THE VVORKS OF THAT GRAVE and LEARNED LAVVYER Iudge Ienkins Prisoner in Newgate UPON Divers STATUTES Concerning the Liberty and Freedome of the Subject With a perfect Table thereto annexed Plebs sine Lege ruit LONDON Printed for J. Gyles and are sold at his shop at Furnivals-Inne MDCXLVIII Here JENKINS stands who thundring from the TOWER Shook the bold Senat 's Legislative Power Six of whose words twelve Reames of votes exceed As mountaines mov'd by graines of mustard-seed Thus gasping Lawes were rescu'd from the Snare He that will save a Crowne must know and dare Sould by I. Giles at Furnivals-Inn-gaw J. Berkenhead The Contents The Law of the Land The King Treason A Parliament The present Parliament Certaine Erroneus Positions and Proceedings of both Houses of Parliament The like of the House of Commons The Propositions of the Parliament of both Kingdomes sent to New-Castle The Kings Party The Parliaments Party are Delinquents The Army serving the two Houses The Army Rescuing the King The Liberty of the Subject Messellanâ—a The Law of the Land THE Law of the Land hath for its ground 1. Custome 2. Judiciall Records 3. Acts of Parliament The two latter being Declarations of the Common Law and custome of the Realme pag. 5.21.23 The Law of Royall Government is a Law Fundamentall p. 5. The Kings Prerogative and the Subjects Liberty are determined and bounded by the Law p. 131. The King claimes no power but by the law of the land p. 131. The Law the onely Rule and Direction of the Subject in this present Warre pag. 42 131. Vbi Lex non distinguit â—bi non est distinguendum p. 132. The King THE King of England hath his Title to the Crowne and to his Kingly Office and Power not by way of trust from the two Houses of Parliament or from the people but by inherent Birth-right from God Nature and the Law p. 24 25. 38. 52 53 54 56. 57. There was never King Deposed but in tumultuous and madde times and by the power of the Armyes and they who were to bee the succeeding Kings in the head of them as Ed 3. and Hen. 4. p. 54. Usurpers were Kings de factâ— not de jure p. 54. The King is assisted by the advice of the Judges his Counsell at Law Sollicitor Atturney Masters of Chancery and counsell of State hence the Law hath setled severall Powers in the King p. 27.28 The Kings of England enjoyed that Power in a full measure till King Iohns time p 6 7 8. How Rights of Soveraignty continued in practise from Hen. 3. till 1640 p. 6. The Kings Power not separable from his Person p. 70 71. The Body Naturall and Politique in the King make but one body p. 2.38.71 Every Subject swears homage to the King p. 8. The Law gives reverence to the Person of the King p. 10. Foule mouthed Pamphlets against the King condemned p. 21. The Supream Power is in the King p. 7.13.14.16.57 58. The Oath of Supremacy in relation to the Parliament p. 67.133 The King Supream in Ecclesiasticall causes p. 10. The King the onely Supreame Governour and all other persons have their power from him by his Writ Patent or Commission p. 20 21 22.36 37. 64 65. The power of the Militia is in the King p. 8.37 In the time of Parliament p. 8. The Commission of Array in force p. 13.36 The Power of making League with Forreigners is in the King p. 8.15.17 The power of War in the King p. 20.21 The power of making Officers in the King p. 8. The King onely hath power to make Justices of Peace and of Assize p. 45 100.12â— The power of coynadge in the King p. 8. The power of pardoning onely in the King by Law p. 8.66.74.78.84.128.130 The King hath power to remove the courts at Westminster p. 45. The King can do no wrong but his Judges Counselloâ—â—s and Ministers may p. 37.41 So long as men manage the Laws they will be broken more or lesse p. 29. Treason IN the Reign of Ed. 2. the Spencers the Father and the Sonne to cover their Treason hatched in their hearts invented this damnable and damned opinion that Homage and Oath of Allegiance was more by reason of the Kingâ— Crowne that is his Politique Capacity than by reason of his person upon which opinion they inferred three execrable and detestable Consequences First if the King do not demeane himselfe by reason in the right of his Crowne his Leidges are bound by Oath to remove the King Secondly seeing the King could not be reformed by suit of Law that ought to be done per asperte that is by force Thirdly his Leidges be bound to Governe in aid of him and in default of him p. 9.70 Severall Treasons by the Statute 25. 8d 3. p. 12 13 14 15 16 76. The word King in the 25. Edw. 3. must be understood of the Kings natural Person p. 12 13 77. Other Treasons not specified in that Act are declared to bee no Treasons untill the King and his Parliament shall declare otherwise p. 77.101 To seize the Kings Forts Ports Magazine of Warre is High Treason p. 11. 22â— 37.77 To remove Counsellours by Arms is high Treason p. 22.40 To leavie Warre to alter Religion is high Treason p. 40. To leavie war to alter the Law is high Treason p. 11.40.77 To counterfeit the great Seal is high Treason p. 37. To adhere to any State within the Kingdom but the Kings Majesty is high Treason 24.39 To imprison the King untill hee agree to certaine demands is high Treason p. 1â— 22.77 They who imprison the King purpose to destory him p. 163. Deposers of the King adjudged Traitors by the Law of the Land p. 54. A Body Corporate cannot commit Treason but the persons can p. 16. Noble men committing Treason forfeit their Office and Dignity p. 143. Treason how punished by the Law p. 42. Treason doth ever produce fatall destruction to the Offender and never attaines to the desired end and there are two incidents inseparable thereunto p. 135. A Parliament THe word Parliament cometh from the French word Parler to Treat p. 81. The King is Principium Caput Finis Parl. p 26.48.122 The King assembles the Parliament by his Writ Adjournes Prorogues and dissolves the Parliament by the Law at his pleasure p. 57. The Writ whereby the King assembled the two Houses which is called the Writ of Summons at all times and at this Parliament used and which is the warrant ground and foundation of their meeting is for the Lords of the House of Peers to Consult and Treat with the King that is the Parler of great Concernments touching 1. The King 2. The defence of this Kingdome 3. The defence of the Church of England p. 24.34 p. 25.81.120 121. Counsell is not command Councellors are not Commanders p. 26. The Writ of summoning the Judges Counfell of Lâ—w and 12 Masters of Chancery is to appeare and attend the Parliament to give Counsell p.
Inne and of the rest of the Innes of Court and to all the Professors of the LAW I Have now spent Forty five yeares in the Study of the Laws of this Land being my Profession under and by the conduct of which Lawes this Common-wealth hath flourished for some ages past in great splendor and happinesse jam seges est ubi Troja fuit The great and full body of this Kingdome hath of late yeares fallen into an extreame sicknesse it is truely said that the cause of the disease being knowne the disease is easily cured There is none of you I hope but doth heartily wish the recovery of our common parent our native countrey Moribus antiquis stat res Britannica I call God to witnesse that this discourse of mine hath no other end then my wishes of the common good how farre I have been from Ambition my life past and your owne knowledge of me can abundantly informe you and many of you well know that I ever detested the Ship-money and Monopolies and that in the beginning of this Parliament for opposing the excesses of one of the Bishops I lay under three Excommunications the Examination of seventy seven Artioles in the high Commission Court His sacred Majesty God is my witnesse made me a Judge in the parts of Wales against my will and all the meanes I was able to make and a patent formy place was sent me for the which I have not paid one farthing and the place is of so inconsiderable a benefit that it is worth but 80. l. per Annum when paid and it cost me every yeare I served twice as much out of my owne estate in the way of an ordinary and frugall expence That which gave me comfort was that I knew well that his Majesty was a just and a prudent Prince In the time of the Atturneyships of Mastor Noy and the Lord Banks they were pleased to make often use of me and many referrences concerning suits at Court upon that occasion came to my knowledge and as I shall answer to God upon my last account this is truth that all or most of the referrences which I have seene in that kind and I have seene many were to this effect that his Majesty would be informed by his Councell if the suits preferred were agreeable to the Lawes and not inconvenient to his people before he would passe them what could a just and pious Prince doe more Gentlemen you shall finde the cause and the Cure of the present great distemper in this discourse and God prosper it in your hands thoughts and words as the case deserves Hold to the Lawes this great body recovers forsake them it will certainely perish I have resolved to tender my selfe a Sacrifice for them as cheerefully and I hope by Gods assistance as constantly as old Eleazer did for the holy Lawes of his Nation Your Well-wisher David Jenkins Now Prisoner in the Tower LEX TERRAE THe Law of this Land hath three grounds First Custome Secondly Iudiciall Records Thirdly Acts of Parliament The two latter are but declarations of the coumon-Coumon-Law and Custoâ—e of the Realme touching Royall Government And this Law of Râ—yall Gâ—vernment is a â—aw Fundamentall The Government of this Kingdome by a Râ—yall Soveraigne The Kings Prerogative is a principall part of the common Law Com. Lital 34â— 27 Hen. 8. Stamford Praâ— fol. 1. 2 Pars inflit fol. 496 3 Parsinstit pag. 84. hath been as ancient as History is or the memoriall of any time what power this Soveraignty alwaies had and used in warre and peace in this Land is the scope of this discourse That Vsage so practised makes therein a Fundamentall Law and the Common Law of the Land is common Vsage Plâ—wdens Commentaries 195. For the first of our Kings sithence the Norman Conquest the first William second William Henry the first Stephen Henry the second and Richard the first the Customes of the Realme touching Royall Government were never questioned The said Kings injoyed them in a full measure In King Iohns time the Nobles and Commons of the Realme conceiving that the ancient Customes and Rights were violated and thereupon pressing the said King to allow them in the seventeenth of King Iohn the said Liberties were by King Iohn allowed and by his Sonne Henry the third after in the niâ—th yeare of his Reigne confirmed and are called Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta declared foure hundred twenty two yeares sâ—hence by the said Charters Now â—ests to be considered after the Subjects had obtained their Rights and Liberties which were no other then their ancient Customes and the fundamentall Rights of the King as Soveraigne are no other How the Rights of Soveraignty continued in practise from Henry the thirds time untill this present Parliament of the third of November 1640. for before Henry the thirds time the Soveraignty had a very full Power Rex habet Potestatem jurisdictionem super omnes qui in Regno suo sunt Bracton temp H. 3. l. 4 cap. 24. Sect. 1. ea quae sunt jurisdictionis paucis ad nullum pertinent nisi ad Regiam dignitatem habet etiam coercionem ut Delinquentes puniat coerceat This proves where the supreme Power is A Delinquent is he who adhears to the Kings Enemies Com. Sur. Litil 261. This shewes who are Delinquents Omnis sub Rege ipse sub nullo nisi tantum Deo nonest inferior sibi Subjectis Soct 5. Bracâ— ibid. non parem habet in Regno suo This shewes where the supreme power is Rex non habet superiorem nisi Deum satis habet ad poenam quod Deum expectat ultorem Bracton l. 5. tract 3. de delaiti cap. 3 Bracton l. 3 cap. 7. This shewes where the supreme power is Treasons Fellonies and other Pleas of the Crowne are propria causa Regis This shewes the same power By these passages it doth appeare what the Custome was for the power of Soveraignty before that time the power of the Militia of coyning of Money of making Leagues with forraigne Princes the power of pardoning of making of Officers c. All Kings had them the said Powers have no beginning Sexto Edw. 1. Com. Sur. Eittl 85. Lege Homage every Subject owes to the King viz. Faith de Membro de vita de terreno Honore the forme of the Oath Edward 1. inter vetera statuta is set downe We read of no such or any Homage made to the two Houses but frequently of such made by them It is declared by the Prelates Earls Barons and Commonalty of the Realme that it belongeth to the King and his Royall Segniory â— Ed. 1. Strasuâ—e at large fol. 42. straitly to defend force of Armour and all other force against the Kings peace at all times when it shall please him and to punish them that shall doe contrary according to the Law and Usage of the Realme and hereunto they are bound to ayd their
116. The Writ of summoning the Commons is to doe and to consâ—nt to such things which shall happen to bee ordained by Common Counsell there viz. in the Parliament p. 25.26.115 The Parliament is a Corporation composed of the King the head and the Lords and Commons the Subject body p. 5. l. 22. p. 19.20.49.50.80.122.142.145.146 And it hath power over our Lives Libertyes Lawes and Goods p. 118. The Court of Parliament is onely in the House of Lords where the King sits in person p. 116.122.144 The Office of the Lords is to Counsell the King in time of Peace and to defend him in time of War p. 116.142 It belongs to the House of Lords to reforme erroneous Iudgements given in the Kings Bench to redresse the delayes of Courts of Iustice to receive all Petitions to advise his Majesty with their Counsell to have their Votes in Voting or abrogating of Laws and to propose for the Common good what they conceive meet p. 33. How Errours in Iudgement are reversed by the House of Lords p. 55. At a Conferrence the Commons are alwaies uncovered and stand when the Lords sit with their hats on which shewes that they are not Colleagues in Iudgement with the Lords p. 147. Every Member of the House of Commons takes the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy before his admission into the House p. 67.133 Briberies Extortions Monopolyes ought to bee enquired after by the House of Commons and complained of to the King and Lords p. 114. It belongs to the House of Commons to represent the Grievances of the Countrey to grant Aydes for the King upon all fit occasions extraordinary to assent to the making or abrogating Lawes p. 33.115 116 117 118. Because making of new and abrogating of old Lawes both induce Novelties and because Bils in both Houses may passe but by one or two voices or very few and perhaps of no Iudicious men who oftentimes carry it by making the Major part which involves the consent of all therefore the Law makes the King assisted therein by a great number of Grave Learned and Prudent men the Judge of those Bils whether they be necessary for the Publique Good or no. p. 32 3â— 53.57.123 And the King upon all Bills hath liberty of assenting or dissenting p. 18.28.39.111 And in case of the Kings Minority the Protector hath his liberty and negative voice in respect of the King p. 52. The styles of the Acts printed from 9. Hen. 3. to 1. Hen. 7. were either the King Ordaines at his Parliament c. Or the King Ordaineth by the advice of his Prelates and Barons and at the humble petition of the Commons c. In Hen. 7. time the style was altered and hath so continued to this day p. 24.71 No Act of Parliament bindes the Subject without the assent of the King p. 71.72 When an Act of Parliament is against common Right or Reason or repugnant or impossible to bee performed the Common Law shall controle it and adjudge it to be void And such is an Act for a perpetual Parliament p. 139. An Act of Parliament that a man shall bee Iudge in his own cause is a voyd Act. p. 139. An Adjournment of the parliament makes no Sâ—ssion p. 137. There is no Sâ—ssion till a prorogation or dissolution of the Parliament p. 137. All the Acts of one Sâ—ssion relate to the first day of the Parliament p 138. The two Houses ought to take care of the preservation of the Kings Person p. 18. The Lords and Commons cannot assent to any thing that tends to the disinherison of the King and his Crown to which they are sworn p. 11. The two Houses ought not to meddle with the Kings Revenue p. 11. Armes are not to be borne in London or Westminster in time of Parliament p. 8.39 The Priviledge of Parliament protects no man in case of Treason or â—elony p. 15.16 78. Parliaments are as the times are if a turbulent Faction prevailes the Parliament are wicked if the times be sober modest prudent and not biassed the Parliament are right good honourable and good Medicines and Salves p. 41.42 The present Parliament THis Parliament beganne 3. Novemb. 1640 and in the beginning thereof the King acquitted the Ship-Money Knighthood-Money seven Courts of Justice consented to a Triâ—niall parliament setled the Forrest bounds tooke away the Clarke of the Market of the Houshold trusted the Houses with the Navy passed an Act not to dissolve this Parliament without the Houses assent No people in the world so free if they could have been content with Lawes Oathes and Reason and nothing more could nor can bee devised to serve us neither hath been in any time before p. 3â— Notwithstanding all this Jan. 10. 1641. the King was driven away from London by frequent Tumults and 2. thirds and more of the Lords had deserted that House for the same cause and the greater put of the House of Commons left that House also for the same reason New men chosen in their places against Law by the pretended Warrant of a counterfeit Seale and in the Kings name against his consent leavying War against Him and seizing his Forts Ports Magazins and Revenue and converting them to his destruction the subversion of the Law and Land laying Taxes on the people never head of before in this Land devising new Oathes to oppose the Forces raised by the King c. p. 35. From the 3 Novem. 1640. uâ—â—o Ian. 10 164â— they had time to persecute all evil Counsellors and Iudges p 17 4â— From that time the King was driven away the two Houses stood in opposition to the king and his power p. 66. This became no Parliament when the King with whom they should parley was driven away and it continues so whilst his Majestic is restrained as a prisoner p. 35.81 And the houses now severed from the King have no power at all no more than the body hath being severed from the head p. 80.112 The 2. Houses do not now act by the Kings Writ but contrary to it p. 121. And so their Acts are Null p. 122 141. The Act for continuing this parliament so long as both Houses please is voyd because it is 1. Against Common right for thereby the parliament men will not pay their debts And they may doe wrong to other men Impune besides the utter destruction of all mens actions who have to doe with Parliament men by the Statute of Limitation 21. Jacob. 2. Against common reason for parliaments were made to redresse publique Grievances not to make them 3. Impossible the Death of his Majesty whom God long preserve dissolving it necessarily 4. Repugnant to the Act for a Trienniall parliament and to the Act for holding a parliament once a yeare p. 139.140 The end of continuing this parliament was to raise Credit for mony for three purposes And the three ends of the Act being determined it agreeth with Law and Reason the Act should end p. 141. A perpetuall parliament
