vnto this time whiche was about the yeare of our Lord 1367. the offices here in England as the Lord Chauncellor Lord Treasurer of the priuy seale were wont to be in the handes of the clergy But about this yeare through the motion of the Lords in the Parliamēt and partly as witnesseth mine author for hatred of the clergy all the sayd offices were remoued from the clergy to the Lordes temporall After the death of Pope Urbane next succeeded Pope Gregory the 11. who among his other acres first reduced agayne the papacy out of Fraunce vnto Rome which had from thence bene absent the space now of 70. yeres being therto moued as Sabellicus recordeth by the answere of a certain bishop whom as the Pope saw standing by him asked why he was so long from his charge and church at home saying not to be the part of a good Pastor to keepe him from his flocke so long Wherunto the Bishop aunswering agayne sayd And you your selfe being the chiefe Bishoppe who may and ought to be a spectacle to vs all why are you from the place so long where your Church doth lye By the occasion whereof the Pope sought all meanes after that to remoue and to rid his Court out of Fraunce againe to Rome and so he did This 11. Gregory in a certayne Bull of his sent to the Archb. of Prage maketh mētion of one named Militzius a Bohemiā saith in the same bull that this Militzius should hold apinion teach an 1366. that Antechrist was alredy come Also that the said Militzius had certayn cōgregations folowing him that in the same congragation were certain harlots who being conuerted frō theyr wickednes were brought to a godly life Which harlots being so conuerted he vsed to say were to be preferred before al the holy religious virgins And therfore commaunded the archbishop to excōmunicate and persecute the sayd Militzius which in foretime had bene a religious man of Prage and after forsook his order and gaue himselfe to preaching and at length was by the foresayd Archb. imprisoned Iacobus Misnensis a learned man and a writer in the time of I. Hus maketh mention of this Militzius and calleth him a worthy and a famous Preacher Also citeth many things out of his writings In the which writinges thys good Militzius thus declareth of himself how he was moued vrged by the holy Ghost to search out by the sacred Scriptures concerning the comming of Antechrist And that he was compelled by the same holy spirite at Rome publickly to preach and also before the Inquisitor there to protest plainly that the same great Antechrist which is prophesyed of in y◠holy Scriptures was alredy come Moreouer his saying was that the church through negligēce of the pastors was desolate did abound in temporall riches but in spirituall riches to be empty Also that in y◠Church of Christ where certayne Idols which destroyd Ierusalē and defaced the Temple but hypocrisye caused that those Idols could not be sene Also that many there were which denied Christ because that knowing the truth yet for feare of mē they durst not confesse their conscience c. And thus much of good Militzius liuing in the time of Gregory 11. and king Edward the third an 1370. The which king of England holding a Parliamēt in the 3. yeare of this Pope sent his Embassadours to hym desiring him that he from thenceforth would abstayne frō his reseruatiōs of benefices vsed in the court of England And that spiritual men within his realme promoted vnto Bishopricks might freely enioy theyr electiōs within the realme and be confirmed by theyr Metropolitanes according to the auncient custome of the realme Wherfore vpō these and such other like wherein the king and the realme thought thēselues greued he desired of the Pope some remedy to be prouided c. Wherunto the Pope returned acertayne answere agayne vnto the king requiring by his messengers to be certified agayn of the kings mind cōcerning the same But what answere it was it is not in the story expressed saue that the yere folowing which was 1374. there was a tractation at Burges vpon certain of the said articles betwene the king the Pope which did bāg two yeares in suspēse so at length it was thus agreed betwene them that the pope should no more vse his reseruatiōs of benefices in England and likewise the king shoulde no more cōferre and geue benefices vpon the writ Quare impedit c. But as touching the freedome of elections to be confirmed by the Metropolitane mentioned in the yeare before therof was nothing touched As touching these reseruations prouisiōs and collations with the elections of Archbishops Bishops beneficed men and other wherwith the Pope vexed this realme of England as before you haue heard The king by the consent of the Lordes and commons in the 25. yeare of hys raigne enacted that according to a statute made in the 30. yeare of his graundfather Edward the first wherein was made an act against the rauenous pillage of the Pope thorough the same prouisions reseruations collations c. but not put in execution By the which prouisions the state of the realme decreased more and more the kings royaltie prerogatiue greatly obscured and diminished innumerable treasure of the realme transported aliens straungers placed in the best and fattest by shoprickes abbeyes and benefices within the realme And suche as eyther for their offices in Rome as Cardinalships such like could not be here resident or if resident yet better away for causes infinite as partly haue bene touched before Not onely reuiued the sayde statute made by Edward the first hys graundfather but also inlarged the same Adding therunto very strayt and sharpe penalties against the offenders therin or in any part therof as exemptiō out of the kings protection losse of al their lands goods and other possessions and theyr bodies to be imprisoned at the kings pleasure And farther who so euer was lawfully conuict or otherwise for want of appearance by proces directed forth were wythin the lappes of this statute or premunire for so bare the name therof shuld suffer al and euery such molestation iniuries as men exempted frō the protection of the king In so much that who so euer had killed such mē had bene in no more daunger of lawe therefore then for the killing of an outlaw or one not worthy to liue in a commō weale Lyke vnprofitable members were they then in that tyme yea of ignoraunce esteemed in thys common weale of Englande as would offer themselues to the wilfull slauery and seruile obedience of the pope which thyng in these dayes yea and that amōgst no small fooles is coūted more then Euangelicall holynes He that list to peruse the statute and would see euery braunch and article therof at large discussed and handled wyth the penalties therfore due Let him read the
great default at prouisions commyng from Rome wherby straungers were enabled wtin this realme to enioy ecclesiastical dignities shew diuers inconueniences ensuing thereby namely the decay of daily almose the transporting of the treasure to nourish the kings enemies the discouering of the secrets of the realme the disabling and impouerishing of the clerkes within this realme They also shew how the pope had in most couert wyse graunted to two new Cardinalles wythin thys Realme and namely to Cardinall Peragotz aboue ten thousand markes of yerely taxes They therfore required the kyng and nobles to finde some remedy for that they neuer could ne would any longer beare those straunge oppressions or els to helpe them to expell out of thys realme the Popes power by force Hereupon the King Lords and commōs sent for the act made at Carliel in the 35. yere of king Edward y◠first vpon the lyke complaint thereby forbidding that any thyng shoulde be attempted or brought into the Realme whych should tend to the blemishing of the kings prerogatiue or to the preiudice of hys Lords or commons And so at thys time the statute called the acte of prouision was made by common consent whych generally forbiddeth the brynging in of any Bulles or such trinkets from the Court of Rome or the vsing enioying or allowing of any such bil processe instrument or such ware as therby at large doth appeare Whereof sufficiently is touched before pag. 353. The penalty of whych statute afterwarde followed in the next parliament An. Reg. Ed. 18. tit 32. the whych penalty was this the transgressors thereof to lie in perpetuall prison or to be foriured the land And that al iustices of assize gaile deliuery and yer and determiner may determine the same Required withall that the same act of prouision should continue for euer Item that the sayd 18. yeare of the raigne of king Edward tit 34. it was moreouer propoūded that if any archbyshop or any person religious or other doe not present wtin 4. monthes some able clerke to any dignitie where any person hath obtayned from Rome any prouision Bul c. but surcease the same that then the Kyng may present some able clerke Item propounded in the sayd Parliament an 18. Reg. Ed 3. that if any Byshop elect shall refuse to take any suche byshoprikes other then by such Bull that then such elect shal not enter ne enioy hys temporalties without his speciall licence Also that the king shall dispose all such benefices and dignities of such aliens his enemies as remain in the coūtrey of hys enemyes and employ the profites therof to the defence of the realme Moreouer propounded that commissioners be sent to all the kings portes to apprehend all such persons as shal bring in any such instrument frō Rome and to bring them forthwyth before the counsaile to answere thereto Propounded farthermore that the Deanry of Yorke which is to be recouered by iudgemēt in the kyngs court may be bestowed vpon some able man within the realme who will maintaine the same agaynst hym meanyng the Cardinall who holdeth the same by prouision frō Rome being the enemy to the king and to the realm and that the profites may be emploied to the defence of the realme The kynges aunswere To all whych petitions aunswere was made in forme followyng It is agreed by the King Earles Barons Iustices other wise men of the Realme that the petitions aforesayd be made in sufficient forme of law according to the petitions aforesayd ¶ Note in thys answere of the kyng good reader that at the graunt hereof the consent of the byshops is neyther named nor expressed with the other Lords of the Parliament and yet the Parliament standeth in hys full force notwythstanding Notes of the Parliament holden in the 20. yeare of king Edward 3. TO passe farther in the 20. yeare of the kings reigne in the Parliament holden the same yere it was propoūded that all alien Monkes should auoyde the Realme by the day of S. Michael and that theyr liuings shuld be disposed to young English scholers The liuings of these the king tooke to hys handes Item that the king may take the profites of all others strangers liuings as Cardinals and others during their liues The profites of whō were also in the kings hands That such aliens enemies as be aduanced to liuyngs here in England being in their owne countreys shomakers tailers or chamberlaines to Cardinals shuld depart before Michaelmas and theyr liuynges disposed to poore English scholers The lyuings also of these remayned in the kings handes The commons denied to pay any paiment to any cardinals lying in Fraunce to entreat of war or peace which also was graunted of the kings part as reasonable Item propounded and fully agreed that the yearely aduauncement of two thousand markes graunted by the pope to two Cardinals out of the prouinces of Canterb. and Yorke should be restrained and suche as shall pursue therfore to be out of the law Lykewise enacted and agreed that no Englysh man should take any thing in ferme of any Alien religious ne buy any of their goods nor be of theyr counsaile on payne of perpetuall imprysonment Enacted further that no person should bryng into the realme to any Byshop or other any Bul or any other letters from Rome or from any Alien vnlesse he shewe the same to the Chauncelour or warden of the Cinque ports vpon losse of all he hath Finally in the end of the said Parliament the bishops were commaunded before the next conuocation to certify into the Chancery the names of such Aliens of their benefices and the values of the same Notes of the 25. yeare of kyng Edward the third THe Parliament of the 25. yeare was begon the 6. day of February the 25. yeare of king Edwarde 3. In the which parliament beside other matters mo was propoūded that remedy might be had against the popes reseruations by which brocage and meanes the pope receiued the first fruits of all Ecclesiastical dignities A more consumption to the Realme then all the kings warres Also the like remedy myght be had against suche as in the Court of Rome presume to vndoe any iudgement geuen in the kinges courte as if they enforced to vndoe the lawes of the realme Wherunto it was answered that there was sufficient remedy prouided by law Notes of the 38. yeare of king Edward the third IN the Parliament holden at Westminster the 38. yeare of Edward 3. in the vtaues of Hillary Symon Byshop of Ely being Lorde Chauncelour it was required by the kings owne mouth declared to the whole estates How daily citations false suggestions were made to the pope for matters determinable in his courtes wtin the Realme and for procuring prouisions to Ecclesiasticall dignities to the great defacing of the ancient lawes to the spoyling of his crowne to the daily conueying away of the
if that you shall apprehend by personall citation the sayd Nicholas and Phillip or either of them or whither they shall be absent and hide themselues as of euery thing els which in this behalfe you shall thinke meete to be done that betweene this and the feast of S Laurence you clerely certifie vs by your letters patentes contayning the effect of these thinges Fare ye well At our Manour of Lambeth the 13. day of Iuly the yeare of our Lord. 1382. and first yeare of our translation * The names of the Doctours and Fryers assistentes at this sitting Seculars M. William Blankpayne M. Wil. Barton Friers Carmelits Robert Euery prior Iohn Reningham prior and Iohn Lunne Friors Minors William Barnwel Iohn Ryddin and William Brunscombe Friers Augustines Iohn Court Patrington Tomson and Reepes Against this blind excommunication of the said archb the parties excommunicate commēced and exhibited their appeale vnto the bishop of Rome Which appeale of theirs as insufficient or rather to him vnpleasaunt the said archbishop vtterly reiected as might oftētimes ouercommeth right proceeding in his preconceaued excommunication against thē and writing moreouer his letters to hym that should preach next at Paules crosse as is aforesaid to denounce and to publishe openly the said Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repington to be excommunicate for that not appearing and theyr terme assigned Which was in the 13. day of the month of Iuly Which archbishop moreouer the said yeare month and day aforesaid sent also an other letter to M. Rigge Commissary of Oxford straightly enioyning and charging him not onely to denounce the sayd sentence of excommunication and to geue out publique citation against them but also to make dilligent search and inquisition through all Oxford for them to haue them apprehended and sent vp to him personally before him to appeare at a certain day prescribed for the same Wherby may appeare howe busie this Bish. was in disquieting persecuting these poremē whō rather he should haue nourished and cherished vs his brethren But as his labour is past so his reward will follow at what day the great Archbishop of our soules shall iudicially appeare in his tribunall seat to iudge both the quick and the dead The archb yet not contented with this doth moreouer by all meanes possible sollicite the king to ioyne withall the power of his temporall sword for that he well perceaued that hitherto as yet the popishe Clergy had no authoritie sufficient by any publique law or Statute of thys land to proceede vnto death against anye person whatsoeuer in case of Religion but onely by the vsurped tyranny and example of the court of Rome Where note gentle reader for thy better vnderstanding the practise of the romish prelates in seeking the kinges help to further their bloudy purpose against the good saintes of God Which king being but young and vnder yeares of ripe iudgement partly enduced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresayd Archbishop partly also eyther for feare of the Bishoppes for kings cannot alwayes doe in their realmes what they will or els perhaps entised by some hope of subsidie to be gathered by the Clergy was contented to adioyne his priuate assent such as it was to the setting downe of an ordinaunce which was in deede the very first lawe that is to be found made against Religion and the professors thereof bearing the name of an Acre made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Anno. 5. Rich. 2. where among sundry other Statutes then published and yet remayning in the printed bookes of Statutes this supposed Statute is to be found Cap. 5. vltimo as followeth Item forasmuch as it is openly knowne that there be diuerse euill persons within the realme going from county to countie and from Towne to Towne in certayne habites vnder dissimulation of great holinesse and without the licence of the ordinaries of the places or other sufficient authoritie preaching dayly not onely in Churches churchyardes but also in markets fayres and other open places where a great congregation of people is diuers sermons contayning heresies and notorious errours to the great emblemishing of Christen fayth and destruction of the lawes and of the estate of holy Churche to the great perill of the soules of the people and of all the realme of England as more plainly is found and sufficiently proued before the reuerend father in God the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the bishops and other prelates maisters of Diuinitie and doctors of Canon of ciuil law and a great part of the clergy of the said Realme specially assembled for this great cause which persons do also preach diuers matters of slander to engender discorde and discention betwixt diuers estates of the said realme as well spirituall as temporall in exciting of the people to the great perill of all the Realme which preachers cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the places thereto aunswere of that whereof they be impeached they will not obey to their sommons commandementes nor care not for their monitions nor censures of the holy Church but expressely despise them And moreouer by their subtile and ingenious wordes doe drawe the people to heare theire Sermons and doe mayntayne them in their errours by strong hand and by great rowtes It is ordayned assented in this present parliament that the kinges commissions be made and directed to the Sheriffes and other ministers of our soueraigne Lord the king or other sufficiēt persons learned and according to the certifications of the prelates therof to be made in the Chauncery from time to time to arest all such preachers and also their fautours mayntaynours and abbertours and doe hold them in arrest and strong prison till they wil iustify to them according to the law and reason of holy Church And the king will and commaund that the Chauncellour make such commissions at all times that he by the Prelates or any of them shal bee certified and thereof required as is aforesaid An examination of the foresayd supposed Statute and of the inualiditie therof WHich supposed statute for as muche as it was the principall ground whereuppon proceeded all the persecution of that time it is therefore not impertinent to examine the same more perticularly wherby shall appeare that as the same was fraudulently and vnduly deuised by the Prelates onely so was it in like maner most iniuriously and vnorderly executed by them For immediately vpon the publishing of this lawe without further warrant eyther from the king or his councell commissions vnder the great seale of England were made in this forme Richard by the grace of God c. vt patet act pag. 541. Witnesse my self at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the sixt yeare of our raigne Without more wordes of warrant vnder written such as in like cases are both vsuall and requisite Viz. per ipsum Regem per Regem Concilium or per breue de priuato
