effects of his Sollicitations his Acts of Kindnesses or his Example Sometimes he acted the Converter and disputed against such as presented themselves before him to the end he might boast at Rome the Benefit and Sincerity of his Cares for the reducing of all his Subjects to one and the same Religion He assum'd to himself also the Honour of the Decay and Ruine into which some Reformed Families fell and of the Advancement of some Catholick Houses as if it had fallen out through his preferring the one above the other whenas for the most part neither the one nor the other proceeded from any other Cause then the Ingratitude and Capricio of the Court among whom there is as little Justice in the Refusal as in the Distribution of Favours Certain it is however this way of proceeding drew upon him sometimes most cruel Reproaches and if we may judge of his Inclinations by the Satyrs of
to the Royal Authority and with a Boldness of Rebels who wou'd make the King to understand that they staid there to take new Resolutions if they were not contented with the Answer he shou'd give their Deputy Passionate Historians make every thing on this side as odious as they can altho' the intention of the Assembly was much more innocent The Deputies were accustomed after having put up their Requests and named those which shou'd carry them to the King to return again and expect the effect of their Solicitations and contenting themselves with meeting together if affairs required it but this were an endless trouble There were already two Years past since the Assembly of Saint Foy had been going backwards and forwards and yet had obtain'd nothing and when those which were sent to the Court received any Answer there was so much time lost in communicating it to the Churches to the Councils of Provinces and in naming Deputies for a General Assembly that it was impossible to avoid tediousness Therefore to bring things to a more speedy issue the Assembly of Loudun resolv'd not to depart until they saw some conclusion of the Affairs for which they had met together and what they had order'd Vulson to tell the King was only a simple Declaration of the resolution they had taken And indeed this might confound the Council who found matters went more according to their minds in the preceeding Conduct because the Year was run out before another Assembly cou'd deliberate upon their Answers and this method served to gain them time and to defer them to a Conjuncture wherein the King might bring Affairs to such a pass as he might treat with the Reformed more at his pleasure whereas now they perceived that the Assembly were resolved not to part until they had brought things unto some certain conclusion and this without doubt hastened things more than ordinary and also hindred the ill-minded Courtiers from an opportunity of finding out new Illusions to amuse them But the King having taken the thing according to the sense his Council had represented to him was resolved to answer this Declaration of the Assembly by a Mark of absolute Authority and therefore commanded the Assembly to break up and to depart every one to his own home assuring the People of the good-will of the King whereof nevertheless they carried no other Testimonies than general Promises Such a Command made with a sort of a menacing Air rendred all these fine words suspected The Protestants doubted not but the secret design of this separation was to deliver the Court from these importunate Solicitors who too strongly demanded the effect of those Promises which they had no mind to perform and it is not to be wondred at if this Answer displeased the Assembly since some of the Council who was not so very severe had no hand in it and even Lomanie writing upon this Subject to Du Plessis confessed to him that he knew not why the Secretary of State had conceived it in such terms and he did not doubt but that he himself was offended and that he had some secret reservation The Assembly therefore was very much offended with this Answer and believing they ought to defer their breaking up until they had consulted together what was necessary to be done in this unfortunate Conjuncture they concluded they were no longer to expect any assistance from the Court but henceforth to seek it in their own strength The Deputies were authorised by the Provinces to do whatsoever shou'd be judged useful for the common Cause so that the Assembly was ready to depart having resolved to put the Reformed again into the same condition they were before the Truce with the two Kings But Du Plessis who feared the Consequences of these desperate Resolutions and the Effects of the Resentments that the Deputies might stir up in the Provinces did an act worthy his Wisdom and the Fidelity he ow'd to the King He went to the Assembly and was so far from advising them to break up that he proposed the fortifying themselves with a great number of considerable Persons and to enter into a Mutual Promise not to separate any more till they had obtain'd an Edict with sufficient security This they agreed to and invited such persons to them as were fitly qualified to strengthen their Assembly by their presence All that were in the neighbouring Provinces came to them La Trimouille who had never assisted before appeared there with the rest But the Courage of many Persons failed when they came to sign the Union that Du Plessis had proposed because they expected no relief from the Court therefore he signed first upon which all the rest resolved to follow his Example Thus Wisdom prevailed with them and altho' their Patience was tired yet it was not quite spent they gave Du Plessis time to write to the King and to represent to him the disorders that might proceed from a separation of the Assembly He plainly told him what the Deputies had reason to complain of the Rigours of the Parliaments the Injustices of the Officers which forbad paying the Garrisons of the places their Fears Distrusts and Suspicions and the Proposition of bringing themselves again into the same condition they were in before the Truce And to appease all these Disturbances he again renewed his Advice to the King of sending a Commissioner on his account to treat with the Deputies he nominated the President of Thou because he lookt upon him to be a lover of Peace He applied his Advice to the Example of Henry the Third who sent Bellieveure to Montauban in 1584. to treat with the Reform'd and he begged the King not to believe the affair of small importance because every person amongst them was resolved to see what was to be expected for their security Hesperian who carried the Letter with more particular Instructions upon the Subject in which was contained the Reasons the Reformed had to be afraid with an Account of their Complaints and the Motives that ought to oblige the King to yield to the desires of these alarmed persons As the King's coldness was caused by the displeasure the Catholic Zealots had made him conceive against the Proceedings of the Reformed so it was not very difficult to change his thoughts when they gave him better Reasons for it therefore whether he was touchâ— with the Remonstrances of his faithful Servant or that the effect of his harshness had convinced him that his Counsellors had made him take wrong Measures he gave pressing Orders that the Assembly shou'd not break up He promised to send somebody to treat with them and fixed a time when he wou'd send him and strongly enjoyn'd the staying the Deputies until the arrival of his Commissioner Thus the Mischief that the zealous Catholicks had done was very near repaired by the wise Advice even of those whom they had offended and the Reformed by this Expedient were hindred from any ill
to the King of Navarre over the River Loire a Place in each Bailiwick for the sick and wounded of his Armies This Article of the Truce was very ill executed either because of the sudden Death of King Henry the Third or because there was no occasion for it in some Places where the Reformed had no Troops Three Places only were given them by vertue of that Article of the aforesaid Truce insomuch that when Henry the Fourth granted them a second Place of Bailiwick he did only perform what had been promised them giving nevertheless a larger extent to that favour than it had before since he permitted then the free Exercise in those Places to all sorts of People whereas the Truce had granted it only for the sick and wounded and made perpetual what his Predecessor had granted only with a Proviso But there was little appearance that this Prince after having received so great and important Services from the Reformed would make their Condition worse by the Peace which he promised them than it had been by the Truce and it is easie to guess that he would never have taken away from them by an Edict of Gratitude what had been granted them by a necessary Treaty Great Debates were also made on the Nature of the Places where the Exercise was granted whether within the Walls of Towns or in the Suburbs whether in Burroughs or Villages There were some upon the manner of declaring the Places where the new Possession gave the Right of Exercise because the surest appeared the less advantagious for it was proposed to get all those Places numbred one by one in the Edict or to comprehend them all under some general Character There was it seems a great deal more security in the first but the second gave a larger Extent to the Privilege because they hoped that in the Execution of this Article means might be found to facilitate the keeping of the Exercise in some Places where perhaps it might be contested if their Number was sent to the Council There was at least a sufficient Ground to fear it for the King had commanded his Commissioners before they came to a Conclusion upon this Point to send him the aforesaid Number that he might see if there was any ambiguity concerning them Therefore the Reformed stood to the general Clause but because the Catholicks would not permit them to settle themselves in so many Places they also troubled them about the Proofs they were obliged to give in either to prove that the Exercise had been or ought to have been made in such or such Places according to the Edict of 1577 or to shew that it had been actuall performed where the new Edict allow'd it The Protestants pretended That Praying publickly together with Singing of Psalms Marrying or Christning ought to go for sufficient Proofs but the Catholicks who foresaw and feared the consequence of such Proofs if once allow'd could never be brought to an Agreement upon this Point and the King 's refusing then to admit of those Acts alone and distinct one from another as a sufficient Ground for the Right of an Exercise has since afforded to our late Interpreters of the Edict of Nants a very specious Pretence to maintain that the same Acts were not sufficient Proofs for the Right of the Exercises in some Places in which they nevertheless found it continued for seventy or eighty Years together But it is a Case which needs a Distinction for Prayer once made without any other Acts of Religion and Marrying or Christning occasionally might not indeed be solid Proofs of the Right of an Exercise but the same joyned together continued and performed with all the ordinary Circumstances of publick Worship ought in these latter Times to be taken for Authentick Proofs of an Exercise so long since established All Points having a reference to that Demand as the Liberty of Visiting and Comforting the Sick even in the Hospitals of assisting the Prisoners of exhorting the Criminals and following them to the Place of Execution it self The Exemption from several things at which the Consciences of the Reformed were offended as being parts or Circumstances of the Catholick Worship and several other Articles of the same nature met with proportionable Difficulties before they could be agreed upon but that concerning Burials occasioned the warmest Debates of all the rest The Catholicks having through a blind Zeal contrived Canons which under colour of Piety destroy all Sense of Humanity in forbidding all such as the Councils or Popes have declared Hereticks to be buried in Holy Ground as they call it their Clergy could not endure the Reformed should enjoy this general Right of Mankind in common Church Yards nor even the Gentlemen of that Religion in the Chappels of their own Houses or in the Churches wherein they had a Right of Patronage On the contrary the Reformed though no longer infatuated with the ridiculous Conceit That one Spot of Ground is holier than another earnestly demanded that the same Church-Yard should serve for both Parties either because the Nobility and Gentry were desirous to preserve the Rights of their Fiefs oâ— that the Reformed in general could not brook that Distinction in Burials by which they thought themselves injuriously reflected upon For Hereticks being excluded out of common Church-Yards by the Canons the Burying of the Reformed in other Places was a plain Declaration of their being Hereticks and besides it exposed them by such a publick Blur to the Hatred of the Catholicks a People always zealous even to Fury and Madness against any thing that appear'd to them in the Shape of Heresy Indeed there was little Appearance that the Reformed could ever enjoy a quiet Life or a happy Society with them who were taught to hate their Countrymen in their very Graves and to deny them the Honour of a Common Burial and who could not see without Scorn nor frequent without Horror those Men whose dead Bodies in their Opinion would prophane and fully the Places where they lay buried This important Article was explained by the Edict or executed by the Commissioners after such a manner as proved in our Days the fatal Spring of innumerable Vexations and Injustices The third Demand was concerning the Subsistence of the Ministers and the Maintenance of the Schools The Reformed were willing to be freed from paying Tenths to the Clergy to whom they ow'd nothing since they did not own them as their Pastors and they thought it unjust that being at the Charge of maintaining their own Ministers they should also contribute to the Subsistence of the Priests of a contrary Religion They demanded That at least their Ministers should be pay'd out of the publick Mony according to an Article of the Treaty of Truce with Henry III. They also desired Schools for the Instruction of their Children with a publick Allowance for the Masters and moreover that the Reformed should be indifferently admitted to places of Doctors of
and Peer Governour of the Bastile and a Province no body opposing this great Preferment of a Heretic 'T is very true that when he wrote to the Pope he gave him the Title of His Holiness as a Catholic would have done The Obstructions of the Edict had lasted almost till the beginning of this Year tho they had begun to put it in Execution in several places and that the King had appointed two Commissioners in every Province to act in such a manner as to content both Parties One of these two was a Catholic the other a Reformed but the Catholic was Elected also with the Approbation of the Reformed because they were their fears of being depriv'd by the Cavils of a Bigotted Commissary of what was Granted 'em by the most Solemn Edict that ever was Granted by a Prince in favour of his Subjects that were to be heal'd Now tho their Power were equal nevertheless to the end the Catholics might have the Advantage in every thing the Catholic Commissioner had the Upper hand almost every where and bore the greatest Sway. They were Impower'd to receive all manner of Petitions and Complaints touching the Execution of the Edict and to decide all Differences that might arise upon that occasion Their Orders were as good as a Law especially in things that were not Contested and where both Parties Consented nor is there any President that I know of any Appeal to the King upon any Decree of that Nature but when any Dispute arose they were to give an Account of their Sentence to the King and their Decree was only made with a Proviso till the King had pronounc'd his Judgment And indeed to speak properly their Commission was no more then the Act it self explain'd and limited by particular Articles and the King by Word of Moâ—th reduc'd their Instructions to two Heads The one was to Re-establish the Exercise of the Roman Religion in all places where it had been disturb'd and the other was to settle Peace over all the Kingdom by a due Observation of the Edict Thus hitherto I have given an Account of the Negotiations and Treaties that preceded the Edict of Nantes and which prepar'd the Matter and form'd the Articles And I have set down the principal Obstructions that so long hinder'd either the Conclusion or the Verification of it Henceforward I am to speak of the Observation of it or of the Breaches and Violations of it till our very days But in regard that this is in some measure a New Subject my Opinion is that I can no where better insert then here some General Considerations upon this Edict to shew the Force and Nature of it that so the Reader coming to see the Recital of Matters of Fact upon which I intend to build my Reflections and not being oblig'd to go far to seek for the Heads from whence I shall derive my Consequences may the more easily apprehend and observe the Truth of ' em To which purpose I shall speak of three Things First I shall give a brief Account of the Reproaches at that time cast upon the Reformed by the Catholics and afterwards so many times reviv'd Secondly I shall set down in few Words the Replies of the Reformed in their own Defence Lastly I shall make more ample Reflections upon the Justice Benefit and Importance of the Edict from thence to conclude that of it self and in its own Nature it was Irrevocable tho it had never been so stil'd and withal I shall Reply to some Objections which were the first occasion of all the Clergies Enterprises to destroy it I shall handle this Matter by the way of Historical Remarks leaving the Lawyers to explain 'em by Observations agreeable to their Principles From the time then that the Edict was set forth there were several Discourses and Writings concerning it to and fro The Reformed were assail'd with many Reproaches and they set forth several Apologies in defence of themselves The Zealous Catholics who were mad to see a Party which they Mortally hated Establish'd in such a manner that they could not be stirr'd reveng'd themselves by Invectives and the Reformed secur'd by the Edict sought no further then to Ward off their Calumnies with Words But the main Reason which induc'd the Catholics to frame these several Accusations was Because the Edict seem'd to perpetuate to their lasting shame the remembrance of the League contriv'd among 'em to Exclude their Lawful Prince from the Throne under the pretence of Religion 'T is true the Edict forbid the Reviving the Memory of Things past but we know that these sort of Prohibitions can never hinder Posterity from coming to the Knowledge of such things as others would fain obliterate by such precautions Amnesties do but keep up the Remembrance of those Crimes which they pardon In a word the Measures that are taken to stifle those events of which the Memory is odious may put a stop to the Inquiries and Pursuits that may be made after 'em without such Inhibitions by Prosecutions and Indictments at Law But such proceedings are so far from razing such Events out of the Memory of Men that they Engrave more deeply in their Minds such an Inscription as will never permit their being Bury'd in Oblivion The Edict therefore by forbidding to revive things past ceas'd not however to be a kind of Monument to preserve 'em always in their Thoughts It appear'd by the Edict that there had been Hostilities Mortal hatred of each other Oppressions and Ravages and altho the Reformed should have forborn to upbraid the Catholics with 'em who had been the Authors of the greatest part of those Mischiefs and the occasion of the rest by their Cruelties and Violations of so many Treaties it seem'd that the Edict alone cast a Reproach upon 'em so much the more uneasie to be endur'd because it is perpetual 't is a Voice that always repeats as loud the Inhumanities the Massakers and the Treasons of Time past as that of the Law which prohibits their Contrivance The Catholics then who began to blush at things past and knew well they could never be Interpreted to their Advantage endeavour'd to pick out something that was equally liable to Reproach in the Conduct of the Reformed to the end that by way of Compensation both the one and the other might appear equally Guilty or Innocent To which purpose they were about to turn the Edict to the Dishonour of the Reformed and to raise up against 'em a perpetual Character of Criminal Behaviour They sought for pretences that might be serviceable to 'em in the Time and Manner of obtaining so favourable an Edict They forgot not that the Reformed had taken the opportunity of the Siege of Amiens to put a value upon themselves and to draw from the King more Advantagious Conditions through the Necessity of his Affairs They lookt upon it as if the Reformed has lost all the Honour of their former Services by their
coldness and indifferency at that time and that that same kind of Desertion was as Criminal as all the Attempts of the League but it may be seen that the Reformed very well defended themselves from that Accusation as I have made appear in its due place They were upbraided also with this That it was a piece of Felony to transact with their King concerning Peace That what they obtain'd by force of Arms was an Eternal Monument of their Rebellion how advantagious soever it otherwise appear'd That a King could not make Peace with his Subjects but it must appear that he had made War against him Nor Pardon 'em but that it must be evident they were Criminals That the Reformed at first Assembl'd without Arms and strove with Emulation to pray to God for those whom they call'd Persecutors so far were they from repelling Violence by Violence but that at length they had taken Arms to render themselves Formidable That after the first War they were contented to take the Royal Word for a Pledge and Security of the Peace but that afterwards they would have strong Towns Garisons Chambers half one half t'other and a hundred other Securities From whence they branch'd out another Calumny that their Religion was degenerated into Faction that their aim was to set up another State in a State and that they aspir'd to get themselves loose of the General Laws by the help of particular Concessions The most part of these Objections were no more then a Reviving of those that had appear'd in the Reign of Charles the Ninth and which had since that time been solidly refuted But there had happen'd after that so many Novelties that had augmented the Rights of the Reformed and given new Demonstrations of the Justice of their Complaints that 't was easie to judge the Catholics did not revive those Idle Calumnies but only because they knew not where to find any other fit for their turn The Reformed confess'd a great part of what their Enemies laid to their Charge not without some Aggravations of their own but either they made it out that there was no Harm in what they had done because they had done nothing but what was grounded upon the Law of Nature it self or if they had done amiss that the Guilt lay not at their Door but that the real Authors were to be blam'd That when there is a Necessity of endangering the Life of an Enemy the Reproach ought not to fall upon him that stands upon his Defence but it is to be charg'd upon the Violence of the Aggressor That the insisting upon Cautions and Securities was not to be imputed to those that demand 'em but to those whose breach of Faith reduc'd the others to require ' em That Negotiations of Peace between Subjects and their Kings might be Stil'd Felonious Acts had the Kings been always the Fathers of their Subjects and the Just Gonservators of the Rights and Priviledges which by Nature or by Birth belong'd to 'em for that being presuppos'd there can be no pretence for the taking up of Arms. But in regard that Self-defence was the only occasion of the War on their side when the Princes had lent out their Names and their Authority to Patronize the Cruelties Treacheries and Perjuries of Persecutors when they had given 'em the Command of Armies to Extirpate the pretended Heretics when they were the declar'd Heads of that Destroying Party when they had Sworn the Ruin of their own Subjects without Pity or Compassion when they had engag'd to Sacrifice the Blood and Lives of those Unfortunate Wretches to the Interests of Foreign Power which had no other reason to bear an Antipathy to the pretended Herctics but because they detested the Tyranny it asp r'd to and went about to free the Neck of their Kings from the Yoke which it strove to impose upon their Necks when they had Sworn never to keep their Oaths with their Subjects unless they were forc'd to it nor to observe any Treaties of Peace but when they could no longer make War upon 'em with Advantage that then they might Lawfully betake themselves to their Arms and by consequence were not bound to lay 'em down till after a Treaty of Peace concluded by which the Partys oppress'd might find themselves sufficiently secur'd That the Reformed had never sought Relief by Force of Arms while they were under the Protection of any Form of Justice by leaving 'em the means to be answerable for their Faith and to unfold their Doctrine against the Accusations of their Adversaries That they had patiently suffer'd all the Mischievous Injuries that had been done 'em for Thirty Years together by Bloody Edicts that stirr'd up all sorts of persons against 'em and depriv'd 'em of all manner of shelter and Sanctuary that they had with the same Constancy endur'd their being hal'd from Jurisdiction to Jurisdiction when their Enemies were both Parties and their Judges that is to say The Ecclesiastics whose hatred they had only Merited by revealing the Corruption of their Doctrine their Discipline and their Manners and when they had also Erected New Tribunals to their Ruin and had deliver'd 'em over to the Inquisition That they were still Masters of their Patience when the Clergy put Thousands to Death by Decrees drawn up in form indeed tho both Cruel and Unjust when there were no less then Eight Thousand Sentences of Death Recorded in the Public Registers not to speak of Imprisonments Confiscations Banishments and several other Vexations and Oppressions which they were forc'd to undergo That they never took Arms till after the first Edict for Liberty of Conscience had been Violated by the Court in several Branches and after several Manners but that they had laid 'em down agen both upon that and sundry other Occasions upon the first Offers of Peace In reference to which they forgot not the Maxim of Kathern de Medicis who never made it a Matter of Conscience to break her Word with 'em because if she did not find her Perfidiousness stood her in any stead she had always a sure way to Disarm 'em by giving 'em to use her own Expression Their Belly full of Preaching They made it out that the first Edict was Granted before the War began and that it was obtain'd by Petitions and Conferences only that the Enterprize of Amboise was only a Politic Affair wherein Religion had never been concern'd but because the Heads of both Parties profess'd a different Religion That the Treacheries the Cruelties and more especially the Horrid Massacre of 1572 had made it evident that the Royal Word was made a May-game and a Snare to surprize the Innocence and Credulity of the Reformed that after they had caus'd 'em by Fraud and fair Promises to lose the opportunity of obtaining an Advantagious Peace while the King and the Catholics themselves stood in need of their Assistance they had amus'd 'em by a Thousand delays provok'd 'em by a Thousand contempts and a