Soveraigne Lord at all seasons when need shall be Here the supreame power in the time of Parliament by both Houses is declared to belong to the King At the beginning of every Parliament all Armes are 7. Ed. 2.4 pars instit 14. or ought to be forbidden to be borne in London Westminster or the Subburbs This condemnes the multitudes comming to Westminster and the Guards of armed men All who held by Knights service 1 Edw. 2. de Militibus and had twenty pounds per annum were distraynable ad Arma militaria suscipienda This agrees with the Records of ancient time continued constantly in all Kings times but at this Parliament 3. November 1640. The King out of his grace discharged this duty which proves that the power of warre and preparation thereto belongs not to the two Houses but only to the King The two Spencers in Edw. 2. Edw. 3. Caâ—vins Case Cookâ—e 7. fol. 11. time hatched to cover their Treason this damnable and damned opinion viz That Ligeance was more by reason of the Kings politick capacity then of his person upon which they inferred these execrable and detestable consequences First if the King demeaned not himselfe by reason in the right of his Crowne his Lieges are bound by Oath to remove him Secondly seeing the King could not be removed by suit of Law it was to be done by force Thirdly that his Lieges be bound to governe in default of him All which tenets were condemned by two Parliaments the one called exilium Hugonis in Ed. 2. time the other by 1. Edw. 3. cap. 2. All which Articles against the Spencers are confirmed by this last Statute the Artiles are extant in the booke called vetera Statuta The separation of the Kings person from his power is the principall Article condemned and yet all these three damnable detestable and execrable consequents are the grounds whereupon this present time relies and the principles whereupon the two houses found their cause The Villeine of a Lord in the presence of the King cannot be seized â—â—â—nden com 322. â—y ass pl. 49 for the presence of the King is a protection for that time to him This shewes what reverence the Law gives to the person of a King Regis 33 Ed. 3. â—yde de roy 203 Fitz 30 H. 7.16 sacro oleo uncti sunt capaâ—es spiritualis jurisdictionis But the two Houses were never held capable of that power Rex est persona mixta cum sacerdote haâ—et Ecclesiasticam spiritualem jurisdictionem This shewes the Kings power in Ecclesiasticall Causes The Lands of the King is called in Law Patromoniâ—n sacrum Com. Sur. Littl Sect. 4. The Houses should not have meddled with that sacred Patromony 3 Ed. 3.19 The King hath no Peere in his Land and cannot be judged Ergo the two Houses are not above him The Parliament 15. Ed. 3. was repealed for that is was against the Kings Lawes and prerogative 4 part institâ— fol. 25. This shewes cleerely the Propositions sent to Newcastle ought not to have beene presented to his Majesty For that they are contrary to the Lawes and his Prerogative The Lords and Commons cannot assent in Parliament to any thing that tends to the dis-inherifion of the King and his Crowne 4 Part Cooke inâ—â—it fol. 14. 42. E. 3. to which they are sworne This condemnes the said Propositions likewise To depose the King Parliamenâ— Rol. num 7. Rex 〈◊〉 suetudâ— Parâ—amenti to imprison him untill he assent to certaine dedemands a warre to alter the Religion established by Law or any other Law or to remove Councellors to hold a Castle or Fort against the King are offences against that Law declared to be treason by the resolution herein after mentioned by that Law men are bound to ayd the King when warre is levied against him in his Realme 25 Ed. 3. cap. 2. King in his Statute must be intended in his naturall body and person that only can dye for to compasse his death and declare it by overt Act is declared thereby treason to incounter in fight such as come to ayd the King in his warres is treason Compassing of the Qâ—â—ens death of the Kings Eldest Sonne to coyne his money to counterfeit his Great-Seale to levy Warre against him to adhere to such as shall so doe are declared by that Act to be high treason This Statute cannot referre to the King in his politique capacity but to his naturall which is inseperable from the politick for a body politick can have neither Wife 〈◊〉 13. nor Childe nor levy Warre nor doe any Act but by the operation of the naturall body A Corporation or body politick hath no soule or life but is a fiction of the Law and the Statute meant not â—â—ctitious persons but the body naturall conjoned with the politique which are inseperable The clause in that Act that no man should sue for grace or pardon for any offence condemned or forfeiture given by that Act 21 Ed. 4.14 â— 2.11 an was repealed by a subsequent Act in 21. R. â— holden unreasonable without example and against the Law and custome of the Parliament This condemnes the Proposition for disabling the King to Pardon 4 pars instit fol. 42. 4. Pars instit fol. 42. The Act of 11. R. 2. so much urged by the other side was an Act to which the King consented and so a perfect Act yet Note the Army then about the Towne Note that that Law is a-against private persons and by the 3. cap. thereof the treasons there declared are declared to be new treasons made by that Act and not to be drawne to example it was abrogated 21. R. 2. and revived by an usurper 1 H. 4. to please the people and by the tenth chap. thereof enacts that nothing shall be treason but what is declared by 25. Ed. 3. 16. Ed. cap. 5.16 R. 2. cap. 5. H. 4. The Regality of the Crowne of England is immediately subject to God and to none other Plaine words shewing where the supreame power is The Commission of Array is in force and no other Commission Rot. Parlm 5. H. 4. numb 24. an Act not printed this Act was repealed by 4. and 5. P. M cap. 2. this repealed by the Act of 1 Iacobi and so it is of force at this day for the repealing Statute is repealed 4. pars instituâ— fol. 51. 125 published fithence this Parliament by the desire of the house of Commons their Order is printed in the last leafe of the commentaries upon Magna Charta Sir Edward Cooke A booke alowed by Sir Na Brent called the reason of the War fol. 65. by their party is holden for the Oracle of the Law who wrote the said fourth part in a calme and quiet time and I may say when there was no need to defend the authority of the Commission of Array For that objection that that Commission leaves power to the
Commissioners to tax men secundum faculâ—ates and so make all mens estates Arbitrary the answer is that in lâ—vying of publicke aydes upon mens goods and estates which are variable and probably cannot be certainly knowne by any but the owners it is impossible to avoyd discretion in the assesments for so it ever was and ever will bee By this appeares that the Votes of the two Houses against the Commission of Array were against the Law The death of the King dissolves the Parliament H. 9. if Kings should referre to the politick capacity it would continue after his death 2 H. 5 â— parâ— instit â—6 4 pars Iust 46 which proves that the King cannot be said to be there whâ—â— he is absent as now he is there is no inter regnum in the Kingdome the dissolution of the Parliament by hiâ— death shewes that the beginning and end thereof referrs to the naturall person of the King and therefore he may lawfully refuse the Propositions 2. H. 5 Chap. 6. to the King onely it belongs to make Leagues with Forraigne Princes this shewes where the supreame power is and to whom the Militia belongs 8. H. 6. numb 57. Rott Parl. Cooks 4 pars instit 25. H. 6. No priviledge of Parliament is grantable for treason felony or breach of the peace if not to any one Member not to two not to ten not to the major part 19 H. 6.62 The Law is the inheritance of the King and his people by which they are ruled King and people And the people are by the Law bound to ayd the King and the King hath an inheritance to hold Parliaments and in the ayds granted by the Commonalty If the major part of a Parliament commit treason they must not be Judges of it for no man or body can be Judge in his own cause and aswel as ten or any number may commit treason the greater number may aswell The King by his Letters patents may constitute a County palatine and grant Regall rights 32 H. 6.13 Plowd 334. this shewes where the supreame power is 17. Ed. 4. Rot. Parl. numb 39. Ed. 4. No priviledge of Parliament is grantable for treason fellony or breach of the peace if not for one not for two or more or a major part The same persons must not bee Judge and party Calvins Case 7. pars fol. 11 12. A corporate body can commit no treason nor can treason be committed against a corporate body 21. E. 4.13 and 14. but the persons of the men who make that body may commit treason and commit it against the naturall person of him who to some purposes is a body corporate but quatenus corporate no treason can bee committed by or against such a body that body hath no soule no life and subsists onely by the fiction of the Law and for that reason the Law doth conclude as aforesaid Plow com 213. therefore the Statue of 25. E. 3. must bee intended of the Kings naturall person conjoyned with the politique which are inseparable and the Kings naturall person being at Holmby his politique is there also and not at Westminster for the politique and naturall make one body indivisible If all the people of England should breake the league made with a forraigne Prince 19 Ed. 4.46 22 Rd. 4. Fitz. jurisdiction â—â—st plaeite without the Kings consent the league holds is not broken and therefore the representative body is inferiour to his Majesties The King may erect a Court of Common pleas in what part of the Kingdome he pleaseth by his letters patents can the two Houses do the like 1 Ed. 5. fol. 2 It cannot be said that the King doth wrong 1 Ed. 5. 4 Ed. 4.25 5 Ed. 4 29. declared by all the Judges and Serjeants at Law then there The reason is nothing can be done in this Common wealth by the Kings grant or any other act of his as to the Subjects persons goods Lands or liberties but must be according to established Lawes which the Judges are sworne to observe and deliver betweene the King and his people impartially to rich and poore high and low 2 Pars instit 158. and therefore the Justices and the Ministers of Justice are to be questioned and punished if the Lawes be violated and no reflection to be made on the King All Counsellors and Judges for a yeere and three moneths untill the tumults began this Parliament were all left to the ordinary cause of Justice what hath been done sithence is notorious For great Causes and considerations an Act of Parliament was made for the surety of the said Kings person R. 3. 1 R. 3. cap. 15. if a Parliament were so tender of King Rich. the 3. the Houses have greater reason to care for the preservation of his Majesty The Subjects are bound by their allegiance to serve the King for the time being Hâ—n 7. 11 H. 7. c. 1. against every Rebellion power and might reared against him within this Land that it is against all Lawes reason and good conscience if the King should happen to be vanquished that for the said deed and true duty and allegiance they should suffer in any thing it is ordained they should not and all Acts of processe of Law hereafter to be made to the contrary are to be void This Law is to be understood of the naturall Person of the King for his politick capacity cannot be vanquished nor war reared against it Relapsers are to have no benefit of this Act. It is no Statute â—â— H. 7.20 4 H. 7.18 Henry 8. 7 H. 7.14 if the King assent not to it and he may disassent this proves the negative voice The King hath full power in all causes to do justice to all men 24 H. 8. c. 12. 25 H. 8. c. 28 this is affirmed of the King and not of the two Houses The Commons in Parliament acknowledge no superiour to the King under God the House of Commons confesse the King to be above the representative body of the Realm Of good right and equity the whole and sole power of pardoning treasons fellonies c. 27 H. 8. c. 2â— Note belong to the King as also to make all Justices of Oyer and Terminer Judges Justices of the peace c. This Law condemns the practice of both Houses at this time The Kings Royall Assent to any Act of Parliament signed with his hand expressed in his Letters patents under the great Seale and declared to the Lords and Commons shall be as effectuall 33 H. 8. cap. 21. as if he assented in his owne person a vaine Act if the King be virtually in the Houses The King is the head of the Parliament the Lords the principal members of the body Dier 38. H. 8. fo 59.60 the Commons the inferiour members and so the body is composed therefore there is no more Parliament without a King then there is a body without a head There is
a Corporation by the Common-Law 14 H. 8. f. 3. as the King Lords and Commons are a Corporation in Parliament and therefore they are no body without the King The death of the King dischargeth all mainprise to appeare in any Court or to keepe the peace 34 Ed 3.48 1 Ed. 4.2 The death of the King discontinues all Pleas by the Common-law 2 H. 4.8 1 H. 7.10 1 Ed. 5 1. which agreeth not with the virtuall power insisted upon now Writs are discontinued by the death of the King Ed 6. 2 Ed. 6. c. 7. Patents or Judges Commission for Justices of the Peace Sheriffs Escheators determined by his death where is the virtuall power All authority and jurisdiction spirituall and temporall is derived from the King 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. therefore none from the Housess His Majesties Subjects â— 3 Ed. 6. c. 2. 11 H. 7. c. 1. Calvins Case sâ— part Cooke 1 Pars instit 69. according to their bounden duties ought to serve the King in his warres of this side or beyond the Seas beyond the seas is to be understood for wages This proves the power of warres and preparation for warre to be in the King It is most necessary both for common policy and duty of the Subject 5.6 Ed. c. 11. to restraine all manner of shamefull standers against their King which when they be heard cannot but be odible to his true and loving subjects upon whom dependeth the whole unity and universall weale of the Realme This condemnes their continuing of the weekely Pamphlets who have beene so foule mouthed against his Majesty The punishment of all offendors against the Lawes Q. â—â—ary 1. Mar. Pl. 2. cap. 2. belongs to the King and all jurisdictions do and of right ought to belong to the King This leaves all to his Majesty All Commissions to leavy men for the warre 4.5 P. M. c â— Q Eliz. 10 Eliz. Pl. 315. are awarded by the King The power of warre onely belongs to the King It belongs to the King to defend his people and to provide Armes and Force No speech of the two Houses Roy ad sble governmeni de ses subjects Plow 234.242.213 Calvins case 7. pars fol. 12. Plow com 213. Corps naturall le Roy politique sunt un corps That is the king hath the sole government of his Subjects the body politick and the naturall body of the King make one body and not divers and are inseperable and indivisible The body naturall and politique make one body Plou 914.243.213 Calvins case 7. pars fol. 12 and are not to be severed Ligeance is due to the naturall body and is due by nature Gods Law and Mans Law cannot be forfeited nor renounced by any meanes it is inseparable from the person Every Member of the House of Commons 1 Eliz cap. 1 Candries case 5 pars fol. 1 at every Parliament takes a corporall Oath That the King is the supreame and onely Governour in all causes in all his Dominions otherwise he is no Member of that House The words of the Law are in all causes over all persons The said Act of 1 Eliz. is but declarative of the ancient Law 4â— Eliz. 3. pars instit fol. 6.2 Candries Case ibid. The Earle of Essex and others assembled multitudes of men to remove Councellors adjudged Treason by all the Judges of England To depose the King 39 Eliz. Hil. 1 Iacobi ibid or take him by force to imprison him untill he hath yeelded to certaine demands adjudged Treason and adjudged accordingly in the Lord Cobbams Case Atising to alter Religion established 39 Ed. Brad case f. 9. 16. By all the Judges of England ibid. 10. Eli. Plow 316 or any Law is treason so for taking of the Kings Castles Forts Ports or Shipping Brooke treason 24.3 4. Philip and Mary Dier Staffords Case concerning Scarborough The Law makes not the servant greater then the Master nor the subject greater then the King for that were to subvert order and measure The Law is not knowne but by Usage and Usage proves the Law 10 Eliz. Plow 31â— and how Usage hath been is notoriously knowne The King is our onely rightfull and lawfull Leige Lord and Soveraigne K. Iames 1 Iac. cap. 1 9 Ed 4 fol 8 we doe upon the knees of our hearts adnize constant Faith Loyalty and Obedience to the King and his Royall progeny in this high Court of Parliament where all the body of the Realme is either in person or by representation We doe acknowledge hat the true and sincere Religion of he Church is continued and established by the King And doe recognize as we are bound by the Law of God and Man the Realme of England and the Imperiall crowne thereof doth belong to him by inherent birth-right and lawfull and undoubted succession and submit our selves and our posterities for ever untill the last drop of our blood be spent to his rule and beseech the King to accept the same as the first fruits of our Loyalty and faith to his Majesty and his posterity for ever and for that this Act is not compleat nor perfect without his Majesties assent the same is humbly desired This proves that the Houses are not above the King that Kings have not their titles to the Crown by the two Houses but by inherent birth right and that there can be no Statute without his expresse assent and destroyes the Chimera of the Kings virtuall being in the Houses To promise obedience to the Pope or any other State 3 Iae. cap. 4. 23 Eliz. c. 1. Prince or Potentate other then the King his heyres and successors is treason and therefore those persons who call the houses the Estates offend this Law Such Bils as his Majesty is bound in conscience and justice to passe K. Charles Collection of Ordinances fol. 727. 1 pars ib. fol. 728. are no Law without his assent To designe the ruine of the Kings person or of Monarchy is a monstrous and injurious charge Vbi lâ—x non distinguit non est distinguendum ibid. fol. 865. all the aforesaid Acts and Lawes do evidently prove the Militia to belong to the King that the King is not virtually in the two Houses that the King is not considerable separately in relation to his politick capacity that the King is not a person trusted with a power but that it is his inherent birth-right from God Nature and Law and that he hath not his power from the people These Lawes have none of those distinctions of naturall and politicke abstractum concretum power and person in Caesars time this Island had Kings and ever since which is almost 17 hundred yeares agoe No King can be named in any time made in this Kingdome by the people A Parliament never made King for they were Kings before the Parliaments are summoned by the Kings Writs which for Knights Citizens and Burgesses begins thus
Roys ' avisera or nâ— veulâ— it was against Magna Charta Articuli Cleri and many other Acts of Parliament And might have farther given these reasons if it had so pleased him for the same First that this Bill destroyes the Writ whereby they are made two Houses of Parliament 14 Hen. 7. fol. 22. Evesque est signior de grand honneâ—r the King in the Writ being â—um praelaris colloquium habtre Secondly they have been in all Parliaments since we had any and voted but in such wherein they themselves were concerned And there have been Bishops here sithence we were Christians and the Fundamentall Law of the Kingdome approves of them If any of them were conceived offensive they were left to Justice and his Majesty would put in inoffensive men in their places but sithence his Majesty hath passed the Bill for taking away their Vores in Parliament it is a Law that bindes us so farre Upon the whole matter the Law hath notably determined that Billa agreed by both Houses pretended to be for the publick good are to be judged by the King for in all Kings Reignes Bils have been preferred by both Houses which alwaies are pretended to be for the publique good and many times are not and were rejected with Roy's auisera or Roy ne veult This Parliament began the 3 of Novemb. 1640. before that time in all the kings reign no armed power did force any of the people to doe any thing against the Law what was done was by his Judges Officers Refers and Ministers from that time untill the 10. os Ia. 1641. when the King went from London to avoyd the danger of frequent tumults being a year and 3 months Privie Counsellors and all his Justices Ministers were lest to the Justice of the Law there wanted not time to punish punishable men The Sphere of the House of Commons is to represent the grievances of the Countrey to grant aydes for the King upon all fit occasions extraordinary to assent to the making or abrogating of Lawes The Orb of the House of Lords to reforme erroneous judgements given in the Kings Bench to redresse the delayes of Courts of Justice to receive all Petitions to advise his Majesty with their Councell to have their Votes in making or abrogating of Lawes and to propose for the common good what they conceive meet Lex non cogit ad impossibilia Subjects are not to expect from Kings impossible things so many Judges Councellours Sheriffes Justices of the Peace Commissioners Ministers of State that the King should over-looke them all cannot be it is impossible The King is vertually in his ordinary Courts of Justice so long as they continue his Courts their charge is to administer the Lawes in being and not to delay deferre oâ— sell Justice for any Commandment of the King We have Lawes enough Instrumenta boni saeculi sunt bonâ— viri good Ministers as Judges and Officers are many times wanting the houses propose new Lawes or abrogation of the old both induce novelty the Law for the reasons aforesaid makes the King the onely Judge who is assisted therein by a great number of grave learned and prudent men as aforesaid For the considerations aforesaid the Kings Party adheared to him the â—aw of the Lnnd is their Birth-â—ight their Guide no offence is committed where that is not violated they found the Commission of Aâ—â—ray warrauted by the Law they found the King in this Parliament to have quitted the Shâ—-money Knighthood-money seven Courts of Justice consented to a Triennall Parliament setled the Forrest hounds tooke away the Cearke of the Market of the houshold trusted the House with the Navy passed an Act not to dâ—â—olve this Parliament without the Houses assent no people in the world so free if they could have been content with Lawes Oathes and reaâ—â—â— and nothing more could or can be devised to secure us neither hath been in any time Notwithstanding all this we found the King driven from London by frequent tumults that two thirds an dt more of the Lords had disserted tha House for the same cause and the greater part of the House of Commons left that House also for the same reason new men chosen in their places against Law by the pretended Warrant of a connterfet Seale and in the Kings name against his consent leavying Warre against him and seizing his Ports Forts Magazines and Revenue and converting them to his destruction and the subversion of the Law and Land laying Taxes on the people never heard of before in this Land devised new Oathes to oppose Forces raised by the King nor to adhere to him but to them in this Warre which they call the 〈◊〉 the Oath and the V. W. and Covenant By severall wayes never used in this kingdome they have raised Monies to foment this Warre and especially to inrich some among them namely first Exâ—is secondly Contributions thirdly Sequestrations fourthly Fift-parts fiftly Twentieth-parts sixtly 〈◊〉 money seventhly Sale of Plundered gpods eightly Loanes ninthly Benedolentes tenthly 〈◊〉 upon their fast-dayes eleventhly new Impoâ—tions upon Merchandâ—res twelfely Gâ—ards maintained upon the charge of private men thirteenthly Fifty Subâ—â—dies at â—â—e time fourteenthly Compossâ—â—ons with such as they call Delinquents fifteentlaly Sale of Bishppâ— Lands c. From the Kings Party meanes of subsistance are taken 〈◊〉 R 3. cap. 3 Bract. li. 3. c. 8. Stanford 192. Sir Ger. Flâ—â—twoods Case S. pars Cook 7. H. 〈◊〉 â—ast leafe before any Indictment their Lands seized their goods taken the Law allowes a Traytor or Fellon attained Necessaria sibi familiae suae invictu vestitu where iâ— the Covenant Where is the Petition of Right Where is the liberty of the Subject First we have ayded the King in this Warre contrary to the Negative Oath and other Votes Our Warrant is the twenty fifth of Edward the third the second Chapter and the said resolutions of all the Judges Secondly 〈◊〉 Insâ—it a 25. a Instit 696 The Law so at the Edition of that booke Hutton and Crook we have maintained the Commission of Array by the Kings Command contrary to their Votes We are warranted by the Statute of the fifth of Henry the fourth and the judgement of Sir Edward Cooke the â—â—cle of the Law as they call him Thirdly we maintained Archâ— Bishoâ—â— and Bishops whom they would suppresse Our warrant is Magna-Charta and many Statutes more Fourthly we have maintained the Booke of Common mayâ—r they suppresse it Our warrant is five acts of Parliament in Edward the fixt and Queene Elizabeths time 5 Pelchae 35 Elizabeth inter placita Coronae in Banâ—â— Regis New booke of Entries fol. 252. Penry for publishing two scandalous Libels against the Church Government was indicted arraigned attainted and executed at Tyburne Fiftly we maintained the Militiâ—â— of the Kingdome to belong to the King they the contrary Our warrant is the Statute of the seventh of Edward the first and many Statutes â—â—thence