Sigillo all or any of which wordes being vtterly wanting in this place as may be seene in the kinges Recordes of that time it must therfore be done eyther by warrant of this foresayd Statute or els without any warrant at all Whereupon it is to be noted that wheras the said Statute appointed the commissions to be directed to the Sheriffe or other ministers of the kings or to other sufficient persons learned for the aresting of suche persons the sayd commissions are directed to the Archbishop and his Suffragans being as it appeareth parties in the case autorising theÌ„ further without either the wordes or reasonable meaning of the sayde Statute to imprison them in their owne houses or where els pleased them Besides also what maner of law this was by whome deuised and by what authoritie the same was first made and established iudge by that that followeth Viz. In the Utas of S. Michell next following at a parliament summoned and holden at Westminster the sixt yeare of the said king among sondry petitions made to the king by his commons whereunto he assented there is one in this forme Articl 52. Item prayen the commons that wheras an Estatute was made the last parliament in these wordes It is ordayned in this present Parliament that commissions from the king be directed to the Sheriâ—fes and other ministers of the king or to other sufficient persons skilfull and according to the certificates of the Prelates thereof to be made vnto the Chauncerie from time to time to arest all suche preachers theyr fautoures maintenors and abbettours And them to deteine in strong prison vntill they will iustifie themselues according to reasoÌ„ law of holy church And the king willeth and commaundeth that the Chauncellor make such commissions at all times as shal be by the prelates or any of them certified and thereof required as is aforesayd The which was neuer agreed nor graunted by the commens but what soeuer was moued therein was without their assent That the said statute be therfore disanulled For it is not any wise their meaning that either theÌ„selues or such as shal succeed theÌ„ shal be further iustified or bound by the Prelates then were their ancesters in former times whereunto is answered il plâ—ist aa Roy. 1. the king is pleased Hereby notwithstanding the former vniust lawe of Anno. 5. was repealed and the fraude of the framers therof sufficiently discouered yet such meanes was there made by the prelates that this acte of Repeale was neuer published nor euer fithence imprinted with the rest of the statutes of that Parliament In so much as the sayd Repeale being concealed like commissions and other proces were made from time to time by vertue of the sayd Basterd statute aswel during al the raign of this king as euer sithence against the professors of religion As shall hereafter by the grace of God appeare in the second yeare of king Henry the fourth where the Clergy pursued the like practise And now againe to the story of our Oxford Diuines and of the Archbishop to whom the king writeth his letters patents first to the Archbishop then to the Uicechauncellor of Oxford in forme as followeth The kinges letters patentes to the Archbishop RIchard by the grace of God king of England and Lord of Ireland To all those to whome these present letters shall come greeting By the petition of the reuerend â—ather in God William Archb. of Caunterbury Primate of England exhibited vnto vs we right well vnderstand That diuers and sondry conclusions very contrary to wholesome doctrine and redounding both to the subuersion of the Catholike fayth the holy Church and his prouince of Cant. in diuers and sundry places of the same of his prouince haue bene openly and publiquely preached although damnably preached Of the which conclusions some as heresies other some as errours haue bene condemned but not before good and mature deliberation first therein had and vsed and by common counsaile of the said Archbishop his suffragans and many doctors in diuinitie and other clerkes and learned men in the holy Scriptures were sententially and holesomely declared Whereupon the sayd Archbishop hath made his supplication vnto vs that both for the coertion and due castigation of such as shall henceforth of an obstinate minde preach or mayntaine the foresaid conclusions that we would vouchsafe to put to the arme and helping hand of our kingly power We therefore moued by the zeale of the catholicke faith whereof we be and will be defendours and vnwilling that any such heresies or errours shoulde spring vp within the limites of our dominion Geue and graunt speciall licence and authoritie by the tenour of these presentes vnto the foresayd Archbishop and to his Suffraganes to arest and imprison either in their owne prisons or any other all and euery such person and persons as shall either priuely or apertly preach and mayntayne the foresayd conclusions so condemned and the same persons so imprisoned there at their pleasures to detayne till such time as they shall repent them and amend them of suche hereticall prauities or els shall be of suche arestes by vs and our counsaile otherwise determined and prouided Further charging and commaunding all and singuler our liegemen ministers and subiectes of what state and condition so euer they be vpon their fidelitie allegeance wherin they stand bound to vs that by no meanes they eyther fauour counsayle or helpe the preachers or els mayntayners of the sayde conclusions so condemned or their fauourers vpon payn and forfaiture of all that euer they haue But that they obey and humbly attend vpon the said Archbishop his Suffraganes and ministers in the execution of these presentes so that due and manifest publication agaynst the foresaid conclusions and their mayntayners without any perturbation may be done and executed as for the defence of our Realme and catholike fayth shal be thought most meete and requisite In witnesse wherof we haue caused these our letters patentes to be made Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the 16. day of Iune and 6. yeare of our reigne * The kinges letters patentes to the Uicechauncellour THe king To the Chauncellour and the procuratours of the vniuersitie of Oxford which now be or for the time being shall be Greeting Moued by the zeale of christian fayth where of we be and alwayes will be defenders and for our soules health induced thereunto hauing a great desire to represse and by condigne punishmeÌ„t to restraine the impugners of the foresaid fayth which newly and wickedly go about and presume to sow their naughty and peruerse doctrine within our kingdome of England and to preach and hold damnable conclusions so notoriously repugnant and contrary to the same faith to the peruerting of our subiectes and people as we vnderstand Before they any further proceed in their malicious errours or els infect others We haue by these presentes appoynted you to be inquisitour generall all
to be sente to the King whome the Byshops had sente out as yee heard before to fight in Fraunce The records of which Parliament do thus say that on Twesday the xiiij day of December and the xxix day of the sayd Parliament Sir Iohn Oldcastle of Cowling in the Countie of Kent Knight being outlawed as is afore minded in the Kings bench and excommunicated before by the Archbishop of Canterbury for heresie was brought before the Lords and hauing heard his said conuictions aunswered not thereto in his excuse Upon which record and processe it was adiudged that he should be taken as a traytour to the King and the Realme that he should be carried to the Tower of London and from thence drawne thorough London vnto the new gallowes in S. Gyles without Temple barre and there to bee hanged and burned hanging ¶ The description of the cruell Martyrdome of Sir Iohn Oldcastle Lorde Cobham As touching the pretenced treason of this Lord Cobham falsely ascribed vnto him in his inditement rising vpon wrong suggestion and false surmise and aggrauated by rigour of words rather then vpon any ground of due probation sufficiently hath bene discoursed before in my defence of the saide Lorde Cobham against Alanus Copus page 575. where againe is to be noted as I saide before how by this appeareth that the Lorde Cobham was neuer executed by force of the inditement or outlawry because if he had he should then haue bene brought to the barre in the Kings bench and there the Iudges shoulde haue demaunded of him what he could haue said why hee shoulde not haue died and then not shewing sufficiente cause for the discharge or delay of execution the Iudges should haue awarded and geuen the iudgemente of treason which being not so it is cleare he was not executed vpon the Inditement Besides to proue that he was not executed vpon the Inditement and the outlawry the maner of the execution proueth it because it was neither the execution of a Traitour nor was the whole punishment thereof pronounced by the Iudge as by due order of lawe was requisite Finally as I said before heere I repeate againe that albeit the sayd Lord Cobham was attained of treason by the Act and that the King the Lords and the commons assented to the Act yet all that bindeth not in such sorte as if in deede he were no traytour that any man may not by search of the truth vtter and set forth sincerely and iustly the very true and certaine cause whereupon his execution did follow Which seemeth by all circumstances and firme arguments to rise principally of his Religion which first brought him in hatred of the Bishops the Bishops brought him in hatred of the King the hatred of the King brought him to his death and Martirdome And thus much for the death and execution of this worthy seruaunt of Christ Lord Cobham Moreouer in the records aboue mentioned it followeth how in the sayd Parliament after the Martirdome of this valiant Knight motion then was made that the Lord Powes might be thanked and rewarded according to the Proclamation made for his great trauaile taken in the apprehension of Sir Iohn Oldcastle Knight hereticke Thus stand the wordes of the recorde Where two things are to be noted First how Sir Iohn heere in the record is called not traitour but hereticke only Secondly marke how this brother of Iudas heere craueth hys reward for betraieng the innocent bloud Wherein it is not to be doubted but that his light fee and quid vultis mihi dare in this world will haue an heauie reward hereafter in the world to come vnlesse he repented c. Furthermore in the sayde Parliament Act. 17. it was enacted that the Church and all estates should enioy all their liberties which were not repealed or repealeable by the common lawe meaning belike the excluding of the iurisdiction of the Popes foreine power which hath alwaies by the common lawe bene excluded out of thys Realme In the same Parliament also a greeuous complainte was made by the Bishops no doubt against insurrections In the ende they suspected that they were the Lollards hereticks and traitours with a request that commissions might at all times be graunted to inquire of them Whereunto aunswere was made that the statutes therefore made should be executed c. Thus the Cleargy Tanquam leones rugientes ceased not to roare after Christian bloud And whosoeuer was else in fault still the Clergy cried crucifie Christ and deliuer vs Barrabas For then all horrible facts and mischieues if anye were done were imputed to the poore Lollards And now from our English matters to returne againe to the story of the Bohemians from whence wee haue a little digressed when as the newes of the barbarous cruelty exercised at Constance against Iohn Hus Hierome of Prage were noised in Boheme the nobles and gentlemen of Morauia and Boheme such as fauoured the cause of Iohn Hus gathering themselues together in the zeale of Christ first sent their letter vnto the Councell expostulating with them for the iniurie done to those godly men as is before expressed page 602. for the which letter they were all cited vp to the Councell Unto this letter Sigismund the Emperour maketh aunswere againe in the name of the whole Councell first excusing himselfe of Husses death which he saide was against his safeconduict and against his will Insomuch that he rose in anger from the Councell and departed out of Constance as is before remembred Secondly he requireth them to be quiet and to conforme themselues peaceably vnto the order of the Catholicke Church of Rome c. Also the Councell hearing or fearing some stirre to rise among the Bohemians did make lawes and Articles whereby to bridle them to the number of xxiiij FIrst that the King of Bohemia shall be sworne to giue obedience and to defend the liberties of the Churche of Rome That all Maisters Doctours and Priestes shall bee sworne to abiure the doctrine of Wickleffe and Husse in that Councell condemned That all they which being cited would not appeare should also be sworne to abiure and they whiche woulde not appeare contemning the censure of the keyes should haue processe against them and be punished That all such lay men as had defended the causes of Iohn Wickleffe and Iohn Husse should sweare to defend them no more and to approoue the doings of that Councell and the condemnation of Iohn Husse That all such seculare men as had spoiled the Cleargie should be sworne to restitution That Priestes being expelled from their benefices should be restored againe That all prophaners of Churches should bee punished after the Canonicall sanctions That such as had bene promoters in the Councell against Iohn Husse should be permitted safely to returne into Boheme againe and to enioy their benefices That the reliques and treasure taken out of the Church of Prage should be restored fully againe That the
punishment vpon them for their bloudy cruelty But before I remoue from the sayde story of the foresayde Duke and of the proud Cardinall his enemy I will hers by the way annexe a certaine instrument by the kyng and aduise of his counsayle made agaynst the sayde Cardinall taking vpon him to enter into this realme as Legate froÌ„ the Pope contrary to the old lawes and customes of thys realme as by the wordes of the sayd instrument here in Latine may well appeare In Dei nomine Amen Per presens publicum instrumentum cunctis appareat euidenter quod an Dom. 1428. Indictione septima pontificatus Sanct. in Christo pat D. nostri D. Martini c. Ego Richardus Candray procurator nomine procuratorio Christianissimi principis Domini Henrici Dei gratia Regis Angliae Franciae Domini Hiberniae Domini mei supremi de assensu pariter aduisamento Illustris potentis Principis Humfridi Ducis Gloucestriae Comitis Penbrochiae protectoris defensoris regni Angliae Ecclesiae Anglicanae caeterorum dominorum meorum de consilio suae Regiae celsitudinis ac consiliuÌ„ eiusdem facientiuÌ„ hac vice representantiuÌ„ dico allego in his scriptis propono quod dictus Christianissimus princepsdominus meus supremus suique inclytissimi progenitores dicti regni Angliae Reges fuerunt sunt tam speciali priuilegio quam consuetudine laudabili legitimeque praescripta nec non a teÌ„pore per teÌ„pus cuius contrarij memoria hominum non existat pacifice inconcusse obseruata sufficienter dotati legitimeque muniti quod nullus Apostolicae se dis Legatus venire debeat in regnum suum Angliae aut alias suas terras dominia nisi ad Regis Angliae pro tempore existentis vocationem petitionem requisitionem inuitationem seu rogatum Fueruntque sunt dicti Christianissimus princeps dominus meus supremus ac sui inclyti progenitores huiusmodi Reges Angliae in possessione quasi iuris facti priuilegij consuetudinis praedictorum absque interruptione quacunque toto omni tempore supradicto pacificè quiete Romanis pontificibus per totum tempus supradictum praemissa omnia singula scientibus tolerantibus iisdem consentieÌ„tibus tam tacite quam expresse ac extra omnem omnimodam possessionem quasi iuris facti LegatuÌ„ huiusmodi vtpraefertur in regnum Angliae aut alias suas terras et dominia mittendi nisi ad vocationem petitionem requisitionem Rogatum Regis Angliae pro tempore existentis Et quia reuerendis in Chri. pat D. D. Henricus Dei gratia c. sancti Eusebij praesbyter Cardinalis sanctaesedis Romanae Legatum se affirmans more Legati insignijs Apostolicae dignitatis vtens absque vocatione petitione requisitine inuitatione aut rogatu Christianissimi domini nostri Regis praedicti inclytum regnum Angliae de facto est ingressus protestor igitur palam publico in his scriptis nomine vice quibus supra ac omnium ipsius domini nostri Regis subditorum quod non fuit aut est intentionis praefati Christianiss principis domimini supremi ac dictorum dominorum meorum de coÌ„silio in derogationem legum iurium consuetudinum libertatum priuilegiorum dicti D. nostri Regis ac regni ingressum huiusmodi dicti reuerendiss patris vt Legati in Angliam authoritate ratificare vel approbare seu ipsum vt Legatum sedis Apostolicae in Angliam contra leges iura consuetudines libertates priuilegia praedicta quouismodo admittere seu recognoscere aut exercitio legationis suae huiusmodi aliquibusue per ipsum vt Legatum sedis Apost actis seu agendis attentatis seu attentandis aduersus praemissa leges iura consuetudines libertates priuilegia in aliquo consentire sed dissentire sicque dissentit dictus dominâ— noster Rex atque dissentiunt dicti domini mei de consilio per presentes c The summe and effecte whereof in Englishe is this that in the yeare of our Lord. 1428. as the King with Duke Humfrey Lord protectour the rest of the counsayle were in the Dukes house in the Parish of S. Bennets by Paules warfe one Richard Candray procuratour in the kinges name and behalfe did protest and denounce by thys publicke instrument that where as the kyng and all hys progenitours kinges before him of thys realme of EnglaÌ„d haue bene heretofoâ—e possessed tyme out of mynde with speciall priuiledge and custome vsed and obserued in thys Realme from tyme to time that no Legate from the Apostolicke sea should enter into thys land or anye of the kynges dominions without the calling petition request inuitement or desire of the kyng and for so much as Henry byshop of Wint. and Cardinall of S. Eusebius hath presumed so to enter as Legat from the Pope beyng neyther called sent for required or desired by the kyng therfore the sayd Richard Candray in the kynges name doth protest by this instrument that it standeth not with the kinges minde or intent by the aduise of hys counsayle to admit approue or ratifie the coÌ„ming of the sayd Legate in anye wise in derogation of the rightes customes and lawes of this hys realme or to recognise or assent to any exercise of this hys authoritie Legantine or to anye actes attempted or hereafter by hym to be attempted in this respect coÌ„trary to the foresayd lawes rightes customes and liberties of this Realme by these presentes c. And thus much as an Apendix annexed to the story of Duke Humfrey and the Cardinal of Wint. extracte out of an olde written volume remaining in the handes of maister William Bowyer ¶ The benefite and inuention of Printing IN following the course and order of yeares we find this foresayd yeare of our Lord. 1450. to be famous and memorable for the diuine and miraculous inuention of printing Nauclerus and Wymselingus folowing him referre the inuention thereof to the yeare 1440. In paralipom Abbatis Vrsp. it is recorded this facultie to be found an 1446. Auentinus and Zieglerus do say an 1450. The first inueÌ„tour thereof as moste agree is thought to bee a Germayne dwelling first in Argentine afterward Cittizen of Mentz named Iohn Faustus a goldsmith The occasioÌ„ of this inuention first was by engrauing the letters of the Alphabet in mettal who then laying blacke incke vpon the mettall gaue the forme of letters in paper The man being industruous and actiue perceiuing that thought to proceed further and to proue whether it woulde frame as well in words and in whole sentences as it did in letters Which when he perceaued to come well to passe he made certayne other of his counsaile one Iohn Guttemberge Peter Schafferd binding them by their othe to keepe silence for a season After x. yeares Iohn Guttemberge compartner with Faustus began then first to broch the matter at Strausbrough The Arte beyng yet
with the Sherifte and that the one shall teach them Gods law and the other mans law as ye heard in King Edgars lawes before Many other lawes both Ecclesiasticall and temporall besides these were enacted by these and other Kings heere in England before the Conquest but these be sufficient to geue the vnderstanding Reader to consider how the authority of the Bishops of Rome all this while extended not so farre to prescribe lawes for gouernement of the Church but that Kings and Princes of the Realme as they be now so were then full gouernours heere vnder Christ as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall both in directing orders instituting lawes in calling of Synodes and also in conferring Byshoprickes and benefices without any leaue of the Romish Bishops Thus Odo Dunstane Oswold Ethelwold Aldelinus and Lancfrancus although they fet their palles afterwarde from Rome yet were they made Bishops and Archbishops by Kings only not by Popes And thus stoode the gouernement of this Realme of England all the time before the Conquest till Pope Hildebrand through the setting on of the Saxons began first to bring the Emperour which was Henry 4. vnder foote Then followed the subduing of other Emperours Kings and subiects after that as namely heere in England when Lancfrancus Anselmus and Becket went to complayne of their Kings and gouernours then brought they the Popes iudiciall authority first from Rome ouer this land both ouer Kings and subiects which euer since hath continued till these latter yeares Albeit the sayd Kings of this Realme of England being prudent Princes and seeing right well the ambitious presumption of those Romish Byshops did what they could to shake off the yoke of their supremacie as appeareth by the lawes and Actes of their Parliaments both in king Edward the thirds time King Richard the 2. and King Henry the 4. aboue in their Parliament notes specified yet for feare of other foreine Princes and the blind opinion of their subiectes such was then the calamitie of that time that neither they could nor durst compasse that which faine they would till at last the time of their iniquitie being complete through the Lords wonderfull working theyr pride had a fall as in the next Volume ensuing the Lord so graunting shall by proces of hystorie be declared The Image of the true Catholicke Church of Christ. ¶ The proude primacie of Popes paynted out in Tables in order of their rising vp by little and little from faythfull Byshops and Martyrs to become Lords and gouernours ouer King and kingdomes exalting themselues in the Temple of God aboue all that is called God c. 2. Thessalonians 2. IN the Table of the primitiue Churche aboue described hath bene gentle Reader set forth and exhibited before thine eies the greeuous afflictions and sorowfull tormentes which thorough Gods secret sufferance fell vpon the true Saints and members of Christes Church in that time especially vpon the good Bishops Ministers and teachers of the flocke of whome some were scourged some beheaded some crucified some burned some had their eies put out some one way some another miserably consumed which daies of wofull calamitie cōtinued as is foreshewed neare the space of CCC yeares During which time the deare spouse and elect Church of God being sharply assaulted on euery side had small rest no ioy nor outward safetie in this present world but in much bitternes of hart in continuall teares and mourning vnder the crosse passed ouer their daies being spoiled imprisoned contemned reuiled famished tormented and