Honour or Profit banish'd their Country depriv'd of all the Priviledges of Conscience and Nature and notwithstanding their Merits or Abilities bereav'd of all Equality with others no better Subjects then themselves so far from obtaining distinguishing Rewards Certainly there cannot be imagin'd the least Idea of Justice in such a prodigious disproportion in such a violent separation of Merit and Recompence that they who might justly reck'n upon their Deserts instead of obtaining favours equal to those which are granted to others under the same Circumstances can hardly find Subsistance and Security for all their Pains and Labour How is it possible that Justice should brook that that part of the Kingdom which to say no more so strenuously contributed with the other to preserve it should be Oppress'd Destroy'd and Prosecuted with Fire and Sword by the other that could not have been preserv'd without it 'T is the same thing as if a Prince that had won great Conquests by the Assistance and Valour of his Souldiers should order the one half of his Army to cut the other in pieces to Reward 'em for their good Service I confess that after all these Reflections one difficulty would still remain behind were it so that others were to be depriv'd of those Favours before they could be bestow'd upon the Reformed Justice does not require that one should be dispoil'd to enrich another seeing that the Principal Duty of it is to secure to every Body his own Right but the Peace Granted to the Reformed took nothing from the Catholics The Rights of Nature and of Birth are Blessings which every individual Man possesses in the Enjoyment of which the Advantages of the one part never injure the other The Liberty of one Man let it be never so far extended never confines the Liberty of his Equal within ere a jot the narrower Bounds While one is allur'd by the Right of aspiring to Rewards and Dignities by Merit and Services there is a Door left open for others to ascend by the same Steps A Father loses nothing of his Lawful Authority over his Children and his Family tho all other Fathers enjoy the same Power The Conscience of a Catholic is ne'r the less free tho the Conscience of a Reformed Person be not put upon the Rack In a word all these Advantages are such that the one may gain by 'em and the other never lose as the Priviledge of Burgessship is no Dismembring of his Freedom from another In like manner the Liberty which Nature gives to every Man to breath the same Air and enjoy the same Sun-shine is no hindrance but that every Man has the same share both of the Air and the Light Moreover the Catholics have taken all the Caution imaginable not to be losers themselves They have restor'd their Religion to every thing which the War had taken from it Time has made it out that they have been great Gainers by the Edict Their Religion wanted much of that Splendor and Pomp which afterwards it attain'd to which is no small matter since Worldly Lustre is one of the Principal Objects of the Politicks of that Religion Besides it is by the Edicts that she preserves her Superiority her Churches her Houses her Revenues her Church-yards and her Ceremonies and far from seeing her Priviledges lessen'd she has acquir'd new ones So that the Concessions of the Edict being grounded upon the Nature of the Things and the Civil Rights that every Man is Born to and moreover depriving no body of that which they secur'd to so many Lawful Members of the Kingdom it was an apparent Act of Justice that the Reformed should enjoy it There was no room here for the Exception of another Mans Right which the Kings of France formerly excepted in all their Letters and which ought to be Naturally understood in all Acts intending Sincerity and publish'd by Authority wherein it is not express'd And as the Favours done the Reformed are things which Create no Loss or Dammage to others there is no body that can or ought in Justice to find fault with or oppose'em From these two good Qualities of the Edict thus join'd together arises a third of Perpetual and Irrevocable which agrees with nothing more Naturally then with Laws and Treaties the Justice and Benefit of which ought never to be disputed 'T is not my design to insist upon these two Words in regard they are made use of in the Edict it self I know very well it would be a thing that would produce extraordinary Consequences were it sufficient to give 'em the Name of such to render Laws Eternal and Unalterable Altho that Vows and Oaths are the strongest Obligations with which a Man can burthen his Conscience yet there are some that carry in themselves a Character of Nullity that breaks the Bond of their Assurance Such are those by which a Man is oblig'd to things Unjust or Impossible The Epithites of Rash and Inconsiderate will always cleave to 'em but they cannot be thought Irrevocable tho it were so express'd in the Draught with all the Words that imported such a meaning There are also Laws that carry in themselves the Marks of their being fit to be revok'd tho he that made 'em obliges himself in never so express Words never to revoke ' em Such are those Laws that oblige to Injustice or Cruelty Such are those Treaties also that oblige the Ratifiers to violate Humanity and Honesty Such is the Edict by which Lewis XIV revok'd the Edict of Nantes which is nothing in the Main but a Solemn Promise never to do Justice to a great Number of his Subjects Let 'em call these Acts Irrevocable as long as they please they cease not however to be liable to Revocation because they are void in themselves and for that the Maxim touching Oaths may be justly apply'd to 'em that they ought not to be observ'd in things that are Dishonest and Ignominious Nevertheless it is not to be imagin'd that these Terms are Illusory like certain Clauses that are never inserted into Contracts but meerly for Formalities sake but which neither add to their perfection nor their firmness 'T is not to be thought that those words the meaning of which is so well known lose it as soon as they are put into an Edict as if they only would infer that the thing shall remain in force no longer then the good pleasure of the strongest side This would be to break all the Bonds of Civil Society and to ranverse all the Foundations of Honesty and Sincere Dealing should Men go about to change the most express Words into Delusions which are made use of to deceive those that take 'em according to their Natural Idea's It must be confess'd at least that in Things which include nothing of Unjust nothing Inhuman nor Dishonest whatever is promis'd as Irrevocable ought unalterably to be observ'd These Terms then are of great weight and give a great force to those
re-assum'd the Title of Common Father but that could not be done but by quite surceasing the Causes of the Animosity or by re-settling Concord by a Treaty which might procure Confidence and Assurance I say this moreover The Reformed were if possible more capable of Treating in his Reign then under the Reign of Hen. III. 1. Because he had given 'em Authority to embody had exhorted 'em to Unite together in their own Defence permitted 'em to Erect Councils and Assemblies which he had as it were Legitimated by his Letters Patents supposing they had not been Legitimate without it He had been the first Author of their Union when he put himself at their Head to defend 'em against Hen. III. and by consequence as much as their Union was just under the Reign of that Prince as just it was under the following Reign when they had the same Differences to dispute with Hen. IV. as they had with his Predecessor 2. He had acknowledg'd those Assemblies capable of Treating with him by sending his Commissioners to Treat with 'em according to their Commissions and Instructions and by permitting the Proposals on both sides to be Debated Argu'd Explain'd Decreed as is usual in all Treaties Now the King could not enter into a Treaty but in these two Respects The one as Chief of the Catholics upon which he very much Valu'd himself and whose consent he had as will presently appear to conclude a Peace that should for ever extinguish all Animosities and Discords The other as King to whom the Kingdom belong'd and to whom it belong'd to preserve in Union all the Members of which it was compos'd In the First Respect that which was Negotiated between his Commissioners and the Deputies of the Reformed can never be taken for any other then a means to reconcile the Opposite Pretensions of the Reformed and Catholics and to regulate the seperate Conditions under which they were to live Forming out of these Agreements a New right which was to serve as the perpetual Law of their Union in Civil Society so that the contrary Interests of both Parties being manag'd in such a manner in this Negotiation that there was nothing on the one side which msght turn to any remarkable Prejudice of the other but which made a Compensation within a little Matter equal for their Advantages and inconveniences it cannot be deny'd but that whatever is comprehended in a Treaty is comprehended in this as in all the Acts that have born the Name of it Now it is so evident by what I have said of the Condition wherein the King found the Kingdom after the Death of Hen. III. that he Treated with the Reformed as Head of the Catholic Party both as he was Successor to a Prince who had Solemnly tak'n upon him that Quality as for that he had also put himself at the Head of that Party by his reconbiliation with the Church of Rome that I need not make any longer stay upon it I pass then to the second Consideration and I say that he Treated in the the Quality of a King in whose Power it was to give his Subjects all the Assurances of the Protection which he ow'd 'em and whatsoever else is call'd by the Name of Favour Liberties or Priviledges Now certain it is that the Quality of King includes within it that of Common Father who when Quarrels arise among his Subjects keeps the Ballance equal between 'em and by his Paternal Justice limits and Bounds the Enterprizes of the one upon the other Which being done with a true knowledge of the Cause becomes the Decision of an Arbitrator whose decision is the Warrant of what he has judg'd Convenient This is that which made me say before that the Edict ought to be consider'd as a Treaty between the Catholics and the Reformed under the Authority of the King as their their Natural Arbitrator whose Majesty stood bound to Warrant the Edict against all Breaches that might be made on either side This very Warranty was clearly express'd by the Clauses of the Edict which imported that the Violations of it should be Prosecuted in the Kings Name by his Proctors General In regard it is Natural that Treaties being Warranted by a Power which is suppos'd to be sufficient to inforce Observance the people always apply themselves in case of Breaches to those that Warrant 'em and require their Protector to reduce the Violators to more exactness of performance I say then that the Catholics and the Reformed are the Parties between which the King as their lawful Sovereign their Arbitrator born procures and Warrants the Peace by his Edict well understanding the Cause upon a due examination of the Pretences and Replies and having obtain'd the consent of the Parties interested as far as is necessary It appear'd that the Catholics and Reformed were parties in this Treaty because they were the persons that reap'd the benefit of it that is to say the Concord and Peace which it procur'd 'em and for that the Differences and Contests between 'em surceas'd so soon as the Edict came to be put in Execution It appears that the King determin'd 'em because 't is he that speaks in the Edict and from whom all the Decisions flow in reference to the matters in Dispute It appears that what he did was done with a true knowledge of the Cause Since he was inform'd of the Demands of the Protestants by their Papers their Requests and their Deputations and of the Pretensions of the Catholics by their Contradictions and their Oppositions Lastly it appears that there were sufficient Marks of consent on both sides by several Reasons which are easily drawn from History The Consent of the Reformed is express and plain from their long endeavours and pursuits to obtain those things which were Granted 'em by the King's Commissioners and the Consent of the Catholics was Apparent by what I am going to relate after I have first observ'd that their Oppositions no way destroy their consent By the usual Method of Proceeding 't is certain that the Disputes and Contests before an Arbitrator are no Obstruction to hinder those that raise 'em from submitting to the Award of the Arbitrator Those Contests only serving to clear the Matters and to instruct the Person who takes Cognizance of the Difference In like manner the Oppositions of the Catholics were no more then a Contest in Form of Law touching such Matters of which the King was to be Judge which however did not hinder 'em from consenting to stand by the King's Decisions I say then that there are several Marks of the Catholic's consent to the Edict which the King was about to Grant the Reformed First the Truce between the two Kings is a good Proof that the Catholics that follow'd the Kings party were no way averse to Peace There is no great Distance between the one and the other They that can make a Truce with their Enemies so as to live tegether in the same
place and joyn their Arms for the common Interest are in a fair way to be Friends They that consent to a Truce which is but a Provisional peace shew plainly that they have no Reluctancy to a Decisive Peace Which is more especially true in this Case where the Truce made in behalf of the two parties by their Chieftains was an Interim in expectance of the peace in Order to which the Truce was made In the second place the Act pass'd between the Catholics of the Army and Court and Hen. IV. after the Death of Hen. III. by which they oblige the New King to no more then the preservation of the Catholic Religion without demanding the Extirpation of the Reformed and that he should permit himself to be instructed in the Roman Doctrine without forcing the Rest of his Subjects this Act I say is a proof of the same thing Of the same Nature also in the third place is the Writing Sign'd by the Catholics Lords and Princes at Mantes before the Conference of Surene wherein they not only consented that the King should preserve the Reformed but they promise that no prejudice shall be done 'em by the Treaty they were about to enter into with the Leaguers All this together makes up a kind of Compromise or mutual Consent by which it is evident that the Catholics of the King's party agreed that he should Judge of the Civil Differences in the Kingdom upon the score of Religion But the Marks of the Leaguers Consent are yet more clear and more Authentic There is not one one of the Treaties concluded with them where there is not one Article for the Religion But never did that Article demand more then two things that is to say the Re-establishing the Roman Religion in certain Places and the reducing the Exercise of the Reformed Religion to certain Limits The clear meaning of which is this that upon those two Conditions they who Treat consent that the King should tolerate the Reformed 'T is a Law notoriously known and a General practise that all Restrictions confirm the Law in Cases to which that Restriction is not extended and that the Exception of a particular Clause is a ratification of the General Decree We see then here the Catholics even those who have been more conspicuously and more vehemently Zealous then any Others closing with the King in reference to the means of procuring Peace between them and the Reformed and excepting in two conditions wherein they include themselves leaving his Authority at Liberty to Act as he shall see convenient And after the passing of all these Acts it is that the King has given a Definitive Sentence in this Great Contest and that having call'd together both Parties upon the Heads of their Disputes as well by the Negotiations of the Deputies as by the Decisions which he pronounc'd in favour of the one and the other in things wherein they could not agree among themselves he Form'd between 'em the Irrevocable Treaty which is contain'd in the Articles of his Edict And here we may very aptly apply the Grand Maxim of the Clergy of France which carried 'em so far in the Affairs of the Regale After the Parlament of Paris had began that process toward the beginning of this Century the Clergy set all Engines at work to hinder the Cause from resting in the hands of those Judges who held several Ecclesiastical Priviledges for Usurpations And they obtain'd so far that the King summon'd the Cause before himself and after his Council had left it undetermin'd for above Sixty years at length the Clergy lost their Cause some years ago and the King adjudg'd the Regale to himself throughout all the Kingdom The Grand Reason which one part of the Clergy has made use of to perswade the other to submission is this the Parlament was not a competent Judge of that Affair They only judge of Causes between Man and Man not of those that altogether concern either one of the States or the first Estate of the Kingdom The King alone is the only Judge of those great Questions He has taken the business into his own Cognizance by the Citation which the Clergy demanded They had a Right to dispute the matter till then But now the thing is at an End The Soveraign Arbitrator has pronounc'd Sentence the Oracle has spoke and there is no more to be said Thus likewise in the Affair of the Edict there was no competent Judge but the King 'T was not the Business of one of the Estates but of the Three Estates who were Interested in the Affair of Religion The King was possess'd of the Business by the Petitions of the One and by the Oppositions or Acts of consent of the other The thing was delay'd and spun out in his Hands for several years during which the whole Business was sufficiently sifted and discuss'd to give a true understanding of the Cause At length he pronounc'd Sentence he made a Law he made an Agreement between the parties upon conditions that were prescrib'd ' em And thus there was a Final End of this Business nothing more to be said or done in it The consequence is so much the more necessary in regard that between the Cause of the Regale and the Edict there is a difference advantagious to the Latter not to speak of others that may be observ'd there The Clergy holds for Decreed what the King as Soveraign Arbitrator has judg'd in his own cause But in the Edict the King Judges under the same Character without suspition of partiality in the cause of his Subjects where he has no personal part where he interests himself no otherwise then as a common Arbitrator and Father of his Country Now in an Affair of this Importance the Decision of which United all the disordering Members of the State and by a happy Peace put an end to their long Fatal Divisions 't is evident that the King became security for the Concord which the Treaty re-establish'd among his Subjects as being the person whose Authority had cimented it together 'T is the Priviledge of Supream Authority to Warrant and put a Value upon things where it intervenes 'T is because the Vertue and Force of particular Contracts are founded upon it that the King's Name and Seal are affix'd to 'em that he Judges Parties by their consent that as the Protector of the Rights of every one of his Subjects he sets up those Acts which his Power Authorises and which are drawn up in his Name in favour of Sincerity and Innocence against the Cavils of Fraud and Injustice If then in those Acts where the King is not presum'd to Judge but because his Name appears there his Quality of Soveraign Arbitrator in all the Causes of his Subjects obliges 'em to a Tacit Warranty that they shall be firm and inviolable how much more evidently ought it to be present in a Treaty which Unites the differing Parties of a State after a long War
sign of the falsity of his Religion And the Credulous and Wavering people many times mistake those Reproaches which if they were allowable wou'd only affect the Reputation of the Author for Reasons prejudicial to his Doctrine Yet these Deceits and Frauds serv'd chiefly to lay those flat who were already staggering and who were only seeking for a plausible pretence to Change Of this Number at that time was St. Marie du Mont a Gentleman who was resolv'd to part with his Religion and only delay'd the Formalities of Renunciation till du Plessis had been ill treated at Fontainblean suffer'd himself to be perswaded by du Perron and others that du Plessis had falsly quoted a great many passages and being with him in Paris at the Princess of Orange's he justify'd to his face that he had found many passages of this Nature in his Book This Gentleman was one of those whose Learning being very mean and shallow gives them however a great share of Confidence and being fully resolv'd as I said to turn Catholic he was willing to think all those reasons very good with which they had inspir'd him But du Plessis who had stood firm as a Rock against all the Storms which his Book had rais'd against him cou'd not support the Calumny of being thought a Falsifier and therefore reckon'd his Honour was concern'd to make good the Sincerity of his Quotations So toward the end of March he publish'd a Writing wherein he invites his Accusers to join with him in presenting a Petition to His Majesty to appoint Commissioners before whom he might justify the passages from Line to Line Some few days after du Perron receiv'd one of these Writings and Answer'd it in accepting the Challenge and Offering to shew Five hundred enormous falsities in Plessis's Book in down-right Number and without Hyperbole and at the same time Writ to the King to desire the Conference Du Plessis would not let this Bravado pass without a Reply But for Fear this multiplicity of Writing to and fro should break off the design of the Conference Villeroy hinder'd the Bishop from Answering this In the mean time du Plessis Writ to the King and caus'd the Marshal de Bouillon to present his Petition to him The King being desirous of this Conference readily comply'd with it and at the very beginning of April gave Order to the Chancellour to endeavour to procure it But at first great Difficulties arose about it which held the thing long in suspense The Nuncio oppos'd it for as they were to appoint Commissioners in a matter of Religion he alledg'd it was a Prerogative of the Ecclesiastical Authority which the King would violate if he took upon him the Nomination of them besides he thought it might give occasion for people to suspect that the King had still some doubts about the Truth of the Romish Doctrine The Arch-Bishop of Bourges likewise Remonstrated the consequences of it to the King Benoit Nominated for the Bishoprick of Troyes but to whom the Pope would never Grant his Bulls because he was too good a French man and too little respectful to Rome represented in like manner his scruples about the same thing Cardinal de Gondi Bishop of Paris was strangely surpriz'd to hear say that this Conference was like to be held in his Diocess Others likewise made their trivial Objections But the King satisfy'd 'em all assuring 'em that matters of Doctrine should not be touch'd upon that the Commissioners should not be Judges of any thing relating to Religion that they shou'd only be meerly Spectators Witnesses and Vouchees of the verity of the Acts that they shou'd only give their Opinions of the Sense of the Words not medling any farther then in this particular relating to du Plessis to know whether his Quotations were False or not And he promis'd besides that such care shou'd be taken that the Romish Religion shou'd lose nothing by it On the other hand there were several Persons who advis'd du Plessis not to carry on the thing too far telling him that they had left him passages enough the Truth of which was unquestionable to save his Honour tho he should concede the others to them But he could by no means endure the Word False and he was so well assur'd of his own exactness that he did not believe that all the Bishops Craft could do him any Injury He rely'd chiefly on the King's Justice and tho he believ'd him not a little displeas'd with the Publication of his Book yet he hop'd that the Memory of his Services the Fear of too much provoking the Reformed and of lessening the Royal Majesty by a proceeding that deviated from Justice would oblige that Prince to see that he had not the least Foul Play On both sides people long'd for the Conference every one expecting the Triumph of his Party and even before the Combat rejoycing at the Defeat of his Adversary Insomuch that on either side there were people enough to invalidate the Reasons of those who desir'd to hinder the Dispute It was therefore Resolv'd upon and du Plessis found himself too far engag'd to Retreat But on the King's part such wary measures were taken that 't was impossible that du Plessis should come off with Honour For if he should break off the Conference then they would have Charg'd him with declining the Combat for fear of being confounded and if he shou'd maintain it then they had laid the Snare so cunningly that he could not avoid it 'T is very hard to know whether the King's design was in good Earnest rather to break off this Conference or to procure it But it is certain however that du Plessis was oblig'd to keep it up and that on such very hard Terms as 't is likely they would not have propos'd 'em to him but to engage him to quit his Resolution for they would rather have Triumph'd in his Flight then have undertook a Conference in good Earnest with a person whom they knew so well skill'd in the Art of defending himself which will easily appear by the particulars of the principal Circumstances After those Difficulties were remov'd which the Chief of the Clergy had suggested and that it was found more expedient to hold the Conference at Fontanbleau then at Paris whether it were to satisfie the Bishop of that place or to hinder the Commonalty from intermedling in this Dispute or whether it were to deprive du Plessis of those helps which he might have had from the Libraries and the Learned Men who were so Numerous there the Chancellour Writ to du Perron to come to Court but du Plessis had no Notice sent him for his coming there tho the King had commanded that he should Of which the Chancellour clear'd himself by telling the King when he ask'd him the Reason of it that he did not imagine his Majesty had any such Intention But as the Terms wherein such a Command is