the practise of all times and the Custome of the Realâ—â—e Sixthly we maintained the coâ—â—terâ—eiting of the great Sealâ— to be high Treason and so of the usurpation of the Kings forts Do is Shipping Casties and his Revenue and the coâ—â—ing of Money against them We have our warrantâ— by the said Statute of the twenty fifth of Edward the third Chapter the second and divers others since and the practise of all times Seventhly we maintaine that the King is the onely supreme Governour in all causes They that his Majesty is to be governed by them Our warrant is the Statutes of the first of Queene Elizabeth Chapter the first and the fifth of Queene Elizabeth the first Eightly We maintaine that the King is King by an inherent birth-right 9 Ed. 4. fol. â— by nature by Gods Law and by the Law of the Land They say his Kingly right is an Office upon trust Our warrant is the Statute of the first of King James Chapter the first And the resolution of all the Judges of England in Calvins Case Ninthly wee maintaine that the politick capacity is not to be severed from the naturall They hold the contrary Our warrant is two Statutes viz. exilium Hugonis in Edward the seconds time and the first of Edward the third Chapter the second and their Oracle who hath published it to Posterity that it is damnable detestable and execrable Treason Calvins Case yeers 7. fol. 11. Tenthly wee maintaine that who â—â—des the King at home or abroâ—d ought not to be molested or questioned for the same they hold and practise the contrary Our warrant is the Statute of the eleventh of Henry the seventh Chapter the first Eleventhly wee maintaine that the King hiâ—h power to disassent to any Bill agreed by the two Honses which they deny Our warrant is the Statute of the second of Henry the fifth and the practice of all times the first of King Charles Chapter the seventh the first of King James Chapter the first Twelfthly wee maintaine that Parliaments ought to be holden in a grave and peaceable manner without tumults 3. They allowed multitudes of the meanest sort of the people to come to Westminster to cry for justice when they could not have their will Coll. of Ord. fol. 31. and keepe guards of armed men to wait upon them Our warrant is the Statute of the seventh of Edward the second and their Oracle Thirteenthly wee maintaine that there is no State withâ—n this Kingdome but the Kings Majesty and that to adhere to any other State within this Kingdome is high Treason Our warrant is the Statute of the third of King James Chapter the fourth and the twenty third of Queene Elizabeth Chapter the first Fourteenthly wee maintaine that to â—evy a waâ—â—e to remove Couâ—sellours to aâ—ter Religion or any Land established is high Treason They hold the contrary Our warrant is the resolutions of all the Judges of England in Queene Eliznbeths time and their Oracle agrees with the same Fifteenthly wee maintaine that no man should be impusoned put out of his Lands but by due coâ—rse of Law and that no man ought to be adjadged to death but by the Law established the Câ—â—stames of the â—â—â—â—me or by Act of Paâ—â—tement They practise the contrary in London Bristol Keâ—t c. Our warrant is Magna Chanta Chapter the twenty ninth the Pâ—â—ition of Right the third of King Charles and divers Lawes there mentioned Wee of the Kings party did and do detest Monopolies and Ship-money and all the grievanâ—es of the people as muâ—h as any men living wee do well know that our estates lives and fortunes are preserved by the Lawes and that the King is bound by his Lawes wee love Parliamenss if the Kings Judges Counsell or Ministers have done amisse they had from the third of November 1640. to the tenth of January 1641. time to punish them being all left to justice Where is the Kingâ— fault The Law saith the Kings can do no Wrong 11. pars Cooks Reports Magdalen Colledge Case that he is medicus Regni pater patriae sponsus Regni qui per annulum is espoused to his Realme at his Coronation The King is Gods Lieutenant and is not able to do an unjust thing these are the words of the Law 〈◊〉 matter is pretended that the 〈◊〉 are not sure to enjoy the Acts passed this Parllament A succeeding Parliament may repeale them The objection is very weake a Parliament succeeding to that may repeale that repealing Parliament That â—eare is endlesse and remedilesse for it is the essence of Parliaments being compleat and as they ought to be of Head and all the Members to have power over Parliaments before Parliaments are as the times are If a turbulent faction prevailes the Parliaments are wicked as appeares by the examples recited before of extreme wicked Parliaments if the times be sober and modest prudent and not biassed the Parliaments are right good and honourable and they are good medicines and salves but in this Parliament excessit medicina mâ—dum In this cause and warre betweene the Kings Majesty and the two Houses at Westmiester what guide had the Subjects of the Land to direct them but the Lawes What meanes could they use to discerne what to follow what to avoid but the Lawes The King declares it Treason to adhere to the Houses in this warre The Houses declare it Treason to adhere to the King in this warre The Subjects for a great and considerable part of them Treason being such a crime as forfeits life and estate also renders a mans Posterity â—ase beggerly and infamous looke upon the Laws and finde the Letter oâ— tho Law requâ—res them to a 〈◊〉 the King as before is manifested was ever Subject criminally punisht in any age or Nation for his pursuit of what the Letter of the Law commands The Subjects of the Kingdome finde the distinction and interpretation now put upon the Lawes of Abstractum Concretum Poweâ— and Person body politick and naturall personall presence and virtuall to have beene condemned by the Law and so the Kings Party had both the Letter of the Law and the interpretation of the Letter cleared to their judgments whereby they might evidently perceive what side to adhere to what satisfaction could modest peaceable and loyall men more desire A verbo legis in criminâ—bus poenis non est recedentum hath been an approved maxime of Law in all ages and times Coll. of Ordinances 777. If the King be King and remaine in his Kingly Office as they call it then all the said Lawes are against them without colour they say the said Lawes relate to him in his Office they cannot say otherwise they make Commissions and Pardons in the Kings name and the person of the King and his body politick cannot nor ought to be severed as hath beene before declared 5 Eliz. cap. 1. 1 Eliz. cap. 1. And the Members of both Houses have sworne
7 Ob. as King is present in his Parliament as well as in all other his Courts of Justice howbeit he is not there In his other Courts of Justice he hath no voyce Sol. he is none of the Judges in the Parliament he hath if his presence be not necessary his voyce is not nor his assent The originall prime legislative power of making Lawes 8 Ob. Soveraigne power of Parliaments 4â— 44 Sol. to binde the Subjects and their posterity rests not in the King but in the Kingdome and Parliament which represents it Master Prinne in the same lease affirmes and truly that the Kings assent is generally requisite to passe Lawes and ratifie them the King is the Head of the Kingdome and Parliament how then can a Body act without a Head A major part of a Corporation bindes 9 Ob. therefore the major part in Parliament and so of by Lawes The Corporation is so bound Sol. either by the Kings Charters or by prescription which sometimes had the Kings concession but prescription and Law and practise alwaies left the King a negative voyce The King cannot alter the Bills presented to him by both Houses 10 Ob. go. True Sol. but the King may refuse them Acts of Parliament and Lawes ministred in the Reignes of Usurpers 11 Ob. binde rightfull Kings g o What is this to prove the two Houses power only which is the question Sol. A King de facto must be obeyed by them who submitted to him and they are his Subjects by their submission and not Subjects de facto to the true King 9 Ed. 4. and such being Traytours and Rebells to the Regent King having renounced the true King when the lawfull King is restored may be punished by him for their Treason against the Usurper But here is a King still in both cases and the proceedings at Law holds the Judges having their Patents from the being Kings in the Reignes of Kings de facto or de jure for all Kings are bound and sworne to observe the Lawes A King dyes without Heire 12 Ob. is an Infant non compos mentis c. the two Houses may establish Lawes g o There is no Inter-regnum in England Sol. as appeares by all our Bookes of Law and therefore the dying without Heire is a vaine supposition and by their principle he is considerable in his politick capacity which cannot dye at all The Protectour assisted by the Councell of the King at Law his twelve Judges the Councell of State his Attorney Solicitor and two Sergeants at Law his twelve Masters of the Chancery hath in the Kings behalfe and ever had a Negative Voyce but what is this to the present question We have a King of full age of grear wisdome and judgement the power of the two Houses in such a case to be over the King cannot be showne The King cannot disâ—assent to publique and necessary Bills for the common good 13 Ob. g o Nor ever did good King Sol. but who shall be judge whether they be publique and necessary The major part in either of the Houses for passing of Bills so pretended may be but one or two voyces or very few and perhaps of no judicious men is it not then fitter or more agreeable to reason that his Majesty and Councell of State his twelve Judges his Sergeants Attorney and Solicitor twelve Masters of the Chancery should judge of the conveniency and benefit of such Bills for the publick good rather then a minor of which sort there may be in the Houses or a weake man or a few who oftentimes carry it by making the major part which involves the consent of all Let reason determine The Kings of England have been elective 14 Ob. and the King by his Coronation Oath is bound to maintaine justas leges consuetudines quas vulgas elegerit g o Popery hath been in the Kingdome Sol. and therefore to continue it still will not be taken for a good argument when things are setled for many ages to looke back to times of confusion is to destroy all repose The Act of Parliament of the first of K. James Chapter the first and all our extant Lawes say that the Kings Office is an heritage inherent in the bloud of our Kings and their Birth-right And Usurpers that come in by the consent of the people â— Ed. 4. c. 1 are Kings de facto but not de jure as appeares by the Acts of Parliament declaring them so and by all our Law-bookes and the fundamentall constitution of the Land Regall power is hereditary and not elective For the words vulgus elegerit if vulgus be applyed to the House of Commons 1 Hen 7. they of themselves can make no Lawes The Peeres were never yet termed vulgus but allowing they be so called the Lawes to be made be just and who is fit to judge thereof is before made evident Customes cannot referre to future time 15 Ob. and both are coupled Lawes and Customes Princes have been deposed and may be by the two Houses g o The deposers were Traytours Sol. as appeares by the resolution of all the Judges of England Coke Chap. Treason in the second part of the Institutes And never was King deposed but in tumultuous and mad times and by the power of Armies and they who were to be the succeeding Kings in the head of them as Edward the third and Henry the fourth The appeale to the Parliament for errours in Judgements in all Courts is frepuent 16 Ob. g o This is onely to the House of Lords Sol. and that is not the Parliament the House of Commons have nothing to doe therewith and in the House of Peeres if a Writ of Errour be brought to reverse any judgement there is first a Petition to the King for the allowance thereof and the reason of the Law in this case is for that the Judges of the Land all of them the Kings Councell and twelve Masters of the Chancery assist there by whose advice erronious judgements are redressed The Parliaments have determined of the rights of Kings 17 Ob. as in Henry the sixts time and others and Parliaments have bound the succession of Kings as appeares by the Statute of the thirteenth of Queene Elizabeth Chapter the first And the discent of the Crowne is guided rather by a Parliamentary Title then by common Law g o If this objection be true Sol. that the Title to the Crowne is by Parliament then we had no Usurpers for they all had Parliaments to backe them yea Richard the third that Monster All our Bookes of Law say they have the Crowne by discent and the Statutes of the Land declare that they have the same by inherent birth-right And the Statute of the thirteenth of Elizabeth the first Chapter was made to secure Queene Elizabeth against the Queene of Scots then in the Kingdome clayming the Crowne of
will not come to them and yet the King desires to come but they wil not suffer him but keepe him prisoner at Holmby so well doe their Actions and Oathes agree 5. They sweare now King Charies is their only and supreame Governor but with a resolution at the time of the Oath taking and before and after that he shall not be only or supreame Governour or only and supreame but not any Governour at all For there is no point of Government but for some yeares past they have taken to themselves and used his name only to abuse and deceive the people 6. That this virtuall power is a meere fiction their Propositions sent to Oxford to Neweastle to be signed by the King doe prove it so What needs this adoe if they have the virtuall Power with them at Wistminster 7. To affirme that the Kings power which is the vertue they talke of is separable from his person is High Treason by the Law of the Land which is so declared by that learned man of the Law Sir Edward Cocke so much magnified by this present Parliament who in the 7 part of his Reports in Calving case fol. 11 saith thus In the reigne of Edward the second the Supencers the Father and Sonne to cover the Treason hat hed in their hearts invented this damnable and damned opinion that homage and Oath of Legeance was more by reason of the I Kings Crowne that is of his potitick capacity theu by reason of ohe person of the King upon which â—â—inion they inferred three execraâ—le and detestable consequences h. If the King to not demeaue himselfe by reason in the right of his Crowne his Lieges are bound â—y Oath to remove the King 2 seeing that the King â—ould not be retormed by â—nte of Law that ought so be dene per aspertes that is by orce 3. That his Lieges be beund to governe in â—yde of him and in default of him all which wâ—re condemned by two Parliaments one in the raigue of Edw. 2. called exilium Hugonis le Spencer and the other in anno 1. Edw 3 cap. 2. And that the naturall body and politick maks one indivisible body that these two bodies incorporate in one person make one body and not divers is resolved as the Law of Eng. 4 Ed 3 Ploydon Com. fol. 213 by Sir Co bet Catlin L. Chiefe Justice of Eng. Sir Iâ—mes Dâ—er L. Chief Justice of the Common pleas the L. Sanders L. Chief Baron of the Excheâ—ner by the rest of the Judges viz. Justice Restall Justice Browne Justice Corbet Justice weston Baron Frevylâ— Carus and Powâ—rel Sergeant to the Queene Gerrard Auturny Generall Carell Atturney of the Dutchy Pâ—owdon the learnedest man of that age in the knowledge of the Law and Customes of the Realme 8. The Law in all ages without any controversie is and hath been that no Act of Parliament bindes the Subjects of the Land without the assent of the King â— Hâ—â— 3 Mogn Charta So in every Age till this dâ—y and in every Kings time as appeares by the Acts in Print 1 part of the Iustit Sect. 234. 〈◊〉 fine where many of the Law-Bookes are â—iied 7 Hen. 7.14.12 of Hen. 7.20 either for Person Lauds Goods or Fame No man can shew any sillable letter or line to the contrary in the bookes of the Law or printed Acts of Parliament in any age in this Land If the virtuall power be in the Houses there needs no assent of the Kings The stiles of the Acts printed from 9 Hen. 3. to 1 Hen. 7. were either The King ordaines at his Parliament c. or the King ordaineth by the advâ—ee of his Prelates and Barâ—â—rs and at the humble Petition of the Commons c. In Hen. 7. his time the Stile altered and hath fithence continued thus It is oâ—dained by the Kings Majesty and the Lords spirituall and temporall and Commons in this present Parliament assembled So that alwayes the Assent of the King giveth the life to all as the soule to the body and therefore our Law bookes call the King the Fountaine of Justice and the life of the Law 9. 2 Han. 4 Cap 22 4 pars instit 42. Mr. â—â—in in his Treatise of the great Seal fol. 17.27 Hen. 8 Chap. 24. Mercy as well as Justice belongs by the Law of the Land onely to the King This is confessed by Mr. Pryn and it is so without any question The King can onely pardon and never more cause to have sufficient pardons then in such troublesome times as these and God send us pardons and peace None can give any pardon but the King by the Law of the Land The whole and sole power of pardoning Treasons and Felonies belongs to the King are the words of the Law and it is a delusion to take it from any other and utterly invalid 27. Hen. 8. c. 24. 10. Queene Elizabeth summoned her first Parliament to bee held the 23. of Jan. in the first yeare of her Majesties Raigne The Lords and commons assembled by force of the same Writ the 21 day the Queen fell sick and could not appeare in her person in Parliament that day and therefore prorogued it untill the 25 of the same Month of January Resolved by all the Judges of England that the Parliament began not the day of the returne of the Writ 3 of Eliz. Dier 2â—3 viz. the 23. of January when the Lords and Commons appeared but the 25 of the said Moneth when the Queene came in person which sheweth evidently that this virtuall presence is a meere deluding fiction that hath no ground in Law reason or sence They have the King now a prisoner at Holmby with guards upon him and yet they governe by the virtuall power of their prisoner These are some few of the causes and reasons which moved me to deliver that paper to Mr. Corbet which I am ready to justifie with my life and should hold it a great honour to dye for the honourable and holy Lawes of the Land that which will save this Land from destruction is an Act of Oblivion and his Majesties gracious generall pardon the Souldiers their Arrears and euery man his own and truth and Peace established in the Land and a favourable regard had to the satisfaction of tender Consciences April 29. 1547. David Ienkins THE ARMIES INDEMNITY WITH ADDITION Together with a DECLARATION SHEWING How every Subject of ENGLAND ought to be tried for Treasons Felonies and all other Capital Crimes as is set down in the Lawes of the LAND By DAVID IENKINS now Prisoner in the Tower of London Printed in the Yeare 1648. The Armies Imdemnity c. UPon the publishing of the Ordinance of the 22 of May last for the Indemnity of the Army certaine Gentlemen well affected to the peace of the Kingdome and safety of the Army desired mee to set down in writing whether by the Law of the Land the said Ordinance did secure them from danger as to