martired euerywhere who neither durst well tarie at home for feare and dread and much lesse durst come abroade for the enemies but onely by night when they assembled as they might sometimes to sing Psalmes and Hymnes together In all which their dreadfull dangers and sorrowfull afflictions notwithstanding the goodnes of the Lord left them not desolate but the more their outward tribulations did increase the more their inward consolations did abound and the farther off they seemed from the ioyes of this lyfe the more present was the Lorde wyth them wyth grace and fortitude to confirme and reioyce theyr soules And though theyr possessions and riches in this world were lost and spoyled yet were they enriched wyth heauenly giftes and treasures from aboue an hundreth fold Then was true Religion truely felt in hart Then was Christianitie not in outwarde appearance shewed but in inward affection receaued and the true image of the Churche not in outwarde shew pretensed but in her perfect state effectuall Then was the name and feare of God true in hart not in lippes alone dwellyng Fayth then was feruent zeale ardent prayer not swimming in the lippes but groned out to God from the bottome of the spirite Then was no pride in the Church nor laysure to seeke riches nor tyme to keepe them Contention for trifles was then so far from Christians that well were they when they could meete to pray together agaynst the Deuill authour of all dissention Briefly the whole Churche of Christ Iesus wyth all the members thereof the farther it was from the type and shape of this worlde the nearer it was to the blessed respect of Gods fauour and supportation ¶ The first rising of the Byshops of Rome AFter this long tyme of trouble it pleased the Lord at length mercifully to looke vpon the Saints and seruauntes of his sonne to release their captiuitie to release their miserie and to binde vp the old Dragon the Deuill which so long vexed them whereby the Church began to aspire to some more libertie and the Bishops which before were as abiects vtterly contemned of Emperours through the prouidence of God which disposeth all things in his time after his owne willy began now of Emperours to be esteemed and had in price Furthermore as Emperours grew more in deuotion so the Bishops more and more were exalted not only in fauour but also preferred vnto honour in so much that in short space they became not quarter maisters but rather halfe Emperours with Emperours Constantinus the Emperour embrasing Christen Byshops By which words of S. Paul we haue diuers things to vnderstand First that the day of the Lordes cōming was not thē nere at hand Secōdly the Apostle geuing vs a tokē before to know whē that day shall approch biddeth vs looke for an aduersary first to be reuealed Thirdly to shew what aduersary this shal be he expresseth him not to be as a common aduersary suche as were then in his time For although Herode Annas and Cayphas the high Priestes and Pharasyes Tertullus Alexander the Coppersmith Elymas Symō Magus Nero the Emperor in Paules time were great aduersaryes yet here he meaneth another besides these greater thē all the rest not such a one as should be like to Priest King or Emperor but such as farre exceding the estate of all kinges priests and Emperors should be the prince of priests should make kings to
reading nor for such as be learned yet I shall desire both you and them to consider in it the necessity of the ignoraunt flocke of Christ committed to your gouernement in this Realme of England Who as they haue bene long led in ignoraunce and wrapt in blindenesse for lacke specially of Gods word and partly also for wanting the light of history pity I thought but that such should be helped their ignoraunce relieued and simplicity instructed I considered they were the flocke of Christ and your subiectes belonging to your account and charge bought with the same price and hauing as deare soules to the Lord as other And though they be but simple and vnlearned yet not vnapt to be taught if they were applyed Furthermore what inconuenience groweth of ignoraunce where knowledge lacketh both I considered and experience dayly teacheth And therefore hearing of the vertuous inclination of your Maiesty what a prouident care Zeale full of solicitude you haue minding speedely I trust to furnish all quarters countryes of this your realme with the voice of Christes Gospel faythful preaching of his word I thought also not vnprofitable to adioyne vnto this your godly proceedinges and to the office of the ministery the knowledge also of Ecclesiasticall history which in my minde ought not to be separate from the same that like as by the one the people may learne the rules and preceptes of doctrine so by the other they may haue examples of Gods mighty working in his Church to the confirmation of their fayth and the edification of Christian life For as we see what light and profite commeth to the Church by histories in olde times set forth of the Iudges Kinges Machabees the Actes of the Apostles after Christes time so likewise may it redound to no small vse in the Church to knowe the Actes of Christes Martirs now since the time of the Apostles Besides other manifolde examples and experimentes of Gods great mercies and iudgementes in preseruing his Church in ouerthrowing tyrauntes in confounding pride in altering states kingdomes in conseruing Religion against errours and dissentions in relieuing the godly in brideling the wicked in losing and tying vp againe of Sathan the disturber of common weales in punishing transgressions as well against the first table as the second wherin is to be seene Idolatry punished blasphemy plagued contempt of Gods holy name and religion reuenged murder with murder rewarded Adulterers Wedlockbreakers destroied periuries extortions couetous oppressions and fraudulent councels come to nought with other excellent workes of the Lord the obseruing and noting whereof in histories minister to the readers therof wholesome admonitions of life with experience and wisedome both to know God in his workes and to worke the thing that is godly especially to seeke vnto the sonne of God for their saluation in his fayth onely to finde that they seeke for and in no other meanes The continuance and constancy of which fayth the Lord of his grace and goodnes graunt to your noble Maiesty and to his whole beloued Church and all the members of the same to euerlasting life Amen Ad doctum Lectorem Ioh. Foxus COgitanti mihi versantique mecum in animo quà m periâ—ulosa res aleae sit emittere nunc aliquid in publicum quod in manâ—s oculósque multoruÌ„ subeat his praesertim tam exulceratis moribus temporibúsque vbi tot hominum dissidijs tot studijs partium tot morosis capitibus tam rigidis censuris Criticorum sannis feruent ferè omnia vt difficillimum sit quicquaÌ„ tam circumspectè scribere quod non in aliquam calumniandi materiam rapiatur perbeati profectò foelicésque videnturij quibus eum vitae cursuÌ„ tenere liceat vt in otio viuentes cum dignitate sic alienis frui queant laboribus velut in theatro ociosi sedentes spectatores vt nullum interim ipsis uel ex actione taedium vel ex labore periculum metuendum sit Me vero nescio quo pacto longe diuersa quidem hactenus exercuit vitae ratio quippe cui nec fortunae illam foelicitatem in cuius complexibus tam multos suauiter foueri video nec otij amoenitatem experiri vix etiam per omnem vitam degustare in continuo laborum ac negotiorum feruore ac contentione contigerit Quanquam de fortuna parum queror quam semper contempsi quin neque de laboribus multum dicturus si modo lobores ij tantum vel prodesse vel placere caeteris possent hominibus quantum me priuatim atterunt incommodántque Nuncad meae infoelicitatis cumulum accedit in super quod in eo argumenti genere laborandum fuit quod praeter lugubrem rerum ipsarum materiam praeter linguae inamoenitatem praeter tractandi difficultatem quae vix nitorem recipiat orationis eo porro autorem ipsum redigit angustiae vt neque falsa narrare sine iniuria historiae nec verum dicere sine magna sua inuidia odiâ— que multorum liceat Nam cum in eo historiae argumento mihi versandum fuit quod non ad superiorum modo temporuÌ„ res gestas altéque repetitas pertineat sed hanc ipsam aetatem nostram nostraeque gentis nunc homines etiamnum praesentes viuôsque sic attingat sic perfricet sic designet quemadmodum in hoc materiae genere necessario faciundum fuit quaeso quid hîc mihi aliud expectandum sit nisi postquaÌ„ frustrà me defatigando valetudinem attriuerim oculos perdiderim senium acciuerim corpus exhauserim demum vt post haec omnia multorum me hominum odijs sibilis inuidiae ac calumniae exponam In tot istis asperitatibus cum nihil me tutum praestare poterit non Caesar non Monarchae non Rex non Regina non vlla huius mundi praesidia preter solam diuini numinis potentem deteram principiò igitur atque ante omnia huc ceu ad tutissimum asylum me recepi huic me librúmque commendaui commendo Tum vero insuper in eodem domino tuum illum candorem docte piéque Lector eaÌ„que tuam humanitatem appellare volâ—i qua ex humanioribus literis studijsque te scio praeditum quo nostris his fudoribus tuae approbation â—â—â—cedat calculus aut si approbationem non mereamur saltem ne fauoris desit benignitas cui si approâ—atum iri hanc historiae nostrae farraginem senserimus caeterorum iudicia obtrectatorum leuius feremus Nam alioquì non defuturos sat scio qui varijs modis nobis facessent molestiam Habebit hic momus suos morsus sycophanta suos sibilos nec deerit Calumniatori sua lingua aculeus quem infigat Hic fidem detrahet historiae Ille artificium in tractando alter diligentiam vel in excutiendis rebus iudicium desiderabit Illi forsan operis displicebit moles vel minus disposita seruatâque temporum ratio Et si nihil horum fuerit attamen in tanta
be done in priuate houses so that whosoeuer should atteÌ„pt the contrary should be depriued const 57. Moreouer coÌ„cernyng Clerkes leauyng their Churches const 58. Also concerning the order maner of funerals const 59. And that Byshops should not keepe froÌ„ their flocke const 67. The same IustiniaÌ„ grauÌ„ted to the Clergy of ConstaÌ„tinople the priuiledge of the secular court in cases onely ciuile and such as touched not the disturbauÌ„ce of the Byshop otherwise in all criminall causes he left them to the iudgemeÌ„t of the secular court const 83. He geueth also lawes decrees for breach of matrimonie const 117. in diuers other places And in his const 123. after the doctrine of S. Paule he commauÌ„deth all Byshops Priestes to sounde out their seruice to celebrate the misteries not after a secrete maner but with a loude voyce so as they might not onely be heard but also be vnderstand of the faythfull people what was sayd done Whereby it is to be gathered that diuine prayers and seruice then was in the vulgar toung And as the said Iustinian other Emperours in those dayes had the iurisdictioÌ„ and gouernement ouer spirituall matters persons the like examples also may be brought of other kyngs in other laÌ„des who had no lesse authoritie in their Realmes then Emperours had in their Empire As in FrauÌ„ce Clodoueus the first Christened kyng at Orleans caused a CouÌ„cell of 33. Byshops where .33 Canons were instituted coÌ„cernyng the gouernemeÌ„t of the Church within .200 yeares after Christ. Ex primo Tomo Concil Carolus Magnus beside his other lawes and edictes political called v. Synodes one at Mentz the second at Rome the third at Remes the fourth at Cabilone the fift at Arâ—late where sundry rites ordinauÌ„ces were geuen to the Clergy about .810 yeares after Christ. The same Carolus also decreed that onely the Canonicall bookes of Scripture should be read in the Church none other Which before also was decreed an 4.17 in the third generall Councel of Carthage Item he exhorteth and chargeth Byshops and Priests to preach the word with a godly iniuÌ„ction Episcopi verò vt siue per se siue per vicarios pabulum verbi diuini sedulò populis annuncient Quia vt ait beatus Gregorius Iram contra se occulti iudicis excitat Sacerdos si sine praedicationis sonitu incedit Et vt ipsi clerum sibi commissum in sobrietate castitate nutriant Superstitiones quas quibusdam in locis in exequijs mortuorum noÌ„nulli faciunt eradicent that is That bishops either by them selues or their deputies shall shew forth the foode of Gods word to the people with all diligeÌ„ce For as Gregory sayth the Priest procureth against him the wrath of the secret iudge which goeth without the sound of preaching And also that they bring vp their Clergy to theÌ„ coÌ„mitted in sobernes chastitie The superstitioÌ„ which in certaine places is vsed of some about the Funerals of the dead let them exterminate plucke vp by the rootes c. Moreouer instructing informyng the sayd Byshops Priestes in the office of preaching willeth theÌ„ not to suffer any to fayne or preach to the people any new doctrine of their owne inueÌ„tion not agreing to the word of God but that they them selues both will preach such thyngs as lead to eternall life and also that they set vp other to do the same ioyneth with all a godly exhortation Ideo dilectissimi toto corde praeparemus nos in scientia veritatis mox vt diuina donante gratia verbum Dei currat crescat multiplicetur in profectum Ecclesiae Dei sanctae salutem animaruÌ„ nostrarum laudem gloriam nominis Domini nostri Iesu Christi Pax praedicantibus gratia obedientibus gloria Domino nostro Iesu Christo Amen Furthermore the said Carolus in his constitutions diuideth the goodes geueÌ„ to the Church so that in the more welthy places two partes should go to the vse of the poore the third to the stipeÌ„d of the Clergy Otherwise in poorer places an equall diuisioÌ„ to be made betwene the pouertie the Clergy vnles the gift had some speciall exception Ex Ansegiso lib. 1. cap. 80. And in the same booke a little after cap. 83. the author declareth by the sayd Carolus to be decreed that no Ecclesiasticall person or persons froÌ„ thenceforth should presume to take of any person any such gift or donation wherby the childreÌ„ or kinsfolkes of the sayd Donor should be defeited of their inheritance duly to them belongyng Ludouicus Pius king of France after Emperor was sonne to the foresaid Charles who being ioined together with the said Charles his father in the Empire ordained also with his father sundry actes obseruaunces touchyng the gouernement of the Church as in the author before alledged may appeare As first that no entry should be made into the Church by Symony Agayne that Byshops should be ordained by the free electioÌ„ of the Clergie of the people without all respect of person or reward onely for the merite of life and gift of heauenly wisedome Also the sayd Kynges Emperours forbad that any free maÌ„ or Citizen should enter the professioÌ„ of Monkery without licence asked of the kyng before added a double cause wherfore First for that many not for meere deuotioÌ„ but for idlenes and auoyding the kynges warres do geue theÌ„ selues to ReligioÌ„ againe for that many be craftely circumueÌ„ted deluded by subtile couetous persons seekyng to get froÌ„ them that which they haue Lib. 1. cap. 114. ibidem IteÌ„ that no young childreÌ„ or boyes should be shaueÌ„ or enter any profession without the will of their PareÌ„tes And no young maydens should take the veale or profession of a Nunne before she came to sufficient discretion of yeres to discerne chuse what they will follow That none should be interred or buried theÌ„ce forth within the Church which also was decreed by Theodosius Valentinianus 40. yeares before them Item the sayd Carolus .22 yeares before this Emperour enacted that murderers such as were giltie of death by the law should haue no sanctuary by flying into the Church c. which also was decreed by IustiniaÌ„ .300 yeares before this Carolus Ex Nouel Iustinia Moreouer the foresayd Ludouicus Pius with his sonne Clothariê° or as some call him Lotharius ioyned with him among other Ecclesiasticall Sanctions ordained a godly law for laymen to coÌ„municate the Sacrament of the body bloud of the Lord in these wordes Vt si noÌ„ frequeÌ„tius vel ter laici homines communicent nisi fortè grauioribus quibusâ—am criminibus impediaÌ„tur That laymen do communicate at least thrise if not ofter except they be let percase by some more haynous greuous offences Anseg lib. 2. cap. 43. Item they enacted that no goodes of the Church should be alienated vnder the payne Leoninae
  Ocha or Octha   Emenricus or Emericus 26   Ethelbertus the first of the Saxon kings that receyued the fayth by Aug. an reg 35.56 This Ethelbert first of all the Saxons receiued the fayth and subdued all the other vj. kings except onely the king of Northumberland  Edbaldus 24   Ercombertus 24 Ercombert commaunded Lent first to be fasted in his dominion The kings of Kent Egebertus or Edbrieth slayne 9 Egebert killed two Sonnes of his Uncle  Lotharias slayne 12  Eadrichus 6 Unto the time of Eadrick all the bishops of Canterbury were Italians  Nidredus 7 Some Chronicles doe place these two Nidredus and Wilhardus after Edricke and geue to them seuen yeares some agayne do omit them  Wilhardus 7  Withredus 33  Egfertus or Edbert 23  Ethelbert 11   Alricus 34 Betweene the raygne of Alricke and Cuthred some Stories do insert the raigne of Eadbert which raigned two yeares  Eadbertus surnamed Pren. 2  Cuthredus 18  Baldredus expulsed 81  In the raigne of this Baldred the kingdom of Kent was translated to Egbertus otherwise called Egbrict king of the WestsaxoÌ„s who subduing the foresaid Baldred an 832. gaue the said kingdome to Athelstan his younger sonne After whose decease it came to Ethelwolfe the elder sonne of Egbrict and so was vnited to the Westsaxons who then began to be the Monarch of the whole land This kingdom began nere about the yeare of our Lord 456. and continued 342. yeares and had xv kings 478. ¶ The Kings of Southsaxe with the yeares of their raigne Southsaxe Elle or Alle. 31 Cissa Of this Cissa came Cicester which he builded and where he raigned Now called Sussex Nancanleus or Nancanleodus This Nathanleod seemeth by some old stories to be a Britaine the chief Marshall of king Vter whome Porth the Saxon slew  Porth This Porth a Saxon came in at the hauen which now is called of him Porthmouth  Ethelwelfus Because I find but little mention of these two I thinke it rather like to bee the same Ethelwold or Ethelwaldus which after followeth The kings of Sussex Redwallus Condebertus Of Condebertus and Ethelred I find no mention but in one table only supposing therfore that the true names of these were Ercombertus and Egebertus which were kings of Kent the same tyme and peraduenture might then rule in Sussex  Ethelredus or Ethereus  Adelwood or Ethelwaldus slayne This Adelwold was the first kyng of Sussex Christened and as Fabian saith the iiij king of the SouthsaxoÌ„s as other say the vij so vncertain be the histories of this kingdom  Adelbrich or Berethunus slayne 5  Adhumus 15 ¶ This kingdome endured the shortest season of all other and soonest passed into other kingdoms in the dayes as some write of Iue king of Westsaxe and so endured not aboue an hundred twelue yeres vnder seuen or at most xj kings beginning first in the yeare of the Lord 47â— and about the 30. yeare of the first comming of the Saxons Westsaxe 522. ¶ The principall kingdome of the Westsaxons and of their raignes Cerdicus or Credicus 17 This kingdome contained Sommersetshire Barkshire Dorsetshire Deuonshire Cornewall c.  Kenricus 26  Chelingus 30.33 lib. cycl   Celricus or Ceolfricus 5   Celwulfus or Ceolulfus 14   Kynigilsus Quicelinus 32 This Kynigilsus was first Kyng Christened in that prouince conuerted by Birinus after made Monke  Kinewalkins 31   Sexburga â— Â Â Escwynus Ascwynus or Elkwinus 2  The kings of Westsaxe Centwinus dyed at Rome 7  Cedwalla 3 Cedwalla went to Rome and there was Christened and dyed Ina or Iue 35  Edelardus or Athelardus 14 Ina also went to Rome and was made Monke  Cuthredus or Cuthbert 16   Sigebertus or Sigherus slayne 1 Sigebert for his pride and crueltie was deposed of his people And as he had killed before one of hys faythfull counsel geuing him wholesome counsaile so after was he slayne of the same counsellers Swynard as he hid him selfe in a wood  Kynulfus or Kynewlfus slayne 31  Brithricus 13  Egbertus or Egbrichtus otherwise Athelbertê° or Athelbrich c. 37 This Egbert was first expelled by Brithricus who after returning againe and raigning was much deryded and scorned with mocking runes for a coward of Bernulfus king of Mercia At leÌ„gth the sayd Egbert subdued hym first then all the rest to his kingdomeâ— causing the whole land to be called no more Britayne but Anglia Concerning the other kings after him in that Lordship hereafter followeth ¶ This Egebert subdued all the other seuen kingdomes and first began the Monarchie of all the Saxones which after by Alured was perfected as hereafter followeth the lord willing to be declared This kingdom of the Westsaxons began the yere of grace 522. as it subdued all the other so it did the longest continue til about the comming of William Conqueror which is about the tyme of 554. yeares 547. NorthumberlaÌ„d ¶ The Kings of Northumberland with the yeares of their raigne Ida. 12 This Ida of his wife had vj. children Adda Elricus Osmerus Theodledus of concubines other 6. After Ida the kingdome of Northumberland was deuided into two prouinces Deyra and Bernicia  Alle or Elle Deirorum 30 This Alle was the sonne of Iffe raigned in Deyra 30.  Adda Bernicorum 7   Some Chronicles set vnder Adda to raigne in Bernicia these kings Glappa or Claspa Theonulfus or Hussa or Theowalnus Frihulfus Theodoricus  Alricus or Alfricus Deirorum 5 This Alfricus was the sonne of Ida and raigned fiue yeares   This Ethelfridus was he that slew the monkes of Bangor to the number of 2200. whyche came to praye for the good successe of the Britaynes and by hys wife Accan the daughter of Elle had vij sonnes Eaufridus Osualdus Oswius Oslacus Osmundus Osâ— Ofâ—a Flor. Histor.  Ethelfridus BernicoruÌ„  Edwinus Northumberland slaine 17 Thys Edwinus was the first of the Northumberland kings whych was conuerted and Christened by Paulinus Byshop of London  Osricus Deirorum slaine These two are put out of the rase of kings because they reuolted froÌ„ the Christian faith and were both slayne miserablye by Cedwalla a Brittayne which then raigned in Northumberland and in Mercia  Eaufridus Bernicia slaine The kings of NorthuÌ„berland Oswaldus Northumberland slaine This Oswaldus called S. Oswald fought with Cedwalla Penda with a small army and by strength of prayer vanquished theÌ„ in the field He sent for Aedanus into ScotlaÌ„d to preach in hys couÌ„try as he preached in Scottish the king expouÌ„ded in English He was a great geuer of almes to the poore Of his other actes more appeareth hereafter  Oswius Northumberland 28 This Oswius lighting against Penda vowed to make his daughter Elfred