the Council either directly or upon the Partitions that happen'd in the Chambers call'd Miparties engag'd the Commonalty in long Disputes and Ruinous Expences There were yet other Articles that concern'd the places which the Reformed had in possession in which it was demanded that the Catholic Inhabitants should be oblig'd to contribute to the reparation of the Walls and to the charge of the Court of Guard 'T was likewise demanded that certain Fraternities of Penitents that swarm'd in the Kingdom and who turn'd the Austerities of Mortification into a Pious Masquerade should not be re-establish'd in the Towns of Surety as it had happen'd in some places where the Fraternity des Battus was restor'd by Virtue of an Order made upon a Petition There was a Complaint of some Castle which a Catholic had begun to Fortify to incommode some Neighbouring place and it was demanded that the Fortifications might be demolish'd There were others again that concern'd particular Cases There was a complaint that in many places when the Reformed had been Fin'd the Judges to vex 'em declar'd the Fines applicable to the support of Covents or of Catholic Churches And the States of Languedoc made 'em contribute to Gratuities that were rais'd upon the Province for the Ecclesiastics or for the Mendicant Monks That at Bourdeaux and other places they would not receive the Petitions or the complaints of the Reformed under the Name of an Agent or an Advocate of their Corporation That they had deny'd the Assistance of Ministers to the Condemn'd and that they have been forcid to be accompany'd to the place of punishment by the Monks That they have rated the Ministers for the King's Taxes as also for their Salaries The King was Petition'd to permit the Inhabitants of the County of Marle that had no place of Exercise within eight Leagues of 'em to meet in the Jurisdiction of a Reformed Gentleman tho he was not resident there And they begg'd of him to obtain for his Subjects that Traded in Spain the same Liberty of Conscience that was allow'd there to the English to the Scotch to the Danes and to the Germans The occasion of this Address was that a certain Man call'd Pradilles of Montpelier going to Spain to recover a Sum that was due to him the Inquisition caus'd him to be Arrested condemn'd him to the Amende Honourable to be kept in Prison a year and a day and to the Confiscation of all his Goods All these Articles remain'd a long time in the Hands of the Council who kept 'em till the Month of August 1602. They were variously Answer'd Some purely and simply Granted others Extended and Amplify'd Others absolutely refus'd others Granted in Part and partly refus'd There were a great many on which the Council took time to consult the King's Advocates to give Orders according to their Advice Others where the King sent back the Parties concern'd to redress themselves before him by way of Petition Others where he demanded to see the Decrees of Court and Acts wherein they were mention'd Many wherein he reserv'd himself the Power to order what he thought good But in General there was in all the Answers a temper of Favour and Equity which made the Intentions of the King appear openly and that plainly shew'd that without Disguise or Equivocation his meaning was that the Edict should be observ'd and that the Difficulties that arose upon the Execution of it should be favorably expounded This favorable and equitable Mind of his appear'd above all in the Orders he gave for the Execution of the Edict in places where it was not yet done In those which he sent to the Judges and Officers to enjoyn 'em to let the Reformed live in all places without being molested In the explication of the Privilege of the Edict of 1577. which he thought fit should be apply'd to all the places where the exercise had been held during the Month of September without stopping precisely at the seventeenth of the Month In the prohibition of the Inrollments and the seditious Marks that were put on their Houses In that of speaking injuriously of the Reformed in their Sermons or Pleadings In that of searching the Booksellers Houses In many Articles that concern'd the Jurisdiction the Dignity or the Privileges of the Reformed Counsellors at the Parliament of Paris of Rouen and Grenoble or the Jurisdiction of the Chambers call'd Miparties and the execution of their Judgments In the Declaration of his Will upon the indifferent admission of the Reformed and Catholics to Consulary Employments according to the customary Forms without distinction of Religion or limitation of number In the extension he gave to the Right of Exercise that the Commissioners had agreed to certain places with Inconvenient Restrictions In like manner there were many othes where the Reformed as in the preceding obtain'd all they could reasonably demand pursuant to the Terms of the Edict which was to be the common Rule of their pretensions and their Rights Those that were refus'd 'em were only either the same in particular which they could not obtain in the whole or such as Treated of things for which there were specious Reasons not to grant ' em This observation discover'd the King's Integrity and Exactness who that his Edict might be the better observ'd Solemnly decided the difficulties that concern'd execution of it as soon as they arose And it appear'd by the same consideration that it was unjust to Renew and Inlarge these difficulties in our days since that in the time when they were first invented and rais'd they had all been decided These same decisions ought to be so much the more respected in that they were given by a King who knew what he meant by each Article of his Edict In a time when he saw things near at hand and could judge of 'em with knowledge of the Cause It is evident That since they were as antient as the execution of the Edict it self and pronounc'd upon the difficulties which rose from the Execution it self they ought to be taken for the Rule of well understanding it and the true Interpretations of the intentions of the Author All the World knows that when there are any difficulties in any Law there is no body can better resolve 'em than he that made ' em But these good Intentions of the King did not hinder but that there were several Rumours rais'd to fill the Reformed with fears and jealousies on purpose to dispose 'em to an Insurrection 'T was spread abroad that the King was going to retrench two thirds of their allowances that they should have no more particular Pensions of him that he would no longer continue 'em in places of Trust that he would give 'em no more employments without inserting in the Pattents the Clause of being Catholics But these Artifices took with no Body They beheld likewise without any concern the Flight of Marshal the Duke of Bouillon who was thought to be involv'd in the
Terms of the other Articles in all the Writings of their Doctors in all the Sermons of their Ministers in all the Complaints that are made of the Popes even many Ages before the Reformation that the same Name had been given many times to the Roman See by those very People who were never suspected to be bad Catholics that they ought therefore to be less surpriz'd to see this Truth believ'd and confess'd by the Reformed who saw more clearly into the matter which they had study'd more and of which they were convinc'd by Invincible Reasons The Article then pass'd in spite of all Obstacles and the Kings Threats hinder'd not but that there were new Editions of the Confession of Faith in a short time in which it was Inserted The People furnish'd themselves with these New Editions very well pleas'd to see their aversion to the Roman See encourag'd by so Authentick a Decision and almost perswaded that it was enough that the Pope was publickly call'd Antichrist to give 'em grounds of hoping thence that his fall was near But the Court having not been able to hinder things from coming to this pass wou'd have eluded the Decision by some Artifice and to satisfie the Pope they made him believe that they had succeeded therein and that they had rendred this troublesome Decree unprofitable They endeavour'd therefore to make some considerable persons of the Party disown it whether without or within the Kingdom to the end that this disowning it might make it pass for a particular Doctrine Now was it a difficult matter to get Roni and such as himself to disclaim it who treated the Pope with His Holiness But he had been already so often reproach'd with his coldness for Religion and the little Care he had of advancing the concerns of his Brethren that his Name stood 'em in little stead upon this occasion There were a great many found who without disowning the Doctrine judg'd only that the Doctrine was a little out of Season and that in the beginning of a Peace which had been so much desir'd it wou'd have bin better to have left the Articles of the Confession of Faith such as they had been till that time then to have added such a one which might re-kindle the hardly extinguish'd hatred of the Catholics Some for fear some in complaisance favour'd the designs of the Court tho they had no reluctancy to the thing decided They buoy'd themselves up more especially with the Opinion of Scaliger who had condemn'd the Article But the Reformed had as little respect for him when he treated of Theology as they had a veneration for his knowledge in other things Mean while by thus disowning it they distracted those who wou'd have maintain'd the Doctrine of the Assembly But because Ferrier was look'd upon as the Promoter of this Affair by reason that he was vex'd to have been proceeded against for the Propositions which he had publish'd it was believ'd that all wou'd be suppress'd if he cou'd be appeas'd The Endeavours were so fortunate that more was gain'd then was hop'd for They corrupted both his Understanding and his Heart They attack'd him with Pensions and hopes of Interests at Court He made no more use of his vehemence and heat but to trouble his Brethren And in fine she precipitated himself as I have said into Desertion and Revolt It was of great advantage to have for a ground to cry down the Synod the Moderation of Clement VIII of whom they did not then stick to say That he had made no noise of the Edicts granted to the Reformed but out of a decent Formality And that in effect he had given as formal a Consent to those Edicts as cou'd be expected from a Pope 'T is true likewise that he did not seem like his Predecessors to Advise Massacres and Punishments Experience had taught him that the Reformation advanc'd it self amidst oppositions and that in every place where they wou'd have destroy'd it by War it had encreas'd to the danger of the Catholic Religion That in Germany the War did the business of the Protestants That it strengthen'd them in the United Provinces That it was favorable to 'em in many other places and that in France it might have had yet the same effect In other places he fear'd that War would reunite the Protestants who when they undertook to help one another had very formidable Forces But at the bottom it was the Pope fully desirous to re-establish his Authority every where where the people had shaken off the Yoke And it was under his Pontificat that the first knots of these pernicious Intrigues were knit which cost Henry the 4th his Life and which had like to have destroy'd all Europe He was desirous to play a sure Game and procure between all the Princes of his Communion a League so secret and so strong that it might overwhelm the Protestants all at one blow who could not foresee this Tempest The same Synod had likewise done some other things which had anger'd the King They had admitted Foreign Ministers They had receiv'd Letters from the Palatine and had Answer'd ' em They likewise Writ to the Duke of Savoy on the Account of the Reformed of Saluces whom he Persecuted They receiv'd the Duke of Bouillon's Letters which they answer'd without any Hesitation and the Synod themselves took upon 'em to sollicit for him This did not please the King who express'd some resentment of it Tho he did not complain but in Pardoning it because he believ'd said he that they had done it rather out of Indiscretion then Malice He added nevertheless that if these Ecclesiastical Assemblies did not behave themselves with more Moderation he would deprive 'em of their Liberty which hinder'd not but that they us'd it as formerly till a great while in the Reign of Lewis the Thirteenth The Deputies General also were Order'd to represent to the King many things which they drew up in Writing The most Remarkable Article was that where the Reformed desir'd that they might not be oblig'd to give themselves the Name of Pretended Reformed in the Public Acts or in the pleadings of their Advocates And the Synod exhorted 'em to abstain from those Terms An expedient was found out to content 'em which chang'd the Words and left the thing And 't was allow'd 'em to call their Religion Reformed in the Terms of the Edict But the Judges the Advocates and Notaries preserv'd yet a long time the custom of abstaining from the New expression and from the Word Pretended And continu'd to give their Religion simply the Name of The Reformed Religion During this the Jesuits follow'd their business and sollicited the Parlament for the Verification of the Edict by which they were Recall'd It was founded on the conditions that the King had propos'd a long time before and they were discuss'd at Rome There were five or six which the Jesuits found very hard Not because they were in
during the said Troubles shall be remov'd XLIX All Places Cities and Provinces of our said Kingdom Territories Lands and Lordships under our Obedience shall use and enjoy the same Priviledges Immunities Liberties Franchises Fairs Markets Jurisdictions and Seats of Justice as they did before the present and precedent Troubles all Letters to the contrary and the removing of any of the said Tribunals notwithstanding provided those things have only been done upon the account of the Troubles the which Tribunals shall be restor'd and re establish'd into the Cities and Places where they were before L. In such Cities as have been dismantled during the pass'd and present Troubles it shall be lawful for the Inhabitants to rebuild and repair the Ruins and Dismantlings of the same with our leave at their own cost and charges LI. Such of the said pretended Reform'd Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party which had taken to Farm before the present Troubles any Registries or other Demean and Rights to us belonging which they have not been able to enjoy by reason of the said Troubles shall remain discharg'd as we do hereby discharge them of what they have not receiv'd of the said Farms since the 24th of August 1572. as also of what they have paid without fraud in places not belonging to the Receipt of our Revenues all Obligations pass'd by them upon the same notwithstanding LII And to the end that no body may doubt of the good Intention of our said Brother the King of Navar and of our said Cousin the Prince of Conde We have said and declar'd do say and declare that we hold and repute them our good Kinsmen faithful Subjects and Servants LIII As also all the Lords Knights Gentlemen Officers and other Inhabitants of Cities Corporations Villages and other places of our said Kingdom and Countries under our command who have follow'd succour'd and favour'd them in any part whatever for our good and loyal Subjects declaring all Decrees Informations and proceedings made and given against them upon the account of the said Troubles void and of no effect as things never done nor happen'd willing the same to be raz'd out of the Registers of the Chief Clerk's Offices both of our Courts of Parliament and other Jurisdictions where they have been recorded LIV. We also declare that we hold and repute our Cousin Duke John Cazimir for our good Neighbour Kinsman and Friend LV. We do also acquit and discharge our said Brother and Cousin the King of Navar and Prince of Conde as well as all the Lords Knights Gentlemen Officers Corporations of Cities and Communities and all others that have abetted and succour'd them their Heirs and Successors for all Sums taken and rais'd by them or their Orders out of our Offices of Receipt and Revenues to whatever sum or sums they may amount as well as out of Cities Corporations and from particular persons Rents Revenues Plate Sales of Estates Goods both Ecclesiastical and others Forests belonging to us or others Fines Booties Ransoms or other Sums taken by them upon the account of the present and precedent Troubles and that neither they nor any that have been employ'd by them for the raising of the said Sums or that have given and furnish'd them by their Ordinances shall any wise be liable to be call'd to an account for the same either at present or for the future And that both they and their Clerks shall remain acquitted for all the management and Administration of the said Sums only producing for a full Discharge within four Months after the publication of our present Edict given in our Court of Parliament at Paris acquittances duly expedited by our said Brother and Cousin the King of Navar and Prince of Conde or by such as shall have been by them committed for the audit and closing of their Accounts or from the Corporations of the Cities that have been employ'd and intrusted during the said Troubles They shall also remain acquitted and discharg'd for all Acts of Hostility Levies and marching of Soldiers Coining and Rating of Species made according to the order of the said Chiefs Casting and taking of Artillery and Stores both out of our Magazine and from particular persons making of Powder and Saltpeter taking fortifying dismantling and demolishing of Cities Castles Towns Enterprises upon the same Burning and demolishing of Churches and Houses establishing of Courts of Justice Judgments and Executions of the same either in Civil or Criminal Causes Civil Government and Regulations made among themselves Voyages Intelligences Negotiations Treaties and Contracts made with all Foreign Princes and Communities introducing of the said Strangers into the Cities and other parts of this our Kingdom and generally for all that has been done manag'd and negotiated during the present or past troubles since the Death of our late Lord and Father by those of the pretended Reform'd Religion and others that have been engag'd in their Party although it be not particularly express'd and specifi'd LVI And those of the said Religion and others that have adhered to them shall give over and desist from this time forward from all Practices Leagues and Intelligences they hold out of our said Kingdom as also all other our Subjects that might have held any And all Leagues Associations Fellowships contracted or to be contracted under any pretence whatever to the prejudice of our present Edict shall be cancell'd and annul'd as we do cancel and annul them forbidding our Subjects most expresly to make any Assessments or raise Money without our leave Fortifications listing of men Congregations and Assemblies other than such as are allow'd them by our said present Edict and without Arms Which we do prohibit and forbid them on pain of severe punishment as contemners and infracters of our Commands and Orders LVII All Prizes taken both by Sea and Land by vertue of the Licenses and Warrants given which have been judg'd by the Judges of the Admiralty and other Commissioners deputed to that end by those of the said Religion shall remain dormant under the benefit of our present Edict for which no prosecution shall be made neither shall the Captains their Securities and the said Judges Officers and others be call'd to an account for the same nor molested in any kind whatever All Letters of Mark and Seisures depending and not judg'd notwithstanding of which we will have them absolutely discharg'd and releas'd LVIII It is also our will and pleasure That the Children of such as have retir'd out of our said Kingdom since the Death of the late King Henry our most honour'd Lord and Father upon the account of Religion and the Troubles altho the said Children are born out of our said Kingdom shall be acknowledg'd as true Natives of France and actual Inhabitants thereof and such we have and do declare them to be without their being oblig'd to take any Letters of Naturalization or other provisions from us besides the present Edict All Ordinances thereunto
to Rochel 431 Marriage of Hen. IV. the dissolution of it carry'd on 349. c Of Cardinal de Chatillon 35 Of Ecclesiasticks Marie Brosiere 346 Marie Stuart Q. of France and Scotland 20 Marsac Lewis Martyr'd 15 Mass re-establishd in the Country of Gex 419 Massacre at Vassi 32. at Sens 34. of St. Bartholomew 42. at Chastaigneray 175 Maxim of the Catholick Court 71. of the French Court 71 Mayenne Duke of escapes and relieves the Leaguers 51. pursues the King 61. his Justice 324 Meaux and other Towns reduc'd 138 Melancton invited into France 9. Mercoeur Duke of his pretentions 155. he Treats with the Reformed 237 Merindal vid. Cabrieres Metz. Ministers Protestant 113 Ministers excluded from the general Deputation Ministers of Geneva 414 Ministers Foraign 431 Mirande 433. 436 Mission Dragoons 314 Mistrusts from the Kings change 122 Montgomerie his Death 44 Monks hate the King 313 embrace the Reformed Religion 414 Montmorancy Constable huddles up a Peace at Cateau 18. his Death 39 Montholon his Sentiments of Religion 70 Morvillier Bishop of Orleans 45 Moors hardly us'd in Spain 446 Mouchards 21 Moulin a famous Minister 316 N. KIng of Navar vid. Antony K. of Navar Negotiations three Important ones with the Pope 311. c. Nobility Catholick their various Affections 59 de la Nove Fracis 72. 429 433. 409 Nuncio Popes 99 O. D'O Marquis of his character 56. his saying 141. 147 Occasion of this History 5 Oath requir'd of the Reformed Oath of Vnion renew'd 124. Precautions against the Order of the Holy Ghost and of the Coronation 132. of the Consecration 139. difference touching an Oath referr'd by a Reformed to a Catholick 350. exacted from the Catholicks of England 419 Observations General upon the Edict of Nantes 354 Orange Prince of assassin'd 48 Government of Orange tak'n from Blasons 404 d'Ossat his Testimony of the Reformed 157. Commissioner for the Kings Absolution 167. appeases the Pope 220. he justifies the King to the Pope 333. d'Ossat 434 Outragious Affront committid against the Consecrated Host 414 P. PAncarte what 445 Parabere a Reformed Lord 406 Parliament of Paris Counsellers of it suspected for their Religion 19 Parliament of Paris joyns with the Clergy to oppose the verification of the Edict 224. disgusted at throwing down the Pyramid 401 Parliament of Aix 250 Of Bourdeaux 249. 257 Of Bretagne 350 Of Grenoble 439 Parliaments their Rigour 438 of Tholouse 418 of Tholose and Bourdeaux 437. they uphold the Jesuits 313. of Tours 79. 102 Patriarch threatned to be created in France 155 Peace at Amboise 34. at Chartres 39. Peace with the Reformed a third time 43. Peace as soon broke as made 46. Peace for five years such as it was 48 Peace propos'd between the two Crowns Peace of Religion a new project of Peace for the Protestants 75 Du Perron Author of the 3d. Party 102. ambitious and unfaithful 103 Perron 113. Bishop of Eureux ibid. Commessioner for the Kings absolution 167. accepts du Plessis challenge 397. his foul play to Plessis 399. juggles with Plessis 405. his advantages over du Plessis 407 Progress of his fortune 469. a Cardinals Hat procured for him ibid. Petition particular from the Province of Normandy 425 Petitions of the Reformed favourably receiv'd by the King 421. Petitions answered 441 Philip II. K. of Spain 21 Piles one of the Valiantest of the Protestant Army 111 Placards 11 Places belonging to the Reformed disputed 401 Platform and Design of this History 5 du Plessis Mornai his saying to H. IV. 75 du Plessis Mornai 76 77. his â—â—sire in the Kings behalf 119. his Character 145. he procures the sitting of the Assembly at Saumur 162. useful to the King 224. Presides at Saumur 230 he writes the King a long Letter concerning his change 125. he writes a Treatise of the Eucharist 309. consequences of it ibid. c. it makes a great noise 394. Mortifi'd by the King for writing it 395 he challenges his Accusers 397. fowl play shewd him 399 a snare laid for him 401. more fowl play offer'd him 403. condemn'd in nine Passages 407. he falls sick 409 Politicks a Faction in France their nicknames given 'em by the Synod of Rochel 428 Pope Gregory XIV his Bull of Excommunication 79 The Pope makes overtures of Reconciliation with the King 157. his cunning dealing with the King 185. complains of the verification of the Edict 15 77 200. Poor to participate without distinction of the benefit of Hospitals and Alms 423 Powder Plot 418 Power Arbitrary a Project against it 23 Pragmatic 106 du Prat Cardinal 11 Prayers for the King order'd by the National Synod 146 Preachers seditious 436 476 Precedency disputed by the Parliament of Tholouse 340 Priests refuse to pray for the King 418 Preparations for the King's change 116 Primrose a Foreign Minister 432 Princes of the Blood their Characters and Interests 55 Processions 12 Project of an Edict 130. not had by the Reformed 133 Protector 61 145 Psalms sung publicly 17. prohibited and the Psalm-Book burnt by the Hangman 252 Publication of the Council of Trent 336 337. resolutely deny'd by the King 437 Pyramid erected 156. thrown down 480 Q. Quarters see Annexes R. REflections general and particular upon the Conference of du Plessis c. 408 Reflections upon the Complaints of the Reformed 354 Reformation Interests that oppos'd it 4 5. the beginning causes and progress of it 7. the entrance of it into France ibid. received at Meaux and Bearn 8. Progrss of it in Germany 9. progress of it 19 Reformed not long quiet in France 37. New occasions of Jealousie 38. progress of their Churches 48. they enter into a third War 40. their hopes of Henry III. 54. Reformed their interests after the death of Henry of Valois 56. and their Suspicions 57. flatter themselves about the King's instruction 59. they propose chusing a new Protector 61. what they understood by Protector 63. their jealousies and the grounds of them 65. their dispositions in regard to a peace 72. reasonableness of their demands 76. excluded from employments 110. afraid of the King's reconciliation with the Pope 137. Acts of Injustice done 'em 140 c. declar'd capable of offices 160. testimony concerning their past and present services 168 Reformed why accus'd not to love Monarchy 23. reported to be quite out of Favour with the King and why 200. new Suspicions and Subjects of Complaint 206. their patience 212. a a continuation of their requests 213. the Reformed excus'd 231. they serve the King before Amience 233. put off with new delays 265. they forbear insisting upon several Articles of the Edict 326. in a condition to treat with the King 386. their negligence and their prejudices 418. particular complaints by them made 441. they desire they may not give themselves the name of pretended Reformed 461. a Boon granted to the Reformed 419. strive to discover the designs of the Cabal 475. they fear the King gives too much way to the