the matters therein mentioned For whose satisfaction in a businesse wherein the lives and fortunes of so many men were concerned and the peace of the Kingdom involved I conceived I was bound in duty and conscience faithfully and truly to set down what the Law of the Land therein is which accordingly I have with all sincerity expressed in this following discourse The danger of the Armie by the Law of the Land is apparent to all men 25 â—d 3. c. 21. 2 R. 2. c. 3. â— H. 4. c. 10. 1 2. Th. Mary c. 10. It is high Treason by the Law of the Land to leavy warre against the King to compasse or imagine his death or the death of his Queene or of his eldest Sonne to counterfeit his Money or his great Seale They are the very words of the Law Other Treasons then are specified in that Act are declared to be no Treasons untill the King and his Parliament shall declare otherwise 3 Pars inst p. 22. 2 pars instit pag. 47 48. 4 pars instiâ— p. 23.48.29 3 pars instit cap. Treason p. 9 10 12. they are the very words of the Law King and Commons King and Lords Commons and Lords cannot declare any other thing to be Treason than there is declared as appeares by the Lord Cook in the places cited in the Margin A Law book published by order of the House of ComoÌ„ns this Parliament as appears in the last leafe of the 2. part of the Institutes published likewise by their Order The Resolutions of all the Iudges of England upon the said Statute of the 25 Edward 3. 〈◊〉 5. Iohn the Sollicitor in his speech upon the Araignment of the Flarle of Strafford Printed by order of the House of Commons .7 13. as appeares in the said third part of the Institutes Chap. High-Treason have been that to imprison the King untill hee agree to certaine demands is High-Treason to seize his Ports Forts Magazine for Warre are High Treason to alter the Lawes is High Treason The word King in the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. c. p. 2. must be understood of the Kings naturall person for that person can only die have a Wife have a Son or be imprisoned The Priviledge of Parliament protects no man from treason or felony 4 pars insti c. Parl. p. 25â— howbeit he be a Member much lesse can they protect others Those who cannot protect themselves have no colour to make Ordinances to protect others who are no Members The Statute of 11 Hen. 7. c. 1. doth by expresse words free all persons who adhere to the King 11 H. 7. c. 1. The Army by an Act of Indemnity free themselyes from all those dangers Stamfo d. l. 2. fol. 99. 18 Ed. 3. Statutes at larg 144. 20 Ed. 3. c. 1. 11 Râ—â— 2. c. 10. 4 pars instit pag. 23.48.29 which an Ordinance can no more do than repealé all the Lawes of the Land the whole and sole power by Law to pardon all Treasons Felonies c. being solely and wholly in the King as is cleared by the Statute of 27 H. 8. c. 24. and the Law of the Land in all times Having shewed the danger of the Army by the Law of the Land next consider thâ— Ordinance of the Lords and Commons published the 22 of May last for their Indemnity by the ensuing discourse it doth appeare they have no Indemnity at all thereby The Indemnity proposed by the Ordinance is for an Act done by the authority of the Parl or for the service or benefit thereof and that the Judges and all other Ministers of Justice shall allow thereof This Ordinance cannot secure the Army for these reasons 1. Their Judges are sworne to doe justice according to the Law of the Land 3 Pars inst p. 21. 2 pars inst 47.48 1 pars inst 19â— Princes case 8 reports and therefore the Judges must be forsworne men if they obey it because an Ordinance of both Houses is no Law of the Land and no man can believe they will perjure themselves so palpably and visibly in the eye of the World 2. All tryals for treasons felonies robberies Magna Charta cap. 19. 25 Ed. 3. c. 4. 28 H. 3. c. 3. 37 Ed. 3. c. 42 Ed. 3. c. 3. and such like capitall offences are by the Law of the Land to be by indictment of a Jury appointed out of the Neighbourhood where the offence was done there is no common Jury-man but understands what the Law is in these cases as well as the best Lawyers and the Law makes the Jury Judges of the fact Doclaration of the Army presented at Walden and printed by the appointment of the Officers subscribed whereby the souldier is left to their mercy whom he hath offended as some of them have lately had wofull experience and thereupon doe rightly apprehend their danger Now no man can think that the Jurors will perjure themselves to acquit the souldiers for robbing and plundring of the Countryes and thereby utterly destroy their own Rights and Properties 3. If the Judges conceive as they may that the taking of other mens horses or goods is not by the Authority of Parliament or for the service and benefit thereof the souldier dies for it they may say to steale or rob any man of his goods is not for the Parliaments service but against it which was alwayes the sense of the people and doubtlesse the Jurors will not think otherwise 4. This Ordinance is restrained to the authority 4 Pars inst p. 1. 3 pars inst p. 22. 1 pars inst p. 1. 28 H. 8. f. iâ— Dier 38 H. 8. fol. 60. 12 H. 7. 20. 1 pars instit 159. Princes case 8 Reports service or benefit of the Parliament the Lords and Commons make no more a Parliament by the Law of the Land than a body without a head makes a man for a Parliament is a body composed of a King their head the Lords and Commons the Members All three together make one body and that is the Parl. and no other and the Iudges may ought and I believe wil according to their oathes proceed as not bound at all by this Ordinance For it is restrained to the authority of Parliam service or benefit thereof whereas the two Houses are not the Paâ—l but onely parts thereof and by the abuse and misunderstanding of this word Parliament they have miserably deceived the people 5. This Ordinance is against their Ordiinance which expressly prohibits plundring 28 Aug. 1642. Col. of Ord. first part 565.592.605 severall Ordinances and so there is one Ordinance against another whereby their Judges have an out let to proceed on the one or the other and thereby the Army hath no manner of security 6. The word Parliament is a French word howbeit such Assemblies were before the Norman Conquest heere and signifies in that language to consult and treat 1 Pars inst 109. 1 pars
instit 110. 4 pars p. 49. that is the sence of the word Parler in the French Tongue The Writ whereby the two Houses are assembled which is called the Writ of Summons of Parliament at all times and at this Parliament used and which is the warrant ground and foundation of their meeting is for the Lords of the House of Peeres the Iudges and Kings Counsell to consult and treate with the King that is the Parler of great concernments touching 〈◊〉 the King secondly the defence of his Kingdome thirdly the defence of the Church of England It cannot be a Parliament that will not parle with their King but keepe him in prison and not suffer him to come to them and parle and therefore the Law and sense and reason informing every man that is no manner of parliament the King with whom they should parle being so restrained that they will not parle with him the army hath no manner of security by this Ordinance for their indemnification refers to that which is not in being untill the King be at Liberty 7. It is more than probable that their Iudges before the last Circuite had instructions to the effect of this Ordinance The Common souldiers second Apology 6. Grievances of the Army published 15. May last Three grievances of Col. Riches Regiment but they the Iudges making conscience of their Oath layd aside the said instructions and ought and may and it is believed will no more regard this Ordinance than the said instructions What was done in the last circuit the army well knowes touching many of their fellow Souldiers 8. The Hâ—uses in their first proposition to his Majesty for a safe and well-grounded peace sent to Newcastle to desire a pardon from his Majesty for themselves they who desire a pardon cannot granr a pardon comoÌ„n reason dictates this to every man and therefore that the army should accept an indemnity for them who seek it for themselves or should conceive it of any manner of force is a fancy so that no man in the whole army but may apprehend that it is vain and a meer delusion 9. His Majesty by his gracious message of the 12 of May last hath offered an Act of Oblivion and a generall pardon to all his people this done the Law doth indemnifie the Army without all manner of scruple for any thing that hath been done for it is an Act of Parl. when the King two houses concur and bindes all men I here is no safety by the Ordinance there is safety by an Act of Parliament and will not reasonable men preferre that which is safe before that which is unsafe 10. His Majesty by his said Letter agrees to pay the arrears of the army J am sure that it is a publick debt and the chiefest and the first that by the two Houses should be paid and before any dividend or gratuities bestowed among themselves for their blood limbs and lives have put and kept the both Houses at rest in the power they have So by this concurrence of his Majesty for your indemnity and for your arreares the Army have not an Ordinance or the Publick Faith but the Law of the Land to make sure unto them their indemnity for all acts and for their arrears and therewith also bring peace to the Land 11. The Kingdom and people generally desire these things To such an army just and reasonable things must not be denyed the things formerly proposed are most just and reasonable you may have them if you will if you will not you render this Kingdom miserable wherein you will have your share of miseries the head and the body are such an incorporation as cannot be disolved without the destruction of both The additionall Ordinance of both Houses passed the 5. of Iune instant for the fuller indemnity of the Army makes nothing at all to the matter 1. For that it extends not to Felony Homicide Burglary Robbery or any other cappitall crime which is the main businesse insisted upon and most concerneth the Souldiers security 12. The both Houses in the said additional Ordinance say Mr. Pyms Speech against tho Earl of Strafford p. 16. Six considerations printed by the command of the House of Commons that it is expedient that all offences be pardoned and put in oblivion pardon and oblivion cannot be understood to be for a time but for ever and they themselves confess that an Ordinance is not binding but pro tempore which with the most advantagious interpretation can be but a reprive or delay of the execution of the Law and therefore that cannot pardon or put in oblivion by their own shewing But the Law of the Land is and so it hath constantly been practised in all times that no persons of what estate soever 27 H. 8. c. 24. have any power to pardon treason felony or any other offences but the King only who hath the sole and whole power to pardon all such crimes whatsoever And in the same manner an Ordinance is of no authority at all to take away the right of private mens actions by any evidence it can give in truth all the evidence that this Ordinance gives is that it records to posterity nothing but a lawlesse and distempered time For remedy thereof I say again it is a certaine truth this Kingdom without an act of Oblivion and a general pardon and the payment of Souldiers-arrears and a meet regard had to tender consciences will unavoydably be ruined Iune 10. 1647. DAVID IENKINS Prisoner in the Tower of London Sundry Acts of Parliament mentioned and cited in the Armies Indemnities set forth in words at large for the better satisfaction of such as desire rightly to be informed 25. Edw. Chap. 5. A Declaration what offences shall be adjudged Treason WHereas divers opinions haue béen before this time in what case Treason shall be said and in what not The King at the request of the Lords and of the Commons hath made a Declaration in the manner as hereafter followeth That is to say When a man doth compasse or imagine the death of our Lord the King or of our Lady the Quéen or of the eldest Son and Heire or do violate the Kings companion or the Kings eldest Daughter vnmarried or the Wife of the Kings eldest Son and Heire or if a man do leavy War against the Lord our King in his Realm or be adherent to the Kings enemies in his Realm giuing to them ayd and comfort in the Realm or else-where and thereof be probably attainted of open deed by people of their condition And if a man counterfeit the Kings great or priuy Seal or his Mony and any man bring false mony into this Realm counterfeit to the mony of England and the mony called Lusburgh or other like to the said mony of England c. 11. Hen. 7. Chap. 1. None that shall attend upon the King and do him true service shall be attainted or forfeit any thing THE King our
Subject is bound to govern in ayd of him we only say that his power is distinguishable from his person and when he himselfe makes a distinction betwixt them commanding one thing by his legall Writs Courts and Officers and commanding another thing extrajudicially by word of mouth Letters or Ministers we are to obey his power rather than his person 5. We take not from the King all power of pardoning Delinquents we onely say it is not proper to him quarto modo For if the King pardon him which hath murthered my son his pardon shall not cut me off from my appeal and 't is more unreasonable that the Kings pardon should make a whole State which hath suffered remedilesse than any private man So if the King should deny indemnity to those which in the furie of war have done things unjustifiable by the Lawes of peace and thereby keep the wounds of the state from being bound up 't is equitable that an Act of Indemnity should be made forcible another way And if his will not hold yet this is no good consequence the King is absolute in point of pardons therefore he is absolute in all things else and the parliament hath no power to discharge Delinquencies therefore it hath no power in other matters 6. The Parliament hath declared the King to be in no condition to governs but thir must not be interpreted rigidly and without distinction for if the King with his Sword drawn in his hand and pursuing the Parliament and their Adherents as Rebels be not fit for all Acts of Government yet it is not hereby insinuated that he is divested of the habit or right of Governing if he be unqualified now he is not unqualified for the future if he may not do things destructive to the parliament he is not barred from returning to the parliament or doing justice to the parliament This is a frivolous cavil and subâ—erfuge 7. We swear that the King is our supreme Governour over all persons and in all causes but we do not swear he is above all Law nor above the safetie of his people which is the end of the Law and indeed Paramount to the Law it selfe If he be above Law or liable to no restraint of our Law then we are no freer than the French or the Turks and if he be above the prime end of Law common safety then wee are not free as the French or Turks For if the totall subversion of the French or Turk were attempted they might by Gods Law imprinted in the book of Nature justifie a self-defence but we must remedilesly perish when the King pleases to command our throats Besides how atchieved the King of England such a Supremacy above all Law and the community it selfe for whose behoofe Law was made If Gods donation be pleaded which is not speciall to him or different from what other Kings may pretend to then to what purpose serve our Lawes nay to what purpose serve the Lawes of other Countryes for by this generall donation all Nations are condemned to all servitude as well as we If the Law of this Land bee appealed to what Bookes hath Mr. Ienkins read where hath he found out that Lex Regia whereby the people of England have given away from themselves all right in themselves Some of our Bookes tell us that we are more free than the French that the King canot oppresse us in our Personâ— oâ— Estates by imprisonment denying justice or laying Taxes without our consents Other Books tell us that the safety of the people is the supreme Law and that the King hath both God and the Law for his Superiour But all this is nothing to learned M. Jenkins 8. We admit that no Acts of Parliament are compleat or formally binding without the Kings assent yet this is still to be denied that therefore without this assent particularly exprest the two Houses can do nothing nor have any virtual power at all no not to examine M. Ienkins nor to do any other thing of like nature though in order to publike justice and safetie I have done and wish M. Ienkins would call in and lick up again his black infamous execrable reproaches so filthily vomited out against the Parliament To the first I Was examined by a Committee appointed by the House of Commons I say and said that the House of Commons have no power to examine me for that it is no Court every Court hath power to examine upon Oath this power the House of Commons never claimed The Court of Pye-powders court-Baron Hundred court County court and every other Court of Record 5. H. 4. c. 3. 3 H. 6.46 19 H. 6.43 â—5 H. 6.5 or not of Record hath power to examine upon Oath and an examination without Oath is a communication onely examination in Law is upon Oath There is no court without a power of tryall Sir Anthony Maynes â—ase Cook 1. par Reports Lit. 2. lib. Sect. 194. 6. H. 4.1 the House of Commons have no power to try any offence nor ever practised it by Bill Indictment Information Plaint or Originall Writ to reduce it to tryall nor to try it by Verdict Demurrer or Examination of Witnesses upon oath without which there can be no condemnation or judgement and that which can attaine to no reasonable end the Law rejects as a thing inutile and uselesse Sapiens incipiâ—a â—ine The Writ whereby they are called gives them power Ad faciendum consentiendum â— paâ—s instit fol. â— 9. To what To such things Quae ibidem de communi consilio ordiâ—â—â— contingerint viz. in the Parliament This makes nothing at all for a Court for the House of Commons that consilium which that Writ intends is cleared partly by the Writ for chusing Knights c. For the King by that Writ is said to resolve to consult and treate with the Prelates and Peeres of the Kingdome for and touching the great concernments of the Common-wealth for the King never sits in the House of Commons and this also is made evident by the Writs to the Prelates Peeres Judges and to his Counsell at Law The words in the Writ are To appeare and attend the Parliament Consilium impensuri the one doth conâ—ulere the other sacere conseâ—tire The House of Lords where the King sits in person assisted by His Lords Judges Serjeants Atturney 7 H. 6.28 1 H. 7. â—0* 13 Ed. 3. c. 5. 4 pars inst p. 21. Sollicitor Masters of the Chancery is a court of Record to many purposes set down in the Bookes of Law and the Statutes of the Land and that court is onely in the House of Lords where the King sits A court must either bee by the Kings Patent Statute Law or by the common Law Plowd Com. 319. which is common and constant usage the House of commons hath no Patent to bee a court nor Statute Law to bee a court nor common usage they have no Journall Booke but since Edward