Paruus This Sigherius and Sebbi first fell to Idolatry then through the meanes of Wolferus King of Mercia were reduced at last Sebby became a Monke  Sebbi Sonne of Sewardus which was made a Monke  Sigehardus and Suefridus brethren 8   Offa. 5 Offa after hee had raigned a while became a Monke at Rome  Selredus or Colredus slaine 38  Swithredus  Thys Swithredus was subdued vnto Egbert King of Westsaxons Albeit London remained vnder the Mercias to the time that they also were subdued to the Westsaxons This kingdom began An. 561. and so continued till the time of Egbertus Some stories say it continued to the time of Edward sonne of Aluredus about the cōming of the Danes and contained vnder it the Lordship of Midlesex and London The Metropolitane sea of this prouince of Essex was London where the famous Church of S. Paul was builded by Ethelbert king of Kent and Sigebert king of Essex whō Ethelbert had lately before turned to Christes faith wherof the first bishop was Mellitus the ij byshop was Ceddus the third came in by Simonie whose name was Wine Malmesb. de vitis Pont. After him was Erkenwaldus of whom writeth Bede that he being diseased in hys legges that he could neither go nor ride yet would be caried about in a litter to preach in his Dioces c. Although W. Malmesb wryting of the Byshoppes of London in his booke De vitis Ponti sayth that Mauritius first the kings Chauncelor then Byshop there did first begin this so large and famous building of the Church of S. Paul in London Which worke after him Richardus his successour did prosecute bestowing al the rents of his Bishopricke vpon the same and yet was scarsely seene yet herein may be answered peraduenture that the Church builded before by King Ethelbert and king Sigebert myght be ouerthrowen by the Danes and afterward was reedified by these Bishops aboue mentioned 561 ¶ The kinges of the Eastangles with the yeares of their raigne Eastangles Vffa or Vlfa 30 Of thys Vffa the people of Northfolke were then called Vfkyns  Titulus or Titila 13 Redwaldus first was conuerted in Kent afterwarde through the wicked perswasion of his wife and other ioyned Idolatry with Christianitie  Redwaldus 12  Erpwaldus or Corpwaldus slaine 38 Notwythstanding his sonne Erpwaldus through the meanes of Edwyn king of Northūberland was brought to the perfect faith of Christ therein faithfully did continue  Sigebertus or Sibrect first a mōke slaine 3 Thys Sigebert made hym selfe a Monke and afterwarde brought out to fighte agaynst Penda wyth a white sticke in hys hande was slayne in the field The kings of the Eastangles Egnicus or Egricus slaine 3 Anna slaine 3 The daughters of Anna were Sexburga Ethelberta and Saint Etheldreda Adelhere or Adelredus slaine 2  Adelwoldus or Ethelbaldus 9   Adulphus 25   Elkwoldus 12 This Ethelredus for hys holinesse godly vertues is counted for a Saint he innocently comming to Offa kyng of Mercia to marrie wyth Althrid hys Daughter by the sinister suspicion of Offa and wicked counsaile of Kineswina his wife was cruelly put to death in the house of Offa. For the which cause Offa afterward repenting went to Rome where he made him selfe a Monke  Beorna 26  Ethelredus slaine 52  Ethelbritus slaine 5 ¶ After this sinfull murther of Ethelbert the kingdome of Eastangles during the time of certaine yeares was in great trouble and desolation vnder diuers kings and tyrants sometime the king of Westsaxe somtimes of Kent or of Mercia hauing dominion ouer them till the comming of S. Edmund whych was the last King there ruling vnder the Westsaxons S. Edmund Martyred 16. ¶ After the death of S. Edmund being slaine of the Infidel Danes the kingdom remained with the Danes .50 yeares till at length Edward King of the Westsaxons expulsed the Danes and ioyned it to hys kingdome It began about the yere of our Lord .561 and continued neare about 377. yeares Fabian numbreth but 12. kinges but in other I finde moe The Metropolitane sea of this prouince of Eastangles which was first at a towne called Dunmoke or or Dūwich which in time past hath bene a famous populous towne with a maior 4. bailifs also diuers Parish Churches hospitals whereunto great priuiledges by diuers kings haue bene graunted whych towne is nowe fallen into ruine and decay and more then half consumed by the eating in of the Sea as also greatly impouerished by losse of the Hauen which heretofore hath flourished wyth diuers tall shippes belonging to the same the inhabitantes therof being not able of them selues to repaire it wythout the helpe of other good people where the first bishop was Felix a Burgundian who sate there 14. yeres After this vnto the time of Egbert King of Westsaxe thys prouince was euer ruled by two Bishops wherof the one had hys sea at Dunmoke now called Dunwich The other at Demaham where 12. sate one after an other From thence it was translated to Thetford where sate three Bishops At last by Byshoppe Herbert it was remooued to Norwich where he erected a Monasterie of Monkes And thus standeth the order and race of the Saxon kinges raigning together wyth the Britaines in thys Realme Nowe foloweth the description of the Britayne kings raigning with the Saxons in like maner Although the miserable Britaines thus were beriued of their land by the cruel subtilty of the Saxons yet were they not so driuē out or expulsed but that a certaine kingdom remained amōg them in some part of the lād namely about Cornewall and the partes of Cambria which is deuided in two partes Southwales called Demetia and Northwales called Venedocia The sayd Britaines moreouer through the valiant actes of their kings sometimes raigned also in other countreis displacing the Saxons recouering againe their owne somtimes more somtimes lesse till the time of Carecius when as the Britaines being deposed by Godmundus whose help they themselues sent for out of Irelande agaynst Carecius theyr wicked King vtterly lost their land and kingdome being thence driuen vtterly into Wales and Cornewale the yere of our Lorde 570. What the order of these kings was what were theyr actes their names and times when they raigned in this briefe table vnder wrytten is expressed Wherein first is to be premonished that Constantinus secundus had three childrē to wit Constans whych was made a Monke in Winchester and after made a king the seconde was Aurelius Ambrosius the thirde was Vter Pendragon This being premised we wil now enter the description of our Table beginning with Vortigernus ¶ A Table declaring the Kings of Britayne which raigned together with the Saxones after their comming into this land Kinges of Britaine whiche here raigned in the time of the Saxones Vortigernus Vortimerius Vortigernus againe Aurelius Ambrosius Vter Pendragon Arthurus Constantinus 3. Aurelius Conanus
in effect were these Quid autem acciderit vt Theodorus sanctiss Archiepiscopus me superstite in sede quam licet indignus dispensabam absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopi ex sua autoritate mea humilitate non acquiescente ordinauit tres Episcopos omittere magis quam vrgere pro eiusdem viri reuerentia * coÌ„decet Quem quide pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est accusare non audeo c. In English Howe it chaunceth that Theodorus the most holy reuerend Archbishop my selfe being aliue in the sea which I though vnworthy did rule and dispose hath of his own authority without the coÌ„sent of any bishop neither hauing my simple voice agreing to the same ordained iij. Bishops I had rather passe ouer in silence then to stir any farther therin because of the reuerence of that man and no lesse thought I it my duetie so to doe The which man for that he hath beene dyrected by the authoritie of this sea Apostolicall I wyll not nor dare not here accuse c. Thus the cause of the sayd Wilfride albeit it was sufficiently knowne in the Court of Rome to be well allowed for iust and innocent yet it was not then redressed In such estimation was this Theodorus then among the Romaines Upon this controuersie of these two Bishops I may wel here inter the words of W. Malmelbury not vnworthy in my minde to be noted whiche be these in his Latine story Vbi videri doleri potest humana miseria quod videlicet quantum libet quis sanctitate polleat non ad plenum peruicaces mores exuat c. That is In the whiche Theodore saith hee the weake and miserable infirmitie of man may be sene and also lamented considering that although a maÌ„ be neuer so holy yet in the same man is some thing whereby it may be perceaued that hee hath not vtterly put of all his stubburne conditions c. In the time of this Theodorus and by the meanes of hym a prouincial Synode was holden at Thetford mentioned in the storye of Bede the principall contents wherof were these First that Easter day shoulde bee vniformely kept and obserued through the whole Realme vpon one certayne daye videlicet prima 14. Luna mensis primi Secondly that no Byshop should entermedle within the Dioces of an other Thirdly that monasteries consecrated vnto GOD should be exempt and free from the iurisdiction of the byshops Fourthly that the Monkes should not stray from one place that is from one Monastery to another without the license of his Abbot also to kepe the same obedience which they promised at their first entryng Fiftly that no Clergyman shoulde forsake his owne Byshop and to be receaued in any other place wyth out letters commendatory of his owne Byshop Sixtly that forraine Byshops Clergimen coÌ„ming into the Realme should be content onely with the benefite of such hospitality as should be offered theÌ„ neither should entermedle any further within the precinct of any bishop without his speciall permission Seuenthly that Synodes prouinciall should be kept within the Realme at least once a yeare Eightly that no Bishop shoulde preferre himselfe before an other but must obserue the time and order of hys consecration Ninthly that the number of Byshops should be augmented as the number of the people encreaseth Tenthly that no mariage should be admitted but that which was lawfull No incest to be suffered neyther any man to put away his wyse for any cause except onelye for fornication after the rule of the Gospell And these bee the principall chapters of that Synode c. In the next yere following was the sixt general councell kept at Constaunce whereat this Theodore was also present vnder Pope Agatho where Mariage was permitted to Greeke priests and forbidden to the Latin In this Councell the Latine Masse was first openly saide by Iohn Portuensis the Popes Legate before the Patriarche and Princes at Constantinople in the temple of S. Sophy After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande from whom he was digressed succeeded his sonne Osredus raigning xj yeares After whome raigned Kenredus 2. yeares And next Osricus after him .xj. yeares In the time and raigne of these 4. kings of Northumberland king Iua reigned in westsaxe who succeding after Cadwalder the last king of the Britaines began his reigne about the yeare of the Lorde 689. and raigned with great valiauntnes ouer the westsaxons the tearme of xxxvij yeares Concerning whose actes and wars mayntayned against the Kentish saxons and other kinges because I haue not to entermedie withal I referre the reader to other Chroniclers About the sixt yeare of the raigne of this Iua or Iue Polychronicon other make mentioÌ„n of one Cuthlacus whoÌ„ they call S. Cuthlake a confessour who about the 24. of hys age renouncing the pompe of the world professed himself a Monke in the abby of Repindon and the third yeare after went to Crowlande where he led the life of an Anker In the which Ile and place of his buriyng was builded a faire Abbey called afterward for the great resort and gentle entertainment of straungers Crowlande the courteous but why this Cuthlake should be saincted for his doinges I see no great cause as neither doe I thinke the fabulous miracles reported of him to be true as where the vulgare people are made to beleeue that he enclosed the deuill in a boyling pot and caused wicked spirits to erecte vp houses with such other fables and lying miracles c. Among which lying miracles also maye be reckened that which the stories mention in the xi yeare of the raigne of Iua to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus who â—eing dead a long season was restored to lyfe againe told many wonders of straunge things that he had seene causing thereby great almes deedes of charitie to bee done of the people And so the disposing of his goods giuen in iij. partes went to the Abbey of Mailroos where he continued the rest of his life Moreouer about the xvj yeare of the saide Iua Etheldred king of Mercia after he had their raigned 30. yeares was made a Monke and after an Abbot of Bacducy And about the xviij yeare of the raigne of Iue died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus first Abbot of Malmesbery afterward bishop of Schirborn of whoÌ„ William Malmesbery writeth plenteously with great commendation and that not vnworthelye as I suppose especially for the notable praise of learning and vertue in him aboue the rest of that time nexte after Bede as the great number of bookes and Epistles and Poemes by him set forth will declare Although concerning the miracles which the sayd author ascribeth to him as first in causing an infant of ix daies old to speak at Rome to cleare pope Sergius which was then suspected the father of the said child Also in hanging his cauiule vpoÌ„ the
be replenished with all kinde of filth dong and hogs and vile beasts therin to be sayd as wel in the chambers as other houses of office And in theyr owne chamber where they did lye there was a Sow laid with her yong pigs And when she knew that this palace was thus deformed being a certain space out of the town she besought the king to visite the said pallace And when she had brought him therunto she said to him I pray you my Lord behold now this house where are now the rich tappets and clothes of gold silke and other rich apparel that we left here this other day And where be the delicacies pleasant seruitors and costly dishes that you and I lately were serued with Be not all these passed gone My Lord saith she in like maner shall we vanish away as sodainly as you see these worldly things bene passed And our bodies which now be delicately kept shal fal and turne into the filth of the earth Wherefore haue in mynde my wordes that before tyme to you I haue often shewed told and busie you to purchase that palace that euer shal endure in ioy without transmutation By meane of these wordes and other the Queene turned so the kings mynd that shortly after he resigned the gouernance of his kingdom vnto Ethelardus his nephew for the loue of Christ tooke vpon him the habite of a poore man And setting apart all the pompe pride of this wicked world associated himself in the felowship of poore men and traualled to Rome with great deuotion when he had bene king of Westsaxons as before is sayd 37. yeares After whose departing the foresaid Ethelburga his wife went vnto Barking 7. miles from London where in the Nunry of Barking before of Erkenwald founded she continued ended the rest of her life when she had bene Abbes of the place a certaine time The said Malmesbery in his story also testifieth that this Iue was the first king that granted a peny of euery fire house through his dominion to be paid vnto the Court of Rome which afterward was called Romescot or Peter pence long after was paid in many places of England This Iue like as for his time he was worthy and valiaunt in his actes so was he the first of the Saxon kings that I read of which set forth any lawes to his country the rehersall of which lawes to the number of 80. odde were not vnprofitable here to be inserted together with other lawes of the Westsaxon kings after him before the tyme of William Conquerour in case it were not for the length prolixitie of this present volume And thus much concerning the raigne of king Iue king of Westsaxons by the way Now to repaire againe to the course of NorthuÌ„berland kings something intermitted Next vnto the foresaid Osricus folowed Celulfus whom he had adopted brother to KeÌ„red aboue specified This Celulfus as he was himselfe learned so were in his tyme diuers learned meÌ„ then florishing in England among whoÌ„ was Beda who vnto the same king Celulfus offred his story intituled Anglorum Historia not onely to be ratified by his authoritie but also to be amended as Malmesburiensis writeth by his knowledge and learnyng And for as much as I haue here entred into the mention of Bede a man of worthy and venerable memory because of the certifiyng of the truth of that man and for that I see all writers as touching his life do not agree some saying that he was no Englishman borne I thought so much to report of him as I finde by his owne words testified of himselfe in the latter end of his ecclesiastical history of England offred to the said Celulfus aboue mentioned the wordes of whom be these Thus much by the helpe of God I Bede the seruant of Christ and Priest of the Monastery of Peter and Paule at wire haue compiled and digested concerning the Britain history And so the same Bede proceding further in his narration declareth that he being borne in the territorie of the sayd Monastery beyng of the age of vij yeares was committed of his parents and friends to the tuition and education of Benedict of whom aboue relation is made and of Celfride Abbots of the foresaid Monastery In the which place or Monastery he continuyng from that tyme forth all his lyfe long gaue hymselfe and all his whole study to the meditating of holy scripture Whatsoeuer tyme or laisure he had froÌ„ his daily seruice in the church that he spent either in learning or in teaching or writing somthing About xix yeares of his age he was made Deacon the xxx yeare of his age he was made priest From the which time to the age of 59. yeares he occupied himself in interpreting the workes of the auncient fathers for his owne vse and the necessitie of others and in writing of treatises which came in all to the number of 37. volumes which he digested into 78. bookes Some say that he went to Rome either there to defend his bookes to be consonant to catholike doctrine either els if they should be found faulty to amend correct the same as he should thereto be commaunded Albeit the reporter of this his life dare not certainly affirme that euer he was at Rome but that he was inuited and called thether to come both it is manifest in stories and also this Epistle of Pope Sergius doth sufficiently prooue declarnig moreouer in what price and estimation Bede was accepted as wel in the court of Rome as in other places besides The Epistle of Sergius sent to Celfride thus proceedeth in tenor and forme as followeth in Latin The Epistle of Pope Sergius sent to Celfride Abbot of Wire Abbey requiring Bede to be sent vp to him to Rome for the same of his worthy learning SErgius Episcopus seruus seruorsi Dei Celfrido religioso Abbati Sal. Quibus modis ac verbis clementiam Dei nostri atque inenarrabilem prouidentiam possumus 〈◊〉 dignas gratiarum actiones pro immensis eius circa nos beneficijs persoluere qui in tenebris in vmbra mortis positos ad lumen scientia perducit Et infra Benedictionis gratlam quam nobis per praesentem portatorem tua deuota misir religio libâ—i hilari animo ficuti ab ea directa est nos suscepisse cognosce Oportunis igitur ac dignis amplectandae tuae sollicitudinis petitionibus arctissima deuotione satisfacientes hortamur Deo dilectam religiositatis tuae bonitatem vt quia exortis quibusdam Ecclesiasticarum causarum capitulis non sine examinatione longius innotescendis opus nobis sunt ad conferendum artes literaturae sicut decet Deo deuotum auxiliatorem sanctae matris vniuersalis Ecclesiae obedientem deuotionem huic nostrae exhortationi non desistas accommodare sed absque vlla immoratione religiosum Dei famulum Bedam venerabilem Monasterij