their Burials might be allow'd in the day time without fear of a Sedition and refusing to allow the Reform'd to be Buried in the Churches by reason that it was contrary to the Canons prejudicial to the Catholick Religion and capable to give a Scandal and Discontent to those that profess'd it it only allow'd that the Commissioners being upon the place should seek expedients to preserve to the Successors of the Reform'd the Rights which belong'd to them as Patrons The 18th which demanded leave to establish little Schools in all Cities and Towns of the Kingdom receiv'd only leave by the answer to have one School-Master in the Towns in the Suburbs of which the exercise of the Reform'd Religion was allow'd there to teach reading and Writing only forbidding them to teach new Doctrines That is as it has been explained since even to make Children repeat their Catechisms and to receive above twelve of the Neighbourhood in any Place The 19th requir'd the same Privileges for the Accademies of Saumur and of Montauban as were injoy'd by the other Accademies of the Kingdom and the Answer putting the Change upon them allow'd them to establish Colleges in such Places where the Exercise of their Religion was allow'd and gave those Colleges the same Privileges of the other Colleges receiv'd and approv'd of in the Kingdom This signifi'd nothing by reason that the Immunities of simple Colleges erected by the Wills of private Persons are nothing The 20th tended to obtain that the Catholick Counsellors who were to serve in the Chambers of the Edict might be chosen with the Deputies of the Churches â—o the end that none might enter there but persons of Equity and Moderation and that the same might remain there at least three years without being chang'd but by the Answer the King look'd upon that choice as a right which only belong'd to him and which he would keep The 21st which desiâ—'d two places of Counsellors to equal the Chamber of Neraci to that of Castres was waved by the Answer under pretence that there were too many Officers or places in the Kingdom already and in order to answer the inconvenience of recusations which sometimes reduc'd the number of the Judges below that which was requir'd by the Ordinances the King allow'd the said Chamber to judge to the number of Eight as it was practis'd in some Parliaments The 22th complain'd that in most Causes the Catholick Judges were divided in the Chambers of Guyenne and of Languedock which they imputed to the Passion of the Parliaments who having the liberty to nominate to the King the Counsellors of their Courts which were to serve in the said Chambers always nam'd the most passionate Wherefore they desir'd that the number of those Counsellors might be fill'd up in part with some Counsellors of the Grand Council and part of those of the said Parliaments which the King should chuse himself upon the List The King refus'd to alter the method of forming those Chambers and promis'd to take care as to the choice of those that should serve in them to the satisfaction of the Reform'd The three following petition'd the Creation of some Offices especially in Dauphine and by the Answers the King said that Patents had been given for some and that he could not grant the others for which he gave a remarkable reason viz. That he had promis'd to make no new Creation in that Province The 26th contain'd complaints for that the Parliament from which the Causes of the Reform'd were remov'd to the Chambers of the Edict or Party-Chambers gave Decrees against the Serjeants who within their Precincts did Execute the Decrees of the Chambers into which those causes were remov'd and desir'd that since the Serjeants being frighted by the said Decrees refus'd to put the said Sentences in Execution his Majesty would be pleas'd to Create two Royal Offices of Serjeants in every Bayliwick to be given to the Reform'd and the following petition'd the same thing for two Offices of Notaries The King refus'd those new Creations and pretended to remedy the said Grievances by commanding those who had such Offices to make or receive all the Acts as should be demanded or offer'd to them by the Reform'd Three other Articles related to the Validity of the Certificates given by the ministers The regulations of the Judges and the time of descriptions of which the Chamber of the Edict of Normandy refus'd to deduct a certain number of years of which the Edicts allow'd the deduction in favour of the Reform'd and upon those Articles the King granted nothing new or at least of any moment The 31st demanded â—e revocation of a Clause which took away the right of transferring Causes into the Chambers of the Edict from those who had not made an open profession of the Reform'd Religion six Months before their requiring the said removal and this demand related particularly to Ecclesiasticks who after having chang'd their Religion remain'd oppos'd to the hatred of the Parliaments who were very â—ere against men of that Character The answer was very â—â—tile and in refusing to alter any thing about the Clause â—â— six Months the King promis'd that he would take care â—â— the Causes of the Ecclesiasticks if they made their applications to him The Reform'd were very sencible that â—â— meaning of this was that after having chang'd their religion the Ecclesiasticks would be us'd worse in the Council than in the Parliaments The 32d desir'd a right of transferration for the Reform'd Heirs to those that had ready proceeded before the Parliaments and for those â—o should have their right by Cession or otherwise The King refus'd it to the Cessionaries by reason that it â—â—ght be done fraudulently but he granted it to Heirs â—â—serving at the same time that the said Concession was a â—…our It is true but it was so slight a one that it was â—â—rdly worth observing the occasion of using it not occurring perhaps once in 50 years The 33d demanded â—â— Foreign Inhabitants or Traders in the Kingdom the â—â—e Priviliges as were injoy'd by the other Reform'd and particularly that of transferring of Causes The King by â—s answer reserv'd to himself to do them Justice incase they appeal'd to him The 34th desir'd that the Priviledge to take a Reform'd Assistant or Associate in all criminal Causes in which the Reform'd were concern'd might be extended to all the Provinces and not only observ'd for some which were specifi'd in the 66th Article of the Edict The King granted it for the instruction only but he would not allow the Associate a deliberative Vote in the Judgment of the Process The 35th desir'd that the Judgment of the Competence in Provotal Cases which by the 67th Article of the Edict was referr'd to the nearest Presidial Seats within the jurisdiction of some Parliaments might be transferr'd to the Chambers of the Edict as in the others The reason of this demand was evident The jurisdiction
and that the whole Kingdom was in expectation to see what the said Assembly woâ—… produce which had been formerly the remedy of the peoples Grievances and the defence of their Liberties â—â— she had observ'd by the success of the last States that 〈…〉 was not impossible to make a different use of it and 〈…〉 oppress by means of the States those who expected protection and assistance by them In order whereunto she 〈…〉 what Pius the 4th had done with the Councils which 〈…〉 Predecessors stood so much in awe of He made use 〈…〉 them to break the bonds which those Assemblies wâ—… us'd to give to the authority of his See and to reform thâ—â— Princes that had a mind to reform him Thus the Queâ—â— took measures to make the States serve to maintain 〈…〉 Power and to colour the oppression of the people Therefore she resolv'd to make the Declaration of the King Majority before the Overture of the State not doubâ—â— but tho she thereby lost the Regency it would be 〈…〉 for her to preserve the Authority of it The King was 〈…〉 easie so young and so well dispos'd by the Educatioâ— and by the discourse of his Confessor and others whom 〈…〉 Queen had put about him to be Govern'd by her that theâ—â— was no likelihood she should Reign less absolutely undâ—â— her Sons name for the future than she had done 〈…〉 then The only way to maintain her Power was to makâ— that Prince speak whose Will ought to be more respectâ—â— being declar'd Major than when it seem'd inspir'd 〈…〉 him by his Mothers directions The Overture of the States being appointed on the 15th October at Paris the Queen carried the King to the Parâ—ent on the 2d of the said month to take the Act of Majority and to verifie the Declaration of the preâ—â—ing day who after having prais'd Almighty God for 〈…〉 prosperity he had granted to the State and reâ—ed the Queen thanks for her prudent conduct during Regency contain'd four or five Articles certainly â—thy to be the first Laws of a Prince who was to maâ—â— his State for the future himself and to trust no longer â—â—e viâ—ilency of others The first confirm'd the Edict of â—tes and all the Articles Regulations and Decrees that been granted to the Reform'd touching its Interpretaâ—… and Execution The second condemn'd all Corresponâ—â—â—cies Leagues and Associations at home and abroad 〈…〉 Deputations made to Foreign Princes whither â—nds or Foes without leave under any pretence whatâ—… The third depending on that forbad all those who â—iv'd Sallarys Pay or Pensions from the King to reâ—e any from any other Prince or Lord and to beat Arms â—ollow any body but the King on pain of losing their â—â—oyments Sallarys and Pensions The fourth renew'd all Ordinances against Duels without any hopes of Mercy 〈…〉 last did the same against Blasphemies and order'd the â—ent Ordinances to be publish'd a new In order to Judge â—â—e Justice necessity of the third Article we must observe there were several persons in the King's Pay who apâ—â—d themselves nevertheless to the service of certain Lords â—…m they look'd upon as their Patrons whose Will was a â—eraign Law to them In the progress the Court had â—…y made it was observ'd that two Lords follow'd the â—…g who had each of them 500 Horse to attend them â—…as glorious for the King to Command such potent â—â—â—jects but it was uncertain whether such Subjects would â—ays obey and Policy could not permit the King to pay â—â—nds and Creatures to his Subjects to act against him On the day the Queen had appointed the Deputies 〈…〉 the Provinces repair'd to Paris and made the Overture 〈…〉 the States There had been great Brigues in the Provinces 〈…〉 obtain the nomination of persons that were at the devotiâ—â— of those who design'd to profit by that Assembly The Queâ—â— had us'd her utmost endeavours to have them favourablâ— The Prince of Conde had omitted no means to get 〈…〉 strongest Party there and whereas the Publick Good 〈…〉 his Interest seem'd to be link'd together he had east found such as did embrace his Party altho he had 〈…〉 wherewith to make gratification like the Queen He wâ—â— particularly seconded by the third Estate which commâ—â—ly is the only one that keeps to the right Cause by reasâ—â— that being the first on which the weight of oppression lighâ— they are also the first that oppose the progress of Slaver The Prince had much ado to resolve to come to Court â—â—ter the mortification he had receiv'd His weakness had 〈…〉 of the Queens Power and he was afraid that coming 〈…〉 Court after an Affront for which he had receiv'd so 〈…〉 satisfaction he would make but a melancholly figure thâ—â— But the Queen would have him there by reason that otheâ—wise whatever she should cause to be ordain'd without 〈…〉 should want weight and effect and that on the first oâ—â—â—sion he should have to create new Troubles she should 〈…〉 oblig'd to begin a new She was resolv'd to ruin 〈…〉 Power by the means of the Estates in order to break 〈…〉 his measures for the future She would have met with no success in that enterprise 〈…〉 there been any Faith in the Clergy or Vigor in the Nobâ—lity But the Clergy spoil'd all according to their usual â—â—stom and betray'd the King and Kingdom for their partiâ—â—lar interest The Court engag'd them on their side 〈…〉 Complaisance and benefits and they ingag'd the Nobiliâ—â— on theirs and those two bodys being joyn'd oppressed 〈…〉 third Estate There are natural seeds of discord amâ—… those divers orders of the Kingdom The two first are 〈…〉 burdened with the Charge of the State and little valuâ— â—â—e grievances of the third which bears them all and the â—hird on the contrary having ever Complaints and Reâ—onstrances to make against the two others who seldom â—are their Blood and Labour and are very Liberal at their â—ost The Clergy having began by Masses Processions and â—â—e Communion to which they invited the other two reâ—â—lv'd to secure the Nobility and to dispose them to joyn â—ith them to act together They apply'd themselves about 〈…〉 by Deputations in form and by particular Intrigues The â—â—rongest machine they set at work even publickly was inâ—â—rest They represented to the Nobility of what use Benefiâ—es were for the Children of Noble Families They perâ—â—aded them that those two Orders made properly but one â—ody since the Clergy was for the most part compos'd of â—entlemen dedicated to the Church who possess'd the Reâ—enues of it and that therefore the Nobility ought to be â—â—ited to an Order of which they partak'd the Riches and â—ignity so advantageously In reallity Benefices are the â—â—source of the Nobility which being ruin'd in the King's â—â—rvice have no better way to maintain or to raise their â—ortunes than to make Ecclesiasticks of their younger â—ons and Nuns of their Daughters while they only keep the â—â—dest to preserve
Places of Surety from them The Apology of the Assembly appear'd about the time of that Commerce of Cities under the Title of Declaration of the Churches of France and of the Soveraignty of Bearn in their Assembly at Rochel of the unjust Prosecution they are prosecuted with by the Enemies of the State and of their Religion and of their lawful and necessary Defence All the Editions of that Apology are not alike some have Articles that are not in the others Some of them have not what we read in others that the Edict of Nantes was made at a time when the Reform'd might have shared the Kingdom with the Catholicks if they had pleased which they had renounced by reason that they only desired the Liberty of their Consciences and that having subscribed the Peace on those Conditions they were in the right to make War when that Condition was violated to preserve by Arms what they had lost by a Cowardly Peace But at the Bottom the beginning of that and perhaps this air of Loftiness would have been excus'd â—ad the Assembly had strength enough to have made it good After the accustom'd Protestations in Manifesto's and an Inviâ—itation of French and Foreigners to hear the Complaints which they had to make by the way they refuted the Reproach of Rebellion and fell foul again upon the Project of ruining â—…e Reformed ever since the sitting of the States in 1615. where â—…ere was a Proposal made for petitioning the King to fulfil his Coronation Oath More especially they lay hard upon the Jeâ—…its and principally upon the King's Confessor whom they â—…acqu'd with a long Invective They ript up his Behaviour 〈◊〉 Bearn his Attempts against the Parlament of Paris whose Decrees he had caus'd to be cancell'd and against the University whose Censures he had caus'd to be disannull'd his Credit greater then that of the Bishops who in three days had preâ—…il'd to get the Decree of Compensation past which the whole Clergy had solicited fifteen years in vain the Tricks which he â—…'d to abuse the King 's tender Conscience and the Authority which he assum'd to himself to be of his Council of Conscience â—…om thence they past to the Maxims of his Society touching â—…ith and Promises engag'd to Heretics to the Testimonies of â—…e Clergy's passionate Violence to the unjust Acts of the Parâ—…ments to the Admonitions whisper'd in the ears of the Reâ—…rmed at Court that they must either quit the King's Service or their Religion Nor did they forget the Affairs of the Counselâ—…rs in Parlament the Corruption of the Governors of the Plaâ—…s of Security the seditious Sermons of the Preachers the â—…undring of Churches the digging up the Dead out of their â—…raves the cruel usage of those that lay Sick and upon their â—…eath-beds in Hospitals where they were deni'd requisite Noushment and Remedies and the forcing of Children from their â—…others Arms. They complain'd further That when the Reformed had recourse to the Magistrates for Justice they were â—…uted and laught at and that when they went to lay their â—omplaints at the King's feet they were treated as Rebels After this they proceeded to the Affairs of the Assembly of â—…don and having laid open the Original and Benefit of those Assemblies they justifi'd this by the manifold Oppressions of which they had so much reason to complain They set down at large the series of all their Differences and Contests with the King till their Breaking up and till the Promises made 'em bâ— the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Lunes and made it oâ— how all those Promises had been violated They gave an Account of the King's march into Bearn and of all the Violenceâ— which had been there committed And here they hinted aâ— along at the Sophism which the Jesuit Arnoux had made 〈…〉 of to justify the Breach of a Promise made to Sales wheâ— he was put out of Navarreins that there should be no Innovations introduc'd This Promise said he ether relates to thâ— Conscience or to the State It concerns not the Conscience continu'd he because it is contrary to the Precept of the Church if then it be a State-Promise it ought to be referr'd to the Secret Council whose Opinion it is that it ought not to be kepâ— This Sophism would not suffer the King who was rather a gooâ— Prince then a Logician to follow his own Inclination which was to be as good as his word Then they proceeded to make a display of the Artifices which the Court made use of to corrupt Lesdiguieres the War of Mommoranci's Exploits the way which they took to gâ—… Chatillon and ruin both la Force and his Children They 〈…〉 the common Reports that gave out nothing but the destructiâ—â— of the Protestants and went so far as to limit the time withâ—… three months To these things they added the new Exploits 〈…〉 the Duke of Espernon in Bearn and of the King himself at Sâ—â—mur They took notice of the Cunning of the Court who haâ— invited the Duke of Rohan and the Duke of Subise his Brotheâ— to meet the King to the end that Auriac who betray'd 'em might more easily surprize St. John d' Angeli which he attempted in vain because they kept out of the snare Theâ— add the small Satisfaction which the Court had given to thâ— particular and general Commissioners and they observ'd thaâ— when Lesdiguieres had written to the Assembly to oblige 'em 〈…〉 break up he would never promise 'em any thing in the King'â— Name but only upon his own score by which it was apparent that he was willing to reserve an Excuse to himself that he could not possibly alter the King's mind But in regard it was charg'd upon the Assemblies General as a Crime that they â—fus'd to break up before they had receiv'd an Answer to their â—peâ—s which the States General refus'd to give 'em they set â—rth the Inequality of these two sorts of Assemblies for that â—e States General met together to make Laws and Regulations 〈…〉 State the Authority of which ought solely to flow from the â—ing But the Assemblies of the Reformed meeting only to â—mand Reparation for Wrongs and Oppressions which fix'd â—m within the Rules of ordinary Justice whereby the Parties â—ere not oblig'd to withdraw themselves till their Complaints â—ere adjudg'd they concluded with a Protestation That they â—d no Design against Regal Authority they glori'd in the â—ervices that were done the two last Henries by the Reformed against the Catholics they offer'd all Obedience and Service to â—â—wis XIII and implor'd his Royal Succor and the Compassion 〈…〉 Foreign Princes but principally God's Assistance against â—eir Oppressors This Apology was sign'd by the Moderators and Secretaries There was an Answer made to it in the King's Name but â—here was nothing in 't to shew that it was own'd by the King â—Twas said that the Oath sworn to exterminate Heretics of which they made such loud
of Henry III. was to their disadvantage through the Policy of that Prince who excluded 'em from all â—…ratifications a powerful means to infect the minds of those â—ho are oversway'd by their own Interests The King himself perform'd the office of a Converter and his Reasons which he â—â—compani'd with Favours or Denials as he thought proper â—egâ—in'd to his Religion all those who had a design to please him several also who continu'd in the Reformed Religion for their â—…wn Soul's health yet bred their Children up in the Roman Religion for the security of their Fortunes Jeannin adds farther â—â— demonstrate how disadvantageous a Peace would be to the â—eformed for that when they had a mind to betake themselves â—o their Arms after a long rest they always found it a difficult â—…ing to rouze up from their Repose and Tranquility those â—ho had for some time bin tasting the delights of Peace â—eâ—ides that there was less danger in attacking 'em after they â—ad â—â—â—eminated themselves with the charming softnesses of an â—â—sy life And he was so possess'd with this Opinion that as he wrote before the Peace to oblige the King and his Council 〈…〉 make it so he publish'd another Writing after it was concluded to advise 'em to keep it But the King's Infirmity lying on his Conscience side theâ— who assail'd him in his weakest part prov'd most successful anâ— for fear the Counsellors of Peace should by their more weight Reasons deface the Impressions which they had fix'd in his minâ— they got him out of Paris as it were in hugger-mugger in hope they should have more power over him when they had him at thâ—… head of an Army To say the truth there was a strange alteration 〈…〉 Affairs after the King's return to Paris But it seems he thoughâ— a Peace would not be for his Honor in the present Conjunction On the other side the Reformed had almost every where regain'd fresh Courage The Duke of Soubise had recover'd their Affairs in the Lower Poitou and in the Islands La Force had re-incourag'd to the defence of their Liberties some of those Cities which their Governors had sold He had wrested St. For oâ— of Theobon's hands by means of a Female Intrigue in regarâ—… that Gentleman was in love with one of his Kinswomen Toâ—…neins Clairac and several other Strong-holds once more acknowledg'd the Reformed for their Masters The Duke of Roâ—aâ— elected General of the Circle of Lower Languedoc had by 〈…〉 Policy and Prudence his Frankness and his Patience reconcil'd the Differences which had for some time disunited that Province so that the King had almost lost all the fruit of the preceding Campaign which had cost him so much men anâ— money The King departed from Paris upon Palm Sunday and by receiv'd Intelligence that the Duke of Espernon having drawn oâ— all his Forces for the security of his own Governments there waâ— not any strength in the Lower Poitou that could make head against the Duke of Soubise therefore he was constrain'd to begin his Campaign in those Quarters where the Duke either for want of Judgment or through the Infidelity of those who commanded under him became the unfortunate Spectator of the slaughter of his men and in one day lost the fruit of all his Labours Royan was surrender'd to the King after a Siege of some few days and these Successes buri'd in oblivion the Treaties of Peace which had bin observ'd till that time and the Duke of Rohan's Commissioners not arriving till after the Rout of his Brother were enforc'd to return as they came On the other side the King upon some jealousy of the Duke of Treâ—…ouille who had remov'd to Sedan the Prince of Talmont his Eldest Son afterwards known by the Title of Prince of Tarente whom he had left at Thouars under the tuition of the Dutchess Dowager dismissed from Taillebourg the person entrusted with the Command of that place and secur'd the Castle for himself which was of some consequence at that time After this the King march'd into Guyenne where he presently retook all that The Reformed were Masters of and where he utterly ruin'd 'em by the Agreement which he concluded with la Force In pursuance of which he honour'd him with the Batoon of Marshal of France which had bin promis'd him above Twelve years before Moreover he gave him a Gratuity of Two hundred thousand Crowns to recompence him for the loss of his Governments which both he and his Children were oblig'd to quit Thus it comes to pass sometimes that Rebellion is more fortunate then Merit and that a man by rendring himself formidable secures to himself the reward of his Services La Force surrenders to the King the City of St. Foy where the King solemniz'd the Festival which the Catholics call by the name of Corpus Christi day the Ceremony of which that City had not beheld for many years before But la Force treated only for himself obtaining for his Friends no more then a bare Act of Oblivion which created him many Enemies in the Countrey where many of the Nobility had follow'd him before Moreover 't was twenty to one but that the King had broke his word with him when he had left himself to the discretion of the Court because his Son still held out one of the Strong-holds which belong'd to the Reformed and made some Scruple to surrender it which resistance they would fain have had to have bin lookt upon as a Collusion between the Father and the Son But that Advice was rejected as well for fear of the Consequences as for the Reasons which the Prince of Condé gave who obstinately oppos'd it The King now hastning into Languedoc was so fortunate as to meet with no Opposition by the way and for that the Cities which he had no design to have attack'd surrender'd merely out of fear of being besieg'd Negrepelisse and St. Antonin small Cities not far distant from Montauban were taken by Assault and all the Cruelties imaginable committed The Women suffer'd all that could be fear'd from the sensuality of Brutish Common Soldiers and the Men were almost all massacr'd The Pretence was That Negrepelisse had cut the Throats of the Garison which the King left there the year before and that St. Antonin had stay'd took long before it surrender'd They also who retreated to the Castle first of all after the Town was surrender'd had their share of the same usage And when they had surrender'd at discretion the Council order'd twelve of 'em to be hang'd There were some that follow'd the King who by no means approv'd these Cruelties who rescu'd as many as they could out of the Soldiers Clutches and redeem'd some Women and Virgins that were threaten'd extremity of outrage with their own Money But the King who was naturally good natur'd and under whose Name these Cruelties were committed was more concern'd then any body So that his abhorrence of such Barbarities
while before he was â—…s'd as a Rebel This Peace prov'd very honourable for the Duke of Rohan who notwithstanding that the Reformed had lost about fourscore Towns was yet in a condition to gain a General Peace which the King had refus'd at the Siege of Montauban but the Priâ—ate Articles were still more to his advantage then the General The remaining Places were left in the hands of the Reformed not under the Title of Security Marriage or Hostage but by way of free Gift and voluntary Concession which did â—ut only alter the name not the thing 'T is true that the King would no longer tye himself to pay the Garisons nor what was due for the time past as the Sums promis'd either by himself or his Father for the Salaries of the Ministers Yet he gave 'em some hopes that he would pay 'em for the future But that Article was ill observ'd as well as the rest By a particular Brevet the King promis'd that he would neither keep any Garison nor erect any Citadel at Mompellier that the City should remain in the Custody of the Consuls and that there should be no Innovation other then the demolishing of the new Fortifications which Breif was deliver'd to the Duke of Rohan who lodg'd it in the Consul's hands By other Breifs permission was given that Rochel and Montauban should preserve their Fortifications in the same condition as theâ—… stood and that the Works about Nimes Castres Vsez and Milhau should be but half demolish'd But when that Article about the demolishing of the Fortifications came to â—â— put in execution notice was giv'n to the Parlament of Tholouse that the Reformed went to work after such a manner that by dismantling their Cities they made 'em better and stronger then before so that upon the 14th of December there came forth a Decree which forbid those counterfeit dismantlings which was the reason that that same Article of the Edict was laid aside and the places left in the same condition as the Peace found ' em Nor did the Parlament verify the Edict of Peace but with several Qualifications The Parlament of Paris instead of the words Cities of the pretended Reformed Religion put in Cities 〈◊〉 by those of the pretended Reformed Religion and in the room of thâ— words Ecclesiastical Affairs they alter'd 'em into Affairs concerning the Regulations of the said pretended Reformed Religion These petty Niceties however display'd no signs of Embitterment But the Parlament of Bourdeaux laid about 'em with the same passionate Fury as they had shewn during the Frenziâ—â— of the League They verifi'd the Edict without approving any other then the Catholic Religion or admitting the words Ecclesiastical Affairs They ordain'd that the dismantling of their Towns should be continu'd till it were thoroughly finish'd that such Judgments as were in favour of the Catholics should stand good but that those which were advantageous to the Reformed should be revokable upon a bare Petition and thâ—â— no Foreigners should be capable of being Ministers in the Kingdom These affected Severities in the Verification of an Edict â—ight well be lookt upon as a Presage that the Repose which it contributed to the Kingdom would not be of long contiâ—â—ance Nevertheless all the Cities which had join'd together in the â—â—mmon Cause accepted of the Peace though there were â—â—me that were afraid of the Consequence Privas and Brison who had held it out notwithstanding the Conquests which Chaâ—lloâ— had suffer'd the Duke of Mommorency to make in the Neighbouring parts came in upon the general Conditions Montauban proud of having held out a Siege where the King was in person and of preserving her Fortifications as a Troâ—…y of her Victory accepted the Conditions also Rochel prest 〈◊〉 Sea and Land and fearing to be assailed by the whole strength of the Kingdom if she refus'd the Conditions propos'd submitted to the Count of Soissons who commanded the King's Forces that attacqu'd her However the Duke of Guise â—…ough well inform'd that the Peace was concluded adventur'd 〈◊〉 engage the Fleet of that City and because he could not â—â—â—d out a way to excuse that Action which cost a great deal 〈◊〉 Blood on both sides 't was given out that Rochel knew it as well as he and that she would not have accepted the Peace â—â—d she got the better To say truth her loss was not so great â—â—t that she was still in a condition to appear formidable And 〈◊〉 may be said that her damage consisted in this that the least â—…es of a City that has no other assistance to trust to but her â—wn are always considerable rather then in her receiving any great harm by the King 's Fleet. But after the tidings of the â—eace all Acts of Hostility ceas'd and the City thought herself deliver'd from all her fears of a long Siege Vsez Nimes Milhau all the rest of the Cities obey'd and flatter'd themselves with seeing the Edicts better observ'd for the future then hitherto â—â—ey had bin But Catholic Zeal had not yet alter'd her Characters nor was it lawful for the Council to make a Peace of that nature â—â—t with a resolution to violate it One of the first effects of â—â—e Infidelity of the Court was her defrauding the most part of the Deserters of the common Cause and denying 'em the Recompences which had bin promis'd em for the performance 〈…〉 which Promises they never had bin urgent The King thought that the Peace which he had granted to all the Reformed haâ—… disingag'd him from the Promises which he had made to particular men meerly to retain 'em in their obedience Nor would many People have murmur'd at this piece of Infidelity had thâ—… stopp'd there and it was agreed on all sides that they who haâ— sold for ready money the Towns that were the security of their Religion and their Consciences deserv'd no better usage bâ—… the Court-Designs soon after broke out into Frauds of highâ—… importance For they had promis'd the Rochelois to demoliâ—… the Fort which the Count of Soissons had built to curb and aâ—… noy the City But they were so far from observing that Article that the Fort was not finish'd till after the Peace was made nor could all the Complaints of the Rochellois obtain aâ—… other then feigned Commands to demolish it of which they to whom they were sent had private Orders to take 〈…〉 notice Among the secret Conditions which were granted to the City of Mompelier there was a Promise made to the Inhabitants that the King should not enter with above four Colours of Fooâ—… which should march out back again with him To elude which Promise the whole Regiment of Guards was order'd to enter iâ—… under no more then four Colours unworthily abusing the aâ—… biguous signification of the word though as time has made it out the word Colours or Ensign signifies much more usually in common speech a Company of Soldiers marching under 〈…〉 Ensign then