the Parliament time by all the Members of the House of Commons and is required by the Law to be taken in all Parliaments otherwise they have no power nor colour to meddle with the publick Affaires This Oath being taken in Parliament that the King is the only and Supream Governour in al causes then it followes in Parliament causes over all persons then over the two Houses Let them keep this Oath and we shall bee sure of Peace in the Land and good Lawyers ought to desire peace both for the publicke good and their private and not dishonour that Noble profession as many doe in this miserable time The Gent. sayes Wee do not swear that the King is above all Law nor above the safety of his people neither do we so swear but his Majesty and we will sweare to the contrary and have sworne and have made good and will by Gods grace make good our Oath to the world that the KING is not above the Lawe nor above the safety of his people the Law and the safety of his people are his safety his Honour and his Strength AD 8. The Gent. concludes That Acts of Parliament are not formaly binding nor compleat without the Kings assent yet the Houses have a virtual power with out the Kings particular assent to doe things in order to publique justice and Safety viz. In setting up the Excise in raising and maintaining of Armes in Taxing the people at pleasure with Fifth and Twentieth part Fifty Subsidies Sequestrations Loans Compositions imprisoning the King abolishing the Common prayer Book felling the Churchs Lands c. all these are in order to the publick Justice and Safety Mr. H. P. you are of my profession I beseech you for the good of your Country for the Honour of our Science perswade your selfe and others as much as in you lies to beleeve and follow the monition and councell of that memorable reverend and profoundly Learned in the Lawes and Customes of the Land the Lord COOKI 3 par Inst pag 36. who writes as becomes a great and a learned Iudge of the Law a person much magnified by the two Houses in these words Peruse over all Books Records and Histories and you shall finde a Principle in Law a Rule in Reason and a Triall in Experience that Treason doth ever produce farall and finall destruction to the offender and never attains to the desired end two incidents inseparably thereunâ—o therefore let al men abandon it as the poysonouâ— bait of the divil follow the Precept in Holy Scripture SERVE GOD HONOUR THE KING AND HAVE NO COMPANY WITH THE SEDITIOVS Conclusion I say againe that without an Act of Oblivion a gratious Generall pardon from his Majesty the arrears of the Souldiers paid a favourable regard had to tender Consciences theâ—e will he neither Truth nor Peace in this Land nor any mansâ—cure of any thing he hath By me David Jenkins Prisoner in the Tower A DISCOURSE TOVCHING The Inconveniencies of a Long-continued PARLIAMENT A Perpetuall Parliament is repugnant to the Act made this Parliament for a Triennial Parliament for how can every three yeares a Parliament beginne if this bee perpetuall which may bee so if the two Houses please 2. An adjournment of the Parliâ—ment makes no Session 4 pars institut fol. 27. Howbeit before the adjournment the KING gives His Royall assent to some Bills Cookeibid 3. There is no Session till a Prorogation or dissolution of the Parliament 4. This Parliament as appeâ—res by the Act for not dissolving thereof set downe in the printed Statutes of this Parliament Plowd com 33.8 Bro. relation 35. Bro Parl. 86. Dâ—â— 1. Mariae 8 fol. 138. cannot be prorogâ—ed or dissolved but by Act of par liamènt There hath been as yet no Act of Parliament in that behalfe And therefore all the Acts of this Parliament are Acts of one Session 5. All Acts of one Session relate to the first day of the Parliament and all the Acts of such a Parliament are acts of one day so the Act for the Trienniall and the Act for this Perpetuall are two Acts of one day by the Law 6. 4 Ed. 3. cap. 36. Ed. 3. cap. 10. A Parliament is to be holâ—en once every yeare and more often if need shall bee those Acts are confirmed by the Act for the Trienniall Parliament How doth a perpetuall Parliament agree with a Parliament once every yeare or with the intention of those Lawes How doth a Parliament every three-years agree with a Parliament for ever which may be if the two Houses please 7. The result is this atâ—ent day in Law this Parliament two acts have passed for howbeit the one was in 16 Carol. and the other in 17 Carol. yet both in Law are Acts of one day the one saith there shall be a Trienniall Parliament after the end of the sitting of this Parliament The other this Parliament shall sit for ever if they please The one will have a Parliament with an end the other a Parliament without an end When an Act of Parliament is against common Right or Reason 1 Pars. Doct. Bon. hams case â—o 11 8. 8. E. 3 3.30.33 E. cassaâ—it 32. 27. H. G. Anuity 41. 1. Eliz. Dâ—er 113. or repugnant or impossible to be performed the Common Law shall controle it and adjudg this Act to be void they are the words of the Law An Act of Parliament that a Man shall be judg in his own Cause is a void Act. Hobbart Fol. 120. Begin with Common Right It is against Common Right that indebted men should not pay their debts That if any Member of the House of Commons doe any Subject wrong by disseising him of his land or dispossessing him of his goods or blasting of his fame or doing violence to his person that such persons during their lives should not be questioned by a Priviledg of Parliament and that extended also to many other beside themselves common right doth abhor these Enormities which a perpetuall Parliament doth beget besides the utter destruction of al mens actions real personall or mixt 21. Iac c. 16. who have to doe with Parliament-men by the statute of Limitation which confines Suites to certaine yeares For Common Reason Parliaments were ordained for remedies to redresse publique greivances it is against reason they should make publique and insufferable Grievances The Law of the Land allowes no protection for any men imployed in the service of the Kingdome but for a yeare to be free from Suites and in many Suites none at all howbeit he be in such service 39. H. 6.39 but a Parliament perpetuall may prove a protection not for a yeare but for ever which is against all manner of reason For impossibility The death of his Majesty whose life God prolong dissolves 〈◊〉 necessarily for the Writ of Summons iâ— Carolus Rex in hoc individuo and Carolus Rex is in this particular habiturus colloquium tractatum cum prelat is
Lex terrae the Law of the Land there mentioned this Law bindeâ— all men and the House of Commons for they say they are of the Kings Councel in all points but only against the disturbers of the service of the Parliament and therefore the Imprison ment of severall persons who are not their Members for no disturbance to their Members is utterly against the Law of the Land and the Franchise of the Freemen of this Realme Cui non licet quod minus non licet quod Majus he who may not do what is lesse may not do what is greater they cannot commit a man for murder or Fellony much lesse for Treason No Court can fine and imprison 8. pars Cook 120 27. H. 6 8. but a Court of record the House of Commons is no Court of Record the House of the Lords where the King is in person his Nobles and his Iudges and Councell at Law the Masters of the Chancery assisting is a Court of Record and that is the Court of Parâ—ament where the Colloquium tractatus is The House of Commons may present Grievances grant or not grant Aides consent or not consent to new Lawes but for fining or imprisoning any but as aforesaid is but of a late date and no antient usage They have no journall Book but sithence Edw. 21. E. 4. fol 46. 6. time 6. Hen. 8 cap. 15. doth not prove the House of Commons to be a Court of Record it mentions only to be entred on Records in the Booke of the Clerke of the Parliament if any members depart into the Countrey Commons in Parliament ne sont Iudges There is no Journal but sithence Edw. 6. time and that is a Remembrance or memoriall as 12. H â—4 23 The whole Parliament is one corporate Body consilting of the Head and three Estates The Court is onely there where the Consilium tractaâ—us is where the consult and â—reaty is with the King which is in then House of Lords only The House of Commons claime not to examine upon Oath any Man 's no Court can be without a power to give an Oath Courts Baron 14. H. 8.3.36 H. 8. Dier 60.4 parâ— inst cap. 1 Court of Pipowders County Court may and doe give Oath no Court can be without a power to try no triall can be without Oath and therefore the house of Commons not claiming power to give an Oath can bring no matter to trial and consequently can be no Court. The behaviour of the Commons at a Conference with the Lords 〈◊〉 the Commons are alwaies uncovered and standing when the Lords fit with their hats on which shewes they are not Colleagues in judgment for fellow-judges owe no such reverence to their Companions When was ever Fine imposed by the House of Commâ—â—s â—â—â—â—ted in the 11. H. 4. c. 11. Exchequer The ejecting of a Member who hath sitten is against the Law for they cannot remove a man out of the House unduly returned much lesse a man returned duely By these Lawes it appeares 2. H. 4. c. d. 1. H. 5. c. 1. 8. H. 6. c. 7 23. H. 6. c. 15. that if any undue returne be made the person returned is to continue a Member the Sheriffes punishment is 200. l. one to the King another to the party that is duly elected Imprisonment for â—â—year without Ball or Mainprise and that person who is unduly returned shall serve at his own charge and have no benefit at the end of the Parliament by the Writ Desolutione feodorum Militum â—ivium burgensium Parliament And the triall of the â—alsity of the return is to be before the Justices of the Assizes in the proper County or by action of Debt in any Court of Record 3 Ed. 4.20 5 Ed. 4.41 This condemnes the Committee for undue Elections which hath beene practised but of late times for besides these Lawes it is against a Maxime in the Common-Law an Averment is not receivable against the returne of the Sheriffe for his Returne is upon Oath which Oath is to be credited in that Suit wherein the Returne is made The said Statures condemne and make those Members no Members which were not resiant in the County and Boroughs for which they were elected at the time of the teste of the Writ of the summons of the Parliament and any abusive practice of late times to the contrary is against the Law and ought not to be allowed Assault upon Parliamenâ— men If a Parliament-man 5 H. 4. c. 6.11 H. 6. c. 11. or his Meniall Servant be aslaulted beaten or wounded in the Parliament time proclamation shal be made where the deed is done that the Offender shall render himselfe to the Kings Bench within a quarter of a year after proclamation made the offeâ—ce there to be tryed for Default of appearance the Offender is declared attainted of the Misdeed and it is accorded that thereafter it be done likewise in the like case Serving of processe upon a Lord of the Parliament punished in the Lords House Bogo de Clare 18. E. 3.4 pars inst fol. 24 Io Thorn sbyes case Clerk of the Parl. punished ibid. 10. E. 3 Serving of processe upon Thornsby inquired of in the Chancery and there the Offenders were convicted The premises prove that breaches of priviledge of Parliament may be punished else were then in Parliament Vpon all this Discourse it is easie to decerne what fruits may be expected from this Parliament continuing as long as the two Houses please and that there is no safty for this common-wealth but by the observations of their antient Franchises customes and Lawes Conclusion I Say againe that without and Act of Oblivion a gratious generall pardon from his Majesty the arrears of the Souldiers paid a favourable regard had to tender consciences there will be neither Truth nor Peace in this Land nor any man secure of any thing he hath AN APOLOGY FOR THE ARMY Touching the eight Quaeres c. LONDON Printed in the Yeare 1648. AN APOLOGY FOR THE ARMY THese Treasonable and insolent Quaeries make the Army the houses Subjects and not the Kings Bracton fol. 118. Stamford fol. 2. None by the Lawes of this Land can in this Kingdome have an Army but his Majesty It appeares the Army doth now evidently perceive that they were mis-led by the specious pretences of Salus populi the maintenance of the Kings Honour and of the maintenance of the Lawes of the Land and Liberties of the Subject to take up Armes against their naturall Liege Lord and Soveraigne the King the people is the Body the King is the Head Mag. Chart. c. 1. uit All the Act concerning the King Church and Church-men 25. Ed. 1. cap. 1. Was the Body safe when the Head was distressed and imprisoned For Lawes and Liberties have not the prevailing party in the two Houses destroyed above an hundred Acts of Parliament and in effect Magna Chartaâ— Charta de Forresta
which are the Common lawes of the land Doth Excise the Fifth and Twentieth parts Meal-money and many more Burdens which this Land never heard of before maintaine the Liberties of the people You and that party of the two Houses made the Army by severall Declarations before Engagement believe that you would preserve the Kings Honour and Greatnessâ— the Lawes and Liberties of the people The Army and the whole Kingdome now facta vident see your Actions and have no reason longer to believe your Oathes Vowes and Declarations and since that party in the two Houses refuse to performe any thing according to their said Oathes Vowes And Declarations the Army and the Kingdome may and ought both by your own principles and the Lawes of the Land to pursue the ends for which they were raised And so your first Quare is resolved whereby it is manifest that specious pretences to carry on ambitious and pernitious Designes fix not upon the Army but upon you and the prevailing party in both Houses 3 par Inst f. 12.39 El. 1 Iac. ibi 3 3. E. 6. c. 3 11. 〈◊〉 7. c. 1. The solution of the second Quaere The Army to their eternall honour have freed the King from imprisonment at Holmby It was High Treason to imprison his Majesty To free his Majesty from that imprisonment was to deliver him out of Trayterous hands which was the Armies bounden duty by the Law of God and the Land That party refused to suffer his Majesty to have two of his Chaplaines for the exercise of his Conscience who had not taken the Covenant free accesse was not permitted doth the Army use his Majesty so all men see that accesse to him is free and such Chaplaines as his Majesty desired are now attending on his Grace Who are the guilty persons the Army who in this action of delivering the King act according to Law or the said parâ—y who acted Treasonably against the Law Who doth observe the Protestation better they who imprison their King or they who free him from prison That this Army was raised by the Parliament is utterly false The Army was raised by the two Houses upon the specious pretences of the Kings Honour common safety and the preservation of Lawes and Liberties which how made good hath beene shewed before and all the people of the Kingdome do finde by wofull experience The two Houses are no more a Parliament than a Body without a Head a Man 14 H. 8 3.36 H. 7 Dier 60 4 pars Instit p. 1 3 12 14.16 R. 2 c. 1â— 5 Eliz. c. 2 17. Carol. The Act for the continuance of this Parliament The two Houses can make no Court without the King they are no Body Corporate without the King they all Head and Members make one Corporate Body And this is so clear a Truth that in this Parliament by the Act of 17. Caroli it is declared That the Parliament shall not be dissolved or prorogued but by Act of Parliament but the two Houses may respectively adjourne themselves Two Houses and a Parliament are severall things cuncta fidem vera faciunt all circumstances agree to prove this truth Before the Norman conquest and since to this day 4 par Instit p. 18.4 par Instit p. 4 9 5 Eliz c. i 2 the King is holden Principium caput Finis that is the beginning Head and chiefe end of the Parliament as appeareth by the Treatise of the manner of holding of Parliaments made before the Norman Conquest by the Writ of Summons of Parliament whereby the Treaty and Parler in Parliament is to be had with the King only by the Common Law by the Statute-Law by the Oath of Supremacy taken at this and every Parliament it doth manifestly appeare that without the KING there can be no coulour of a Parliament How many Votes have they revoked in one Session yea and Bills Was there ever the like done Nay is not the constant course of Parliaments violated and made nothing thereby They are guarded by armed men divide the publike Mony among themselves and that party endeavours to bring in a Forraigne Power to invade this Land againe If they be no Parliament as clearly they are none without his Majesty they have no privâ—ledges but do exercise an Arbitrary Tyrannicall and Treasonable power over the people By the Law of the Land 7 E. 4 20 8 E. 4 3 9 E. 4.27 4 H 7 18 27 H 8 23. when Treason or Felony is committed it is lawfull for every Subject who suspects the Offendor to apprehend him and to secure him so that Justice may be done upon him according to the Law You say the disobedience of the Army is a sad publick president like to conjure up a spirit of universall disobedience I pray object not that conjuring up to the Army whereof you and the prevailing party in the Houses are guilty who conjured up the spirit of universall disobedience against his Majesty your and our onely Supreme Governour but you and that party in the two Houses and even then when the House of Commons were taking and did take the said Oath of Supremacy For the Covenant you mention it is an Oath against the Lawes of the Land against the petition of Right devised in Scotland wherein the first Article is to maintaine the Reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland And certainly there is no Subject of the English Nation doth know what the Scottish Religion is 2 par Coll. of Ord. pag. 803. 3 par Inst fol. 165. Petition of Right 3. Car. â— pars instit 71â— I beleeve the Army tooke not the Covenant No man by the Law can give an Oath in a new case without an Act of Parliament and therefore the imposers thereof are very blameable and guilty of the highest Crime The Writer of these Quaeres seems to professe the Laws Let him declare what Act of Parliament doth justifie the tendring giving or taking of the said Oath he knoweth there is none he knoweth that all the parts of it are destructive of the Laws and Government to maintaine which the Law of Nature and the Law of the Land hath obliged them The Oath of the Covenant makes the Houses supream Governours in causes Ecclesiastical the Oath of Supremacy makes the King so and yet both taken by the same persons at the same time What credit is to be given to persons who make nothing of Oathes and contradict themselves How do the Covenant the Oath of Supremacy agree How do their protestation and the Covenant agree How do their Declarations and Oaths agree The Lord be mercifull to this Land for these Oaths It is a sad thing to consider that so many Gentlemen who professe the Lawes and so many worthy men in both Houses should be so transported as they are knowing that the Lawes of the Land from time to time and in all times are contrary to all their actions and that they yet should amuse
themselves and the people with the word Parliament without the King and with the Covenant whereas they know they are no Parliament without His Majesty And that English men throwout the Kingdome should swear a Covenant to preserve the reformed Religion of Scotland in Doctrine Worship Discipline and Government which they do no more know than the Doctrine Worship Discipline and Government of Prester John in Aethiopia if they consider it they cannot but discerne that this is a high desperate and impious madnesse Be wise in time Without the King and the Lawes you will never have one hour of safety for your Persons Wives Children or Estates Be good to your selves and to your posterities apply your selves to be capable of an Act of Oblivion and of a generall Pardon and to be able and willing to pay the Souldiery and to allow a reasonable liberty for mens consciences and God will blesse your endeavours and the people to whom you are now very hatefull will have you in better estimation The third Quaere is thus answered You resemble the Army to Jack Cade and his complices and you cite the Act of Parliament of 31. Hen. 6. cap. 1. And that it may appear who acts the part of Jack Cade you and that party in the two Houses or the Army I think it necessary to set down the said Act in words at length as followeth First VVhereas the most abominable Tyrant horrible odious arrant false Traytor John Cade calling and nameing himself sometime Mortimer sometime Capt. of Kent which name fame acts and feates are to be removed out of the speech and minds of every faithfull Christian man perpetually falsly and tralterously purposing and imagining the perpetuall destruction of the Kings said Person finall subversion of this Realm taking upon him Royall Power and gathering to him the Kings people in great numbers by false subtile imagined language and seditiously making a stirring Rebellion Insurrection under colour of Iustice for Reformation of the Lawes of the said King robbing stealing and spoyling great part of his faithfull people Our said Soveraigne Lord the King considering the premises with many other which were more odious to remember by the advice and consent of the Lords aforesaid at the request of the said Commons and by authority aforesaid hath Ordained and established that the said John Cade shall be reputed had named and declared a false Trayper to enr Soveraigne Lord the King and that all his tyranny acts feats and false opinions shall be voyded abated nulled destroyed and put out of remembrance for ever and that all Indictments and all things depending thereof had and made under to power of Tyranuy shall be likewise void anuulled abated repealed and holden for none and that the blood of none of them be thereof defiled nor corrupted but by the Authority of the said Parliament clearly declared for ever and that all Indictments in times coming in like case under power of Tyranny Rebellion and Stirring had shall be of no Record nor effect but void in Law and all the petitions delivered to the said King in his last Parliament holden at VVestm Nov 6 in the 29. of his râ—igne against his mind by him not agreed shall be taken and put in oblivion out of remembrance undone voided aâ—ulled and destroyed for ever as a thing purposed against God and Conscience and against his Royall Estate and preeminence and also dishonourable and unreasonable Now we are to examine who hath trod in the steps of Iack Cade you and the present prevailing party of both Houses tooke upon them and do take all the Royall power in all things so did Iack Cade as appeares by the said Act the Army do not so They who imprison the King purpose to destroy his person our imprisoned Kings aswaies * Edward 1. Henry 6 Richard 2. fared so Iack Cade did likewise so purpose The said party in the two Houses made a stirring under colour of Instice for reformation of the Lawes so did Iac Cade The Army do not so but desire that the Lawes should be observed lack Cade levied war against the King The Army preserves Him Iack Cade dyed a Declared Traitor to his Soveraign Lord the King this army might have lived to have the glorious true Honor of being restorers of their King Simon Sudbury Archbishop of Canterbury was murthered by Jack Straw William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury was likewise murthered by that party of the two Houses 25 Ed. 3 4.28 Ed. 3.3 Petition of Right for that an Ordinance hy Law cannot take away any mans life and his life was taken away by an Ordinance of the two Houses the army had no hand in it Many misted by Iack Straw perceiving his Trayterous purposes fell from him and as that was lawfull just and honourable so it is for this Army to adhere to their naturall King and so endeavour to settle the Kingdome again in the just Lawes and Liberties thereof London did then right worthily adhere to the King and the Laws and not to Jack Straw and his specious pretences and it is hoped they will now so do By this it appeares that the Gentlemans Discourse touching Iack Cade fastens altogether on his party and cleareth the Army To the IV. which is resolved thus The Arreares of the Army howbeit it is the least thing they look after yet being not paid them it is by the Law of the Land a sufficient cause to leave and desert that party in the Houses a person who serves in any kinde and is not paid his Wages the desertion of that service is warrantable by the Lawes of the Land You say the Houses will reforme all things when the Army doth disband Fitz. N B 159 9 Ed. 4 20.38 H. 6 27 23 Eliz. Dier 369. Who will believe it Will any beleive that the setling of the Presbytery will do it Will any believe that his Majesty will passe the propositions sent to Him to Newcastle Will any man believe that this Kingdome will ever be quiet without his Majesty and the ancient and just Lawes Can the Members of the Army conceive any of them to be safe in any thing without a pardon from his Majesty Have they not seen some of their fellowes hanged before their eyes for actions done as Soldiers Shall the Kingdom have no acount of the many Millions received of the publique Money Will the Members of the Houses accuse themselves Shall private and publique Debts be never paid Shall the Kingdome lie ever under burthens of oppression and Tyranny There is no visible way to remedy all these Enormities but the power of the Army To the V. wich is solved thus The Kingdom hath better assurance of Reformation from the Army than from the Houses for that in their Military way they have been just faithfull and honourable they have kept their words That party of the Houses have been constant to nothing but in dividing the publique Treasure among themselves