the Pope to shew a pleasure to Carolus would not agree but gaue the mother with her two children Desiderius the Lombard king with hys whole kingdome hys wife and Children into the hands of the said Carolus who led them with him captiue into Fraunce and there kept them in seruitude during their lyfe Thus Carolus Magnus beyng proclaymed Emperour of Rome through the preferment of Adrian and of Pope Leo the third which succeeded next after him was the Empire translated from the Grecians about the yeare of our Lord 801. vnto the Frenchmen where it continued about 102. yeares till the comming of Conracus and hys nephew Otho which were Germaynes and so hath continued after them amoÌ„g the Almanes vnto this present time This Charles builded so many Monasteries as there be letters in the row of A. B C. he was beneficiall chiefly to Church-men also mercifull to the poore in hys actes valiaunt and triumphaunt skilde in all languages he held a counsell at Francford where was condemned the Councell of Rice and Irene for setting vp and worshipping Images c. Concerning which Councell of Nice thinges there concluded and enacted because no man shal thinke the detesting of Images to be any new thing now begon thus I finde it recorded in an auncient written history of Roger Houeden called Continuationes Beda His wordes in Latin be these Anno 792. Carolus Rex Francorum misit Sinodalem librum ad Britanniam sibi à Constantinopoli directum In quo lib. Heu proh dolor multa inconuenientia verae fidei contraria reperiuntur maximè quòd pene omnium orientalium Doctorum non minus quà m 300. vel eo amplius Episcoporum vnanimi assertione confirmatum sit imagines adorari debere Quod omnino Ecclesia Dei execratur Contra quod scripsit Albinus Epistolam ex autoritate diuinarum scripturarum mirabiliter affirmatam illamque cum eodem libro ex persona Episcoporum ac principum nostrorum Regi Francorum attulit Haec ille That is In the yeare of our Lorde 792. Charles the Frenche King sent a booke contayning the actes of a certeine Synode vnto Brittayne directed vnto hym from Constantinople In the which booke lamentable to behold many thinges inconuenient cleane contrary to the true fayth are there to be found especially for that by the common consent of almost all the learned bishops of the East Church not so few as 300. it was there agreed that Images should be worshipped Which thing the church of god hath alwayes abhorred Against which booke Albinê° wrote an Epistle substantially grounded out of the authoritie of holy Scripture Which Epistle with the booke the sayde Albinus in the name and person of our Bishops and Princes did present to the French king And thus much by the way of Romish matters now to returne agayne to the Northumberland kings where we left at Egbert Which Egbert as is before declared succeeded after Ceolulphus after he was made Monke And likewise the sayd Egbert also followyng the deuotion of hys vncle Ceolulphus and Kenredus before him was likewyse shorne monke after he had raigned 20. yeres in Northumberland leauing his sonne Osulphus after him to succeede about which tyme and in the saine yeare when Ceolulphus deceased in his Monastery which was the yeare of our Lord 764. diuers Cities were burnt with sodaine fire as the citie of Wenta the citie of London the citie of Yorke DoÌ„acester with diuers other townes besides Roger Houeden Lib. Contin post Bedam who the first yeare of hys raigne which was the yere of our Lord 757 beyng innocently slayne next to him followed Mollo otherwise called Adelwald who likewise beyng slayne of Alcredus after hee had raigned ii yeres departed After Alcredus wheÌ„ he had raigned 10. yeres was expulied out of his kingdom by his people Then was Ethelbert otherwise named Edelred the sonne of the foresayd Mollo receaued kyng of Northumberland which Ethelbert or Adelred in like sort after he had raigned v. yeares was expulsed After whome succeeded Alswold who likewise when he had raigned ii yeres was vniustly slaine So likewise after him his nephew and the sonne of Alcredus named Osredus raigned one yeare was slayne Then the foresayd Ethelbert the sonne of Mollo after 12. yeares banishment raigned agayne in Northumberland the space of foure yeares and was slayne the cause wherof as I finde in an old written story was that forsaking his old wife he maried a new Concerning the restoring of whoÌ„ Alcuinus writeth in this maner Benedictus Deus qui facit mirabilia solus Nuper Edelredus filius Edelwaldi de carcere processit in solium de miseria in maiestatem cuius regni nouitate detenti sumus ne veniremus ad vos c. And afterward the same Alcuinus againe speaking of his death writeth to king Offa in these wordes Sciat veneranda dilectio vestra quod Do. Carolus amabiliter fideliter saepe mecum locutus est de vobis in eo habetis fidelissimum amicum Ideo vestrae dilectioni digna dirigit munera per Episcopales sedes regni vestri similiter Edelredo Regi ad suas Episcoporum sedes direxit dona Sed heu Proh dolor donis datis Epistolis in manus missorum superuenit tristis legatio per missos qui de Scotia per nos reuersi sunt De infidelitate gentis nece Regis Ita Carolus retracta donorum largitate in tantum iratus est contra gentem illam vt ait perfidam peruersam homicidam dominorum suorum peiorem eam paganis estimans vt nisi ego intercessor essem pro ea quicquid eis boni abstrahere potuisset mali machinari iam fecisset c. The kingdom of Northumberland ceaseth Thus as you haue heard after the raigne of king Egbert before mentioned such trouble and perturbatioÌ„ was in the dominion of Northumberland with slaying expulsing and disposing their kings one after an other that after the murdering of this Edelred aboue specified none durst take the gouernemeÌ„t vpon him seing the great danger thereupon insuing Insomuch that the foresayd kingdome did lye void and waste the space of xxxiij yeares together after the terme of which yeares this kingdome of Northumberland with the kingdomes also of the other Saxons besides came all together into the handes of Egbert king of the Westsaxons and his progeny which Monarchy began in the yeare of our Lord. 827. and in the 28. yeare of the raygne of the sayd Egbert whereof more shall be sayd Christ willing hereafter Of this troublesome ragious time of Northumberland people speaketh also the sayd learned man Alcuinus otherwise called Albinus in the same country borne writing out of FrauÌ„ce into England and complayning of the same in diuers his letters as first to Offa where he thus writeth Ego paratus eram euÌ„ muneribus Caroli regis ad vos venire
second booke before are to be collected and noted especially touching the monasteries builded the kings which haue entered the life and profession Monastike also Queenes Queenes daughters which the same tyme professed solitary life in monasteries which they or their auncetors had erected The conclusion of the story precedent concerning the seuen kingdoms of the Saxon kings aboue mentioned ¶ And thus hast thou gentle Reader concerning the vij kingdoms of these Saxons ruling altogether in England the course and order of their doings briefly described and discoursed vnto thee in such order as the matter beyng so intricate in such confusion diuersitie of things incident together would permit followyng especially in this story hitherto the line of the Northumberland kings as the other stories most folow the line of Westsaxō kings The which seuen kingdoms of these sayd Saxones after they had vntruely expulsed and chased out the Britaine 's from their land like as they neuer were in quietnes amōg themselues raigning thus together till the tyme of this Egbert so also after the raigne of Egbert the whole realme beyng reduced into one regimēt no lesse were they impugned afflicted by the Danes continually frō tyme to time till the last conquest of William the Normand Thus it pleseth God euer lightly to reuenge with bloud bloudy violence and the vniust dealings of men with iust and lyke retribution But of this let the christian Reader consider as Gods grace shall worke in him In the meane tyme we as much as in vs did lye satisfiyng the part of an Historician haue thus hetherto set forth and declared concerning these vij foresayd kingdoms first the names and lineall descent of the kings seuerally by themselues as by the table precedent may appeare then what were the doings and actes of the same How first being Pagans they were conuerted to the christian faith what things in their time happened in the church how many of them of kings were made monkes how deuout they were then to holy church and to the churchmen and especially to the church of Rome But the churchmen then were much otherwyse in lyfe then afterward they declared themselues to bee Through which deuotion of the said kings first came in the Peterpence or Romeschots in this Realme as by Iue first in his dominion then by Offa in his Lordship afterward by Adelwulph brought in and ratified through the whole Realme where also is to be noted that by the foresayd Kings and Queenes of the sayd Saxons the most part of the greatest Abbais Nunneries in this realme were first begun and builded as partly the names of some here follow to be seene First the Church or Minster of S. Paule in London was founded by Ethelbert king of Kent and Sigebert kyng of Essex about the yeare of our Lord. 604. The first crosse and aulter within this realm was first set vp in the North partes in Heuenfield vpon the occasion of Oswald king of Northumberland fighting against Cadwalla where he in the same place set vp the signe of the crosse kneelyng and praying there for victory Polychron lib 5. cap. 12. An. 635. The Church of Winchester was first begon and founded by Kingilsus king of Mercians hauing 9. myles about it after finished by his sonne Kewalcus where Wyne of englishmen was first bishop An. 636. Guliel Malmesb. Lib. De gestis pont Ang. The Church of Lincolne first founded by Paulinus Bishop An. 629. The Church of Westminster began first by a certayne Citizen of London through the instigatiō of Ethelbert king of Kent which before was an I le of thornes Bed An. 614. The common schooles first erected at Cambridge by Sigebert king of Eastangles An. 636. The Abbey of Knouisburgh builded by Furceus the Hermite An. 637. The monasterie of Malmesbery by one Meldulfus a Scot about the yeare of our Lord 640. Afterward inlarged by Agilbert bishop of Winchester The Monasterie in Glocester first builded by Ofricus King of Mercia as Cestrensis sayth But as William Malmesb writeth by Vlferus and Etheldred brethren to Kineburga Abbesse of the same house An 679. The monastery of Mailrose by the floud of Twide by Aidanus a Scottish bishop The Nunnery of Heorenton by Heui who was the first Nunne in Northumberland Bede Lib. 4. cap. 1. The Monastery of Hetesey by Oswy Kyng of Northumberlād who also with his daughter Elfred gaue possessions for twelue monasteries in the partes of Northūberland An. 656. The monasterie of S. Martine in Douer builded by Whitred king of Kent The Abbey of Lestingey by Ceadda whom we call S. Cedd through the graunt of Oswald sonne to S. Oswald King of Northum An. 651. The Monastery of Whitby called otherwise Strenhalt by Hilda daughter to the nephew of Edwyne Kyng of Northumberland An 657. Item an other monastery called Hacanos not far from the same place builded by the sayd Hilda the same yeare The Abbey of Abbington builded by Cissa Kyng of Southsex An. 666. Item an Abbey in the East side of Lyncolne called Ioanno by S. Botulph Polychro Lib. 5. cap. 16. An. 654. The monastery in Ely founded by Etheldred or Edeldrida daughter of Anna king of Eastangles and the wyfe of Elfrid king of Northumb. An. 674. The Monastery of Chertsey in Southrey founded by Erkenwald bishop of London an 674. thrown down by the Danes after reedified by king Edgar Item the Nunnery of Berking edified by the sayd Erkenwaldus bishop of London about the same tyme. The Abbey of Peterborough called otherwise Modehamstede founded by King Ethelwald King of the Mercians An. 675. Bardney Abbey by Etheldredus King of the Merciās An. 700. Glastonbury by Iua king of the Westsaxons and after repayred and enriched by King Edgar an 701. Ramesey in the tyme of king Edgar by one Ailwinus a noble mā an 973. King Edgar builded in his tyme 40. monasteries who raigned an 901. The Nunnery of Winburne builded by Cuthburga sister to Ingilsus king Iua his brother an 717. The Monastery of Sealesey by the I le of Wight by Wilfridus bishop of Yorke an 678. The Monastery of Wincombe by Kenulphus Kyng of the Mercians an 737. S. Albanes builded by Offa King of the Mercians Anno. 755. The Abbey of Eusham by Egwinus Byshop An. 691. Ripon in the North by Wilfridus Bishop An. 709. The Abbey of Echelinghey by king Aluredus an 891. The Nunnery of Shaftesbury by the same Aluredus the same yeare Thus ye see what monasteries in what tyme began to be founded by the Saxons kings newly conuerted to the Christian fayth within the space of 200. yeares who as they semed then to haue a certain zeale deuotion to godward according to the leading teaching that then was so it semeth againe to me two things to be wished in these foresayd kings
of these noble women which professing Monastick lyfe haue cast of all worldly dignitie and delightes so we should also intreate of such noble men who among the Saxon kings in lyke zeale of deuotion haue geuen ouer themselues from the world as they thought to the contemplatiue life of Monkish profession The names of whoÌ„ as in the Catalogue of the Saxon kings before is described be these to the number of ix A Table of such Saxon Kings as were after made Monkes 1. Kynigilsus king of Westsaxons 2. Iue king of Westsaxons 3. Ceolulfus king of Northumberland 4. Eadbertus king of Northumberland 5. Ethelredus king of Mercia 6. Kenredus king of Mercia 7. Offa king of Eastsaxons 8. Sebbi king of Eastsaxons 9. Sigebertus king of Eastangles Of whiche kynges and their doynges what is to be iudged looke gentle Reader before pag. 133. By these historyes it is apparaunt what mutations what perturbations and what alteratioÌ„ of state hath bene in this Realme of Britayne first from Brittaynes kings to Romaines then to Britaynes agayn afterward to the Saxons First to vij altogether raigning then to one c. And this alteratioÌ„ not onely happened in the ciuile gouernment but also followed in the state Ecclesiastical For as in the Britaynes tyme the Metropolitan sea was in LondoÌ„ so in the Saxons time after the comming of Austen it was remoued to CaÌ„terbury the Catologue and order of which Metropolitanes from the tyme of Austen to Egbertus is thus as in the history of Malmesberiensis described ¶ The names and order of the Archbishops of Caunterbury from Augustine to the tyme of king Ethelbert 1. Augustinus 16. 2. Laurentius 5. 3. Mellitus 5. 4. Iustus 3. 5. Honorius 25. 6. Deus dedit 10. â— Theodorus 22. ¶ Hitherto from Augustine all the Archbishops of Caunterbury were Italians and foreiners 8. Berctualdus English 37 In his tyme the Monasterie of S. Martin was builded in Dorobernia by Witredus hys brother kings of Kent 9. Tacuinus 3 10. Nothelinus 5  11. Cuthbertus 17 This Cutbert after his death forbad all funerall exequies or lamentation for him to bee made William Malm. De vitis Lib. 1. 12. Breguinus 3 13. Lambrihtus or Lambertus 27 In his tyme king Offa translated the Metropolitane sea from Caunterbury to Lichfield by the graunt of Pope Adrian beyng ouercome with Apostolicall arguments as sayth Flores Hist. that is with money  Ethelardus 13 15. Vlfredus 28 16. Fegeldus 3 m. This Ethelardus by his Epistles to Pope Leo obtayned the Metropolitane sea agayne to CaÌ„terbury 17. Celnochus 41 Duryng the course of these 17. Archbishops of Cant. in Rome passed in the meane tyme 34. Popes of whome partly heretofore we haue declared And thus much touching the tyme of the seuen kingdomes of the Saxones rulyng together in Englande from the raygne of Hengist vnto Egbert the first Kyng and Monarche of the whole lande after the expulsion of the Britaynes NOw remayneth by the grace of Christ in the next booke followyng to prosecute the order of such kings as principally raigning alone had this realme in their possession from the tyme of Egbert king of Westsaxons to the comming of William Conqueror the Normand comprehending therin the rest of the next 300. yeares with the actes state of Religion as in that space was in the Church wherin may appeare the declining tyme of the Church and of true ReligioÌ„ preparing the way to Antichrist which not long after followed For here is to be noted that during yet this mean tyme Sathan as is sayd was bound vp from his raging and furious violence counting from the tyme of Constantinus to the next loosing out of Sathan which was foretold by the Reuelation of S. Iohn aboue mentioned to be a thousand yeares Wherof by the order of the history Christ graunting more shall be sayd hereafter The ende of the second Booke THE THIRD BOOKE CONTEINING THE next 300. yeares from the raigne of King Egbertus to the tyme of William Conquerour NOW remayneth likewise as before I did in describing the discent and diuersitie of the seuen kings altogether raigning and ruling in this land so to prosecute in like order the lineal succession of them which after Egbert king of Westsaxones gouerned and ruled soly vntill the conquest of William the Normand first expressing their names afterward importing such acts as in their tyme happened in the Church worthy to be noted Albeit as touchyng the actes and doyngs of these kings because they are sufficiently and at large described and taken out of Latine writers into the English tong by sondry authors and namely in the story or Chronicle of Fabian I shall not spende much trauaile therupon but rather referre the reader to him or to some other where the troublesome tumulis betwene the Englishmen and the Danes at that tyme may be seene who so listeth to read them Onely the Table of their names and raigne in actes done vnder their raigne I haue compendiously abridged vsing such breuitie as the matter would suffer ¶ A Table of the Saxon Kings which ruled alone from King Egbert vnto William Conquerour Egbertus raygned 37. yeares and had issue Athelwulfus raigned 20. yeares had by his wife Osburga Ethelbaldus raigned 5. yeares Ethelbertus raigned 6. yeares Etheldredus raigned 5. yeares Aluredus or Alfredus raigned 28. yeares Edwardus raigned 24. yeares Adelstanus raigned 16. yeares Elfrede and Ethelwaldâ— Edmond raigned 6. yeares Edwin raigned 4. yeares Edgar raigned 16. yeares Edwardus raigned 4. yeares Ethelredus raigned 36. yeares Edmond Irenside raigned 2. yeres Alfredus Edward the Confessor who raigned 24. yeares Edredus raigned 9. yeares Egelwarduâ— Here is to be noted that before the raigne of Edward the confessor the Danes obtayned the crowne vnder their captaine Canutus who raigned yeares 19 Haraldus Harefoote sonne of Canutus 4 Hardeknoutus sonne of Canutus 2 Edwar. the confessor an englishmaÌ„ sonne of Etheldred 24 Haraldus sonne of Erle Godwine an vsurper 1 William Conqueror a Normand ¶ King Egbertus IN the raigne of Brigthricus a little before mentioned about the yere of grace 7â—5 there was in his dominion a noble personage of some called Egbert of some Ethelbert of some Athelbright who being feared of the same Brigthricus because he was of a kingly bloud nere vnto the crowne was by the force conspiracie of the forenamed Brigthricus chased pursued out of the land of Britam into FraÌ„ce where he endured till the death of the sayd Brigthricus After the hearing whereof Egbert sped him eftsoones out of Fraunce vnto his countrey of Westsaxe where he in such wise behaued himselfe that he obteined the regiment and gouernance of the abouesaid kingdom Bernulphus king of Mercia aboue mentioned with other kings had this Egbert in such decisioÌ„ that they made of him diuers scoffing gestes and scorning rimes at which he susteined for a time But when he was more established in his kingdome had