appointed one wherein the Dutchess of Rohan was to bear a part and every thing was ready when the News of the Duke's Imprisonment arriv'd Which Accident would have quite broken off the Match and the Queen must either have lost or been forc'd to have deferr'd a Pastime she was just about to enjoy which would have bin a very great disappointment to a Princess of her Age and therefore it was better to let an Enemy live then disturb the Pleasures of a Young Queen So that the Duke was more beholding for his Liberty to a Dancing Match then to the Publick Faith In the mean time Valence made the best of this Accident for while he kept the Duke in Prison he proceeded to the Election of the Consuls and caus'd the one half to be chosen Catholics as he had already done by the Marine Consulship out of which he had taken out one half of the Reformed Both the one and the other was against the express terms of the Breif by which it was promis'd that no Innovation should be introduc'd into the Consulship and there is great probability that the Duke of Rohan would have very much obstructed Valence's Enterprize had not the latter prevented him by Imprisonment But when the Duke was set at liberty he found the thing done and the Order which oblig'd him to retire into Vpper Languedoc depriv'd him both of time and means to apply any Remedy The Reformed complain'd that Valence had made use of Violence in the electing what Consuls he thought fit himself and that he had kept the Consuls that were going out of their employments a whole night Pris'ners in his own house to force their consent to the election of Catholics But the Court took â—o notice of these Complaints and all that the Duke cou'd obtain from 'em was that Valence shou'd recall the men that he â—ad quarter'd up and down in Valence's Credit was then so great that though he were no more then Governor of Mompelier he was consulted by all Languedoc to know the secret intentions of the Court and that 't was enough for him to say â—hat 't was the King's pleasure that such or such a thing should be done to have it put in execution Orders of the same nature given out of the Jurisdiction of his Government were obey'd as if they had come from the King himself and Acts â—f which the purport only was that Valence had written that the King's Pleasure was so or so have past in our days for definitive in Affairs of great importance Nevertheless it was â—oth contrary to Probability and Custom that the Governor of 〈…〉 particular Town should be the Arbitrator of a whole Province But in Affairs of Religion 't was enough to authorize Fraud and Injustice against the Reformed for a Catholic to â—ay Le Roy veut 't is the King's Pleasure As for the Duke of Rohan when he was got clear of Mompelier he went to Milhau where he understood that the Duke of Espernon to whom the King a little before had giv'n the Government of Guyenne instead of that of Saintonge and Augonnois went about to hinder the Cities held by the Reformed in Rouvergne to elect their Consuls as they were wont to do and that he had written to 'em not to make any new Elections till they understood from his mouth the King 's further Pleasure But the Duke of Râ—han explaining his Pleasure by the terms of the Peace persuaded 'em to elect their Consuls at the usual times and after that to send Commissioners to the Duke of Espernon to know his Will They took his Advice and by that means preserv'd their right to keep the Catholics out of the Consulship But while things thus past in Languedoc the general Commissioners Mommarton and Maniald who had been substituted in the rooms of Flavas and Chalas present a Paper to the King wherein they demanded several things necessary for the preservation of Peace It consisted of Twenty two Heads the substance of which was That Commissioners should be sent into the Provinces to see the Peace duly executed That the Garison might be remov'd out of Mompelier That the Brief which promis'd there should be no Innovation might be observ'd That Fort Lewis might be demolish'd That the Reformed who had bin condemn'd to the Gallies might be set at liberty That the Sums promis'd for the Ministers Salaries for the low state of Pensions and the payment of the Garisons might be discharg'd both for the time past and for the future That Candal who had paid some money before-hand might be reimburs'd That the King should provide for the payment of the Ministers of the Country of Gex to whom there had been assign'd a Fund upon the Toll-money in recompence of the Ecclesiastical Revenues which had bin taken from 'em That the King would be pleas'd to contribute something toward the rebuilding of the Church at Charenton which was burnt down in the War-time That he would be pleas'd to cause the Church at Tours to be rebuilt at his own charges in the same place where it stood before the Sedition according to his promise That he would vouchsafe to let the Church of Bourg be rebuilt notwithstanding that the Catholics disputed their Right to the Ruins of it That free Exercise of their Religion might be restor'd to the Reformed at Villemur Fontain Luson and Talâ—ont in which places they had carri'd their Violences so high against those that went about to assemble together as to level their great Guns against 'em That the same liberty should be also allow'd at Surgeres Bagnols St. Giles's Figeac Puimirol â—iâ— en Armagnac from whence they had expell'd the Minister â—nd lastly at Quilleboeuf in Normandy That the Reformed of Poitiers might be discharg'd from the payment of Twelve hunder'd Livres which had bin laid upon 'em by way of Tax for the Guard of the City though they would not do 'em the â—onour to trust 'em with it as they did the rest of the Inhabitants That the Edict of Compensation might be executed in â—earn and that the Exercise of the Reformed Religion might â—e restor'd to the Navarreines And that the Churches Bells Church-yards which the Reformed enjoy'd there by the Decree â—f the Commissioners might be preserv'd to 'em since they â—ad resign'd all the rest to the Catholics That the Party Chambers might set up again in those places where they had bin reâ—or'd during the Wars That the Reformed might be exempted from the building of Churches to which the Catholics of Arâ—â—i le Due went about to constrain 'em actually prosecuting â—em at the Council-board in order to have 'em comprehended â—n the raising Six thousand Livres design'd toward the building of a Church for the Capuchins That the Church of Remorenâ—in burnt in the time of the War and that of Gergeau pull'd â—own since the Peace might be rebuilt That the Cities of Berâ—eras and St. For might be eas'd of several Grievances And â—astly
with Henrietta of France Negotiation of the Archbyâ— of Ambrun the Match concluded upon advantageous Conditiâ—… for the Catholics Death of James I. Charles consummâ—… the Marriage Suit between the City of Pamiers and Bishop Cavils upon the Right of prosecuting the payment Legacies and Donations Exemption of Ministers Trâ—… reviv'd Enterprise of the Duke of Rohan and Soubise 〈◊〉 cover'd Soubise seizes the King's Ships and is block'd 〈◊〉 the Port of Blavet He is thought to be lost and is disown'd by all the world The King's Declaration upon that occasion Soubise disingages himself which changes the face of Affairs Politic Devotions of the Duke of Rohan Seconded by his Wife Manifesto of the Duke of Soubise Answer Dispute about the Priviledges of Rochel Peace talk'd of Cruelties of the Râ—al Army in Soubise's Successes Remonstrance of the Reformed presented to the King Answers to the Articles with which the Reformed are not content The Court recovers her Affairs Assembly of the Clergy that furnishes out money with reluctancy The King excepts Rochel out of the Peace which delays the conclusion of it Particular Laws which the King would impose upon that City A powerful League against Spain A Design of the Cardinal of which he is forc'd to forbear the execution Instances of the English Ambassadors for the peace of Religion Rochel accepts the Conditions somewhat mitigated Divers Acts upon occasion of the Peace Why the Court demanded such Writings Act past by the English Ambassadors In what sense the King becomes a Guaranty for the Peace A new Edict which confirms all the rest Foul Play shew'd by France to the Confederates Jealousies between the Cardinal and Buckingham The Cardinal 's weak side Enterprises of the Catholics of the Queen of England's Houshold Conspiracy against the Cardinal Condition of Rochel National Synod Decree relating to Commissioners Instructions of the Commissioners Chauve the Moderator's Answer Surprize upon the Synod of Realmont Infidelity of Masuyer at which the Catholics triumph They would fain hedge in the Ministers into the Treaty of the Duke of Rohan with Spain Article of the Synod of Realmont which orders enquiry after such as were gâ—tity which offends all the Churches and is disown'd by the National Synod Leave to nominate general Deputies from which the Synod desires to be excus'd and send Deputies to the King Remonstrances of the Deputies Maniald dyes to whom the King sâ—â—stitutes Hardi Return of the Deputies and the King's Answer The Synod names general Deputies Several Resolutions of the Synod The City of Castres refuses to receive the Luke of Rohan's Deputies Memoirs of Complaints Burying of Lords that were the Founders in Churches Legacies given to the Poor adjudg'd to Hospitals Marriage of a Knight of Maltha vacated Vexatious Declarations Meeting of the Notable Conversions forc'd in Bearn at Aubenas at St. Amand. Extraordinary Acts of Injustice Innovations at Mompelier Foundation of that City Declaration against Foreign Ministers Rochel remains block'd up the English declare War Tâ—… United Provinces assist France The English land in the 〈…〉 of Ree Irresolution of the Rochellers Letters of the Coâ—â—â— intercepted A nice Question Whether Huguenots ought to â—â— suffer'd in the King's Army Rochel determines and publishâ—â— a Manisesto The Duke of Rohan does the same Iâ—trâ—… of Galand against the Duke Rout of the English Sâ—… Fleet of the English of no use to the Rochellers A third Flâ—â—â— as ineffectual The beginning of a Treaty of Peace with England and Surrender of Rochel The City refuses to submit to 〈…〉 English Spanish Fleet at the Siege of Rochel Severities exercis'd toward the Ladies of Rohan The Courage of Guiton Maire of Rochel How the City was us'd IN the mean time the Commissioners that were promis'd to be sent into the Provinces went thither in earnest but the course which they took in the execution of the Edicts serv'd only to convince the most incredulous among the Reformed that the Court did but make a Maygame of ' em For the Church which they had at Gergeau that had bin one of their Cities of security and where they had held some general Assemblies was taken from 'em in a City where they had always enjoy'd one and to make 'em amends for this Act of Injustice they had leave giv'n to build another at the farther end of all the Suburbs The Catholics of Remorentin who had burnt the Church would never permit the building of another but the Commissioners instead of punishing the Misdemeanor and doing Justice upon the Offenders were so kind as to leave things in the same condition as they found ' em But the Injustice which they did the Reformed of Tours was much more notorious For the King had promis'd after the Sedition of which I have given an account in another place to preserve to the Protestants of that City their priviledge of meeting in that place â—here they were wont to assemble and to supply 'em with the â—…um of Six thousand Livres towards the rebuilding of the â—hurch which the Mutineers had fir'd But the Commissioners â—…ted quite contrary to this Promise They arriv'd at Tours in â—…y and would needs persuade the Reformed to accept of another place which Proposal being rejected by the poor People â—…o demanded the performance of the King's word the Commissioners departed without making any regulation Toward the end of September they return'd agen to Tours at what time â—â—ey took a view of several places of the situation of which â—â—eâ— drew up a long Report in writing and design'd the Reformed one for the building of a Church which the Reformed â—ould not accept of but they got nothing by it for the Commissioners enforc'd 'em by an Order to sell the place where their â—…d Church stood and to lay out the money in the purchase of â—â—at which was design'd ' em Amelot and Chalas had a Commission to see the Edict per â—…rm'd in the Provinces of Poitou and Saintonge Chalas who â—as made choice of by Amelot as the Catholic Commissioners â—â—d almost every where the priviledge to nominate their Associates was one of those complying sort of People who have not â—…udacity enough to oppose another man's Opinion and who being men of sincerity themselves cannot believe that other men will deceive ' em So that the Reformed complain'd very much â—…f his softness and never thought themselves beholding to him â—…r any Justice that was done 'em upon some Articles Amelot â—…n the other side was one of those People that never did any thing without a great deal of Pomp and Ceremony and who â—…ake it their strife to please all the world at least to outward â—ppearance He made Mountains of Molehilâ—s and thought 〈…〉 advance himself at Court by giving the Grandees Information of every diminutive Trifle He made a great noise of cerâ—â—in Designs which he had discover'd and which he would needs â—…ave had to have bin lookt upon at Court as important Conspiracies
Auâ—ority would give him leisure and to apply himself to the Foâ—ign War so soon as he had stifl'd the Seeds from whence Doâ—estic Troubles might again spring up For the first he made use 〈…〉 the continu'd Importunities of Holland and Carleton to induce â—m to use the Reformed with less severity to the end he might 〈…〉 more at liberty to carry on the Foreign War On the other â—de those Embassadors press'd the Reformed to accept the â—eace upon the Conditions that were offer'd 'em and assur'd â—â— that the King their Master would be Guaranty for the perâ—â—mance of those that were promis'd ' em Particularly they â—omis'd Rochelle that the King of England would so earnestly â—llicit the Demolishing of Fort Lewis and so moderate the â—ard Conditions that were impos'd upon 'em that he question'd â—t but to bring it to pass They farther told 'em that the â—ing of France had given 'em his Word to demolish the Fort 〈…〉 convenient time upon Condition that Rochelle return'd to â—r Duty These Sollicitations and Promises made Rochelle at length â—etermin to humble her self And the rest of the Cities as â—ontauban Castres Nimes Vsez which had not refus'd the â—eace but only because she stood out follow'd her Example 〈…〉 soon as she had accepted it Thereupon it was concluded the â—6th of February However all that was alter'd in the Laws â—â—pos'd upon Rochelle was that the Second Article which â—ention'd the settling an Intendant of Justice in that City was express'd in these Terms That they should admit Commissioners to see the Peace perform'd who might reside there as long as they plea'd There was nothing said either of the Fourth which imported that the King should be admitted whenever he pleas'd to enter or of the Seventh which concern'd the Interest of certain Merchants of Orleance But they put instead of them the Restoration of the Catholic Religion in the full Liberty of its Exercises and a Declaration that Fort Lewis could not be raz'd but that such Order should be given to the Garison and to the Garisons of the Islands of Ré and Oleron that the Trade of the City should be no way prejudic'd Instead of demolishing the Fortifications which had been decree'd at first in General Terms nothing more was requir'd then the demolishing the Fort de Taden And to soften the Article which enjoin'd the Merchants Vessels to take Passes from the Admirals of France 't was only ordain'd that they should observe the Laws of Traffic without prejudice to their Priviledges There was an Act of these Articles drawn up at the bottom of which was a Promise that the Reformed should enjoy the benefit of the Answers return'd to their Papers at Fontainbleâ—â— in July 1625 provided that on their part they setled things in the same condition as they were in at the same time But for fear lest Rochelle should take any advantage of this Promise that City was expressly excepted And it was declar'd That the King did not thereby engage himself to any other Favour then what was mention'd in the Act which went before The Deputies of the Reformed had sign'd in that Place But underneath there was yet a third Act sign'd by the said Deputies as well in their own as in the name of the Deputies from the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise of Languedoc Rochelle Montauban Castres Nimes Vsez Milhau and Cevenes wherein they protested that they had besought the King with all the duty and most humble submissions that Subjects could pay to their Soveraign to pardon what was past and to grant 'em Peace with a promise of great Fidelity for the future from which they would never swerve and Offers of all manner of Services All which the King had graciously harken'd to and upon which he had given his Royal Word for Peace and the observance of the Answers return'd to the Paper deliver'd at Fontainbleau Out â—â— which however he had excepted Rochelle in reference to â—hich he had declar'd his Will and which they said they accepâ—d as the most signal Mark of Clemency and Goodness that Subâ—cts could receive from a Soveraign and they promis'd to â—and to it inviolably and to cause the Places taken since Julyâ—st â—st to be surrender'd The Court although they desir'd Peace with an extraordinary â—assion exacted these Submissions to make the Reformed own â—â—at they were in the wrong to levy War and that they might â—ke advantage of their own Confessions if any new Quarrels â—ake forth And the Reformed who were not ignorant of â—â—e Court-Politics past these Infamous Acts either because â—hey had bin wrought over or because they found they lay at â—he mercy of the Court as the Duke of Rohan well foresaw â—â— else because they were in hopes of obtaining greater Favours â—y these Extraordinary Submissions or lastly in compliance with those who could not like it that Subjects should take Arms against their Prince upon any Occasion whatever However to â—ssure themselves of the King of England's Protection whom â—hey believ'd to be Guarantee of the Peace they drew up an Act â—gn'd by the Embassadors and dated Feb. 11. wherein they declar'd that the Razing of Fort Lewis was promis'd in time conâ—enient provided the Rochelois return'd to their duty and that without that Promise neither Rochel would have accepted the Peace neither would the Reformed have relinquish'd those things which the Instances of the King of England made 'em â—elinquish by reason of which they put 'em in hopes of a powerful Intercession on his part that they might have satisfaction giv'n ' em This Paper was ill drawn up nor did it clearly express the Guarantie of which the King of England boasted Nevertheless it cannot be deni'd but that it must have oblig'd that Prince either to have disown'd his Embassadors or else to take care that what was granted the Reformed should be faithfully perform'd since he acknowledg'd that the sole force of his Sollicitations had vanquish'd their good nature to be satisfi'd with the King's Offers An honest man needs no more to engage him to make another man's business his own but that it was himself who caus'd the other to miscarry either by his Authority or Persuasion And in this sense it cannot be deni'd but that the King of England was Guarantee of the Peace since it was upon his word and in hopes that he would be answerable for it that the Reformed accepted it But this Important Ceremony wanted due formality and the Council of France had so well order'd their Business that nothing appear'd from whence any evident Conclusion could be drawn that the King of England interpos'd in this Treaty as a Mediator or as a Guarantee In a word Policy will not permit Princes to suffer that another Prince should be Guarantee of Treaties which are made between them and their Subjects To consent that Subjects should have recourse to the Garantie of a Foreigner for their Security in things that concern the
Word and Authority of their Lawful Prince would be to tye 'em to another Soveraign For this Reason the Court of France who had let the King of England alone to use all the Arguments of which they could make their advantage yet were not engag'd by any Public Act to do the least Kindness out of any respect for him laught at the Pretension of the English Mediator when he would have had his Guarantie taken effect and lookt upon the Embassador's Writing as an idle piece of Nullity that oblig'd the King of France to nothing But after the Peace was sign'd upon the Conditions mentention'd the Ratifications of Rochel and Montauban were expected of which the one was perform'd the second the other the sixth of March Which done an Edict was publish'd the same Month which contain'd Twelve Articles The Introduction spoke of nothing but Clemency and Pardon on the King's part and Submissions and Supplications reiterated by the Reformed and particularly by those who remain'd in obedience which the King said was the better sort and the greatest part and to whose Remonstrances he had had a special regard when he accepted the Submissions of the Rest The First Article confirm'd the Regster'd Edicts and Secret Articles and gave Testimony that they had been well and duly observ'd in the Reign of the deceased King and after his death till the beginning of the last Commotions Which was an Artifice to induce the Reformed themselves to condemn all the loud Complaints of a thousand Breaches before that time The second restor'd the Exercise of the Roman Religion in all places where it had â—in ejected during the Troubles and order'd ample Restitution of the Estates and Rights belonging to the Ecclesiastics even of their Moveables that should be found in specie The third granted the same favour to the Reformed for the exercise of their Religion and for the Church-yards which they were posâ—ess'd of in 1600. And the Clauses of that Article were taken out of the Answer to the two first of the Paper decreed at Fontainbleau The fourth contain'd an Amnesty of all Acts of Hostility even of those that might have bin committed since the day of the Declaration dated October 1622. till the day of the publication of this in the Parlaments nor were the Submissions and reiterated Supplications of the Reformed omitted The fifth concern'd the raising of money and gave a discharge of it in the terms of the Articles of the Edict of Nantes which mention'd the same thing The sixth re-establish'd the Seats of Judicature the Receits the Officers of the Finances in the places from whence they had bin remov'd by reason of the Troubles wherein the Tablier of the Election at Rochel was also comprehended The Priviledges of the Cities which the Reformed held in their hands were likewise confirm'd The usual method for the electing of Consuls was to be observ'd and the Appeals of Persons aggriev'd were to be judg'd by the Chambers of the Edict The seventh discharg'd the Reformed from all Sentences pronounc'd against 'em by reason of their taking Arms And this Article was very necessary every where but chiefly within the Jurisdiction of the Parlament of Thoâ—â—â—se where they had signaliz'd their extraordinary Zeal by a great number of Decrees against Corporations and private persons The eighth ordain'd a speedy Release of Prisoners and Persons condemn'd to the Gallies The ninth confirm'd the Article of the Edict of Nantes which declar'd the Reformed capable of all Offices re-establish'd those that had bin put out â—evok'd the Patents of their Offices granted to others and restor'd to the Reformed all their Estates their Titles Debts Accompts and Actions and cancell'd all opposite Acts except the peremptory Decrees of the Council and Chambers of the Edict The tenth order'd that this Declaration should be observ'd in the terms of the 92d Article of the Edict of Nantes The eleventh forbid for the future all manner of Politic Assemblies unless they had express leave to hold 'em and all manner of Associations and keeping of Intelligences Nevertheless Ecclesiastical Assemblies were permitted about meer affairs of Church-Discipline and in conformity to the Declaration of August 1623. which enjoin'd the Synods to admit a Commissioner deputed by the King All manner of Fortifications and raising of Money were forbid without an express Commission The last ordain'd the execution of the Articles that related to Rochel and the restitution of the Cities and Castles during the War 'T is true the Mayor the Sheriffs and certain Burgesses of Orleans the Catholics of Mompelier and parts adjoining Prelats Ecclesiastics Gentlemen and others oppos'd the verification of this Edict in the Parlament of Paris and the opposition of the first was admitted but the rest were referr'd to the Parlament oâ— Tholouse However their opposition was only in reference to some particular Interests After the Peace was thus concluded the Confederates were in hopes that France would have turn'd her Arms against the House of Austria But they were strangely astonish'd to see a ratifi'd Treaty appear abroad within eleven days after which du Targis Ambassador in Spain had concluded between the Two Crowns 'T is true that to cover this foul Play they made a shew of disowning the Ambassador who seemingly was never to have bin pardon'd but for the earnest sollicitations of the Court of Rome But this Farce deceiv'd none but Fools for the Treaty held good after some slight Alterations and the Confederates exhal'd their Resentments in vain Reproaches and unprofitable Threats There was only the Duke of Savoy who being enrag'd at such a piece of Perfidiousness sent away the Abbot de la Scaglia into England to excite that Monarch to revenge who had no less reason then himself to be chaf'd at such a scorn of his Amity And Affairs in that Kingdom began to encline toward a Rupture for there was a great Jealousy in point of Honour between Cardinal Richlieu and the Duke of Buckingham but they were unequally match'd For Buckingham was vain hair-brain'd lofty and void of Foresight Richlieuâ—rafty â—rafty a Dissembler a Hypocrite and one that never ventur'd â—ny thing without good assurances of Success They had this â—owever which was common to both that they were hated â—y all men but such as were their Creatures and both were â—qually sovereign Governors of their sovereign Masters tho â—thers say there was a more secret cause of Jealousy between â—â—em For Buckingham had appear'd in the Court of France with the Character of Ambassador in a magnificent Equipage â—nd had drawn the eyes of all the world upon him He had moreover pleas'd the Ladies and his vanity had transported â—im to think himself worthy to attempt the Queen herself The Cardinal had the same thoughts and could not endure that his â—ival should receive any marks of being preferr'd before â—im We may reck'n among the greatest weaknesses of that celeâ—rated Minister of State that he was emulous of out