Bill of attainder against the Earle of Strafford M. Solâ—â—tor pag. 2â— to declare the Law to be that Machination of war against the Lawes or Kingdome Mr. Piâ—â— Pa. 16â—â— is against the King they cannot be severed Mr. Pym had in charge likewise upon the same prosecution to declare That the King and his people are obliged one to another in the nearest relatition he is a Father the child in law is called pars patris he is the Husband of the Common wealth they have the same interests they are inseperable in their condition be it good or evill he is the Head they are the body there is such an incorporation as cannot be dissolved without the distruction of both This agrees with our Lawes 20. H. 7. fol. 7. 8. H. 7. fol. 12. 1 Ed. 5. fol. 3. 4. Ed. 4. fol. 25. 5 Ed. 4. fol. 2â— and the Law of this Land In that argument of Mr. Sollicitor and discourse of Mr. Pim directed by the House of Commons are contained the true rights liberties and lawes of the people deduced from our Ancestors in all ages wherein there is no line or word but is agreeable to the Lawes and is a necessary and usefull book to be perused and followed by all which book was published by Order of the House of Commons If the doctrine of that book had bin followed we had not bin so miserable as we are neither had these great eville ensued for the which the Land mourns In this Moneth of February Collect of Ordinances 1 pars fol 66 67 81 six years now past the onely Difference between his Majesty and the prevailing party in both Houses was touching the power of the Militia which in plain English is Power over Sea and Land this was the sole quarrell the King and his Progenitours have had it in al Times the Lawes have fixed it upon them they have used it for the Weal of the people none of the Subjects ever had it or claimed it the Lawes deny it them for the time they have had it our pressures have bin miserable His Majesty hath a numerous Issue and so hath his Father many great persons of England and Scotland are of the Bloud Royal and all the Kings of Christendom are of the same Bloud so long as the Lawes last or any of the said persons or their Descendants be living this people shall have neither peace nor profit but all the confusions that are imaginable will attend them And therefore at length be good to your selves restore our King receive from Him an Act of Oblivion a generall pardon Assurance for the Arreares of the Souldiery and meet satisfaction to tender consciences February 12. By David Jenkins 1647. Prisoner in Newgate THE ANSVVER OF Iudge Ienkins TO THE IMPVTATION PVT UPON HIS PLEA IN CHANCERY Which was read in open Court the 14 of Febr. 1647. And avowed by David Ienkins Prisoner in Newgate Printed in the Yeare 1648. THE ANSVVER OF Iudge Ienkins TO THE IMPVTATION Put upon him in CHANCERY I Have no disposition nor ever had to be known by any publique Writing these miserable Times which fill many mens mouthes and most mens eares with notorious Untruths thereby to blast and destroy the Kings Sacred Majesty his Lawes and Government and to bring in a confusion enforceth me at this time who formerly have written nothing but for the publique to let the World know how unjustly the Pamphleter of this Weeke Licensed by our Reformers hath traduced me touching a Suit commenced in their Court of Chancery against me by one M. Ernly a Willshire Gentleman touching the Estate of one M. Thomas of Glamorganshire the Truth whereof is as followeth M. Thomas whose Father and my Grandfather were two Brothers about seventeene yeares past made his Will and declared by the same his Son being then of very tender yeares a Ward to his Majesty and made him Executour and my selfe during his minority referring to his Wardship to Administer his Estate personall and testamentary and to be accountable to his Son when he came to Age And seventeene yeares sithence the Father died This Estate consists in a Stocke of Sheepe so disposed by me as the number are yet continued and for the number and condition they were at their delivery backe to be made as good by those persons who had the charge of them as they were when they were received The rest of the Estate for any considerable part was in Mortgages of Land forfeited in the life of my young Cousin Thomas for many of them many absolutely purchased by me in his name in his life time for the which I am not yet payd The Land discended and ought upon Sir Edward Thomas my consirs Heire at Common-Law so that Mr. Ernley the Plaintiffe in Chancery hath no colour for the Land For my young Cousin dyed without issue about 17. yeares old and could not dispose of the Inheritance of any Land by a pretended Will The stocke of Sheepe remaines if the Plaintiffe and the Reformers have not Plundered them for the Money it came all to the Court it was to satisfie the King for the Marriage The colour the Plaintiffe hath is this After the death of my olde Kinsman M. Thomas by undue means the young Genrleman was married to M. Ernleys Daughter in a way of Ravishment being both children without one penny payd or consent of Friends or Kindered For the which a Suit of Ravishment depended against M. Erneley and others in the Court of Wards The young Gentleman dyed about 17. yeares of age sithence these confusions without issue and some houre before my young Cousins death who dyed of a pestilent Feaver Mr. Erneley pretends a Will made by him and that he made his Wife M. Erneleys Daughter his Executrix His said Wife dies soon after is pretended to make a Nuncapative Will and to make her Father M. Ernley her Executor and so pretends as Executor of an Executor of an Executor which pretended Wills he saith he hath proved in the Courts of his Freinds the Reformers Whether such wills were made or no must receive an equall examination and of what validity they are being pretended to be made by children in extremis if made at all And whether an Executor of an Executor of an Executor can maintaine an account by the Law of the Land And whether I being Executor during the Minority viz. the Wardship my young Cousin could make such a Will as is pretended he being no Executor till his full age The age touching Wills 37 H 6 5 21 E. 4 24 the Law of this Land determins to be 21. years and before that age at common Law an use could not be devised For Wills touching goods and chattels our Law for many ages hath left the same to the decesion of the Civill and Canon Lawes in the Bishops Courts That Law as Justinian hath it in the second Bood of his Institutions the 12. chap. is Impuberi
besides that it incites men to selfe ends will be a constant charge to the Kingdome by reason of the wages of parliament men p. 141. Mischiefs by the length of parliaments p. 121. Certaine Erroneus Positions and Proceedings of both Houses of Parliament discovered and confuted THe two Houses without the King are not the Parliament but onely parts thereof and by the abuse and misunderstanding of this word Parliament they have miserably deceived the people p. 80.156 The King is not vertually in the two Houses p. 12.13.20.21 The two Houses are not above the King but the King is Superiour to them p. 11.19.23 24.133 The tenents of the Spencers are the ground of their proceedings p. 10.22 And upon their pretences they take upon them the Government at this time They have destroyed above a 100. Acts of parliament even all concerning the King the Church and Church men and in effect Magna Charta and Charta de Forresta which are the Common Lawes of the Land p. 154. They have fifteene severall illegall wayes raised Money upon the Subject this present parliament p. 35. There is no Crime from Treason to Trespasse but they are guilty of p. 142. They are not to bee Judges in their owne cause p. 15. Of their League and Covenant with the Scots p. 158.160 The two Houses by the Law of this Land have no colour of power to make Delinquents or pardon Delinquents the King contradicting p. 119.131 Certaine Erroneous Positions and Proceedings of the House of Commons discovered and confuted THey cannot bee Members of the House of Commons who were not recident in the Counties or Burroughs for which they were elected at the time of the Teste of the Writ of Summons of parliament p. 149. If any undue Returne bee made the person Returned is to continue a Member and the tryall of the Falcity of the Returne is to bee before the Justice of Assize in the proper County this condemnes the Committee for undue Elections p. 148. The House of Commons cannot Elect and Returne Members of that House p. 144. The ejecting of a Member that hath sitten is against Law also their new elections are against Law And by this it may be judged what a House of Commons we have p. 148. Breaches of priviledges of parliament may bee punished in other Courts p. 149. And what need then of the Committee for priviledges The house of Commons by their Writ have no separate power giuen them over the Kings people p. 144. The house of Commons cannot imprison any who are not their Members or Disturbers of their Members in the service of the parliament p. 143 144 145. The House of Commons no Court p. 115 116.144 145 146 c. The Propositions sent by the Parliaments of both Kingdomes to His Majestie at New-Castle pag. 6. GEnerall Reasons against those propositions p. 11.15.128 Reasons in particular against those propositions For disabling the King to pardon p. 13. For altering Religion in point of Government 37.61.63 For sale of the Bishops Lands p. 36. For taking away the Booke of Common-prayer p. 37. For taking from his Majesty all the power by Land and Sea p. 37. For laying upon the people what Taxes they shall think meet p. 128. Besides in their propositions they doe not style themselves His Majesties Subjects p. 128. The Kings Party pag. 36 37 38. THe Subjects are commanded by Law to Assist the King in War 36. Those who adhere to the King are freed by the Statute of the 11th Hen. 7. p. 39.78.97 Master Prins objections against the King and his party answered p. 47. c. The Parliaments Party are Delinquents A Delinquent is hee who adheres to the kings enemies this shewes who are Delinquents p. 7. The Army serving the Parliament THe summe of the Ordinance for the Indempnity of the Army p. 79. It can no more free the Souldiers than repeale all the Lawes of the Land p. 78. The Judges are sworn to doe Justice according to the Lawes of the Land p. 79. An Act of Oblivion and a Generall Pardon the only means to Indempnifie the Army and the whole kingdome p. 84. And the conclusion of all the other bookes The Army Rescuing the King TO deliver the King out of Traiterous hands is our bounden duty by the Law of God and the Land p. 155. By the Law of the Land when Treason or Felony is committed it is lawfull for every subject who suspects the Offender to apprehend him so that Justice may be done upon him according to Law p. 157. As the Army hath power so adhering to the King all the Lawes of God Nature and man are for them p. 166. None by the Law of the Land can in this kingdome have an Army but the King p. 153. The Liberty of the Subject Our Liberties were allowed in the 17th of King John and confirm'd in the 9th of Hen. 3. and are called Mâgna Charta and Charta de Forresta p. 6.117.130 Magna Charta is irrepealable p. 62. Severall Bils for our Liberties passed at the beginning of this Parliament p. 34. And how secured The Liberty of the Subject violated by the two Houses of Parliament 140 Miscellanea THe Lord Cookes Institutes published by the Order of the House of Commons p. 77. Of the Bill passed this parliament for taking away the Bishops Votes in Parliament p. 31. Against that saying that the King got away the Great Seal surreptitiously from the Parliament p. 45. Of Jack Cade p. 160. Treasons Murthers Felonies and Capitall Crimes to bee tryed by Iuries and not otherwise but by Act of parliament p. 102. The Chancellors or Keepers Oath 174. The present Commissioners have no Court Seal nor commission 175. The King the Laws and kingdome cannot bee severed The only quarrell was for the Militia which the Laws have ever setled upon the King 177. No peace can possibly bee had without the King ibid. No man can devise lands till he be 21 years of age 1. 84. An Infant of 17 years may dispose of goods by will by the opinion of some but by others not till 18. 181. The Court of Wards had no jurisdiction over the personall estate 185. Peace and plenty abounded during his Majesties Government 187. Since the two Houses have usurped the power the kingdom hath been in a sad condition 19. Nothing delivered in this book for Law but what the house of commons have avowed for Law this Session 194. The 24 positions of Law set out in divers books by the House of commons order p. 196. It is honourable to dye for the Laws 202. Good counsell for them if it be taken in time 203. That which will save this Land from destruction is an Act of Oblivion and his Majesties Gracious Generall pardon the Souldiers their Arrears and every man his own and truth and peace established in this Land and favourable regard had to the satisfaction of tender Consciences God save the King To the Honourable Societies of Grayes
constantly in this Parliament that the King to the onely supreme Governour in all causes ever all persons at this present time For what of verball or personall commands of the King which is objected we affirme few things to be subject thereto by the Law But his Majesties Command under his Great Seale which in this warre hath been used by the Kings Command for his Commission to â—savie and array men that is no personall command which the Law in some cases disallowes but that is such a command so made as all men hold their Lands by who hold by Patents all Corporations have their Charters which hold by Charters and all Judgesa and Officers their places and callings It is Objected 〈…〉 the King cannot suppresse his Courts of Justice and that this warre tended to their suppression The answer is Sol. 7 pars The â—a le of Westmerlands Ca e. 1 Eliz. Dier 165. 7 pâ—rs Cooke the King cannot nor ought to suppresse Justice or his Courts of Justice nor ever did but Courts of Justice by abuser or non user cease to be Courts of Justice when Judges are made and proceedings in those Courts holden by others then Judges made by the King and against his command under the great Seale The case of discontinuance of Processe and his Majesty is not obeyed but the Votes of the Houses and his Judges breaking that condition in Law of trust and loyalty implyed in their Patents are no longer his Judges they obey and exercise their places by vertue of Writs and Processes under a counterfet Seale The King onely can make Judges the twenty seventh of Henry the eighth Chapter the twenty fourth Justices of the Peace c. The Kings Patent makes Judges 28 H. 8. Dâ—â—r 11. The chiefe Justice of the Kings Bench is made by the Kings Writ onely of all the Judges The Great Seale is the key of the Kingdome Artiâ—uli super chartas cap. 5. 2 pars instit 552. and meet it is that the King should have the key of his Kingdome about him which confutes their saying that the King got the Seale away surreptitiously The King Brittâ—n sol 23. and he only may remove his Courts from Westminster into some other place at Yorke the Tearmes were kept for seven yeares in Edward the first 's time but for the Court of Common Pleas the placâ— must be certaine for the Kings Bench and Chancery the King by the Law may command them to attend his person alwaies if it seeme so meet unto him but the removing of the Common Pleas must be to a place certaine and so notified to the people All the Bookes of Law in all times agree that the King may grant conusance of all Pleas at his pleasure within any County or Precinct to be holden there onely and remove the Courts from Westminster to some other place for the Common Pleas 6 H. 7.9 6 Eliz Dier 226. the place must be certaine and so notified to the people and adjourne the Tearmes as he sees cause All which the two houses have violated Some seeming objections of Master Prinn's scattered in divers books answered and the truth thereby more fully cleered THE first of Henry the fourth 1 Ob. revived the Statute of the eleventh of Richard the second and repeales the one and twentieth of Richard the second whereby certaine persons were declared Traytors to the King and kingdome being of the Kings Party by 11 Rich. 2. True but note the eleventh of Richard the second Sol. a Parliament beset with 40000. men and the King assents to it so an Act and besides the first of Henry the fourth declares that the Treasons mentioned in the Act of the eleventh of Richard the second being but against a few private men shall not be drawne into example and that no Treason should be but such as the twenty fifth of Edward the third declares 9 Ed. 4. fol. â—0 All these are Acts passed by the King and the three Estates nor to be drawne into example in a tumultuous time by a besieged Parliament with an Army and Henry the fourth being an Usurper makes that Act of the first of Henry the fourth to secure himselfe Also what is this to the Votes of the two Houses onely at this time The Court of Parliament is above the King 2. Ob. for it may avoyd his Charters Commissions c. granted against the Law And the Law is above the King By the same reason you may say that the Courts of Chancery Sol. or any of the Courts of Law at Westminster are above the King for they make of no effect the Kings Charters which are passed against the Law and the King is subject to Law and sworne to maintaine it Againe it is no Parliament without the King and the King is the head thereof he is principium capus finis of a Parliament as Modus tenendi Parliament hath it and two houses onely want principiwn caput finis of a Parliament and it is a sorry Parliament that wants all these And therefore to say that Parliaments are above the King is to say the King is above himselfe The Parliament can enlarge the Kings Prerogative 3. Ob. therefore it is above him If the King assent Sol. otherwise not and then it is an Act of Parliament and otherwise no Act. Bracton saith God the Law 4 Ob. and the Kings Court viz. his Earles and Barons are above the King viz. in Parliament as Mr. Prynne expounds it Where is then the House of Commons Indeed take God the Law Sol. and Earles and Barons together it is true but to affirme that the Earles and Barons in Parliament are above the King the King being the head of the Parliament and they one of the members how an inferiour member is above the head is hard to conceive besides that position destroyes all Mr. Prynnes discourse who attributes much to the House of Commons The King is but one of the three Estates of Parliament 5 Ob. and two are greater then one therefore above The Legs Armes Sol. and Trunke of the body are greater then the Head and yet not above nor with life without it the argument holds for quantity but not for quality and in truth the King is none of the three Estates but above them all the three Estates are the Lords Spirituall the Lords Temporall and the Commons Cake their Oracle in his Chap. of Parl. f. 1 In Corporations the greater number of voyces make all the Acts of the Corporation valid 6 Ob. therefore so in Parliament By this reason the Kings assent is needlesse Sol. and to no end and all the Acts of Parliament formerly mentioned and Law-bookes have quite mistaken the matter which with unanimous voyce requires the Kings assent as necessary besides the Corporations are so constituted by the Kings Charters and the greater number of votes shall make their Acts valid The King