and king Ethelred there was wounded and therefore faine to saue himselfe After these ij fields thus won by the Danes they obtained great circuit of groūd and destroyed man childe that would not yeld to them And Churches and temples they turned to the vse of stables other vile occupations Thus the king beset with enemies on euery side seing the land so miserably oppressed of the Danes his knights and soldiours consumed his owne land of Westsaxons in such desolation he being also wounded himself But especially for that he sending his commissions into Northumberland into Mercia and Eastanglia could haue of them but smal or litle comfort because they through wicked rebellion were more willing to take the part of the Danes then of their king was sore perplexed therewithall as the other Kinges were both before him and after him at that time So that as Malmesbury witnesseth magis optarēt honestum exitium quà m tam acerbum imperium That is They rather wished honestly to die then with such trouble and sorrow to reigne And thus this King not long after deceased when he had reigned as Fabian sayth viij yeres as Malmesbury wryteth but v. yeares During which time of his reigne notwithstanding hys so great troubles and vexations in martiall affaires as is in some stories mentioned he founded the house or college of Chanōs at Exeter and was buried at the Abbey of Winborn or Woborn After whose decease for lacke of issue of his body the rule of the land fel vnto his brother Alured * King Alured otherwise called Alfrede AMong the Saxon kinges hetherto in this historie afore mentioned I finde fewe or none to be preferred or almost to be compared to this Alured or Alfrede for the great and singulare qualities in this king worthy of high renowne and commendation Whether we behold in him the valiant actes and manifold trauailes which he continually from time to time sustained against his ennemies in warres during almost all the time of his raigne for the publicke preseruation of his people Or whether we consider in him his godly and excellent vertues ioyned with a publicke and tender care and zealous study for the common peace and trāquility of the weale publike appearing as wel in his prudēt lawes by him both carefully set forth and with the like care executed as also by his own priuate exercises touching the vertuous institution of his life Or whether we respect that in him which with equall praise matcheth with both the other before That is his notable knowledge of good letters with a feruēt loue and Princely desire to set foorth the same through all his Realme before his time being both rude and barbarous All whych his heroical properties ioyned together in one Prince as it is a thing most rare and seldome seene in Princes now a daies so I thought the same the more to be noted and examplefide in this good king Therby either to moue other rulers and Princes in these our daies to his imitation or els to shew them what hath ben in times past in their anceters which ought to be and yet is not founde in them Wherefore of these three partes to discourse either part in order first we wil enter to entreat of his actes and painefull trauailes sustained in defence of the Realme publicke against the raging tyrannie of the Danes as they be described in the Latin histories of Rog. Houeden and Huntington whome Fabian also seemeth in this part somewhat to follow King Alfred therfore first of al the English kings taking his crowne and vnction at Rome of Pope Leo as Malmesberiensis and Polycronicon do recorde in the beginning of his raigne perceauing his Lordes people much wasted and decaied by the reason of the great warres of Ethelred had against the Danes yet as well as he coulde gathered a strength of men vnto him and in the secōd moneth that he was made King he met with the Danes beside Wylton where hee gaue to them battaile But being farre ouermatched through the multitude of the contrary part was put there to the worse although not wythout a great slaughter of the Pagane army Which army then of the Danes after that victorie by compaction made wyth King Alfrede to depart out of his dominion of Westsaxe remoued from Reading to London where they abode all that winter Where Halden their king taking truse wyth Burhered King of Mercians the next yeare followinge voyded those partes and drewe to Lyndesey in robbing and spoyling the townes and villages as they went and holding the common people vnder their seruage From thence after to Repyngdon where they ioyning wyth the three other Kings of the Danes called Surdrim Osketel and Hamond grewe thereby in mighty force and strength Who then deuiding their armie in two partes the one halfe remained wyth Halden in the countrey of Northumberland the residue were with the other three kings wintering and soiourning all the next yeare at Grantbrige which was the fourth yeare of King Alfred In the which yeare King Alfred his men had a conflict on the Sea with sixe of the Danes shippes of which one they tooke the other fled away In this yeare went Rollo the Dane into Normandie where hee was Duke thirtie yeare and afterwarde was Baptised in the faith of Christ and named Robert The foresayde armie of the three Dane Kinges aboue mētioned frō Grantebryge returned again to Westsaxonie and entred the Castle of warrham where King Alfrede with a sufficiēt power of men was ready to assault them But the Danes seeing his strength durst not attēpt with him but sought delaies while more ayd might come In the meane season they were constrayned to intreat for truce leauing also sufficient pledges in the Kinges hand promising moreouer vpon their othe to voyde the country of the westsaxons The king vpon the surety let them go But they falsely breaking their league priuely in the night brake out taking their iourny toward Exceter In which iourny they lost vi score of their small ships by a tempest at Sandwych as Henry Huntington in hys storye recordeth Then kyng Alfrede followed after the horsmen of the Danes but coulde not ouertake them before they came to Exceter where he tooke of thē pledges and fayre promises of peace and so returned Notwithstanding the number of the Pagāes did dayly more and more increase in so much as one of my authors sayth that if in one day 30. thousand of them were slayn shortly after they increased double as many agayne After this truce taken with King Alfrede the Danes then voyded to the land of Mercia whereof part of that kingdome they kept themselues part they committed to one Ceolulphus vppon condition that he should be vassall to them and at their commandement with his people at all times The next yere insuing which was the vij yeare of the raigne of Alfred the Danes who nowe hauing all the rule
be expressed As touching the course and proceedings of the Romish Bishoppes there where I last entered mention of them pag. 139. I ended wyth Pope Stephen the fifth After hys time was much broyle in the election of the Byshops of Rome one contending against an other in so much that wythin the space of ix yeares were ix Byshops Of the which first was Formosus who succeeded next vnto the forenamed Stephen 5. being made pope against the mind of certaine in Rome that wold rather Sergius then deacon of the church of Rome to haue bene Pope Notwythstanding Mars and money preuailed on Formosus part This Formosus of whome partly also is mentioned in other places of this Ecclesiastical historie being before bishop of Portuake had in time past I knowe not vpon what causes offended Pope Iohn the viij of that name By reason whereof for teare of the Pope he voided away and left his Bishopprike And because hee being sent for againe by the Pope woulde not returne therefore was excommunicated At length comming into France to make there his satisfaction vnto the Pope was degraded from a Byshop into a secular mans habite swearing to the Pope that he would no more reenter into the City of Rome nor claime his Bishoprike againe subscribing moreouer with his owne hand to continue from that time in the state of a secular person But then Pope Martin the next Pope after Iohn released the saide Formosus of his othe and restored him againe vnto his Bishoprike Whereby Formosus entred not onely into Rome againe but also obtained shortly after the papacie Thus he being placed in the popedome arose a great doubt or controuersie among the Diuines of his consecration whether it was lawfull or not some holding against him that for so much as he was solemnly deposed degraded vnpriested and also sworne not to reiterate the state Ecclesiastical therefore he ought to be taken no otherwise then for a seculare man Other alledged againe that whatsoeuer Formosus was yet for the dignitie of that order and for the credite of them whom he ordered all his consecrations ought to stand in force especially seeing the sayd Formosus was afterwarde receiued and absolued by Pope Martin from that his periury and degradation c. In the meane time as witnesseth Sigebertus this Formosus sendeth for King Arnulphus for aide against his aduersaries Who then marching toward Rome was there resisted by the Romaines from entring But in the siege sayeth the author the Romaines within so playd the Lyons that a poore Hare or such a like thing comming towarde the Citie the hoste of Arnulphus followed after with such a maine crie that the valiaunt Romaines vpon the walles for very feare where there was no hurt cast themselues desperately ouer the walles so that Arnulphus with little laboure scaled the walles and gate the Citie Thus Arnulphus obtaining the Citie of Rome rescueth Pope Formosus and beheadeth hys aduersaries whome the Pope to gratifie wyth like recompence againe blesseth and crowneth him for Emperoure Thus Formosus sitting fast about the space of 4. or 5. yeres followed his predecessours after whose time as I sayde within the space of ix yeares were ix Bishops as followeth But in the meane time concerning the storie of thys Formosus declared by Sigebert and many other Chroniclers this thing woulde I gladly aske and more gladly learne of some indifferent good Catholike person whyche not of obstinacie but of simple errour being a papist wold aunswere his conscience Whether doth he thinke the holy order of Priesthoode which hee taketh for one of the seuen Sacramentes to be Character indelebilis or not If it be not indelebilis that is if it be such a thing as may be put of why then doeth the Popes doctrine so call and so hold the contrary pretending it to be indelebile vnremoueable If it be in deede so as they teach and affirme indelebilis character why then did Pope Iohn or could Pope Iohn adnichilate cuacuate one of his vij Popeholy Sacraments making of a Priest a non Priest or a layman vncharactering hys owne order which is as he sayeth a Character which in no wise may be blotted out or remoued Againe how soeuer Pope Iohn is to be iudged in this matter to do either wel or not wel this wold I know if he did well in so dispriesting and discharactering Formosus for suche priuate offences If yea how then stādeth his doing wyth his owne doctrine which teacheth the contrary If he did not well how then standeth his doctrine with his doings to be true which teacheth that the Pope with his Synode of Cardinals can not erre Moreouer if this Pope Iohn did not erre in his disordering Formosus howe then did Martinus hys successoure not erre in repealing the sayd doing of hys predecessour Or how did not Pope Formosus erre hymselfe who beyng vnpriested by Pope Iohn afterwarde wythout reiterating the Character or order of Priesthoode tooke vppon hym to be Pope and made actes and lawes in the Churche Againe if Formosus nowe Pope did not erre how then did Pope Stephen hys successoure afterwarde not erre who did annihilate the consecration and all other actes of the said Formosus as erroneous Or againe if we say that this Stephen with his Synode of Cardinalles did right then howe could it be that Pope Theodore Pope Iohn the tenth which came after the foresayde Stephen did not plainely erre Who approuing the consecration of Formosus did condemne and burne the acts Synodale of Stephen and his Cardinals which before had condemned Formosus according as in storie here consequently may appeare After Formosus had gouerned the Sea of Rome fiue yeres succeded first Bonifacius the vj. who continued but 25. dayes then came Stephen the vj. which so enuyed the name of his predecessor Formosus that he abrogated and dissolued his decrees And taking vp his bodye after it was buried cut two fingers of his right hande and commanded them to be cast into Tiber then buried the body in a priuate or laymans sepulchre Thus Stephen after he had sat in the chaire of pestilēce one yeare succeeded in the same chaire Pope Rhomanus and sate iij. monthes repealing the actes decreed by Stephen his predecessor against Formosus Next to whome came Theodorus 2. who likewise taking parte with Formosus against the foresaid Stephē reigned but 20. dayes Then sate Pope Iohn the 10. who did fight and repugne against the Romanes And to confirme the cause of Formosus more surely did holde a Sinode at Rauenna of 74. Bishops with the French king Endo and his Archbishops being present at the same At the which councel were ratified all the decrees and doings of Formosus and the contrary acts of the Synode of Stephen the vj. were burned This Pope liued not Pope fully two yeares after whom succeeded Benedictus the 4. which kept the chaire three yeares After
the border of the Alpes in Italie Of his thirde wife Ethelwide he receiued two sonnes Edmund and Edred which both reigned after Adelstane And two daughters Egburga whome hee made a Nonne and Eadguina who was married to Ludouicus Prince of Aquitania in Fraunce These sonnes and daughters Kyng Edwarde thus brought vp Hys daughters hee set to spinning and to the needle Guliel de Reg. His sonnes he set to the studie of learning vt quasi Philosophi ad gubernandam remp non iam tudes procederent that is to the ende that they being as first made Philosophers should be the more expert thereby to gouerne the common wealth ¶ King Ethelstane or Adelstane EThelstane or Adelstane after the death of Edwarde hys father began his reigne in England and was crowned at Kingstone He was a prince of worthy memorie valyant and wise in all his actes nothing inferiour to hys father Edwarde In like worldly renowne of ciuile gouernance ioyned with much prosperous successe in reducing this realme vnder the subiection of one monarchie For he both expelled the Danes subdued the Scottes and quieted the Welshinē as wel in Northwales as also in Cornwale The first enemie against this Ethelstane was one Elfredus who with a faction of seditious persons conspiring against the saide Ethelstane at Winchester continently after the death of hys father went about to put out his eyes Notwithstanding the king escaping that danger through the helpe of God was at that time deliuered Elfrede vpon the same being accused fled to Rome there before the Pope to purge himselfe by hys othe Who being brought to the Churche of S. Peter and there swearing or rather forswearing himself to be cleare which in deede was guiltie thereof sodenly vpon his othe fell downe and so brought to the English house in Rome within 3. daies after departed The Pope sending worde to king Ethelstane whether he would haue the sayde Eldred buried among Christians or not at length through the perswasions of his friendes and kinsfolkes it was concluded that he should be buryed in Christen buriall This storie although I finde in no other writers mentioned but only in the Chronicles of Guliel Lib. de Regi yet forasmuch as it heareth the witnesse and wordes of the king himselfe as testified in an old dede of gift giuen to the monastery of Malmesbury I thought the same the more to be of credite The wordes of the king procede in this tenor as followeth ¶ The copie of an olde writing of king Ethelstane testifying of the miraculous death of Duke Elfrede sodenly stroken by the hande of God for periurie SCiant sapientes regionis nostrae non has praefatas terras me iniustè rapuisse rapinamque Deo dedisse Sed sic eas accepi quemadmodum iudicauerunt omnes optimates regni Anglorum Insuper Apostolicus Papa Romanae ecclesiae Ioannes Elfredo defuncto qui nostrae foelicitati vitae aemulus extitit nequitiae inimicorum nostrorum consentiens quando me voluerunt patre defuncto coecare in vrbe Wintonia si non me Deus sua pietate eripuisset Sed denudatis eorum machinamentis remissus est ad Romanam ecclesiam vt ibi se coram Apostolico Ioanne iureiurando defenderet Et hoc fecit coram altare sancti Petri Sed facto iuramento cecidit coram altare manibus famulorum suorum portatus est ad scholam Anglorum ibi tertia nocte vitam finiuit Et tunc Apostolicus ad nos remisit quid de eo ageretur a nobis consuluit an cum caeteris Christianis corpus illius poneretur His peractis nobis renunciatis optimates regionis nostrae cum propinquorum illius turma efflagitabant omni humilitate vt corpus illius per nostram licentiam cum corporibus poneretur Christianorū Nosque flagitationi illorum cōsentientes Romam remisimus Papa consentiente positus est ad caeteros Christianos quamuis indignus Et sic iudicata est mihi tota possessio eius in magnis in modicis Sed haec apicibus literarum praenotauimus ne quando aboleatur vnde mihi praefata possessio quam Deo sancto Petro dedi donatur Nec iustiùs noui quám Deo sancto Petro hanc possessionem dare qui aemulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt mihi prosperitatem regni largiti sunt c. In the second yeare of the reigne of King Adelstane for an vnitie and a peace to be had betwene the King and the Danes of Northumberlande hee marryed to Sythericus their king his sister whereof mention is made before But shortly after within one yeare this Sythericus died After whose death King Ethelstane seazed that prouince into hys owne hande putting out the sonne of the foresayde Sythericus called Alanus who wyth his brother Godfridus fledde the one into Irelande the other to Constantine King of the Scottes And when he had thus accorded with the Danes of Northumberlande hee shortly made subiect vnto him Constantine King of Scottes But the sayde Constantine meeked himselfe so lowly to the King that he restored him to his former dignitie saying that it was more honour to make a king then to be a king Not long after the sayde Constantine King of Scottes did breake couenaunt with king Ethelstane Wherefore hee assembled his Knights made toward Scotland Where he subduing his enemies and bringing them againe vnto due subiection returned into England with victory Here by the way in some storie wryters who forgetting the office of historicians seme to play the Poetes is written and recorded for a maruell that the sayde Ethelstane returning out of Scotland into England came to Yorke and so into the Churche of S. Iohn of Beuerly to redeeme his knife which before hee had lefte there for a pledge at hys going forth In the which place he praying to God to S. Ihon of Beuerley that he might leaue there some remembrance wherby they that came after might know that the Scots by right should be sudbued to the English mē smote with sword they say vpon a great hard stone standing nere about the castle of Dunbar that with the stroke thereof the stone was cut a large elne deepe with a lie no lesse deepe also then was the stroke in the stone But of this poetical or fabulous storie albeit Polychronicon Fabian Iornalensis and other mo constantly accorde in the same yet in Guliel and Henricus no mention is made at all But peraduenture hee that was the inuentour first of this tale of the stone was disposed to lie for the whetstone Wherefore in my minde he is worthy to haue it Of like truth credite seemeth also to be this that followeth about the same yeare and time vnder the raigne of King Ethelstane being the viij yeare of hys raigne of one Bristanus Bishop of Winchester who succeeded Frithstanus in the same sea and gouerned that Bishoprike
cuppe vnto the king chanced in the middle of the floure to stumble with one foote helping and recouering himselfe with the other saying in these wordes Thus one brother as ye see helpeth an other These wordes being thus spokeÌ„ in the hearing of the king so moued his mind that forthwith he commaunded the false accuser of his brother to be had out to execution Whose iust recompence I would wish to be a warning to all men what it is to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother King Ethelstane besides his vij yeares lamentation for this acte builded the two Monasteries of Midletone and of Michelenes for hys brothers sake or as the stories say for his soule Whereby it may appeare what was the cause most speciall in those daies of building monasteries to wit for releasing the sinnes both of them departed and them aliue which cause howe it standeth wyth the grace and veritie of Christes Gospell and of his passion let the Christen reader trie examine with himselfe This cruell fact of the king towarde Edwyne caused him afterwarde to be more tender and careful toward his other brethren and sisters left in his handes vnmarried Which sisters as is partly in the Chapter before declared he richly bestowed in great mariages As one to the king of NorthumberlaÌ„d Sithericus an other he gaue to Lewes King of Aquitania the thirde to Henricus Duke of Almaine for hys sonne Otho who was the first Emperour of the Germanes Whereby it is to be vnderstand that the Empire at this time began first to be translated from Fraunce where it remained about C. yeares and halfe vnto Germanie where it hath euer since continued The fourth of his sisters being a virgine of singulare benty Hugo the French king required to be geuen vnto him sending to King Ethelstane pretious and sumptuous presents such as were not before seene in England Among the which presents gifts besides the rare odours of sondry fauours fine spices and besides the precious costly gemmes namely of Smaradges of most redoleÌ„t grene besides also many and great coursers and palfries richly trapped especially of one iewell as wryters make inention which was a certaine vessell finely and subtilly made of the precious stone Onichinus so radiantly wrought that in it appeared the liuely corn growing and mens images walking c. Ouer and besides was sent also the sworde of Constantine the great with the name of the possessor wrytten in golden letters where in the hast of the same al beateÌ„ in gold was one of the yron nailes wherwith our Sauiour on the crosse was nailed Of the veritie whereof I am not disposed at thys present muche to say what I suspect but that this in the Ecclesiasticall storie of Eusebius is euideÌ„t That two of the foresaid nailes of Christ was speÌ„t on the bridle of Constantine the 3. he cast into the Sea in a raging tempest Wherfore if Christ were nailed with 4. nailes perhappes this naile might be one If he were nailed but with iij. I see not how this storie can stand with other stories neither howe this fourth naile can stand with truthe Among the rest moreouer was the speare as is reported wherwith the side of our Sauiour was opened which also the sayd ConstaÌ„tine was woÌ„t to cary in the field against his enemies with a portion likewise of the holy crosse inclosed in Cristall Also a part of the crowne of thorne in like maner inclosed c. Of the whych Reliques part was geuen to Winchester part to the Church of Malmesbury where king Ethelstane was buried As this King was indued and enlarged by the gift of God the serter vp disposer of all kings with great victories of worldly renowne hauing vnder hys subiection both the Scottes and Britons and the whole Monarchie of the land So he deuised diuers good and holesom lawes for the gouernment of the same as wel concerning the state of the orders Ecclesiasticall as also of the secular or lay people Whereby it is to be vnderstaÌ„d that the vsurped power of the bishop of Rome did not then extend it selfe so largely nor so proudly to derogate froÌ„ the authority of kings princes but that euery one in his owne dominion had vnder God and not vnder the Pope the doing of all matters within the same his dominion contained whether they were causes teÌ„poral or spiritual As by the decrees and constitutions of this king also of other as well before him as after him may euidently be testified as where hee among other lawes thus ordeineth â—ouching the bishop in wordes as folowe Episcopo iure pertinet omnem rectitudinem promouere Dei videlicet ac seculi In primis debet omnem ordinatum instruere quid ei â—it agendum iure quid hominibus secularibus iudicare debeant Debet etiam sedulò pacem concordiam operari cum seculi iudicibus qui rectum velle diligunt in compellationum allegationem edocere ne quis alij perperam agat in iureiurando vel ordalio Nec pati debet aliquam circumuentionem iniustae mensurae vel iniusti ponderis Sed conuenit vt per consilium testimoniuÌ„ eius omne legis rectum burgi mensura omne pondus sit secundum ditionem eius institutum valde rectuÌ„ ne quis proximum suum seducat pro quo decidat in peccatum Et semper debet Christianis prouidere contra omnia quae praedicta sunt ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere vt sciat quomodo grex agat quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit ne diabolus cum dilaniet nec malum aliquod superseminet Nunquam enim erit populo benè consultum nec dignè Deo conuersabitur vbi lucrum impium magis falsum diligitur Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est eneruare quod iustum est eleuare nec pati vt propter falsum pecuniae questum homines se forisfaciant erga verè sapientem Deum cui displicet omnis iniustitia Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est vt rectum diligant iniqua condemnent faltem sacris ordinibus euecti iustum semper erigant praua deponant Hinc debent Episcopi cum iudicibus iudicia dictitare interesse ne permittant si possint vt illinc aliqua prauitatuÌ„ gramina pullulent Et sacerdotibus pertinet in suo Dioecesi vt ad rectum sedulò quemcumque muent nec patiantur si possint vt Christianus aliquis alij noceat non potens impotenti non summus infirmo non praelatis subditis non Dominus hominibus suis seruis aut liberis Et secundum ditionem per mensuram suam conuenit per rectum vt necessaria serui operentur super omnem scyram cui praeest Et rectum est vt non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longioâ— quà m alia sed per