perceiv'd that the Mystery of that Permission tended to break the Remainder of that Union which the Reformed had so long maintain'd and who after six years slid away before they could obtain â— new Assembly rightly judg'd that there was no other way to refix their Affairs then a Licens'd and Authoris'd Assembly diâ—â— all they could to excuse themselves from that Nomination For which Reason as the King alledg'd the Good and Convenience of the Reformed to avoid the Demand of a General Assembly the Synod on their parts urg'd their Duty which would not permit 'em to meddle with other Affairs then those of Discipline as a reason for their not nominating of General Deputies because it was an Affair altogether Political Besides they found the Permission too much limited Because it contain'd not leave to take an Accompt of the last Deputies to give 'em a discharge and to draw up Instructions for the new ones They resolv'd therefore to send Deputies to the King upon this Occasion and at the same time to furnish their Deputies with Submissions and Remonstrances according to the custom of National Synods and for this Journey they made choice of Bouteroue a Minister and Baleine an Elder The King was willing to see and hear 'em The Speech they â—ade was humble and to the purpose and their Remonstrances contain'd Eight Articles In the first they besought the King to take off all the Qualifications with which the Act had â—â—en enregister'd They complain'd in the second of several Vexations which the Reformed endur'd by reason of those Qualifications The third spoke of the repairing of Churches pull'd down and sending down Commissioners into the Provinces to â—â—â—e Orders about it The fourth besought the King to permit â—â— Moulin to return to Paris as he had been put in hopes The fifth demanded a General Politic Assembly The sixth â—â— continuance of the Relief promis'd the Ministers The two â—â—st desir'd that certain Assignations which had been allow'd â—â—nâ—â—ll Receiver general of the Municipal Tolls might be made â—â—â—d to him But toward the beginning of the Synod Maniald one of the general Deputies dy'd Upon which the King never staying â—â—r the Nomination which was to have been made at Castres in pursuance of his Breif appointed Hardi in his room till others â—ould be presented to him And the Pretence for this Innovation was That the King was unwilling to retard the Affairs of the Reformed which wou'd be neglected if there were no body at Court to take care of ' em Of which Substitution he gave notice to the Synod by Galand who assur'd the Synod that the King had no design thereby to deprive 'em the Liberty of nominating others according to custom But a little afterwards it appear'd by Galand's discourse that the King had other thoughts â—â— substituting Hardi and that such an Innovation without â—â—esident and little necessity proceeded from no good-will toward the Reform'd The Deputies from the Synod return'd from the Court about a month after their departure and brought very obliging Letters from the King according to custom But the Flattering Expressions of those Letters were accompany'd with very few Effects For there was only the Article about Limitations to which any thing of a gracious Answer was return'd The King assur'd 'em that they were taken away in several Parlaments and that he wou'd order 'em to be remov'd in the rest And he gave the Deputies an express Command for that purpose to the Parlament of Tholouse which was usually the most difficult to be brought to reason Whch Command Galand order'd his Son to deliver but it wrought but little effect so that the Troubles began again before the Reformed receiv'd the benefit of it The King also promis'd to make good the Assignations allow'd to Candal granted Ten thousand Livres for the Expences of the Synod and which perhaps was the most moving Twelve hundred Livres to the Deputies for their Journey But he refus'd to send Commissioners into the Provinces declaring only that he thought it necessary to send some to Rochel Saintonge and the Country of Aunix and into the Upper and Lower Languedoc He barely promi'sd to grant Remova's to those that should be prosecuted in Parlaments in pursuance of the Qualifications of the Edict Nor wou'd he consent to the return of Moulin nor suffer the holding of a General Assembly because the condition of Affairs would not permit one and for that the Reformed had no need of one since it was in the power of the Synod to nominate General Deputies according to Galand's Instructions As for what concern'd the Relief promis'd to the Ministers the King evaded it by giving good words to one Party and refusing the other by reason of the condition of the Affairs of the Kingdom Nevertheless he granted a Breif much larger then the former to authorize the nomination of general Deputies and he set forth in express words that they should not put in nomination any persons but such as had no dependance upon Great Lords However the Synod little satisfi'd that the Reformed were thereby put out of all hopes of a Politic Assembly were still desirous to start new difficulties upon the nature of the thing pretending that it was contrary to the Duty of an Ecclesiastical Assembly to intersere with things that were reserv'd for General Assemblies But Galand cut the Knot by revealing the Mystery of Hardy's being so hastily substituted in Maniald's room and declar'd that if the Synod did not make the Nomination he would do it himself The Synod then surrender'd to Necessity and contented it self with several Protests which they reiterated as often as they had occasion that they did not go about thereby to prejudice the General Assemblies nor to meddle with Politic Affairs but in obedience to the King's pleasure Besides they enjoin'd their Deputies to request leave to hold a General Assembly within Eighteen months and Provincial Assemblies as soon as might be for the drawing up Memoirs of their Grievances in regard the Synod could not do it because the Deputies that compos'd it had not brought along with 'em either any Command or Instructions from their Provinces to that purpose Which done they fell to the nomination of six Persons But before the Synod brake up they resolv'd to demand of the King the Re-establishment of Ecclesiastical Assemblies in their former Liberty and leave to raise certain Sums upon all the Churches throughout the Kingdom for certain Exigencies of the Cities of Rochel Montauban and Castres of which a fourth part was adjudg'd to Castres the rest was divided between the other two They also enjoin'd the Consuls of Montauban to solicit the effect of the Command directed to the Parlament of â—iâ—lcuse for registring the Edict They likewise prosecuted d' Aistres the Minister at Paris for several Causes but chiefly for having conspir'd with the Catholicks against the Churches He had a bitter Libel found about
a Treaty But during her accustom'd long Delays Rochel sunk under heâ— Burthen and put all the World out of heart The French themselves labour'd with reluctancy in the taking of that City well foreseeing that from the date of her Ruin the Vassalage of the whole Kingdom would commence But by an odd fantasticness of Human Wisdom men often spread the Snares themselves for their own Feet and make the Chains for others to bind 'em â—o perpetual servitude The Ladies both Mother and Sister of the Duke of Rohan display'd a more then ordinary Courage and their Example was very useful to support the Constancy of others But they were recompenc'd with a close Confinement where the Cardinal held 'em during all the remainder of the Wars The Mayor Guiton was lookt upon as a Hero by all those that love Vertue where ever they meet it and the Catholic Authors mention him themselves with great applause and all the Brave Persons â—n the King's Army went to see him after the Surrender of the City Some write that he was promis'd to be continu'd in his â—ignity But when he went to kiss the Cardinal's Hand it was old him that he was no longer Mayor that he was to lay aside â—he Ensigns of his Authority and quit his Guards for that â—he Cardinal would not see him but as a private person Upon â—hich they add that he was so enrag'd that he could not forbear â—â—ying That had he expected such an Entertainment he would â—ave found a way to have held out some days longer Which â—ad he done the Cardinal must have rais'd his Siege because â—f the Rigor of the Season the Diseases that lessen'd the Army â—he Tempests that ruin'd his Dam and the Pressing Affairs â—hich call'd him another way Nor was it a wonder that â—uâ—ton complain'd that they did not keep their word with him â—r it is not to be imagin'd that because the Principal Articles â—or the surrender of Rochel were written and sign'd by the King â—hat there were not others agreed upon by word of mouth Alâ—ays in the reducing of Cities that surrender at discretion there â—â—e several things which are not absolutely left to the discretion â—f the Victor but are privately corroborated with verbal Assuâ—ances And it was believ'd to be much more advantageous to â—he King to take that Course because what he granted afterâ—ards to reduc'd Cities lookt so much the more like a Graciâ—us Favour when there appear'd no Promise in Writing Besides that the King would not oblige himself to his Subjects by Acts that seem to carry the Form of a Treaty So that there might be Articles granted by word of mouth without other Assurances and perhaps it was by one of those Articles that Guâ—ton pretended to be continu'd in his Dignity Nevertheless that particular is no-where to be met withal in any of the most Exact Memoirs of that City For by the most express and assur'd Relation that I can find the King by the first of the Written Articles promises to leave 'em the free exercise of their Religion in the City which put 'em in hopes that it should not have bin remov'd from the usual place but they were deceiv'd and that Promise was evaded by an Insulting Equivocation For after the Church was given to the Gatholics the Reformed had a Place appointed 'em without the City to build another and the King himself would needs take cognizance of the place and enlarg'd it somewhat beyond the limits mark'd out by the Commissioners To which breach of Faith and Word when the Reformed were about to have said something by way of complaint they were taken up short and to stop their mouths iâ— was told 'em that their City being surrender'd at discretion the King would beat down the Walls and the Fortifications which being done what before was without the Enclosure being no longer divided from the rest the whole would make beâ— one City This was not the thing which was meant by the secret Promise but the vanquish'd must accept of what Interpretation the Victor pleases to put upon their Promises The Inhabitants were kindly enough us'd but the City losâ— all her Priviledges The Roman Religion was re-establish'd in all its splendour which it prefers above all things and the King translated thither the Bishopric of Maillezais In the Month of November came forth a Declaration which contain'd twenty four Articles The first six were all about the re-establishment of the Catholic Religion and the Circumstances belonging to it The Seventh order'd the erecting of a Cross in the place where the Castle stood upon the Pedestal of which was to be engraven the History of the Reducing the City the memory of which was to be preserv'd by a General Procession every year upon the first of November The Eighth commanded the founding of a Monastery of Minims upon the Point â—â— Coreille which is one of the Extremities of the Canal to preserve the History of the Mound or Dam in two Tables of Copper to be fix'd upon the Church-door The next four contain'd an Amnesty for what was past and a confirmation of the Edicts for â—iberty of the exercise of the Reformed Religion the Church â—xcepted which the King reserv'd to be turn'd into a Cathedral There were nine more that follow'd which took from the City â—er Fortifications Franchises and Priviledges and quite alter'd â—he Form of the Government The Twenty second forbid all â—oreigners though naturaliz'd to reside in the City without â—xpress leave by Letters under the Great Seal The Twenty â—hird extended the same Prohibition to the Reformed who had â—ot bin setled Inhabitants before the landing of the English Which two Articles were the source of an infinite number of â—exations in the succeeding years The last oblig'd the Inhabiâ—nts to take out Licences to keep Arms Powder and Ammuâ—ition and to trade abroad So that there was nothing left but â—he Place and the remembrance of that poor City's former â—ower and Grandeur The End of the Ninth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes THE SECOND PART THE TENTH BOOK The Heads of the Tenth Book REjoycings among the Catholics The War continues in Languedoc Cruelties Insulting and Executions Personal Enmity between the Prince of Condé and the Duke of Rohan A new Sedition at Lion against the Reformed The pretended Conversion of a sick Man that fell mad Decrees and Declarations against the Duke of Rohan and his Adherents The King and the Cardinal take a Journey into Italy The Siege of Privas the Inhabitants of which are betray'd Cruelties exercis'd upon that City Pretences of the Catholics Conversions of Soldiers taken Prisoners Declaration upon the taking of Privas The Consternation of the rest of the Reformed A Treaâ—â— of the Duke of Rohan with Spain Alets reduc'd An Assembly permitted at Anduse and remov'd to Nimes 〈…〉 concluded An Edict of Grace The Contents of the Eâ—â—â—â— The King's Letter to the Queen upon the Peace The Duke â—â— Rohan retires
and Both together obtain'd two Decrees of Council one of the 3d of October against the Minister of Dieulefit the other dated the 11th of the same month forbidding 'em to preach in any other then the place of their Residence Nothing could be more vexatious in the Consequences of it to the Provinces wherein there were many Churches more especially since the King had taken away the money granted by the King his Father in recompence of the Tithes It appear'd by these Examples of the Persecution that the Reformed had not now those Forces which caus'd the Catholics to spare 'em before but that in despite of the Act of Grace they would be brangl'd every day out of the remainder of their Priviledges In a word within less then two years they had so many unjust Injuries done 'em as are hardly to be imagin'd But two things hinder'd that they did not hasten their destruction The first was because the Court itself was intangl'd in most desperate Quarrels and Confusions Providence permitted for the justification of the Reformed who had bin all along accus'd of being the sole Causes of the Troubles of the Kingdom that after the Ruin of their Affairs the Catholics should have their turn should enter into Treaties Leagues and Conspiracies renew the Civil Wars and keep the Kingdom till the death of the King in continual Combustions The original of which Troubles was the Queenmother's discontent who could not brook the high credit to which the Cardinal had attain'd by the success of his Enterprises That Princess ambitious and jealous of her Honour was affronted that the Cardinal whom she had introduc'd into Court should be so powerful as to slight â—…her and that on the other side she should have so far lost â—…her former Reputation that she could not as well contemn her Competitor She saw herself despis'd since the taking of Rochel and in truth since that Enterprize had succeeded the Cardinal had chang'd his Behaviour with all the world nor did he carry himself in any thing so cautiously as before because â—…e thought he stood in need of no body's protection Nay he could not forbear jesting a little too satyrically upon the Queen and in regard the Favour he was in had created him many Enemies there were some that took delight officiously to repeat his Jests and to season 'em with some dashes of particular malice So that the Queen display'd all her Fury against him and notwithstanding all the care which the King himself Cardinal Bagni and other persons of the highest quality took to reconcile 'em she would never pardon him The Duke of Orleans took his Mother's part and several other considerable Lords did the same As for the Cardinal he was too much employ'd in dissipating all these terrible Storms to think of the Reformed and his Enemies had too much business on the other side to mind these miserable Remainders of a Party that made no longer any Figure in the Kingdom But the Cardinal had the good luck or else the cunning to vanquish all these difficulties and to reduce the Queen his Mistress to retire into Flanders since she could not stay neither with safety nor honour in a Kingdom where she had so long exercis'd the Supreme Authority The Duke of Orleans also departed France soon after but return'd with his Arms in his hand The second thing which afforded some relaxation to the Reformed was that the Cardinal was desirous to uphold the King's Alliances with the Foreign Protestants that he had renew'd the League with the Foreign Protestants and for that he had renew'd an Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden a brave Prince Ambitious one that had acquir'd the Reputation of a great Captain and who but a little before had made an Incursion into Pomerania where he made it evident that it was not a thing impossible to bring down the Puissance of the Emperor This Prince enter'd Germany at the Cardinal's sollicitation and made those surprizing Progresses which are hardly to be believ'd upon the credit of Relations They were afraid he would have gone too far so that after two years of continu'd triumph he was slain at Lutzen no body being as yet able to discover wâ—â—ther the mortal Stroke proceeded from the hand of his Friends or his Enemies There was also great care taken in treating with him to prevent his Conquests from doing any prejudice to the Catholic Religion and that Prince was very complaisant with the Cardinal upon that Subject So that whether he would not offend a Confederate attended every where by Terror and Conquest or whether it were that it was thought but Justice to spare the Protestants for the sake of a Prince so favourable to the Catholics it was not lookt upon as a seasonable time to overwhelm the Protestants of France But what they were unwilling to do openly they attempted by means more closely conceal'd and dangerous With this design it was that they set afoot agen the Projects of Reunion which were always as it were Forerunners of a Tempest that was insensibly gathering together Two sorts of People were caught in this Snare People that were sincere and upright who believ'd in the sincerity of their hearts that a reasonable composition might be drawn from the Catholics at least in reference to the most gross and palpable Abuses and that after they should be agreed upon Expedients to secure the Conscience they might unite in an outward Communion that Schism lookt upon by both sides as a great mischief would surcease by this Accommodation and together with Schism all Discord and Hatred Persecution of the weaker by the stronger which are the inevitable Consequences of it that being return'd to the Bosom of the Roman Church People that were expert might the better labour in the Cure of her Distempers because they would be no longer suspected and for that being arm'd with Truth they would in time by the light of it dispel the darkness and mists of Prejudice and Error There have bin at all times some People flatter'd with this pleasing Vision and who never will be taught that the mischiefs of the Roman Church are incurable because she refuses all manner of Cure â—rroâ—s purely speculative and which arise from the false Idea's 〈◊〉 which the mind is prepossess'd may sometimes surrender 〈◊〉 the evidence of a Truth well made out by Demonstration 〈◊〉 Errors of Interest are proof against all the most evident â—…nstrations in regard they derive their Original from the â—…ption of the heart and for that Maladâ—es of that nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 always to be assâ—ag'd by Remedies that convince the 〈◊〉 Other People of a quite different Character either 〈◊〉 by Promises or push'd forward by Ambition or else â—…ited of their own parts and aspiring to the Honour of haâ—…ng put an end to these fatal Contests which for above a hunâ—…er'd years together had occasion'd such Convulsions over all 〈◊〉 desperately threw themselves into the
all those who had bin involv'd in the Misfortunes of the preceding Commotions When they came to answer the Conditions which Galand had exprest in his Speech and which were to serve as a Foundation for the Assurances oâ— the King 's Good Will they stedfastly deny'd that they had ever spoken Words from which any Offence could be taken and that were contrary to the Publick Tranquility but they complain'd on the other-side that in several Places the Catholics had perverted the Ministers Words and wrested their most Innocent Expressions into Criminal Language As for Beraud that it was proper to hear him before any thing could be said in his Business He acknwoledg'd the Book and averr'd that he had not Taught any such Doctrin as was laid to his Charge and imputed to the Malice of the Time whatever was tax'd for suspected in it He said that there might be some Ambiguous Words in it but that he detested the Consequences that bad bin drawn from it But the Commissioner would not let this pass for an Excuse and convinc'd Beraud to have expresly written in the Preface of his Book the very Things of which he was accus'd So that he was very smartly censur'd by the Synod who stigmatiz'd the Expressions of his Book with the Appellation of Scandalous Terms which he had made use of to an â—â—â— purpose This Doctrin was condemn'd and the Ministers were forbid to teach it In the mean time Beraud continu'd excluded from the Synod and before he could be readmitted he was forc'd to undergo a new Censure from the Commissioner's Mouth But this was not all that Galand did in the Synod He would needs oppose the Union of Bearn with the rest of the Provinces The Pretence was that it had bin hitherto displeasing to the Court that it had bin tolerated only for the Doctrine and not for the Discipline That the Clause of the Regulations that only seem'd to hinder it till Bearn was united to the Crown did not authorize the admission of it after the Reunion without asking the King's leave He insisted upon the Laws of Queen Jâ—ne which forbid the removing the Causes of the Inhabitants out of the Countrey and alledg'd the Example of Sedan and Metz where the Ecclesiastical Affairs were determin'd in the â—ame Countrey But the Deputies of Bearn wanted no Replies to overthrow these Reasons and the Reunion of their Countrey to the Crown serv'd 'em as a potent Argument to make it out that since they were accounted Members of the Nation they had a Right to require that their Causes might be adjudg'd in the Synod of the Nation that their Condition was not the same with Metz and Sedan which were only under the protection of the Crown and far from being reunited They farther alledg'd that the Laws of their Countrey were no way opposite to 'em for that having their Synods and their Consistories within themselves there remain'd only some particular Affairs of the Pastors that could be remov'd to the National Synods These Reasons and some others being seconded by the inclination of the Synod prevail'd so far that the Berâ—â—â—â— got the better of the Commissioner and that the Union was made upon certain Conditions And the Synod to the end they might be the less expos'd to Reproaches for having done too much in judging this Affair lookt upon it as prejudg'd by the usual presence of the Deputies of Bearn in the other Assemblies since the King had also sent Commissioners thither more especially for that the King had receiv'd their Complaints in the same Paper with those of the rest of the Churches So that the Synod could not properly be said to make the Union of that Province with the rest but judg'd it to have bin already made and for that they had presuppos'd that the Reasons of the Obstruction ceasing the King would no longer be displeas'd with it But Galand insisted farther That there were several Articles that concern'd the Discipline and Practice of the Churches to be reform'd There were some that concern'd the proclaiming of such as had chang'd their Religion which was wont to be done publicly and others touching the Registring of Christnings and Marriage several upon the particular subject of Marriages upon the Censure of Books upon the Censure of Unlicenc'd Books of which number the King had sent 'em several to be condemn'd upon the laying out of the Royal Money upon Precedences in Churches and the Prayers which were to be made for the Lords of the Mannor or such in whose Houses the Churches assembl'd He was willing they should pray in general for the Lords of the Religion but not make any particular mention of the Lords of the Soil He propos'd also That for the future they should hold no more National Synods in any other place then at Charenton and this was a Trifle which the Catholics laid so deeply to heart that tho the preceding Synod had granted to the Province of Normandy the power to summon this the Court would not grant it for no other place then Charenton He demanded also That la Bastide Minister of St. Afrique might be remov'd from that Church and out of the Province of Vpper Languedoc for some Actions for which he had bin imprison'd and afterwards indicted But more especially he propounded That no other persons but the Elders should be call'd to give their Advice in the Consistories because Assemblies and Meetings of Masters of Families fortifi'd Consistories and other Councils of the like nature created Suspicions and Jealousies On the other side the Reformed gave him satisfaction in several things because it was no longer in their power to refuse him any thing but they defended their practice of praying for the Lords of the places where they assembl'd and Galand was oblig'd by dint of Remonstrance to write to the King for leave to strengthen the Consistories when necessity requir'd it with three Ministers and three Elders out of the Neighbourhood In the mean time the Synod sent Deputies to the King to carry him their Submissions and a Paper of fifteen Articles which set forth That since the Reformed had neither any General to lead 'em nor any strong Holds Acts of Injustice and Oppression were every day multipli'd upon ' em After they had return'd their most humble Thanks to the King for the marks of his Favour and a Supplication that such Edicts as he thought convenient to number among the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom might be observ'd they desir'd the re-establishment of those Churches where free Exercise had been interrupted and by the Article it appear'd that there were three â—orts of Interruption which depriv'd the Reformed of their Churches The one was somewhat remote and was occasion'd by the Hostilities which had enforc'd the Inhabitants to quit some certain places during the War and where the Catholic Zeal would not suffer em to meet again during the Peace The other proceeded from the desolation of the places