England and having many adherents And that Statute to that end affirmes no such power in the two Houses which is the question but in Queene Elizabeth and the two Houses which makes against the pretence of this time Master Prynne fol. 104 of his booke intituled the Parliaments supreme power c. Objecting the Statute of the first of Queens Elizabeth and his owne Oath that the King is the onely supreame Goverhour of this Realme Answers The Parliament is the supreme power and the King supreme Governour And yet there he allowes him a Negaâ—ive Voyce and fol. 107. confesseth that Acts of Parliament translated the Crowne from the right Heires at Common-Law to others who had no good Title then the Parlimentary Title makes not the King so powerfull in truth that it escapes from a man unawares To make a distinction betweene supreame Governour and supreame power is very strange for who can governe without power The King assembles the Parliament by his Writ adjournes Vide Speep 645.4 par Instit 27. 2. prorogues and dissolves the Parliament by the Law at his pleasure as is evident by constant practise the House of Commons never sate after an adjournement of the Parliament by the Kings Command Where is the supreame power The King by his Oath is bound to deny no man right 18 Ob. much lesse the Parliament to agree to all just and necessary Lawes proposed by them to the King This is the substance of the discourse against the Kings Negative Voyce The King is so hound as is set downe in the Objection Sol. but who shall judge whether the Bill proposed be just and necessary For all that they do propose are so pretended and carried in either House sometimes by one or two Voyces or some sew as aforesaid and certainly it hath been shewen the King his Counsell of State his Judges Sergeants Attorney Sollicitor and twelve Masters of the Chancery can better judge of them then two or three or few more Mr. Prynne fol. 45. In his Booke of the Parliaments interest to nominate Prnvy Councellors calleth the opinion of the Spencers to divide the Person of the King from his Crowne Calvins case 7 pars fol. â—1 a stringe opinion and cites Calvins Case but leaves out the conclusions therein mentioned fol. 11. Master Prynne saith there But let this opinion be what it will without the Kings Grace and Pardon it will goe very farre and two Acts of Parliament there mentioned are beyond an opinion And in his Book of the opening of the Great Seale fol. 17. The Parliament hath no jurisdiction to use the Grear Seale for Pardons Generall or Particular Where is the supreme power then Mr. 19. Ob. Prynnes opening of the Seale pag. 19. saith the Noblemen and State the day after the Funerall of King Henry the third King Edward the first his Sonne being in the Holy Land made a new Great Seale and Keepers of the same And in Henry the sixts time in the first yeare of his Reigne the like was done in Parliament A facto all jus Sol. is no good Argument for than in Edward the firsts time it was no Parliament for King Henry the third was dead which dissolyed the Parliament if called in his time and it could be no Parliament of Edward the firsts time for no Writ issued to summon a Parliament in his Name nor could issue but under that New Seale it was so suddainely done afterâ— Henry the thirds death King Edward the first being then in the Holy Land it was the first yeare of his Reigne and no Parliament was held that yeare nor the second yeare of his Reigne The first Parliament that was in his Reigne was in the third yeare of his Reigne as appeares by the printed Acts Also the making of that Seale was by some Lords then present What hand had the Commons in it Concerning the Seale made in Henry the sixths time the Protector was vice-Roy according to the course of Law and so the making of that Seale was by the Protector in the Kings name and that Protector Humphrey Duke of Gloucester as Protectour in the Kings Name summoned that Parliament and was Protector made by the Lords and not in Parliament as appeareth plainely for that Parliament was in the first of Henry the sixth and the first holden in his time and power given by Commission to the said Duke then Protector to summon that Parliament Prynne ibid. fol. 19. But the new counterfeit Seale was made when the King was at Oxford in his owne Kingdome and not in the holy Land Mr. 20 Ob. Prynne in his Booke of the two Houses power to impose Taxes restraines Malignants against any Habeaâ— Corpus c. saith that the Parliament is above Magna Charta and fol. 15. ibid. The Parliament hath power over Magna Charta to repeale the same when there is cause This Argument supposeth that they have the Kings power Sol. which hath appeared formerly they have not But suppose they had Magna Charta containes many Morall Lawes which by the Law of the Land a Parliament cannot alter 21 H. 7.2 D. and Student 2 Dialogue For example it saith cap. 11. Justice shall not be sold delayed nor denyed to any man but by this Argument the Parliament may make Law to delay deny and to sell Justice which surely is a very ill position to maintaine What they would have doth now by the Propositions sent to Newcastie to his Majesty appeare whereby they would have him divest himselfe and settle in them all his Kingly power by Sea and Land and of themselves to have power without him to lay upon the people of this Land what taxes they thinke meet to abolish the Common prayer-booke to abolish Episcopacie and to introduce a Church Government not yet agreed but such as they shall agree on His Majesty finding a prevailing party in both Houses to steere this course and being chased away with Tumults from London leaves the Houses for these Reasons viz. First because to alter the Government for Religion is against the Kings Oath Secondly against their Oaths For every of them hath sworne in this Parliament That His Majesty is the onely supreme Governour in all Causes Ecclesiasticall and over all persons Thirdly this course is against Magna Charta the 1. Chap. and the last Salve sint Episcopis omnes liber tales sue Confirmed by thirty two Acts of Parliament and in the two and fortieth of Edward the third the first Chapter enacts if any Statute be made to the contrary it shall be holden for none and so it is for judgements at Law in the 25 of Edward the 1. chap. 1.2 The great Charter is declared to be the Common Law of the Land Fourthly they endeavout to take away by their Propositions the Government of Bishops which is as ancient as Christianity in this Land and the Books of Common prayet settled by five Acts of Parliament and compiled by
Soueraign Lord calling to remembrance the duty of Allegiance of his Subjects of this his Realm and that they by reason of the same are bound to serue their Prince and Soueraigne Lord for the 〈◊〉 being in his Wars for the defence of him and the land against euery rebellion power might raised reared against 〈◊〉 and with him to â—â—er and abide in seruice in battell if â—ase so require and that 〈◊〉 the same service what fortune euer fall by chance in the same battel against the mind and will of the Prince as in this land sometime passed hath béen seen that it is not reasonable but against al laws reason good conscience that the said subjects going with their Soueraign Lord in Wars attending upon him in his person or being in other places by his coÌ„mandement within this Land or without any thing should lose or forfeit for doing their duty or seruice of Allegiance It be therefore ordained enacted and established by the King our Soueraign by the advice and assent of his Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled and by authority of the same that from hence forth no manner of person or persons whatsoeuer he or they be that attend upon the King and Soueraign Lord of this land for the time being in his person and do him true and faithfull seruice of Allegiance in the same or be in other places by his commandement in his wars within this land or without that for the said déed and true duty of Allegiance he or they be in no wise convict or attaint of high treason nor of other offences for that cause by Act of Parliament or otherwise by any processe of Law wherby he or any of them shal lose or forfeit life lands tenements rents possessions heriditaments goods chattels or any other things but to bee for that déed and service utterly dischar ged of any vexation trouble or loss And if any Act or Acts or other process of the Law hereafter thereupon for the same happen to be made contrary to this Ordinance that then that Act or Acts or other process of Law whatsoever they shall be shall bee utterly voyd Prouided alwaies that no person or persons shall take any benefit or aduantage by this Act which shall hereafter decline from his or their said Allegiance Cap. 24. In the Statute of 27. H. 8. It is enacted that no person or persons of what estate or degrée soever they be of shall haue any power or authority to pardon or remit any Treason Murders Man slaughters or any other Felonies c. but that the King shall haue the sole and whole power and authority thereof united knit to the Imperiall Crown as of right it appertaineth c. And in the same Statute it is enacted further That none shal haue power of what estate degrée or condition soeuer they be to make Iustices of Eyre Iustices of Assize Iustices of Peace c but all such Officers and Ministers shal be made by Letters-Paâ—ents under the Kings great Seal in the name and by the authority of the King and his Heires Successors Kings of this Realm In the first ear of Queen Mary and the first Chapter It is enacted by the Quéen with the consent of the Lords Conmions That no déed or offence by act of Parliament made treason shall be taken deemed or adjudged to be â—igh Treason but only such as be declared and expressed to be Treason by the Act of Parliament made 25. Ed cap. 2. before mentioned A Declaration of Mr. David Jenkins now Prisoner in the Tower of London one of His Majesties Iudges in Wales for tryals of Treasons Murthers Felonies and all other capitall crimes that they ought only to be by Juries and not otherwise unless it be by Act of Parliament THe Common Law of this Land is that every Freeman is subject to a tryall by bill of Attainder in Parliament wherein His Majesty and both Houses must necessarily concur for that tryall and attainder is an Act of Parliament to which all men are subject to a Mag. Charta 19. 2 part inst fol 28 29.46 48 49 50. composed by Sir Ed. Cook and published by the Order of the House of Commons in May 1641. 4 pars instit fol. 41.356 No man shall otherwise be destroyed c. but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers or by the common Law of the Land Peeres to Noblemen are Noblemen Peeres to the ComoÌ„ns are Knights Gen c. Judgement of peers referres to peers those words The Law of the Land refers to the Commons the Law of the Land is for the tryall of the life of a free Commoner by indictment presentment of good and lawfull men where the deed is done or by Writ originall of the common Law all this is declared in Magna Charta c. 29 and by 25 Ed. 3. c. 4.28 Ed. 3. c. 3.37 Ed. 3 c. 8.42 Ed. 3. c. 3. If the Lords wil try any man by an Ordinance they destroy that excellent Act of Magna Charta and all those other good Laws Sir Simon de Bereford a free Commoner of England was condemned by the Lords to death by an Ordinance which after the Lords better considering the matter that they might be acquitted of that sentence became suiters to the King that what they had done in future time might not be drawn into president because that which they had done was against the Law b Rot. Par. roul 4. â— 2 Num. 2. part inst p. 50 with this agrees Sir Iohn Lees case Rot. Par. 42. â— 3. Num. 22.23 2. inst f. 50. with this agrees the practise and usage of all times in this Land all the free Commoners of this Kingdome hath alwayes been tryed and acquitted or condemned in capitall causes by Iurers of their equals An Ordinance bindeth not in Law at all c See 4. p. inst f. 23.48.232.298.292 2. p. inst f. 47 48.157.643 4. H. 7. faâ— 1. H. 7. f. 14.3 p. inst f. 41. and but pro tempore as the two Houses now affirme a man's life cannot be tried by that which is not binding and to continue for all times for a life lost cannot be restored By an Act of Parliament of the 1. 2. Philâ—p and Mary c. 10. It is enacted that all trials for Treason hereafter to be had shall be according to the course of the Common Law and not otherwise If the crime charged upon any be Treason against the two Houses against the Parliament it caannot be for there is no Parliament without the King That is no Treason in Law as appeares by 25. Ed. 3. c. 2. 11. R. 2. c. 3. 1. H. 4. c. 10. 1. 2 Philip and Mary c. 10. 3. part of the Institutes page 23 An Act of Parliament to make any a Iudge where he is party is a void act d Dr Bonams case 8. part of Cooks Reports for none can be a Iudge and party in the
same cause and therefore the House of Peeres being a party touching the crime charged upon any man whom they would try by an Ordinance for Treason against both Houses cannot be a Iudge By the Petition of Right e Petition of Right 3. C.R. if any man deserve death he ought to suffer the same according to the Laws of the Land established and not otherwise but an Ordinance of the Lords is no established Law The protestation the Vow and Covenant the solemn League and Covenant the Declarations of both houses had made and published sithence this unnaturall Warre 3 part inst fol. 89. are amongst other things sworn and set downe to be for maintainance of the Lawes the people of this land ought to enjoy the benefit of their Birth-right the Law of the Land and the making good of the said protestation Vow and Covenant League and Covenant and Declarations otherwise truth must be said and will be said that there is brought in a new arbitrary and tyrannicall government If the Lords have taken one mans life by an Ordinance they are not bound to take any more and the case differs in case any appeale be made from a tryall by Ordinance to a tryall at common Law which was not done by that man whose life was taken away by an Ordinance The Lords ought to remember that His Majesty and His progenitors have made them a house of peers they are trusted to counsell him in peace f Nevels case 8 pare Cooks reports and defend him in warre his Majesty in Parliament is to consult and treate with the Peers and with his Councell at Law Judges his Sergeants Atturney and Solicitor and Masters of the Chancery the Lords and that counsell by the respective Writ of Summons to Parliament are to give Counsell g 4 pars instit fol. 4.9 27 Edw. 3. c. 1.15 3 part instit fol. 225. the House of Commons by their Writ to performe and consen◠In the House of Lords the Court of Parliament onely is for they onely examine upon Oath h 1 Hen. 7. fol. 10. with them the King in person sits and by them their erroneous judgements * 14. H. 3. c. 5 upon a Petition to his Majesty for obtaining of a Writ of Errour by the advice of the Judges are reversed or affirmed c. The Lords are to remember that their eminency and grandeur is preserved by the Lawes if they leave all to will and dishonour their King and make nothing of the Lawes they will make nothing of themselves in the end And therefore it is well worth your observation what was said by M. Iohn Pym a Member of the House of Commons in his speech against the Earle of Strafford in the beginning of the Parliament which speech is published by the expresse order of the House of Commons the words are these The Law is that which puts a difference betwixt good and evill betwixt just and unjust if you take away the Law all things will fall into a confusion every man will become a Law unto himselfe which in the depraved condition of humane nature must needs produce many great enormities Lust will become a Law and Envie will become a Law Covetousnesse and Ambition will become Lawes 〈◊〉 1 pal book deel pag. 140. 163. and what dictates what decisions such Lawes will produce may easily be discerned i. c. They that love this Common-wealth as things now stand will use all means to procure an Act of Oblivion a generall pardon from His Majesty the Souldiers their Arreares and tender consciences a just and reasonable satisfaction else we must all perish first or last May 17 1647 God preserve His Majesty and the Lawes wherein their Lordships and the whole Kingdom are concerned David Jenkins prisoner in the Tower of London THE CORDIALL OF Iudge Ienkins For the good People of LONDON In reply to a Thing called An Answer to the poysonous seditious Paper of Mr. DAVID IENKINS by H. P. Barrister of Lincolns-Inne Printed in the Yeare 1648. The Cordiall of Judge JENKINS for the good People of LONDON AFter the said Mr. H.P. hath made a recitall of the heads of my Vindication he deduced his Answer unto these eight particulars which follow verbatim 1. It cannot be denyed but the Parliament sits by the Kings Writ nay if Statute Law bee greater than the Kings Writ it cannot be denyed but the Parlia fits or ought to sit by something greater than the Kings Writ and if it be confessed that the Parl. sits by the kings writ but do not act by the Kings writ then it must follow that the Parlia is a void vaine Court and sits to no purpose nay it must also follow that the Parl. is of less authority and of less use than any other inferiour Court forasmuch as it is not in the Kings power to controule other Courts or prevent them from sitting or acting 2. This is a gross nonsequitur the Kings power is in himself Ergo it is not derived to nor does reside vertually in the Parliament For the light of the Sun remains imbodied and unexhausted in the Glob of the Sun at the same time as it is diffused and displayed through al the body of the aire and who sees not that the King without emptying himselfe gives Commissions daily of Oyre and Terminer to others which yet himself can neither frustrate nor elude but for my part I conceive it is a great error to infer that the Parliament hath only the Kings power because it hath the Kings power in it for it seemes to me that the Parliament does both sit and act by concurrent power devolved both from the King and Kingdome and in this some things are more obvious and apparent than in others For by what power does the Parliament grant Subsidies to the King if onely by the power which the King gives then the K. may take Subsidies without any grant from the Parliament and if it be so by a power which the people give to the Parliament then it wil follow the Parliament hath a power given both by King and Kingdom 3. The sending Propositions to the King and desiring his concurrence is scarce worth an Answer for Subjects may humbly petition for that which is their strict right and property Nay it may sometimes beseem a Superior to prefer suit to an inferior for matters in themselves due God himself hath not utterly disdained to beseech his owne miserable impious unworthy creatures besides 't is not our Tenet that the King hath no power because hee hath not all power nor that the King cannot at all promote our happinesse because he hath no just claime to procure our ruine 4. We affirm not that the Kings power is separated from his person so as the two Spencers affirmed neither doe we frame conclusions out of that separation as the two Spencers did either that the King may be removed for misdemeanours or performed per asperte or that the
6. time was there ever Fine by the House of Commons estreated into the Exchequer For murder or Felony they can imprison no man much lesse for Treason that House which cannot do the lesse cannot doe the greater It is ordained 25. â— 3. c. 4. 3. Car. Petition of Right that no man shall be imprisoned or put out of his Franchise by the King or his Councell but upon indictment or presentment of his good and lawfull Neighbours where the deed is done or by originall Writ at the Common Law and so is Lex terrae the Law of the Land mentioned in Magna Charta cap. 29. expounded and the said Magna Charta and Charta de Forresta are declared by the Statute of 25. E. 1. c. 1. to bee the Common Law of the Land All Judges and Commissioners are to proceed Secundum legem consuetudinem Regni Angliae as appeares by all proceedings in all Courts and by all Commissions and therefore the house of Commons by themselves proceeding not by Indictment Presentment or Originall Writ have no power to imprison men or put them out of Franchise This no way trenches upon the Parliament 4 pars instit p. 1. 3 pars instit p. 23. for it is in Law no Parliament without King and both Houses I have onely in my Paper delivered to Mr. Corbet 12. H. 7.20 Princes case 8 Pars Cook 1 pars instit p. 159. 14 H. 8.3 Dier 3â— H. 8.60 applyed my selfe to that Committee that had not power to examine mee but I never thought said or wrote that the Parliament had no power to examine me The Law and custome of this Land is that a Parliament hath power over my life liberty lands and goods and over every other Subject but the House of Commons of it selfe hath no such power For the Lord Cookes relation 1 pars inst 19. b. that the House of Commons have imposed Fines and imprisoned men in Queen Elizabeths time and since Few facts of late time never questioned make no power nor Court à facto ad jus is no good argument for the words of the Statute of 6. Hâ—n 8. c. 16. that a licence to depart from the House of Commons for any Member thereof 4 P. Inst c. Parl. is to be entred of Record into the Booke of the Cleark of the Parliament appointed Hobbarts reports fol. 152. or to be appointed for that House doth not conclude that the House of Commons is a Court of Records For first that Law of 6. H. 8. c. 26. handles no such question as that whether the House of commons be a court it is a maxime in all Lawes Hobbarts reports fol. 154. Leâ— aliâ—d tractâ—us nil probat the word Record there mentioned is onely a memoriall of what was done and entred in a book A plaint removed out of the County-Court to the Court of the common-Pleas hath these words in the Writ of remove Recordari facias loquelam Fitz. Nat. Br. 70. Fitz. Nat. Br. 13. 12 H. 4.33 34 H. 6.49 c. and yet the county court is no court of Record and so for ancient Demesne in a Writ of false judgement the words are Recordari facias loquelam c. and yet the court of ancient Demesne is no court of Record and so of a court Baron the Law and custome of England must bee preserved or England will bee destroyed and have neither Law nor custome Let any man shew mee that the court of Lords or the House of commons in any age hath made any man a Delinquent Rege dissentiente the KING contradicting it under his Great Seale Miâ—hell and others of late were condemned by the prosecution of the House of commons in King Iames his time did King Iames ever contradict it And so in ancient times where the House of Peeres condemned the Lord Latimer in 50 E. 3. 4 Pars Inst Tit. Parlia p. 23. The Kings pardon freed him which shewes clearly that the Kings expresse or implied assent must of necessitie be had to make a Delinquent The execution of the sentence is in the Kings name The Gentl. saith That the Parliament sits or ought to sit by something greater than the Kings Writ c. No Parliament did ever sit without the Kings Writ 4. Pars inst p. 4. 6. nor could ever Parliament begin without the Kings presence in person or by a Guardian of England by patent under the Kings Great Seal the King being in remotis or by Commission under the Great Seal to certain Lords representing the Kings person and it hath been thus in all Ages unto this Session of Parliament wherein his Majestie hath been pressed and hath passed two Acts of parliament one for a Triennial parliament and another for a perpetual if the Houses please to satisfie their desires how these two Acts agree one with another 4 H. 3. c. 14. 36. H. 3. c. 10. 21. Iac. the Act of Limitation of Actions c. 22. and with the Statute in Edâ— the Thirds time where parliaments are ordained to be holden every year and what mischiefes to the people of this Land such length of Parliaments will produce by protections and priviledges to free them and their menial servants from all debts during their lives if they please to continue it so long and how destructive to mens actions against them by reason of the Statute of Limitations which confines their actions to certain yeares and many other inconveniences of greater importance is easie to understand How can any man affirme that the two Houses of Parliament do act now by the Kings Writ which relates to counsel and treatie with the King 4. p. inst p. 14. Vow any Covenant p. 11. concerning the King the defence of his Kingdom and of the Church of England these are three points which it tends to as appeares by the Writ They keep their King prisoner at Holmby and will not suffer him to consult and treat with them They have made a Vow and Covenant to assist the Forces raised and continued by both Houses against the Forces raised by the King without their consent and to the same effect have devised the Oath which they call the Negative Oath Is this to defend the Kings Kingdom or their kingdom When by their solemne League and Covenant they extirpate Bishops Deanes and Chapters root branch Is this to defend the Church of England 3. pars Cook Dean and Chapter of Norwich that Church must necessarily be meant that was the Church of England when the said Writ bore test they were not summoned to defend a Church that was not in being to destroy and defend the Church are very contrary things the Church is not defended when they take away and sell the Lands of the Church The Gentleman saith The King cannot controul other Courts of Justice or prevent them from sitting or acting and therefore not the two Houses c. 14 H. 8.3 36. H. â— Dier