this with all that where the Monkes of elder tyme as is sayd were meere lay men and no spirituall ministers Afterward Bonifacius the 4. made a decree an 606. that Monkes might vse the office of preaching of Christening of hearing confessions also of assayling them of their sinnes c. So theÌ„ monkes who in the beginning were but lay men and no spirituall ministers forbidden by the generall Councell of Chalcedon as is aboue related to intermeddle with matters ecclesiasticall afterward in proces of time did so much incroch vpon the office of spirituall ministers that at leÌ„gth the Priests were discharged out of their Cathedrall churches monkes set in their places Because that Monkes in those dayes leading a straighter lyfe and professing chastitie had a greater countenance of holynes amoÌ„g the people then the Priests who then in the dayes of king Edgar had wiues at least so many as would no law forbidding them to the contrary till the tyme of Hildebrand now called Gregory the 7. whereof more shall be sayd Christ willing in the booke next followyng And thus much by the way as touching the order and profession of Monkes Nowe to turne in agayne from whence we digressed that is to the matter of kyng Edgar who followyng the counsaile and leading of Dunstane and the foresayd Ethelwold Bishop of Winchester was somewhat thereby inclined to superstition But otherwyse of his owne nature well geuen to all vertues and princely actes worthy of much commeÌ„dation and famous memory So excellent was he in iustice and sharpe in correctioÌ„ of vices as well in his magistrates as other subiectes that neuer before his dayes was lesse felony by robbers nor lesse extortion or bribery by false officers Such Prouinces lordships as were not yet come vnder the kings subiection he vnited and adioyned to his dominion And so made one perfect monarchy of the whole realme of England with all the Ilelands and borders about the same Such as were wicked he kept vnder he repressed theÌ„ that were rebels the godly he maintayned he loued the modest he was deuout to God and beloued of his subiects whom he gouerned in much peace and quietnes And as he was a great seeker of peace so God did blesse hym with much aboundaunce of peace and rest from all warres so that as the history recordeth of hym Nullas insidias domesticorum nullum exterminium alienorum sen serit for the which he was called Pacificus He neyther tasted of any priuy treson among his subiectes nor of any inuasion of foraine enemies So studious he was of the publike profite of hys Realme and fruitfull in his gouernment that as the sayd story testifieth of him Nullus ferè annus in Chronicis praeterijt quo non magnum necessarium patriae aliquid fecerit No yeare passed in all the tyme of his raigne wherein he dyd not some singular and necessary commoditie for the common wealth c. A great mainteyner he was of Religion and learning not forgetting herein the foresteps of Kyng Alfred his predecessor Among his other princely vertues this chiefly is to be regarded that where as other princes commonly in much peace and quietnes are wont to grow into a dissolute negligence of life or obliuioÌ„ of their charge committed vnto them This king in continuance of peace that notwithstanding kept euer with him such a watch a vigilant seueritie ioyned with a seemely clemency that I cannot here but recite the witnesse of our story writers testifiyng of his diligent care ouer the common wealth which was so great Vt nullum cuiuscunque dignitatis hominé leges eludere impunè permitteret i. That he would suffer no man of what degree of nobilitie so euer he were to dally out his lawes without condigne punishment c. And foloweth more in the same author Nemo eius tempore priuatus latro Nemo popularis praedo nisi qui mallet in fortunas alienas grassari propriae vitae dispendio c. In all his tyme there was neither any priuy picker nor open thiefe but he that in stealing other mens goods would venter and suffer as he was sure the losse of his owne lyfe c. Guliel de Reg. Moreouer as the studious industrie of this Prince was forward in all other points so his prudent prouision dyd not lacke in this also in driuing out the deuouring rauening Wolues throughout all his land Wherein he vsed this pollicie In causing Ludwallus Prince or Kyng of Wales to yelde to him yearely by way of tribute 300. Wolues By meanes whereof within the space of 4. yeres after in England and Wales might scantly be founde one Wolfe alyue This Edgar among other of his politike deedes had in readines 3600. ships of warre to scoure the Seas in the Sommer tyme wherof 1200. kept the East seas as many to defend the Westside againe as many on the Southseas to repulse the inuasion of foraine enemies Moreouer in Winter season the vse and maner of this vertuous Kyng was this During all the tyme of his life to ride ouer the land in progresse searching and inquiring diligently to vse here the wordes of mine author Quomodo legum iura suorum statuta decretorum obseruarentur ne pauperes à potentibus praeiudicium passi opprimerentur That is How his lawes and statutes by him ordeined were kept that the poore should suffer no preiudice or he oppressed any maner of wayes by the mightier c. Briefly as I see many things in this worthy prince to be commended so this one thing in him I cannot but lament to see him like a Phenix to flee alone that of all his posteritie so few there bee that seeke to keepe him company And although I haue shewed more already of this king then I thinke will wel be folowed yet this more is to be added to the worthines of his other acts That where as by the multitude of the Danes dwelling in diuers places of EnglaÌ„d much excessiue drinking was vsed wherupon ensued dronkennes and many other vices to the euill example and hurt of his subiects he therfore to preuent that euill ordeined certaine cuppes with pinnes or nailes set in them adding therunto a law that what person dranke past that marke at one draught should forfaite a certaine peny Whereof one halfe should fall to the accuser and the other half to the ruler of the borough or towne where the offence was done It is reported of this Edgar by diuers authors that about the 13. yere of his raign he bring at Chester a kings called in histories Subreguli to wit petykings or vnder-kings came did homage to him Of whom the first was the king of Scots called Kinadius Macolinus of Cumberland Mackus or Mascusinus king of Moniae and of diuers other Ilands all the kings of Wales the names of whoÌ„ were Dufuall or Dunewaldus Sifreth Huâ—â—all
brethren Soone after a Sonne of wicked Edricus by the minde as appeared afterward of his father espied when king Edmond was at the draught with a speare some say with a long knife thrust him into the fundameÌ„t wherof the sayd Edmond shortlye after dyed after that he had raigned two yeres He left behinde him two sonnes Edmond and Edward whom Edricke the wicked Duke after the death of their father tooke from theyr mother not knowing yet of the death of Edmond her husband preseÌ„ted them to king Canutus saluting him in these words Aue Rex solus Thus Canutus after the death of Edmond Irenside was king alone of the whole realme of englaÌ„d And afterward by the aduise of his counsayle he sent the foresayd sonnes of Edmond IroÌ„side to his brother Suanus king of Sueueland to be slayne who abhorring that deed sent them to Salomon king of HuÌ„gary where Edmond being maried to the kings daughter dyed Edward was maried to Agatha daughter of his brother Henry the 4. Emperour When Canutus was stablished in the kingdom he called a parliamentat London where among other things there debated it was propounded to the bishops BaroÌ„s and Lordes of the parliament there present whether that in the compositioÌ„ made betwene Edmund and Canutus any speciall remembraunce was made for the children or brethren of Edmund for any partition of any part of the land Wherunto the english Lordes falsly â—latteryng with the foraine kyng and speaking against their own mynds as also against their natiue countrey aunswered and sayd nay Affirming moreouer with an oth for the kings pleasure that they to the vttermost of their powers would put of the bloud of Edmund in all that they might By reason of which answer and promise they thought many of theÌ„ to haue purchased with the king great fauour But by the iust retribution of God it chaunced farre otherwise For many of them or the most part such especially as Canutus did perceiue to be sworne before tyme to Edmund his heyres and also considering that they were natiue englishmen he mistrusted and disdained euer after In so much that some he exiled a great sort he beheaded some by Gods punishment died sodainly Among whom wicked Edricke also the traytour although with hys sugred wordes he continued a while in the kings fauour at leÌ„gth escaped not condigne reward for his deceiuable dealyng For as the history of IornaleÌ„sis recordeth as the king was in his palace beyond Thames this Edricke beyng belike accused or els suspected of the king before comming vnto him began to reckon vp his benefites labours bestowed for his sake First in forsaking and betraying Egelred then in slaying king Edmund his sonne with many such other deedes moe which all for his sake he had done Well saith the king thou hast here rightly iudged thy selfe and worthily thou shalt dye for slaying thy naturall Prince my sworne brother And so commaunded him to be bound immediately hand and foote to be thrown into Thames Some stories say that when he had saluted the king with Aue rex solus and shewed him the slaying of Edmund Canutus promising that he would make him therfore higher then all the lordes of the realme commaunded his head to be striken off to be set vpon London bridge and hys body to be cast in the towne ditche And thus with shame ended he his wretched life as al they commonly do which with like dissimulatioÌ„ seeke the destruction of their Prince and of their countrey This Canutus shortlye after the death of king Edmond by the counsayle of Edricke exiled Edmond being brother to King Edmund called Rex rusticorum the king of Choorâ—es But afterward he was reconciled agayne to the kinges fauour and lastly slayne by certayne of the Kinges Secretaryes or Seruauntes Also through the counsayle of the sayd Edricke and of Emma his wife he sent the two Sonnes of Edmond Ironside Edmond and Edward to his brother Suanus king of Denmark to be slaine as is aboue sayd In this meane time Suanus king of Denmarke brother to Canutus died Wherfore that land fel to Canutus which anon after sailed thether and tooke thereof possession And after he had set it in an order he retourned into England and maried Emma late wife before of Egelred and by her had a soÌ„ne called Herdeknight or Hardeknoutus Moreouer this Canutus assembled a Parliament at Oxford where it was agreed that Englishmen Danes should holde the lawes made by king Edgar because they were thought so good resonable aboue any other lawes Thus the Danes being in England began by little little to be Christen men And Canutus went to Rome so returning againe to England gouerned that lande the space of 20. yeares leauing after him two sonnes Harold Hardeknoutus which Hardeknoutus was made king of Denmarke in his fathers time Harold called Harefoote for his deliuernes and swiftnes sonne to Canutus by Elgina his first wife began his raigne ouer England an 1039. Of him is little left in memory for he raigned but 4. yeres saue that he banished his stepmother Emma tooke her goods iewels from her Hardeknoutus being king of Denmarke and second sonne to Canutus by his last wife Emma was next King of England In the time of these Danish kings there was one Godwyn an earle in England which had bene before in great fauour with Canutus for his actes done in Denmarke against the Northwegians and afterward maryed yâ— sister some say the daughter of Canutus This Godwyn was of a cruell and subtill wit as he declared no lesse by the two sonnes of king Egelred For when these two aforesaid whose names were Alfride and Edward came from NormaÌ„die into England to visit their mother Emma and brought with them a great company of Normands this Godwine hauing a daughter called Godith whome he thought to marry to Edward set him vp to be King to bring his purpose about vsed this practise that is to perswade king Hardeknoue the Lordes not to suffer those Normandes to be within the realme for ieoperdie but rather to punish them for example By which meanes he gat authoritie to order the matter himselfe wherefore he 〈◊〉 them on Guild downe and there most wretchedly murthered or rather Martyred the most number of the Normandes and that innocently For as Swanus before had tithed the Monkes of Canterburie so heâ— with the cruell coÌ„pany of english soldiors slew ix of the saide Normands and saued the x. And yet passing the furie of Swanus as not contented with that tiranny he tithed againe the sayde tithe and slew euery x. knight and that by cruel tormeÌ„t as winding their guts out of their bodies as writeth Ranulphus And among other put out the eyes of the elder brother Alfridus and sent him to an Abbey of Elie where he being fed wyth breade and water endured not
the sayde Byshop wyth much more matter of contention all which to recite it were too long But this I thought to commit to historie to the intent men might see the lamentable decay of true Christianitie amongest Christen Byshops who inflamed with glorious ambition so contended for honor that without mere forcemeÌ„t of law no modestie could take place Of such like contentions among Prelates of the Clergie for superioritie we read of diuers in olde Chronicles as in the history intituled Chronicon Hirsseldense where is declared a bloudy conflict which twise hapned in the church of Boslaria betwene Hecelon bishop of Hildesheime and Wederatus bishop of Fulda and all for the superior place who should fit next to the Emperour the Emperour hym selfe being there present and looking on them and yet not able to stay them Thus I haue described the troublous contention betwene Lancfrancus Thomas Metropolitane of Yorke in the daies of Alexander of which controuersie and of the whole discourse thereof Lanfrancus writeth to Pope Alexander beginning thus Domino totius Christianae religionis summo speculatori Alex Papae Lancfrancus sanctae Dorobernensis Ecclesiae antistes debitam cum omni seruitute obedientiam In concilio quod Angliae per vestram autoritatem coactum est vbi querelae Thomae Archiepiscopi prolatae ventilatae sunt allata est Ecclesiastica gétis Anglorum historia quam Eboracensis Ecclesiae praesbyter Anglorum Doctor Beda composuit and so foorth in a â—ong processe of wordes which followe Among whiche in the middle of the epistle speaking of Douer and Canterbury he hath these words Vrbs namque quae nunc CaÌ„tuarberia nominatur antiquis temporibus ab ipsius terrae incolis Dorobernia vocabatur c. with many other wordes in the said Epistle which for breuitie here I ouerpasse In the story before of king Egelrede was declared about the yeare of our Lord. M. xvi how the Bishoprik of Lindaffarne otherwise named holy lande in the floude of Twede was translated to Durham so likewise in the dayes of this Lancfrancus Archbishop of Cant. Anno M. lxxvi diuers Bishops seates were altered and remooued from towneships to greater Cities As the Byshoprike of Selese was remooued to Chichester out of Cornewall to Exeter from Welles to Bathe from Shyreburne to Salesbury from Dorcester to Lincolne from Lichfield to Chester which Byshoppricke of Chester Robert being then Byshop reduced from Chester to Couentrie Likewise after that in the raigne of William Rufus An. 1095. Herbert Bishop of Thetford from thence reduced the fear to Norwige c. As concerning Douer and Caunterbury whether the sea was likewise translated froÌ„ the towne of Douer to the City of Cant. in the time of Theodorns or whether Canterbury by old time had the name of Dorobernia as the letter of Lancfrancus to Pope Alexander aboue mentioned doth pretend I finde it not in histories expressely defined Saue that I read by the words of William bring yet Duke of Normandie charging then Harolde to make a welle of water for the kings vse in the Castel of Dorobernia that the said Dorobernia then was taken for that which nowe we call Douer but whether Dorobernia and the Citie of Cant be both one or diuers the matter is not great Notwithstanding this I read in the epistle of Pope Bonifacius to king Ethelbert as also to Iustinus Archbish. Item in the epistle of pope Honorius to bishop Honorius IteÌ„ of Pope Uitalianus to Theodorus of Pope Sergius to king Ethelred Alfred and Adulphus and to the Bishops of england Likewise of pope Gregory the 3. to the Bishops of England Item of Pope Leo to Atherlard Archbyshop of Cant. Of Formosus to the bishops of England and of Pope Iohn to Dunstane that the name of Dorobernia of Canterbury indifferently are taken for one matter In this time and by the procuring of this Lancfrancus the 9. yere of this king a councel was holden at London where among the actes thereof these were the principall things concluded 1. For the order of sitting that the Archbishop of Yorke should sit on the right hand and the Byshop of London of the left hand or in the absence of Yorke London shoulde haue the right and Winchester the left hand of the Archbyshop of Cant. sitting in counsell 2. The seconde that Bishops shoulde translate their sees from villages into cities whereupon those sees aboue named were translated 3. That Monkes should haue nothing in proper And if any so had he dying vnconfessed shoulde not be buried in the Churchyard 4. That no Clerke or Monke of an other diocesse should be admitted to orders or retained without letters coÌ„mendatorie or testimoniall 5. That none should speake in the CouÌ„cel except bishops and Abbots without leaue of the Archmetropolitanes 6. That none should marry within the 7. degree with any either of his owne kinred or of his wiues departed 7. That none shoulde either buy or sell any office wythin the Church 8. That no sorcerie nor any diuination should be vsed or permitted in holy Church 9. That no bishop nor abbot nor any of the clergy should be at the iudgement of any mans death or dismembring neither should be any fautor of the sayd iudicantes Moreouer in the dayes of this Lancfrancus diuers good bishops of the realme began to take part with priests against the monkes in displacing these out of their Churches and to restore the maried Priests againe in so much that walkelmus bishop of wint had placed aboue 4.0 canons in stede of monkes for his part but this godly enterprise was stopped by stout Lancfrancke the Italian Lombard This lustie Prelate sate 19. yeares but at latter end he was not so fauored of William Rufus and â—â—ed for sorrowe Although this Italian Franke being Aâ—â—hbishop had litle leisure to write yet something he thought to doe to set out his famous learning and wrote a Booke against Berengarius intituling it Opus Scintillarum The olde church of Cant. he plucked downe builded vp the new After the death of Pope Alexander aboue mentioned next to him folowed HildebraÌ„d surnamed Gregory the 7. This Hildebrand as he was a sorcerer so was he the first and principal cause of all this perturbation that is nowe hath bene since his time in the Church by reason that through his example all this ambition stoutnes pride entred first into the church of Rome hath euer since continued For before Hildebrandus came to Rome working there his feares setting vp and displacing what Byshops he lifted corrupting them with pernicious counsell and setting them against Emperors vnder pretence of chastitie destroying matrimonie and vnder the title of libertie breaking peace and resisting authoritie before this I say the church of Rome was in some order bishops quietly gouerned vnder christen Emperors and also were defended by the same As Marcellus Meltiades and Siluester were subdued and vnder obedience to