Decree in their favour dated July the 25th That Decree forbid the Reformed to have either Masters Regents Classes Schools or Colledges It only gave leave that they should have Masters in the City to â—each Children to read and write French but prohibited â—hose Masters from taking Pensioners It forbid likewise the having those Petty Schools without the City reserving only the liberty of sending their Children to Catholic Schools Now in regard the War began this year between France and Spain the Affairs of State afforded some little Relaxation â—o those of the Reformed Religion So that there remains â—ittle of moment for me to relate but only what befel the Duke of Bouillon Son of the Marshal He became inamour'd â—f the Marquess of Berghe's Daughter who was indeed a very â—ovely Lady To marry her he renounc'd far greater Matches â—o which he might have pretended And he abandon'd himself so entirely to this Woman no less a Spaniard by Inclination then a Zealous Catholic that by her Persuasions he quitted his Religion fell off from the Interests of France and reduc'd his own Family to the Precipice of Threatning â—uin Therefore that I may not be forc'd to return any more â—o this Subject again hereafter I shall speak all together which is to be said of him That he had a share in all the Confusions of France that he admitted the Count of Soissons into Sedan who was slain in a Combat before the Town that at the same time that his Pardon was granted him for that Rebellion he enter'd into the Conspiracy of Cinq Mars against the Cardinal that the Plot being discover'd he was seiz'd in Italy where he had the Command of an Army conferr'd upon him to remove him from the City and to be masters of his Person when they pleas'd That knowing well that the Cardinal never forgave twice he offer'd to surrender his City to the King to save his life and Sedan was the Price of his Liberty The Cardinal before his death had the Pleasure of that Conquest after which he liv'd not long Thus the Father of the Duke having had a Principality as the fruit of his siding with the Reformed Religion the Duke his Son lost it as the Reward of his turning Catholic And because his Wife brought him little or nothing in Marriage 't was said of him That the Dowry which he had with her was the loss of Sedan This Misfortune befel him in the Year 1642. The End of the Tenth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes THE SECOND PART THE ' LEVENTH BOOK The Epitome of the ' Leventh Book AN Assembly of the Clergy A furious Speech of the Bishop of Orleans Odious Accusations The first Accusation of openly violating the Edicts Daille's Books attack'd by the Bishop Second Accusation for having taken a Prayer for the King out of the 20th Psalm Avenomous Aggravation Third Accusation for blaspheming the Sacred Things A fraudulent Question of the Missionaries The Bishop's Conclusion A Dispute upon the second Accusation between Daillé and Muis. An Edict against Blasphemers Arenewing of the first Accusation Papers of the Clergy Answer to the 16th Article to the 32 33 and 26. Interdiction of particular Exercises at Villiers le bel Exercises prohibited at Corbigni Vitré and Claye Other Regulations The Bailliage of Gex Schools Interdicted An unlucky Decree of the Privy Council upon several Articles Others touching Patents for Offices Exercise forbid again at Claye The House of Charity interdicted at Paris The House of the Propagation of Faith and a piece of remarkable Injustice Conversion of Francis Cupif Regulations of the Reformed of Pons A National Synod at Alenson The Commissioner's Speech and his Instructions Article touching Baptism Answer of the Moderator Article of Annexes of the payment of the Ministers and Baptism A Deputation to the King Papers from the Synod The Deputies treated at Court and their Speeches Nomination of General Deputies Particular Deputies Milletiere's Projects condemn'd The King puts France under the Protection of the Holy Virgin The Death of the Duke of Rohan A remarkable Order of the Intendants of Languedoc A Presiaâ—â—l Court erected at Nerac Sick People tormented by the Monks Edict of the Duke of Bouillon in Favour of the Reformed of Sedan The Birth of the King now reigning A new Regulation for Villers le bel and the Dauphinate Statutes of the Vniversity of Poitiers Order of Judge Maye of Montauban Particular Acts of Injustice at Rochechouard at Vitré and Dijon Offices Exercise forbid at Taulignan Church yard at Blois forbid to be enclos'd Croquers Decree of the Parlament of Pau forbidding the Exercise where there were not Ten Families Exercise forbid at Pivigemet and Beaulreu A singular Artifice to oblige the Reformed to call themselves Pretended Reformed Blasphemies pretended and pretended Sacriledge Division of Voices at Castres and the Effects of it Interdiction of Exercise out of the usual places Marriage of Priests converted The Advocate-General's Plea Precedence adjudg'd to the Catholics of the Chamber of Accompts at Mompelier A new Decree about meeting the Sacrament Vexation of some Officers of Castres Exercises and Schools forbid Burials Blasphemies and Profanations Offices Priests and Monks changing their Religion The ancient Church at Vitré pull'd down Exercises forbid at Gex Sancerre and Chauvigni A new Cavil about the Right of Fiefs Exercise forbid at St. Ceré A Cavil about a Church-yard Exercise forbid at St. Savin and Antibe Distance requir'd between the Church-yards of the Reformed and the Catholics Burying violated A pretended Miracle Re-establishment of the Mass at Tonnaiboutonne Offices Schools Blasphemies and Prophanations Other Examples Vniversities Books Acts of Injustice at Sancerre Death of the Cardinal Exercises and Irreverences Children of a converted Priest Visiting of the Sick and Jurisdictions The Death of the King BUT the next Year a violent Tempest pour'd down upon the Reformed The Assembly of the Clergy was sate own before the end of the Year 1635 and the chief Depuâ—s on'y spoke to the King upon the Subject of the Regale â—â—ich the Parlament of Paris went about to extend to all the â—shopriâ—s in the Kingdom But de Nets Bishop of Orleans â—â—uld not confine himself within those Bounds when he made â—â— Speech to the King upon the 17th of February For he made â—â—e most violent Harangue that had ever bin spoken against the â—eformed till that time He utter'd nothing but Extravaganâ—s Ravings and Blasphemies nor did he vouchsafe the Reformed any more honourable Epithetes then those of Insolent â—…ad and Frantic 'T is true that at first he acknowledg'd that 〈…〉 the States of the Kingdom had applauded the Design of the â—â—ngs of France to attempt the Cure of the Reformed to whom 〈…〉 gave the Appellation of Distemper'd by gentle Remedies â—…at is to say by the Edicts of Peace and to honour the Clerâ—â— with a false Moderation he added That the Ecclesiastical â—â—dy itself would not have bin sorry to have seen
as well to the Synod as to the Commissioner certain Letters which contain'd the same in Substance that he had said by word of Mouth to the Deputies The Chiefest Favour they obtain'd was Money to defray the Expences of the Synod but the Answer to their Papers was put off till the breaking up of the Assembly The Commissioner was very Importunate with the Synod to break up and by his Earnest insisting upon their Separation it was evident that when the Court beheld the Reformed met together in their Assemblies she was sensible of those Fears which their ancient Union had infus'd into her And indeed there were but few Reasons that could oblige the Assembly to sit any long time for they had finish'd their Business and had appointed General Deputies Which Nomination was done with Little Ceremony The Marquiss of Clermont was continu'd and they joyn'd Marbaud with him for his Associate They had also written to the King upon this Subject and he had promis'd according to Custom to consent to the Nomination after the Synod was broke up Nevertheless the Marquiss of Clermont remain'd alone in the discharge of that Employment and neither Galand who had been appointed by the Preceding Synod nor Marbaud who was nam'd by this were any way concern'd with him But the Synod no way satisfi'd that the Court refus'd to answer their Paper and foreseeing also that so soon as they were once separated their Complaints would be forgot were desirous to take some Course that they might not lose the Benefit of all their Cares To that purpose they thought it proper to joyn Particular with the General Deputies who might solicit the Answer which was promis'd to their Papers and chiefly take care of three Articles which they jud'gd to be of Greatest Importance The Commissioner was desirous to thwart this Resolution and pretended that a Deputaion of that Nature was a Politick Affair with which an Ecclesiastical Assembly had nothing to do to meddle without Express leave But the Synod stood their Ground and having given him to understand that there was nothing of Debate and consultation that their business only was to appoint certain Deputies to carry on an Innocent Solicitation a Liberty which the Laws allow to all men whatever and that it could not be displeasing to the King who had frequently suffer'd the same freedom they then went on with their Design and Deputed Angle and Gigord two Ministers of Great Credit and Authority in their Provinces La Militiere who had already render'd himself very troublesome by his Projects of Re-union address'd his writings to this Synod where they were condemn'd And as for the Behaviour and Writings of Daille who had refuted this Visionary they were approv'd And they wrote moreover to that same Reconciler that if within six Months he did not manifest his Repentance by an Authentick Declaration to the Consistory at Paris they would no longer look upon him as a Member of the Reformed Churches But the Greatest Good this Synod did the Reformed was their appeasing the Dispute which had made a great noise for some years upon the Subject of Vniversal Grace Nothing was ever known more Hot and Violent then the Fury that appear'd in the pro ' and con of this New Controversie And it had certainly Compleated the Ruin of the Churches had not the Synod found out a way to calm the Tempest by obliging the contending Parties to a Mutual Toleration The next Year was not remarkable for any Great Events that concern'd Religion However the Reformed were not a little griev'd to see a Declaration set forth by the King upon the 10th of February by which he put his own Person and his Kingdom under the Protection of the Blessed Virgin The Memory of which was to be perpetuated by a Picture set up on purpose in the Cathedral Church of Paris commonly call'd Nostre Dame This Declaration contain'd in Substance those Expressions which the Reformed persisting in their Sentiments touching the Object of Religious Worship could not choose but look upon as Impious And that alone was enough to blast all their Hopes of expecting any thing Favourable from a Prince whose Zeal for his own Religion transported him to that excess of New Devotion For to put his Kingdom under the Portection of a Creature tho' never so Holy never so Divinely Priviledg'd was evidently to vow the Extermination of those whose Principles enjoyn'd 'em to believe that in seeking such a Protection the King renounc'd the Protection of God The Duke of Rohan dy'd this Year of the Wounds which he receiv'd at the Battel of Rhinseldt Which at first were not lookt upon to be Considerable or at least there was no body that ever beleiv'd they had been Mortal Which was the reason that some People believ'd 'em to have been poyson'd and that the Jealousies the Court had of him had given an occasion to lay hold of this Opportunity to send him out of the World without any Noise And the Chyrurgeons that were sent him under pretence of being serviceable to him were thought to be the Instruments of this black Piece of Politicks 'T is said that the Dukes Journey into Germany to serve the King in the Duke of Weimar's Army whither he went against the Good liking of the Court and where he would not accept of any Command was the Effect of some secret Projects the Consequences of which some People were much afraid of Some believ`d that he held a Strict Corespondence with the Deceas`d King Gustavus that they had joyntly labour`d the Re union of the Lutherans and Reformed that their Intreagues in Order to it had produc`d the Act of the Synod of Charenton That in pursuance of that Act the Reformed in Gustavus`s Army had receiv`d the Communion after the Lutheran Manner and the German Lutherans who serv`d under the the Duke of Rohan in the Country of the Grisons had receiv`d after the manner of the Reformed That those two Aspiring Genius`s built Great designs upon this Re-union that the Death of Gustavus procur`d by those who were desirous to stop the Torrent of his Victories disappointed all the Duke's designs Therefore it was giv`n out that he was about to revive the same Corespondencies with the Duke of Weimar a Prince of vast Courage great Experience and accompted one of the Bravest Captains of his Time Nor had the Duke of Rohan any more then one Daughter who was a transcendent Match and therefore `twas verily thought that he had a design to the end he might procure a stricter Union with the Duke to give him his Daughter in Marriage But that Prince was by no means belov`d in France because he had nothing that was Low or Base in him and for that he knew how to render himself redoubted Besides he had settl`d himself in Germany by his Conquests and this Year he took Brisac more upon his own account then upon the Kings A Person of such
of the Particular Articles granted together with their Edict of Nantes as they were drawn up and dispatched in the Year 98. restoring the Retrenchments that were made at the Verification  III. To cause the said Edict and Private Articles to be verifi'd and register'd according to the Form above mention'd in all the Parliaments Courts of Aid Chambers of Accompts and other Soveraign Courts of the Kingdom to the end they may be afterwards register'd in all Bailiwicks and Seneschalships As to what shall be found not to have been executed tho' set down in the Edict of Nantes verifi'd in the Soveraign Courts Commissioners shall be Named by his Majesty to see that the said Execution be better perform'd the one a Catholick the other of the said Religion and in Case the said Execution be left to the Bailiffs and Seneschals or their Lieutenants they shall take an Associate of the same Religion according to the Answer given to the Writing answer'd in August 1602. IV. That for the Execution thereof when it shall be necessary and requir'd by the said Religion that two Commissioners be appointed by his Majesty out of every Province the one a Catholick the other to be nominated by those of the Province if those of the Religion think it not more Convenient to leave the Execution of it to the Bailiffs and Seneschals or their Deputies Who according to the Answer return'd to the second Article of the Writing answer'd in August 1602. shall be bound to take an Associate of the same Religion who shall be nominated by those of the said Religion within the said Bailiwicks and Seneschalships Nothing may be alter'd in the VIIth Article of the Edict of Nantes which it is his Majesties Meaning and Pleasure shall be observ'd V. That according to the VIIth Article of the Edict which permits all Lords of High Jurisdiction to settle the Exercise of the said Religion within the extent of their High Jurisdictions it shall be lawful for the Communities of the said Churches to establish the said exercise within the Fiefs and High Jurisdictions that belong to 'em or which they may hereafter purchase The IX and X. Article of the Edict shall be upheld and observ'd VI. That the said Exercise may be continu'd according to the IX and X. Articles of the Edict in all Places where it was in the Years 77. and 97. in such Manner as it was then observ'd even by the Authority inherent in the Jurisdiction tho' the Lord of the Mannor may have afterwards chang'd his Religion or that the Lordship may be fallen into the Possession of a Catholick thô an Ecclesiastick and that it may be restor'd where it has been taken away for those Reasons The Commissioners who shall be sent into the Provinces shall have Instructions to inform themselves whether the Exercises of the said Religion had been settl'd in the said Places for so many Years and why they were not restor'd that such course may be taken as shall be according to Reason VII And for as much as by Vertue of the X. Article the said Service ought to be restor'd in Reols Port Sainte Marie Lauserte Sainte Basville and others of the same Nature where it was settl'd in September 1577. and for that because of the long Discontinuance and other Inconveniences it would be a difficult thing to restore it without some danger of a Sedition therefore that his Majesty would be pleas'd instead of those Places to grant 'em others to be appointed by the Synods and Colloquies of the Province for the removal of their exercise thither The King cannot allow the Petitioners to take any other Title upon 'em then that which was giv'n 'em by the Edicts Therefore his Majesty Orders that in all Publick Acts they shall use the Terms exprest in the Edict of Nantes as is set down in the Answer given to the II. Article of the Writing answer'd April 8. 1609. VIII That they of the said Religion may not be constrain'd in any Acts either Publick or Private by Writing or otherwise to stile themselves of the pretended Reformed Religion The Deceased King having declar'd by his Letters Patents dated July 5. 1604. that the said Ministers should not be comprehended in Taxes or other Impositions upon their moveable Goods their Pensions and Salaries but only for their proper Estates 'T is his Majesties Pleasure that they enjoy the Contents of the said Letters Patents and strictly forbids all Assessors of Parishes to rate 'em upon those Accompts and in respect of their proper Goods not to surcharge 'em as they will answer for it in their own proper Persons of which the Elu's shall take Care under the same Penalties IX That the Ministers of the said Religion may enjoy as to the Imposition of Taxes Loans Aids Duties upon Salt and all other Subsidies as well ordinary as extraordinary the same Exemption which the Ecclesiasticks of the Kingdom enjoy The XVI Article shall be observ'd and Orders are given to that Purpose to the Commissioners deputed to see that they of the said Religion enjoy the Benefit of it by certifying the Loss of the Deeds and Possessions which they held in those Places X. That by the XV. Article of the Edict all the Towns and Places belonging to the Communities of those of the said Religion as also those for the Interrment of their Dead may be restor'd ' em And where they cannot by Authentick Titles justifie their Propriety to 'em that the only Proof of having formerly enjoy'd 'em may suffice for their being restor'd to the Possession of 'em in regard the said Deeds were lost during and by Reason of the Troubles The XVII Article of the said Edict shall be exactly observ'd and in pursuance of it all Preachers Readers and others who speak in publick are injoyn'd not to use any Words or Discourses tending to excite the People to Sedition and Animosities one against the other but to Curb and Behave themselves modestly and to say nothing but what tends to the Instruction and Edification of their Hearers and to preserve the publick Repose and Tranquility under the Penalties mentioned in the Edict XI That his Majesty would be pleased according to the XVII Article of the Edict to inflict exemplary Punishment upon Preachers Confessors and other Ecclesiasticks who move the People to Sedition Blaming and Forbidding all Society Acquaintance and Communication with those of the said Religion forbidding people to employ assist serve 'em or nurse their little Children by teaching that all who frequent their Company are damn'd And where such Preachers and Confessors shall absent themselves before they can be impleaded that the Bishops Curates and others their Superiours by whom they were introduc'd may be responsable for 'em Enjoyning the Advocates General and their Substitutes to be assisting upon pain of being answerable for it in their own Names and Persons and upon Penalty of being depriv'd of their Offices The XX. Article of the Edct shall it observ'd And
seventh of June last And as for the Cities and Persons that submitted to our Obedience before that day they shall particularly enjoy the things contain'd in the Letters Patents which have order'd 'em for that purpose So we command our Faithful and Beloved Counsellours in the Parlament of Tholouse c. And for the more firm and stable endurance of these Presents c. Given at Nimes in July 1629. and twentieth of our Raign Sign'd Lewis And below by the King Phelipeaux Read Publish'd and Register'd c. At Tholouse in Parlament August 27. 1629. Sign'd De Malenfant The End of the second Volume A TABLE OF THE MATTERS A. ACcusations odious 521. For violating the Edicts Ibid. For taking away the Prayer for the King in the 20th Psalm 523. For blaspheming the Holy Things 525. Acts of Injustice at Vitre Dijon Taulignan 424 370 465. Particular Acts of Injustice 465. Affairs Forreign of France in what Condition 314. Aggravation venomous 524. Aire Bishop of his violent Speech 249. Albert de Luines his Original 260 261. His Confidents their Character 262. He Marries into the House of Rohan 264. He Fools the Queen and the Duke of Rohan 319. His notable Artifices to gain Lesdiguieres 382. More of the same 384 385. Made Constable 388. Alets reduc'd 459. Alliance French with Gustavus King of Sweden 471. Alliance double with Spain concluded on 17. Ambrune Bishop of his Speech to the King 339. Amelot Commissioner in Poitou and Santonge 383. He ruins the Churches under the appearance of Honesty 384. d' Ancre Marquiss of hated by the Princes of France 153. They unite against him 154 c. His Death 263. St. Angeli Besieg'd and Reduc'd 309. The Priviledges of the City abolish'd 310. An attempt upon it 122. Prevented by the Duke of Rohan 123. Annexes the occasion of great Injustice 469 489. Annexes of the Dauphinate 495. Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate upon 'em 498. New Vexations about 'em 505. Order of the Intendant of Poitou concerning 'em 516. St. Antonin tak'n by Assault 334. Apology of the General Assembly 424. Arminians favour'd by the Court 372. Arnoux the Jesuit invective against him 301. His Dilemma 302. Banish'd the Court 319. He succeeds Cotton 272. Artifices of the ancient Enemies of the Reformed 41. To undermine the steadiness of the Assembly of Saumur 53. Artifices against Chamier 66. Assemblies why they refus'd to break up before their Papers were answer'd 303. Assembly of the Clergy began at Paris remov'd to Poitiers thence to Bourdeaux 320. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 406. Of Notables 433. Assembly at Anduse translated to Nimes 459. Of the Clergy at Paris 464. Assembly of the Clergy 521. Assembly general allow'd for Chastelleraud 22. Remov'd to Saumur 23. Assembly at Saumur and the Quality of the Deputies 26. Commissioners from this Assembly to the King 44. The Assembly sends Deputies to the Court 47. Gives Reasons for not choosing six Deputies 52. In which they persist 53. Nominates Commissioners 60. The Assembly resolves to break up 65. They draw up Regulations 69. Assembly at Castle-jaloux 92. Assembly at Rochel 138. General Assembly leave to hold one at Grenoble 160. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 183. Assembly at Grenoble 201. Sends a Deputation to the King 203. Removes to Nimes 212. They mistrusts the Lords 214. They send Deputies to the King for a Peace 232 c. Remov'd to Rochel 235. They send Deputies to Loudun 236. Assembly of Rochel send Deputies to the King 264. And receive an Order to break up 265. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 274. Assembly at Castle-jaloux and Tonneins repair to Orthez in Bearn and are proscrib'd 308 309. Assembly of Orthez remov'd to Rochel and breaks up 322. Another Assembly at Loudun Ibid. c. Assembly of the Clergy at Blois 330 c. Constancy of the Assembly of Loudun 335. Assembly at Anduse 357. Assembly at Gergeau 358 c. Other Assemblies in Anjou and Bur. gundy 360 c. General Assembly at Milhau 361 c. Assembly at Rochel declar'd unlawful 365. Assembly at Rochel 380. Duplesses and Moulin solicit the breaking of it up 390. Affairs of the Assembly of Rochel 393 c. Defends it self in Writing 410. Reply'd to by the Jesuites 413. Irreparable faults committed by 'em 417. The State of it 428. Assignations ill paid 375. Attempts upon the Cities of Security 300. B. BAilliages establish'd with little exactness 270. Basnage the Reformed Minister 482. Bearn forc'd Conversions there 433. the King will have Bearn treat separately 47. Articles in favour of Bearn 85. The State of Bearn falsly represented 276. Reunion of it to the Crown 279. An Argument upon the Reunion of it 280 c. Answer to it 285. The Edict of the Reunion publish'd 286. The Bearnois endeavour to ward off the Blow 289. The State of Religion in Bearn 290. Their Writings answer'd 297. Their extream despair 307. More of the Bearnois 313. The whole form of the Government alter'd 346 c. Violences committed there after the Kings Departure 348. The Affair of Bearn cross'd a thousand ways by different Artifices 351. All manner of Succours refus'd to their Deputies 352. Bearn subdu'd 405. Bellujon censur'd by the Assembly 56. Beraud Minister of Montauban 481. Berger a Reformed Counsellour at Paris turns Roman Catholick 162. Breticheres his Politick design 328. Bishops of Languedoc side with the Duke of Orleans 492. Bishops of Albi and Nimes degraded for Rebellion 493. Bishop of Orleans's Speech to the King 521. The Bishop of St. Flour's Speech 529. Bishop of Mompellier his Rights over the Vniversity 152. Blasphemies pretended 427 440. The occasion of a World of unjust Acts 448 450. Bodies of the Reformed digg'd up again 402. Books prosecuted 451. Books that made a noise 85 87. Bouillon Marshal his Letter 313. He treats with Count Mansfield 340. His Proposals to the Duke of Rohan about it 341. Publishes an Edict in favour of the Reformed 417. Bouillon Duke of the Son changes his Religion 517. He ruins himself for Love of a Lady Ibid. Bouillon the Father soon gain'd at Court 8. He endeavours to gain the Prince of Conde 17. Gain'd by the Queen 23. His Inconstancy about Presidentship 28. Discontented seems reconcil'd to the Duke of Sulli and Interests himself for Senevieres 30 31. Dangerous Counsel imputed to him 55. His strange Advice 58. Made a Commissioner by the Assembly but refuses it 60. Breaks with the Duke of Rohan 118. Reconcil'd 150. He seeks to be reveng'd upon the Queen 180. He labours with the Reformed to joyn with the Reformed 182. Writes to the King 412. He refuses the Place of General 416. Buckingham Duke jealousies between him and the Cardinal 416. He compleats the Ruin of the Reformed 418. Burials disturb'd 439. The Right of Burial violated 446. Of Gentlemen Founders of Churches 431. C. COcherat Minister of Quilleboeuf 513. Candal Duke of embraces the Reformed Religion 215. Castres Vexation of Officers