60. 4. p. inst p. 1. It is true the King cannot controule or prevent his other Courts for that they are his ordinary Courts of common Justice to administer common right unto all men according to the fixed Lawes The Houses make no Court without the King they are no Bodie corporate without the King nor Parliament without the King they all make one corporate Bodie one Court called the Parliament whereof the King is the Head and the Court is in the Lords House where the King is present and as a man is no man without a head so the Houses severed from the King as now they are have no power at all and they themselves by levying War against the King and imprisoning of him have made the Statute for not dissolving adjourning or proroguing this Parliament of no effect by the said Acts of their own they sit to no purpose without his assent to their Bills they will not suffer him to consult with them and treat and reason with them whereby He may discerne what Bils are fit to passe and what not which in all Ages the Kings of this Land have enjoyed as their undoubted Rights and therefore they sit to no purpose by their own disobedience and fault For the ordinary Courts at Westminster 27. H. 8. c. â—4 28. H. 8.11 Dier the Judges in all those Courts are Judges by the Kings patent or Writ otherwise they are no Judges the Houses can make no Judges 2. â— 3.11 they are no Judges at all who are made by them the whole and sole power of making Judges belongs to the King the King cannot controul or prevent his own Judges from â—itting and acting but the Houses He may for they are not the Kings Judges but the judges of the â—â— Houses In his other Courts the King commits his power to his Judges by his patent and they are sworne to do common right to all men and the King is sworn not to let them from so doing the King cannot judge in those Courts nor controul but the King is both Judge and Controuler in the Court of Parliament Quoad Acts for his assent or dissent doth give life or death to all Bills Many Lawyers have much to answer to God this Kingdom and to posteritie for puzling the people of this Land with such Fancies as the Gentleman who wrote the Answer to my Paper and others have published in these Troubles which have been none of the least causes of the raising and continuing of them And so I have done with the first part of this Answer AD. 2. For the Non sequitur in the second Section of the Gentl. Answer the Antecedent and the Consequent are his own Quem recitas meus est O Fidentine libellus Sed malè dum recitas incipit esse tuus My words are that the King is not virtually in the two Houses at Westminster to enable them to grant pardons for that whole and sole power by the Law belongs to the King My paper hath no such thing 27. H. 8. c. 24. as that the Kings power cannot be derived to others or the virtue of his power For his power and the virtue of his power â— in all patents to his Judges in harâ—ers to Corporations in Commission of all sorts and in the Parliament assembled by force of his Writ of Summons so long as they obey him but when they renounce that power and claim it not from the King and declare to the Kingdom that he is not in condition to govern and imprison him and usurp to themselves all Royal Authoritie as the two Houses now do no reasonable man can affirme that they Act by the power of their Prisoner who hath no power to give them that by force of Armes take all power unto themselves The Gent saith The King grants Commissions dayly of Oyre and Terminer which he cannot frustrate nor elude The King may revoke and discharge the Commission by his Writ as he may remove all Judges and place other men in their room and any Kings death determines all the Judges Patents at Westminster Hal Commission of Oyre and Terminer c And so he might dissolve both Houses in all times 4. â— 4.39 5. â— 4.4 1. Eliâ— Dier 165. 1. Mar. Brooks case 〈◊〉 by his Writ under the Great Seal untill that in this Parliament by his own concession the King of his goodnesse had secluded himselfe which goodnesse hath been full ill requited The Gentl. affirmes That the power the Parliament hath is concurrent from the King and Kingdom which he conceives is proved by the grant of Subsidies to the King by the Parliament 4. pars 〈◊〉 pag. The mistaking of this word Parliament hath been mischievous in these times to this Land and it is affectedly mistaken which makes the sin the greater for the two Houses are not the Parliament as before is declared and at this time so to inculcate it when all men know that of the 120. Peers of this Kingdom who were temporal Peers before the Troubles there are now not above 30. in the Lords House and in the House of Commons about 200. of the principal Gentlemen of the Kingdom left the House and adhered to his Majesty who is imprisoned by them shewes no such candor as is to be desired It is true that no Tallage can be laid upon the people of this Land but by their consent in Parliament as appeareth by the Lawes mentioned in the Margent but you shall finde in M. Seldens learned Book called Mare clausum a number of presidents in Henry the Thirds time for Ship-mony justly condemned this Parliament to the which his Majesty assented and in truth that Ship-money was condemned before by the said two Statutes of 25. E. 1 34. E. 1. de Tallagio non concedendo 25. E. 1. confirmatio chartarum c. 6. 34. H. 1. c. 1. de Tallagio non concedendo Dangelet Englishely and many grievous Burthens were laid upon the people and born untill that memorable Princes time But I am of opinion that the common Law of the Land did alwayes restrain Kings from all Subsidies and Tallages but by consent in Parliament which doth appear by Magna Charta the last chapter where the Prelates Lords and Communalty gave the King the fifteenth part of their moveables In truth it is no manner of consequence because the King cannot take what he pleaseth of the Subjects goods that therefore they have a concurrent power in Parliament there have been many Parliaments and no Subsidies granted parliaments may be without Subsidies but Subsidies cannot be without parliaments of ancienâ— times parliaments rarely granted any unlesse it were in the time of forrâ—igne Warres and in my time Queen Elizab. refused a Subsidie granted in parliament and in the parliament of 1. Iac. none were granted The Gentl. should make a conscience of blinding the people with such untrue colours to to the ruine of the King and people AD. 3. The Gentl.
affirmes That the sending propositions to the King and desiring his concurrence is scarce worth an answer for Subjects may humbly petition for that which is their strict right property c. The propositions sent to Newcastle are in print wherein the two Houses are so farre from humbly petitioning that they stile not themselves his Majesties Subjects as appeares by the propositions That they have a strict right or property to any one of these propositions is a strange assertion every one of them being against the Lawes now in force Have the two Houses a strict right property to lay upon the people what Taxes they shall judge meet To pardon all Treasons c. that is one of their Propositions Have they a strict right and property to pardon themselves and so for all the rest of their Propositions These propositions have been Voted by both Houses the Kings assent they being drawn into Bills makes them Acts of Parliament Hath the King no â—ight to assent or dis-assent 12 H. 7 20. 1 Iac. c. 1.1 Car. c. 7. Waâ— the sending but a Complement All our Law-books and Statutes speak otherwise This Gent. and others must give an account one time oâ— other for such delusions put upon the people AD. 4. The Gent. saith They affirme not that the Kings power is separated from his person so as the two Spencer affirmed c. His Majesties person iâ— now at Holâ—by under their Guards have they not severed his power from him when by no power they have left him he can have two of his Chaplains who have not taken their Covenant to attend him for the exercise of his conscience For the three conclusions of the Spencers 15. Ed 2. Exilium Hugonis Calvins case 1 E. c. 2.7 pars â—â—ports 11. do not the two Houses act every of them They say his Majesty hath broken his Trust touching the Government of his people They have raised armies to take him they haue taken him and imprisoned him they governe themselves they make Laws impose Taxes make Judges Sheriffes and take upon them omnia insignia summae potestatis Is not this to remove the King for misdemeanours to reforme per asperte to govern in aid of him the three conclusions of the Spencers Doe they think the good people of England are become stupid and will not at length see these things The Gentleman saith Plowd 4. Eliz. 213. the Kings Power and his person are indivisible They doe not separate his power from his Person but distinguish it c. His power is in his legall Writs Courts and Officers when they counterfeit the Great Seal and seale Writs with the same make Judges themselves Courts and Officers by their owne Ordinances against his consent declared under his true Great Seale of England not by word of mouth letters or ministers onely their Seale is obeyed their own Writs their own Judges their owne Courts their own Officers and not the Kings The time will come when such strange actions discourses will be lamented AD. 5. The Gentleman goes on We take not from the King all power of pardening Delinguents we only say it is not proper to him quarto modo c. What doe you meane by quarte modo I am sure Omnis Rex Angliae solus Rex semper Rex can doe it and none else read the bookes of the Law to this purpose collected by that reverend and learned Judge Stanford Stanford pleas 99. 27 H. 8. c. 24. Dier 163. from all Antiquity to his time who died in the last yeare of King Philip and Queene Maries Reigne you shall finde this a truth undeniable and this power was never questioned in any Age in any Book by any untill this time that every thing is put to the question You Gentlemen who proâ—esse the Law and maintaine the party against the King returne at length and bring not so much scandall upon the Law which preserves all by publishing such incredible things We hold only what the law holds Bract. lib 3 cap 14. fol. 132. 1. pars Instit pag. 344. Plow 3. Eliz 236. 237. the Kings Prerogative and the subjects Liberty are determined and bounded and admeasured by a written Law what they are we doe not hold the King to have any more power neither doth his majesty claime any other but what â—he Law gives him the two Houses by the Law of this Land have no colour of power either to make Delinquents or pardon Delinquents the King contradicting and the Army under Sir Thomas Fairfax howbeit but Souldiers doe now understand that to be Law and doe now evidently see and assuredly know that it is not an Ordinance of the two Houses but an art of Parliament made by the King Lords and Commons that will secure them and let this Army remember their exccuted fellow-Souldier and the Law was alwaies so taken by all men untill these troubles that have begoâ— Monsters of opinions AD. 6. This Gentleman sayes The Parliament hath declared the King to be 〈◊〉 condition to governe c. There is no end of your distinctions I and you professe the Law shew me Law for your distinctions or lâ—tter syllable or line in any Age in the books of the Law that the King may in one time be in no condition to govern and yet have the habit of governing and another time he may viz when the two Houses will suffer him the Law saith thus Vbi lex non distinguit non est distinguendum He saies The King is not barred from returning to His Parliament as he calls the two Houses he knowes the contrary the whole City knows the contrary Nos juris consulti sumus sacerdotes as Justinian the Emperour hath it in the first book of his Institutions and therefore knowledge and truth should come from our lips Worthy and ingenious men will remember and reflect upon that passage of that good and wise man Seneca Non qua itur sed qua eundum follow not the wayes of the Lawyers of the House of Commons God forgive them I am sure the King will if they be wise and seek it in time AD. 7. The Gent sayes â—e swear that the King is our supreme Goverour ouer all persons in all causes 5 Eliz. ch 1. Cawdreys case 5 pars fol. 1. c. Why hath he left out the word onely for the Oath the Members now take is that King Charles is now the only and supreame Governour in all causes over all persons and yet they keep their only Supreme Governour now in prison and act now in Parliament by vertue of their prisoners Writ and by a concurrent power in this Parliament and by their own strict right and property as the Gentleman affirms in his Answer These things agree well with their Oath This Oath is allowed by the common-Law Law of the Land that the King is the onely Supreame Governour in all causes over all persons This Oath is taken now in
viz. Rex vic Wilts Saltem Quia Nos de avisamento assensia consilii nri pro quibus arduis urgentib negotiis nos statune defensionem Regni nri Aug. Eccles Anglie concernentibus quoddam Parliamentum nrum apud B. teneri ordinavimus ibid. cum Prelatis Magnatib proceribus dicti Regni nri Colliquium habere tractatum â—ibl precipimus firmiter injungendo quod facta Proclamatione in prox Comitatu tuo post receptionem ejusd Brevis duos Milites gladiis cinctos c. eligi faceas ad faciendum consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem de Commâ—â—â—i Concilio uro 4 pars Inst 241. Angl. foventi Deo contigerit ordinari super Negotiis ante dictis ita quod pro defectu potestatis bujusmodi seu propter improvidam electionem Mileum Civium Burgensium praed dicta negotia ura infect a non remanerent The King is Principium a pars Instit fol. 3. 4 capâ—â— finis Parliamenti the body makes not the head nor that which is posterior that which is prior consilium non est Preceptum consiliarii non sunt Preceptoris for Counsell to compell a consent hath not been heard of to this time in any age and the House of Commons by the Writ are not called ad co silium the Writs to the twelve Judges Kings Counsell twelve Masters of the Chancery are consilium impensuri and so of the Peeres The Writs for the Comminalty Ad faciendum consentiendum Which shewes what power the representative body hath they have not power to give â—n Oath neither doe they claime it The King at all times The Oath of the Justices 18 of E. 3. among Statutes of that yeare when there is no Parliament and in Parliament is assisted with the advice of the Judges of the Law 12 in number for England at least hath two Sergeants when fewest an Attorney and Solicitour twelve Masters of the Chancery his Councell of State consisting of some great Prelates and other great Personages versed in State affaires when they are fewest to the number of twelve All these persons are alwales of great substance which is not preserved but by the keeping of the Law The Prelates versed in divine Law the other Grandees in affaires of State and managery of Government The Judges Kings Sergeants Attorney Solicitour and Masters of the Chancery versed in the Law and Customes of the Realme All sworne to serve the King and his people justly and truly the King is also sworne to observe the Lawes and the Judges have in their Oath a clause that they shall doe common right to the Kings people according to the established Lawes notwithstanding any command of the King to the contrary under the Great Seale or otherwise the people are safe by the Lawes in force without any new The Law finding the Kings of this Realme assisted with so many great men of Conscience Honour and skill in the rule of Common-wealth knowledge of the Lawes and bound by the high and holy bond of an Oath upon the Evangelists settles among other powers upon the King a power to refuse any Bill agreed upon by both Houses and power to pardon all offences to passe any Grants in his Minority there are many great persons living hold many a thousand pounds a yeare by patents from Edward the sixth passed when he was but ten yeares of age not to be bound to any Law to his prejudice whereby he doth not binde himselfe power of war and peace coyning of Mony making all Officers c. The Law for the reasons aforesaid hath approved these powers to be unquestionable in the King and all Kings have enjoyed them till 3 Nov. 1640. It will be said notwithstanding all this fence about the Lawes the Lawes have been violated and therefore the said powers must not hold the two Houses will remedy this The answer to this is evident There is no time past nor time present nor will there be time to come so long as men manage the Law but the Lawes will be broken more or lesse as appeares by the story of every age All the pretended violations of this time were remedied by Acts to which the King consented before his departure 10. Jan. 1641. being then driven away by Tumults And the Houses for a yeare and almost three Moneths from 3 Nov. 1640. to 10 Jan. 1641. as aforesaid being a yeare and almost three Moneths had time and liberty to question all those persons who are either causes or instruments of the violation of any of the Lawes Examine how both Houses remedied them in former times First touching Religion what hath been done this way Both Houses in Henry the eights time tendred to him a Bill to be passed called commonly the Bill of the six Articles this was conceived by them to be a just and a necessary Bill Had not Henry the eight done well to have refused the passing of this Bill Both Houses tendred a Bill to him to take the reading of the Scriptures from most of the Laity Had not King Henry the eight deserved much praise to reject this Bill In Queene Maries time both Houses exhibited a Bill to her to introduce the Popes power and the Roman Religion had not Queene Mary done well to have refused this Bill Many such instances may be given The two Houses now at westminster I am sure will not deny but the refusall of such Bills have beene just the King being assisted as aforesaid and why not so in these times For the Civill Government what a Rill did both Houses present to Richard the third to make good his Title to the Crowne had it not beene great honour to him to have rejected it What Bills were exhibited to Henry the eight by both Houses for bastardizing of his Daughteâ— Elizabeth a Queene of renowned memory to settle the Crowne of this Realme for default of Issue of his body upon such persons as he should declare by his Letters Patents or his last Will and many more of the like had not this refusall of passing such Bil's magnified his vertue and rendered him to Posterity in a different Character from what he now hath And by the experience of all times and the consideration of humane frailty this conclusion is manifestly deduced that it is not possible to keep men at all times be they the Houses or the King and his Councell but there will be sometimes some deviation from the Lawes and therefore the constant and certaine powers fixed by the ancient Law must not be made voyd and the Kings Ministers the Lawes doe punish where the Law is transgressed and they onely ought to suffer for the same In this Parliament the Houses exhibited a Bill to take away the suffrages of Bishops in the upper House of Parliament and have sithence agreed there shall be no more Bishops at all might not the King if he had so pleased have answered this Bill with Le