Exercise and the Right of the Church 511. Oppression continu'd 501. Orleans Duke of commences a Civil War 492. P. PAmiers City of goes to Law with Bishop 392. Papers of the Reformed General 366. Answers to 'em 367. Of the Clergy of Saintes 385. Full of Malice 386. Calmly answer'd by the Court 402 404. Papers answer'd by the Court 113. General Paper of the Assembly of Grenoble 207. Answer'd 208. Papers of the Clergy favourably answer'd 291. Parlaments encroach upon the Jurisdiction of the Chambers 114. The Parlament ordains the continuance of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion 224. Their Acts of Injustice 302. Parpailler the Original of the Word 347. Pau the Parlament there forbid the Exercises 425. Payment of Ministers 406. Peace Proposals of it renewed 342 The Court would have the King grant it to have a Lord and Master Ibid. Three several Persons give their Opinions upon it 343. Peace agreed before Mompellier 352 353. Honourable for the Duke of Rohan 355. All the Cities accept it 357. Ill observ'd by the Court Ibid. Peace discours'd of 401. Concluded between the King and the Reformed 411. Peace made with the Reformed 459. Perron Cardinal his Harangue to the third Estate 171. Petit's Project about the Reunion 476. Du Plessis his Death 379. Elected President of the Assembly of Saumur 30. He fortifies Saumur 44. His wise Counsel 58. Trick put upon him to get Saumur out of his hands 421. Politicks Bloody of the Catholick Clergy in France 315. Pons Regulations there against the Reformed 539. Pope his Brief to Lewis XIII 316. Precautions to prevent disorder 4. Precedency adjudg'd to the Catholicks 434. To the Catholick Counsellours of the Chamber of Guyen 503. To the Catholick Counsellours of the Chamber of Castres 514. Priests and Monks changing their Religion 442. Priest converted his Children 452. A Priest put to Death for bewitching his Nuns 505. Privas Besieg'd and Betray'd 454. The Kings Declaration upon the taking of it 457. Re-establish'd 498. The Castle retaken 377. Puimirol laught at for his Loyalty 314. Puisieux a new Favourite Adviser of Horse proceeding against the Reformed 359. His Favour short 360. His Promise to the Nuncio 363. Q. QUeen Mother hates Cardinal Richlieu 460. Withdraws into Flanders 471. Queen Regent Characters of Her 30. Offended with the Duke of Rohan 124. She Consents to the removal of Rochebeaucour 137. The Princes discontented with Her Regency 153. She prepares to Assemble the General Estates 166. She takes a Progress with the King 203. She escapes from Blois 319. Her scruples 339. She forms a powerful Party 340. Her Forces defeated procure a Peace 343. Question to insnare the People 526. R. REconciliation of the great ones Projected 132. Regency given to the Queen 5. Reformed unfortunate every where 315. Quitt their Habitations 326. Accus'd of Piring the Bridges of Paris Ibid. Of Firing the Gaol of Lion 327. They reassume fresh Courage 332. Disarm'd 350. The exercise of their Religion forbid 368. A singular Artifice us'd to oblige 'em to call themselves Pretended Reformed 369. Their Condition impared by the Commissioners at Gergeau Remorentin and Tours 382. The Reformed dissatisfi'd with the Kings answers 405. They send Deputies to the King 427. Who remonstrate Ibid. And return with the Kings Answer 427. In great Consternation Ibid. Fear'd at Court 488. Faithful to the King 493. The Condition of the Reformed 5. Who are dreaded and yet afraid Ibid. They fall into a fond Opinion of safety deceiv'd by the Court Artifices 10. They take part with the House of Guise in a Quarrel 94. They abhor the Name of Pretended Reformed 109. Their Strength in the County of Avignon 110. They obtain Gergau instead of Grenoble but dissatisfi'd desire Grenoble again 182 183. Reformed disarm'd at Bourdeaux 223. Inclin'd to the Queen Mothers Service 328. Their faults and the cause 344. Begun to be us'd as Rebels 366. All manner of Justice refus'd 'em 377. To be destroy'd root and branch 397 c. The Peaceable Reformed disarm'd 419 c. Regulations for Villiers le Bel and the Dauphinate 420. Regulations of Vnion 72. Relapsers remarkable Orders against 'em 415. De Retz Cardinal 329. Reunion projected 472. Inclinations of the Ministers towards it 475. And of the People 476. Difficulties that obstructed it Ibid. The issue of it 479. The Truth of it Ibid. Richelieu Cardinal his Maxims 388. His designs of which he is forc'd to delay the Execution 410. Jealousies between him and Buckingham 416. His backside 417. Conspiracies against him 419. He takes a Journey into Italy with the King 453. His Project of Reunion 473. He oppresses the Publick Liberty 491. Much a do to guard himself from Conspiracies 497. His Death 451. Rieuperieux summon'd by the Council 422. Rochechouard particular acts of Injustice there 423 468. Rochel hard press'd by Land and Sea 351. The Priviledges of it disputed 400. Excepted by the King out of the Peace 408. The ruine of it sworn and the King strives to put particular Laws upon it 408 409. Accepts the Conditions somewhat mollifi'd 411. The Condition of it 420. Still blockt up 437. The Irresolution of the Inhabitants 440. They intercept a Pacquet of Court Letters Ibid. Rochel Resolves and Publishes a Manifesto 441. Surrendred 443. Refuses to submit to the English 444. How the Inhabitants were dealt by 446. General Assembly conven'd at Rochel 255. The Circle of Rochel sends Deputies to the King 257. Rohan Duke of 317. Detain'd Prisoner at Mompellier 363. Releas'd 364. He advises the Reformed Cities what to do 366. Meditates great designs 395. Enterprize of Rohan and Soubife Ibid. His Politick Devotions 398. Seconded by his Wife 399. He Publishes a Manifesto 441. Personal Enmity between him and the Prince of Condè 451. Decrees and Declarations against him 453. He treats with Spain 457. He retires out of the Kingdom 463. Accus'd of the ruin of the Churches 467 Serves the King in Italy 494. Breaks with the Duke of Bouillon 118. Differences between him and Rochebeaucour 131 His high Pretensions 136. Reconcil'd to the Duke of Bouillon 150. Engages in the Queens Party 338. His Death 413. Royan surrender'd to the King 332. S. SAcriledge pretended 428. Sancerre seiz'd by the Reformed 250. Saumur an Attempt of the Sheriffs of that Place 151. Scholars of the Academy of Saumur run themselves into a Premunire 496. Forbidden 534. Schomberg Marshal 329. Schools forbid at Rouen 426. At St. Foi Ibid. Order'd distinct Ibid. 448. Sedition at Paris 324. At Orleans 347. At Lion Ibid. The Violence of it 349. At Paris 89. At Rochel 133. At Milhau 173. At Belestar 174. Sedition at Pau against Renard the Kings Commissioner 309. At Tours 406 c. Sessions Grand Sessions in Poitou 507. They put the Churches into great affrights Ibid. And make an important Decree Ibid. Sick People tormented by the Monks 416 417. Visited by the Priests 452. Soubife defeated 332. Solicits for succour in England 351. His succour cast away in
with their Subjects Proofs The Reformed were in a Condiâ—… Six considerations that demonstrate it Respects upon which the King Treats The King his Subjects Arbitrator Maxim of the Clergy in the Question about the Regale The King Warranted his own Edict Successors bound to observe the Treaties of their Predecessors That the Parlaments had a share in Edict That it was necessary not to give 'em the least occasion of Complaint The Clergy The Pope himself A Return to the History The King willing to satisfie the Pope and to mortifie du Plessis The Scandal of false Quotations reflects hard upon the Honor of du Plessis The Challenge that he makes to his Accusers accepted by Perron Conference Granted Difficulties in the thing and about the place rais'd by the Clergy Others of du Plessis's Friends and â—… The Steps of their foul Play Du Perron has Notice but du Plessis has not 2 Du Perron is dispens'd with from givine the five hundred passages under his hand which he had proâ—… 3. The Order and Choice of the Passages is left to him 4 〈…〉 Plessis 〈…〉 threâ—… Artifice of it And for some time refuses these Conditions They Terrifâ— him by threatning to Examinâ— the Passages in his â—… The Conference almost broken off is renewed on unfair conditions 5. Du Perron prescribes the Laws for it 6. Du Plessis Robb'd of his Nights Rest 7. Sixty one Passages are given him to justifie in Eight Hours time 8. â—… 9. â—… 10. He changes two of the first Nominated for two more suspected 11. He choses two of the wavering Reformed The Character of du Frene Canaye And of Casaubon 12. Another Artifice made use of by forbidding the Terms of False and Falsity to be mentioned Du Plessis Condemn'd in Nine passages â—…ctions And Particulars Du Plessis falls Sick and the Conference is broken off The Triumphs and Insults of the Catholics The sequel of the Conference The Parlament remov'd from Chatelleraud to Saumer When they broke up The War of Savoy And it 's success The State of the Country of Gex A New Creation of Offices The Negligence of the Reformed and their Prejudices The Exactness of the Commissioners The Difficulty on the Edict of 1577. favourably taken off Limited Exercises Places of Bailliage Burying places 1601. Appeals of the Orâ—â—â—â— The Assembly of Saumer General Deputieâ— Difficulties oâ—…â—â—ir Institution Aâ—â—â—…gâ—s in â—… Nâ—… â—… â—…od at Gergeau â—…â—… The Succession of England The Deuth of the Grandson of the Admiral de Chatillon The Birth of the Dauphin The Prediction of La Riviere Notice given to the Reform'd of a League made against ' em A General Assembly at Sainte Foye The Conclusion of a peremptory Warrant like our Hereof fail you not A Sect â—â— people that beat themselves twice a day and once a night An Ignominious punishment so call'd 1602. The Disgrace of Marshal de Bouillon * A Paper containing the particular Rights or Customs due to the King Sedition at Rochelle The Spanish Cabal in Council presses the Destruction of the Reformed With a Prospect to divert the King's Forces by a Civil War 〈…〉 of Suspicious and Pâ—ars between the Reformed That the assurance of being bâ—belov'd by the King kept 'em in Peace Roni is made Governors of Poitou The Death of Queen Elizabeth Breach of promise to the Edict 1603. The Duke of Rohan The Repeal of the Jesuits A Synod at Gap His Character And that of Chauve The Article made to be inserted in the Confession of Faith which imports that the Pope is Antichrist The King is offended And threatens The Synods Reasons New Editions of the Confession of Faith where the Article is inserted The False Moderation of Clement VIII Other matters of the Synod Condition of the Repeal of the Jesuits Satyrs against ' em Cotton the Jesuit Wounded Is made the King's Confessor The Character of this Jesuit Questions to be propos'd by him to a Woman possess'd The Pâ—â—â—â—â—vation of Geneva against 〈…〉 Attemptâ— of the Duke â— Savoy The Disguising this Adventure in the Jesuits Writings The Death of the Duchess of Bar. The Progress of dâ— Perron's Fortune The Intrigues of Spain in the Court of France The Treason of one of Villeroy's Officers 1604. The Reformed fear that the King gives way too much to the Jesuits He answers their Papers favourably Gex The Genius of la Trimouille And his Death The Process of the Cardinal de Chatillon's Widow 1605. The Pyramid thrown down New Factions The Assembly at Chatelleraud St. Germain's Letter to the Mareschal de Bouillon Roni is sent the King's Commissary at the Assembly His Instructions 1505. His Speech Provincial Councils Deputies General General Assemblies Union renew'd Lesdiguieres enters into it Roni excuses that New Oath A Brief for the keeping of the Hostage Cities The Assembly suffer the Marshal of Bouillon's Places to be taken Other Advantages which Roni obtains of the Assembly The Pope is very well satisfied with it The Deputies of the Assembly are caress'd at Court Assembly of the Clergy 1606. Artifice to hinder the Ecclesiasticks from changing their Religion Edict in favour of the Clergy Roni Duke and Peer of France The Marshal of Bouillon makes his Peace Treaty with the Rochelois Priests who refuse to pray for the King Powder-Plot Oath exacted from the Catholicks in England The Reform'd of Paris obtain the Exercise of their Religion to be perform'd at Charenton The Lord of the Mannor opposes it in vain A Sedition in Paris Favourable Answers to the Petitions 1607. The Jesuit Seguiran's Enterprize to Preach at Rochel Mortifications of the Jesuits * Which signifies a Dart or Arrow Synod at Rochel Deputies General The Question about Antichrist renew'd Deputies gain'd at Court Clear-sighted of the Church and Fools of the Synod The Question is defer'd Vignier order'd to write at large about it The Synod only names two Deputies General Affairs treated in the Synod Foreign Ministers Malwin call'd to Rochel The King refuses the Nomination of the Deputies 1608. A General Assembly is allow'd at Gergeau Sully suspected by the Reform'd Affairs of the Assembly Places lost by the Reform'd Conference and Changes of Religion The Solemn Act that passes between the Pope and the French King A resolute Answer of the Kings disowning the promises made in his Name by his Attournies Cotton the Jesuit made Tutor to the Dauphine Fund for such Ministers as should change their Religion Treaty with the Moors who were persecuted in Spain It is spoken by the Bigots Lesdiguieres Marshal of France 1609. The Kings Domestick Troubles Divers Sentiments about the Alliance with Spain Frauds to renew the Civil War Power of the Jesuits Setled in Bearn Petitions answer'd Synod at St. Maixant Theatre of Antichrist Incroachment upon the Rights of Royalty Jurisdiction of the Chambers A Book found at La Fleche Discourse of Jeannin about Liberty of Conscience The Prince of Conde ' Flight War declar'd against the Arch-Duke The King 's Formidable Power Calumny against
Benefit of a Monk's place assign'd a Soldier grown impotent and maim'd in the King's Service Attempts upon Paternal Authority A Declaration establishing a Commissioner in Colloquies and Synods National Synod He is admitted in Obedience to the King They send Commissioners to the King Who return laden with Orders The Court inclin'd to favour the Arminians Writing of la Milletiere Answer of Tilenus Imposture advanc'd against the Synod of Dort The Obedience of the Synod of Charenton Assignations ill paid Proposals made to the Synod by Galand A new Deputation to the King Oath of Union A Citadel at Mompelier Maniald opposes it in the name of the Reformed Presages of a new War Death of Du Plessis The Commissioners make the condition of the Reformed worse at Gergeau At Remorentin At Tours Commissioners in Poitou and Saintonge He raines the Câ—â—rches under appearanceâ— of Honesty Paper of the Clergy of Saintes The Malice of several Articles Chalas's Complaisance Enterprises of the Catholics at Rochel 1624. Cardinal Richlieu's Maxims Proposals for marrying the Prince of Wales to the Infanta Fruitles Marriage concluded upon Conditions advantageous for the Catholics Process of the City of Pamiers against the Bishop Cavils upon the Right of pursuing the Payment of Legacies and Donations Troubles renew'd Enterprise of the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise Discover'd Soubise gets possession of the King's â—â—â—p◠〈…〉 thought lost and disown'd by every body 1625. The King's Declaration upon this occasion Soubise disingages himself Which changes the Face of Affairs Politic Devotions of the Duke of Rohan Seconded by his wife Manifesto of the Duke of Soubise Dispute about the Privileges of Rochelle Peace discours'd of Cruelties of the Royal Army in Foix. Soubise prospers A Paper of the Reformed presented to the King Answers to their Paper The Reformed not satisfi'd The Court recovers her Affairs An Assembly of the Clergy They give money with an ill will The King excepts Rochel out of the Peace Which retards the conclusion of it Particular Laws which the King would impose upon that City A powerful League against Spain The Cardinal's Designs Of which he is forc'd to defer the execution The English Embassadors importunate for the Peace of the Religion Rochelle accepts the Conditions somewhat mollify'd Why the Court exacted such Writings All Pass'd by the Embassaders of England In 〈…〉 England was â—… A new Edict confirming all the rest France plays foul with the Confederates Jealousie between the Cardinal and Buckingham The Cardinal's blind-side Enterprises of the Catholics of the Queen of England's menial Servants Conspiracies against the Cardinal The Cardition of Rochel A National Synod The Commissioners Instructions Answers of Chauve the Moderator Masuyer'â— faâ—se dealing The Catholics trâ—â—â—â—â— They would have involv'd the Ministers in the Duke of Rohan's Treaty with Spain Article of the Synod of Realmont for the discovery of such as had a hand in the Treaty Which offends all the Charâ—â—es And is disown'd iy the National Synod Leave to nominate General Deputies From which the Synod desires to be exempted And send Deputies to the King Remonstrances of the Deputies Maniald dyes Hardi put in his room The Deputies return with the King's Answers The Synod names General Deputies The Synod names General Deputies Divers Resolutions of the Synod Castres refuses to receive the Duke of Rohan's Deputies A Memoir of Grievances Burial of Gentlemen who were the Founders of Churches Legacies given to the Poor adjudg'd to Hospitals A Marriage of a Knight of Maltha vacated The Assembly of Notables 1627. Forc'd Conversions in Bearn And at Audenas At St. Amand Extraordinary Acts of Injustice Innovations at Mompelier The Foundation of Mompelier Declaration against Foreign Ministers Rochel still blockt up England declares war The United Provinces send succonr to France The English land in the Isle of Ré The Irresolution of the Rochelois Court Letters intercepted A nice Question Whether Huguenots were to be suffer'd in the King's Army Rochel Resolves Rochel publishes a Manifesto The Duke of Rohan does the same thing Intrigue of Galand against the Duke 1628. Defeat of the English A second English Fleet of no use to Rochel A third Fleet more useless A Treaty of Peace with England and the surrender of Rochel This City refuses to submit to the English â—â—e Fleet of Spain at the Siege of Rochel Rejoycing among the Catholics Cruelties Insulting and Executions Personal Enmity between the Prince of Condé and the Duke of Rohan A new Sedition at Lion against the Reformed The pretended Conversion of a Sick Person that fell into a Phrensie Decrees and Declarations against the Duke of Rohan The King and the Cardinal take a Journey into Italy 1629. The Siege of Privas the Inhabitants of which were betray'd Cruelties exercis'd upon the City The pretences of the Catholics Conversions of soldiers tak'n Pris'ners A Declaration upon the taking of Privas A Treaty of the Duke of Rohan with Spain An Assembly permitted at Anduse and translated to Nimes Peace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Edict of Grace Contents of the Edict The King's Letter to Queen Mother about the Peace The Duke of Rohan retires Montauban reduc'd Assembly of the Clergy Particuâ—â—â— Acts of Injustice 1630. Mlssiionaries The Duke of Rohan accus'd of the Ruin of the Churches Cavils about the Right of Exercises The Bishop of Valence persecutes the Foreign Ministers The Original of the Injustice done upon occasion of the Annexes New Seeds of a Civil War 1631. The Queen withdraws into Flanders Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden Projects of Reunion With which the Cardinal closes Intreagues of Joseph the Capuchin caught he Pro. How the Synods were to speak Inclinations of the Ministers And the People Difficulties Petit's Projects And Melitiere Difference in their intentions Issue of the Project in general The truth of this Project A National Synod The Commissioners Speech Ministers suspected by the King excluded from the Synod The Answer to the Commissioner's Speech The Commissioner in vain opposes the Union of the Churches of Bearn with the rest Several Proposals of the Commissioner The Synod sâ—nds Deputies to the King Papers The favourable Reception of the Deputies The Nomination of General Deputies The Reformed fear'd at Court â—mportant Resolutions of the Synod Annexes Exercise forbid Consulships The Puâ—… Liberty opprâ—… 1632. Civil War of the Duke of Orleans The Bishops of Languedoc side with him The Reformed faithful The Duke of Rohan serves the King in Italy Affairs of the Annexes in the Dauphinate referr'd to four Commissioners Consulship of Alets Exercise forbid A shameful Cavil An inconsiderate Curiosity of two Scholars The Death of Gustavus 1633. Great Troubles in the Kingdom Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate upon the Annexes Re-establishment of Privas Treatise intitl'd The Eucharist of the Ancient Church Exercises forbid Partiâ—-Colledges 1634. The Continuance of the Public Oppression Pretensions of France to all Europe Answer'd The Duke of Sulli made a Marshal of France Decrees upon several occasions Preâ—â—â—â—â— adjudg'd
The reducing of Montauban An Assembly of the Clergy Particular Acts of Injustice Missionaries The Duke of Rohan is accus'd of the Ruin of the Churches Cavils about the Rights of Exercise The Bishop of Valence persecutes the Foreign Ministers The Original of the Injustice done upon occasion of the Annexes New Seeds of Civil Wars The Queen-Mother retires An Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden Projects of Reunion wherein the Cardinal appears Intrigues of Joseph the Capuchin A Draught of a Project How the Synods were to be made to speak Inclinations of the Ministers and People Projects of Petit and Milletiere Difference of their Intentions Verity of the Project of which the precise time is uncertain A National Synod The Commissioner's Speech Ministers suspected by the King excluded out of the Synod by his Order The Answer to the Commissioners Speech The vain Opposition of the Commissioner to the Vnion of the Churches of Bearn with the rest Several Proposals of the Commissioner The Synod sends Deputies to the King Papers The Deputies kindly receiv'd Nomination of General Deputies The Reformed fear'd at Court Important Resolutions of the Synod Exercise forbid Donations Consulships A captious Clause Oppression of the Public Liberty Civil War of the Duke of Orleans The Bishops of Languedoc side with his Party The Reformed continue faithful Bishops depos'd Execution of an innocent Minister The Duke of Rohan serves the King in Iâ—â—ly The Affair of the Annexes in the Dauphinate referr'd to four Commissioners Consulship of Alets Exercise forbid Shameful Cavils A rash Curiosity of two Scholars The death of Gustavus Great Troubles in the Kingdom Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate about the Annexes Re-establishment of Privas A Treatise intitl'd The Eucharist of the Ancient Church Exercises forbid Party Colledges Continuance of the Public Oppression Pretensions of France over all Europe The Duke of Sulli made a Marshal of France A Decree upon several Subjects Precedency adjudg'd to the Catholic Counsellors of the Chamber of Guyenne in certain Cases The Reformed Counsellors of the Chamber of Castres forbid to wear Scarlet Robes The pretended Possession of the Ursulines of Loudun Ridiculous Effects of Exorcisms The death of a Priest pretended to have bewitcht those Nunns New Vixations upon the Subject of Annexes Grand days at Poitiers Terror of the Churches At important Decree upon several Articles Another troublesom Decree about meeting the Sacrament The demolishing of the Church of St. Maixant A Pleading of Omer Talon Advocate General Distinction between the Right of Exercise and the Right of the Church Divers Decrees about grand days against the Reformed Persecution rais'd by Cacherat against the Churches of Normandy Precedency adjudg'd to the Catholic Counsellors of the Chamber of Castres The Colledge taken from the Reformed of Loudun Exercise forbid at Paroi and la Chaume Order of the Intendant of Poitou upon the Subject of Annexes The Reformed of Metz forbid to have a Colledge The Duke of Bouillon changes his Religion THere was great rejoycing at Rome for the reducing of this City The Pope sang Mass himself made Prayers on purpose gave plenary Indulgence to some Churches for two days and wrote to the King Breifs cramm'd with Eulogies and Applauses The whole Kingdom resounded with nothing but Congratulations Vows and Returns of Thanks nothing was so talk'd of but the Cause of Heav'n the Interests of God and the Triumphs of the Church Flattery turn'd all Accidents and Events into Miracles and Invention sâ—â—pli'd 'em with all sorts In the mean time the War continu'd in the Upper and Lower Languedoc and the Duke of Rohan held out the best he could against three Armies commanded by the Prince of Condé the Duke of Mommorency and the Duke of Eâ—ernon The Catholics also in all places reviv'd the Cruelties of Charles the Ninth's Reign There was nothing to be seen but Plund'ring Burning Massacr'ng and Executions upon Executions and for an addition of Insulting to Cruelty the People were made believe that the poor Creatures that were hang'd all chang'd their Religion at the Gallows Only to deprive 'em of the desire of recanting or the means and opportunity to contradict what was said of 'em they could not forbear to send 'em to the other world and the People were oblig'd to believe their Conversion upon the Faith of the Monk who had persecuted 'em to death And some Relations are to be seen in Print which aggravate the Barbarity of the Catholics to that degree as to â—ublish 'em guilty of ripping up the Bellies of Women with Child and tearing the half-form'd Embrio's out of their Wombs sometimes also after they had vitiated the Mothers Moreover the Duke of Mommorency having forc'd some of the Reformed who had neither the Courage to retreat or defend themselves took 'em all upon Composition but he would not promise 'em their Lives unless they would oblige the Duke of Rohan to surrender Aimargues a considerable place which he had surpriz'd and because the Duke of Rohan lookt upon the Condition as ridiculous the Duke of Mommorency caus'd no less then Sixscore of his Prisoners of War to be hang'd Thereupon the Duke of Rohan to enforce the Catholics to wage War with more Civility storm'd one of their Fortresses and put all the Garison to the Sword Which Reprisals stopt the Career of those barbarous Executions Nevertheless the Enmity which had bin long between the Prince of Condé and the Duke of Rohan broke forth with greater Fury for the Prince wrote very sharp and invective Letters to the Duke and the Duke answer'd him with as much disdain And then it was that the Prince forgetful of his Character reveng'd himself after a manner no way becoming his quality for toward the end of the year he procured a Decree in Council that the Duke's Houses should be demolish'd his Woods cut down and his Goods confiscated and that he might be Master of the Execution he caus'd it to be committed to himself and discharg'd â—…is Trust with an extraordinary exactness nor did he think it beneath himself to get the Confiscation of his Enemy granted to his own use Nor were the Reformed better treated in those places where there was no War then in the Provinces where they were up 〈◊〉 Arms For at Lion the seditious Rabble fell upon 'em a second time and upon a Pretence no less false then ridiculous The Contagion which made great havock in other places was got into this City This Misfortune was attributed to a sort of People who as they said were wont to go about and grease the doors of private persons for which reason those Miscreants were call'd by the name of Greasers or Engraisseurs But in regard the Reformed were they who were to bear the blame of all the Misfortunes which befel the Catholics the Rabble fail'd not to take this opportunity to wreck their Malice upon ' em The Magistracy made strict enquiry after this Crime and seiz'd upon