so with shift of aunswere dalied out the time while he had filled his cofers wyth the commodities of that benefice The same yeare after the death of Anselme the King conuerted the Abbey of Eley to a Byshopricke which before was vnder the Byshopricke of Lyncolne placing there Henrie Byshop of Bangor the first bishop of that sea And as of late yeares before this diuers wonders were scene as starres falling from heauen so thick that they coulde not be nombred at the setting soorth of the Christians to the holy lande Iornalens A blasing starre ouer Constantinople A spring boyling out bloud sene at Finchamstede in Barkeshire three weekes together An. 1090. Gisburnons After that the firmament appearing so red as it had bene all on fire Also two ful Moones appearing together one in the East the other in the West on maundy thursday with a blasing starre in the same yeare appearing about the taking of Duke Robert hauyng a white circle inclosing it An. 1106. Iornalens Also wyth an Eclipse of the Sunne darkned after that so likewise about this present yere An. 1110. was seene the floude of Trent about Notyngham so dryed vp from morning to 3. of the clocke at after noone that men might go ouer it drishodde Gisburnens Also in Shrosbery a great earthquake happened And after that followed a sharpe winter great moraine of beastes and pestilence of men as Gualterius Guisburnens recordeth Moreouer the same author mentioneth that next about the same yeare the like vading of water also happened in the floud of Medeway And in Thamis betwene the bridge the tower and vnder the bridge frō midnight to the next euening was so great an ebbe that an vnnumerable forte of people and children waded ouer scarce kne depe in the water the sea withdrawing his tide x. miles from his accustomed course Rog. Houeden Gualter Gisburneris c. In the which yeare also as the sayde author and Iornalens doe testifie the Citie of Worcester by casualtie was consumed with fire Also the citie of Chester An. 1114. Rog. Houed The next yere following Rodolphus bishop of Rochester an Englishman was promoted to be Archb. of Canterb and Thurstinus the kings chaplaine was elect archbishop of York who being content to receiue his benediction or consecration of the see of Cant. yet because he refused to make his profession of obedience to the same See he was by the king depriued of his dignitie Then Thurstin by the instigation of certaine of his clerkes at York tooke his iorney to Rome who there making his complaint to Pope Paschalis brought with him a letter from the Pope to the King where among other woordes was conteined as followeth Audiuimus electum Eboracensis Ecclesiae virum sapientem strenuum fine iudicio ab Eboracensi sequestratum ecclesia quod nimirum diuinae iustitiae S. Patrum institutionib aduersatur Nos quidem neque Cant. ecclesiam minui neque Eboracensem volumus praeiudicium pati sed eam constitutionem quae a B. Gregorio Anglicae gentis Apostolo inter easdem ecclesias constituta est firmam censemus illibatamque seruari Idem ergo electus vt iustitia exigit ad suam ecclesiam omnibus modis reuocetur Si quid autem quaestionis inter easdem ecclesias nascitur praesentibus vtrisque partibus in vestra praesentia pertractetur c. In English thus We heare and vnderstand that the Archbi elect of the church of Yorke a discrete and industrious man is sequestred from the church of York which standeth against both diuine iustice and the institution of holy fathers Our purpose is that neither the church of Cāt. should be empaired nor againe that the church of Yorke should suffer any preiudice but that the same constitution which was by blessed Gregory the apostle of the english nation set and decreed betweene those two churches should remaine still in force and effect inuiolate Wherfore as touching the forsaid elect let him be receaued againe by any meanes as right and meere it is vnto his Church And if there be any question betwene the foresaid churches let it be handled and decided in your presence both the two parties beyng there present c. Upon the occasion of this letter a solemne assemble there was appoynted at Salisbury about the hearing of thys controuersy The variance betwene these two prelates stil encreased more and more Radulph Archbishop of Can. in no case would yeelde nor condiscend to geue imposition of handes vnto him vnlesse he would make his profession of obedience Thurstine againe saide he would willingly receiue embrace his benediction but as touching the profession of his subiection that he woulde not agree vnto Then the king declaring his minde therein signified vnto Thurstin that without his subiection and obedience professed to the Archbishop of Cant. he shoulde not enioy hys consecration to be Archbishop of York Wherunto Thurstin nothing replying againe renounced his Archbishopricke promising moreouer to make no more claime vnto is nor molest them that should inioy it Shortly after this it happened that Pope Paschalis died After whome as is aboue rehearsed succeeded Pope Gelasius which liue prior past a yere and died in France Whereupon the Cardinals which then followed the sayd Pope Gelasius to Cluniake created an other Pope of their chusing whom they called Calixtus 2. The other cardinals which were at Rome did chuse an other Pope called Gregorie as mention before is made About which 2. Popes much sturre there was in Christen Realmes As this Calixtus was remaining in Fraunce and there calling a general coūcell at Remis as ye heard before Thurstinus the Archbishop of Yorke desired license of the King to goe to the Councel purposing there to open the cause of his Church which estsones he obtained first promising to the king that he should there attempt nothing that should be preiudiciall to the Church of Cant. In the meane time the king had sent secret word vnto the Pope by Radulph and other procurators that in no case he would consecrate Thurstinus Yet notwithstanding the faithfull promise of the Pope made to the King so it fell out that the sayde Pope through the sute of his Cardinals whome Thurstinus had wonne to him was inclined to consecrate him and gaue him the palle For this deede the king was fore discontented with Thurstine and warned him the entrie of his land In this councell at Rhemis aboue mentioned where were gathered 434. Prelates these 5. principal actes were concluded 1. That no man should either buy or sell any Bishoprike abbotship deanry archdeaconship priesthood prebēdship altar or any Ecclesiasticall promotion or benefice orders consecration church halowing seat or stall within the quire or any office ecclesiasticall vnder danger of excommunication if he did persist 2. That no lay person should geue inuesture of anye Ecclesiasticall possession or that any spirituall men should
No say they thou shalt not anoyd though thou wouldest and so the departing with many wordes the arch followeth them out of the chamber dore crying after them here here here shall you finde me laying his hand vpon hys crowne The name of these foure souldiours aboue mentioned were these 1. Reignald BeresoÌ„ 2. Hugh Morteuil 3. William Thracy and 4. Richard Brito who going to harnesse themselues returned the same day agayne But finding the hall dore of the palace of Canterbury shut against them they went to an inward backe dore leading into the Orcharde there brake they vp a window and opened the dore and so issued into the place The Monkes beyng about Euensong tyme had got the Archbishop into the Church who beying perswaded by them caused hys crosse to be borne before hym and so through the Cloyster by a doore which was broke vp for him proceeded into the quire The harnest men following after at length came to the Church doore whiche doore the monkes woulde haue shut agaynst them but as the story sayth the Archbishop would not suffer them So they approching into the Church and the Bishop meeting them vpon the stayres there was slayne euery one of the foure souldiors striking him with his sword into the head Who afterward flying into the North at length with much adoe obtayning their pardon of the Pope through the kinges procurement as some storyes recorde went to Ierusalem Thus you haue heard the life and death of this Tho. Becket of whom what is to be iudged let his owne actes and facts declare And albeit the scripture ought to be onely the rule to vs to iudge all thinges by yet if any shall require farther testimony partly to satisfy their minds therin ye shal heare the iudgementes of certayn men in yeres and tymes almost as auncient as himself what they writ and affirme of him And first to begin with the testimony of one of his owne religion and also not farre as it appeareth froÌ„ hys owne tyme who writing of his martyrdome myracles thus testifieth of the iudgement and sentence of diuers coÌ„cerning his promotion and behauiour The Chronicle being written in lattin hauing the name of the author cut out thus beginneth Quoniam verò multi c. And in the first booke cap. 8. it follo with in this maner Nonnullis tamen id circa promotionem eius visum est minus canonicuÌ„ quòd ad eam magis operata est regis instantia quà m cleri vel populi vota Praesumptionis quoque vel indiscretionis fuisse notatum est quòd qui remuÌ„ tenere vix idoneus videbatur primum gubernaculi locum suscepit c. mox magis etiam secularia tuÌ„ sapiens tam sanctum tantae dignitatis fastigium non horrens renuiise sed vltroneus ascendisse creditus Aliter dei amicus Moses c. With much more as in latine insueth whiche for the Englishe Reader here foloweth translated Diuers notwithstaÌ„ding there be which as touching his promotion suppose the same not to be canonicall For that it was wrought rather by the instance of the king thinking him to be a man ready and inclinable to his vtilitie then by the assent eyther of the clergy or of the people Farther it is noted in him for a poynt of presumption and lack of discretion for that he beyng scarce worthy to take the Ore in hand and play the boteswane would take vpoÌ„ him to sit at the healm and guide the ship namely in that church where the Couent being in gesture and vesture religious be wont to haue their prelate taken out of the same profession Where as he scant bearing the babite of a Clarke and goyng in hys chaunges and soft apparell is more conuersaunt among the delicate rufflers in the court sauoring rather of wordly thinges not refusing moreouer without any dread to clime vp to the high preferment of suche an holy dignitie but rather willingly of hys owne accord to aspire vnto it Moles we read did otherwise who beyng the frend of God and sent of him to coÌ„duct his people Israell out of Egipt trembled at the message and sayd Who am I Lord that I shoulde goe to Pharao and bring thy people Israell out of Egipt And agayne I pray thee sayth hee O Lorde I am nothing eloquent send him whome thou wilt send Likewise Ieremias also being sent to the Lord to prophecy agaynst Ierusalem was abashed to take the office vpon hym answering agayn with much dread of hart A a a. Lorde I cannot vtter my minde for I am a Childe After like maner we reade of the saintes of the newe testament wherof many were preferred ofteÌ„times to their bishopriks and functions of the Churche by meere â—orcement and compulsion rather of other then by their owne willes So was blessed Gregory after hys flight and goyng away brought backe agayne and placed in the sea chayre of Rome Likewise S. Ambrose fore agaynst hys mynde who also of purpose accusing and contessing hys owne defectes because he would be repealed yet by the coÌ„maundement of Valentinian the Emperour was inforced to take the burden vpoÌ„ him which he could by no wise shake of S. Martine in like sorte vnknowing of any such matter was circumuented by a certayne godly trayne and wile of the Citizens before he could be brought to hys coÌ„secration which he did not so much take as he was thrust into it with much pensiuenes and sorrow of hart By these and such other exaÌ„ples this Chancellour likewise shoulde haue rather excused himselfe as vnworthy and vumeet for that romthe shewing himselfe more willing to refuse then to take it To the which this archbishop is iudged to doe cleane contrary c. Haec ex Chronico Cui tutulus De passione miraculis beati Thomae And although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age being all blinded and corrupted with superstittioÌ„ yet let vs heare what Neuburgensis an auncient Historiographer sayth who in the dayes of the sonne of thys K. Henry the ij prosecuting his history vnto King Richard the first hath these wordes writing of Thomas Becket Sanè cum plerique soleant in his quos amant laudant affecâ—u quodam propensiori sed prudentia parciori quicquid ab eis geritur approbare planè ego in viro illo venerabili ea quae ita ab ipso acta sunt quum nulla exindè proueniret vtilitas sed feruor tantùm accenderetur regius ex quo tot mala postmodum pullulasse noscuntur laudanda nequaquam césuerim licet ex laudabilizelo processerint Sicut in beatiff apostolorum principe quòd gentes suo exemplo iudaizare coegit in quo eum doctor gentium reprehensibilem declaret fuisse licèt cum constet Laudabili hoc pietate fecisse c. That is in English Whereas many be wont in them whome they loue or prayse iudging them more by
subiect vnder one Adding furthermore that the kingdome of Scotland first was conuerted by the reliques of the blessed Apostle S. Peter through the deuine operation of God to the vnity of the Catholicke fayth Wherefore vpon these causes and reasons Pope Boniface in hys letters to the king required him to geue ouer hys clayme and cease his warres agaynst the Scottish nation And to release all such both of the spiritualtie and laytie as he had of them prisoners Also to call home agayne his officers and deputies whiche he had there placed and ordained to the greauance of that nation to the sclaunder of all faythfull people and no lesse preiudice to the Church of Rome And if he would clayme any right or title to the said Realme or any part therof he should send vp his procuratours specially to the same appoynted with all that he could for himselfe alleadge vnto the sea Apostolicke there to receaue what reason and right would require The king after he had receaued these letters of the Pope assembled a councell or Parliament at Lincolne by the aduise of which counsell Parliament he addressed other letters responsall to the Pope agaynes wherein first in al reuerend maner he desireth him not to geue light care to the sinister suggestions of false reportes and imaginers of mischiefe Then he declareth out of old recordes histories frō the first time of the Brittaynes that the realm of Scotland hath alwayes from time to time bene all one to England beginning first with Brutus in the tyme of Dely and Samuell the Prophet which Brutus comming frō Troy to his I le called then Albion after called by hym Britannia had three sonnes Locrinus to whome he gaue the part of the land called then of hym Loegria now Auglia Albanactus his second sonne to whom he gaue Albania nowe called Scotia and hys thyrd sonne Lamber to whome he gaue Cambria now called Wales c. And thus much concerning the first deuision of this I le as in auncient histories is found recorded In whiche matter passing ouer the death of king Humber the actes of Dunwald king of this Realme the deuision of Belyn and Brene the victories of king Arthur we will resort sayth the king to more nearer tymes testified and witnessed by sufficient authors as Marianus Scotus William Malmesbury Roger Abyndon Henry Huntington Radulph de Bizoto and other All which make special declaration geue manifest euidence of the execution of this our right sayth he title of Superioritie euer continued preseued hetherto And first to begin with Edward the Seniour before the conquest sonne to Alurede kyng of England about the yeare of our Lord. 900. it is playne and manifest that he had vnder hys dominion and obedience the king of Scots And here is to be noted that this matter was so notorious and manifest as Maryan the Scot writing that story in those dayes graunteth confesseth and testifieth the same and this dominion continued in that state 23. yeare At whiche tyme Athelstane succeeded in the crowne of England and hauing by battaile cōquered Scotland he made one Constantine king of that party to rule gouerne the country of Scotland vnder him adding this princely word That it was more honour to him to make a king then to be a king 24. yeares after that whiche was the yeare of our Lord 947. Eldred king our progenitour Athelstanus brother took homage of Irise then king of Scots 30. yeares after that whiche was the yeare of our Lorde 977. kyng Edgar our predecessour tooke homage of Kynalde king of Scots Here was a little trouble in England by the death of S Edward kyng and martyr destroyed by the deceite of hys mother in law but yet within memory 40. yeares after the homage done by Kynald to King Edgar that is to say in the yeare of our Lord. 1017. Malcoline the king of Scots did homage to Knute our predecessour After this homage done The Scots vttered some peece of theyr naturall disposition whereupon by warre made by our progenitour S. Edward the confessour 39. yeare after that homage done that is to saye the yeare of our Lord. 1056 Malcoline king of Scots was vanquished and the realme of Scotland geuen to Malcoline his sonne by our sayd progenitour S. Edward vnto whom the sayd Malcoline made homage and fealty Within 40. yeares after that William Conquerour entred this realme whereof he accompted no perfect conquest vntill he had likewise subdued the Scots and therfore in the sayd yeare which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1068 the sayde Malcoline King of Scots did homage to the sayd William Conquerour as hys superiour by Conquest king of England 25. yeares after that which was the yeare of our Lord. 1093. the sayd Malcoline did homage fealty to William Rufus sonne to the sayd William Conquerour and yet after that was for his offences and demerites deposed and hys sonne substitute in hys place who likewise fayled in his duety and therfore was ordained in that estate by the sayd William Rufus Edgar brother to the last Malcoline and sonne to the first who did hys homage and fealty accordingly 7. yeares after that which was in the yeare of our Lorde 1100. the sayd Edgar king of the Scots did homage to Henry the first our progenitour 37 yeare after that Dauid king of Scots did homage to Matilde the Emperatrice as daughter and heyre to Henry the first Wherefore being after required by Stephen then obtayning possession of the Realme to make his homage he refused so to doe because he had before made it to the sayd Matilde and thereupon forbare After whiche Dauids death whiche ensued shortly after the sonne of the sayde Dauid made homage to the sayde Kyng Stephen 14. yeares after that whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde 1150. William king of Scots and Dauid hys brother with all the nobles of Scotland made homage to Henry the second sonne with a reseruation of their duetye to Henry the second hys Father 25 yeares after that which was in the yeare of our Lorde 1175. William kyng of Scotland after much rebellion and resistaunce according to their naturall inclination King Henry the second then beyng in Normandy knowledged finally his errour and made hys peace and composition confimed with hys great Seale and the Seales of the nobilitie of Scotland making therewith his homage and fealtie Within 15. yeares after that which wat the yeare of our Lorde 1190 the sayd William king of Scots came to our Citty of Caunterbury and there dyd homage to our noble progenitour Kyng Richard the first 1124. yeares after that the said William did Homage to our progenitour king Iohn vpon a hill besides Lincolne making his othe vpon the Crosse of Hubert then Archbishop of Canterbury being there present and a merueilous multitude assembled for that purpose 26. yeare after that whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde 1230. Alexander king of Scots maryed
his assistaunts here assembled alledging the first Epistle of Peter the 2. chapter where he sayth Feare God honour the king By which wordes the holy Apostle S. Peter teacheth vs 2. things First that loue feare obedience is due vnto God for the mightinesse and puissaunce of his Maiesty saying Feare God Secondly how speciall honor reuerence is due to the King for the excellency of his dignity saying Honor the King But note you by the way how the Apostle placeth his woordes First he sayth that feare is due vnto God because principally and in chiefe we ought to feare GOD For if the King or any other should commaund things contrary to God we ought to haue no regard ther of but to contemne the King feare God For it is written in the 5. of the Actes of the Apostles we ought rather to obey God then men and also in the 7. chap. of Machabes the 2. booke where it is sayd I will not obey the commaundements of the king but the law The reason whereof S. Augustine geueth both in the glose vpon the Romaines also in the 11. quaest 1. He that resisteth the superiour power resisteth the will and ordinaunce of God But put case thou art commaunded to do that which thou maist not do or to do not that which thou oughtest to do Doubtlesse thou must neglect the lesser power and feare the higher learning the degrees of worldly thinges As for example be it so that a Proctour commaundeth thee any thing which if the same be agaynst the Proconsull thou oughtest not to follow it Yea and further put case the Proconsull commaundeth one thing the Emperour an other and God willeth the third Thou must not care for thē but obey God for God is the greater power For they may threaten thee with prison but GOD may threaten thee with hell fire they may slay and kill thy body but God may send thee body and soule to perpetuall hell fire And therfore worthely it is put first Feare God And here the place in the last of Ecclesiasticus is to be adioyned where it is written Feare God and keep his commaundements And me thinketh that man is boūd to feare God chiefly in three sorts That is to say First in the bountifull bestowing of his giftes and benefites Secondly in the euident promoting of his seruauntes And lastly in the full rendring and restoring vnto man that is his First I say in the bountifull c. and for this cause the Emperour Iustinian writeth although there is nothing to be accompted good which doth exceede and is to great yet for a prince to be stow accordingly vpō the church it is very good For why the king and Emperour is bound to bestow so much the more substaunce how much the more God hath geuen to him to bestow the same both franckly and especially to famous Churches wherein the best greatest measure is of the Lordes giftes that is a great gift And to this end Gregory enacteth a law cap. i. extra de donationibus that nobility ought in maner to prescribe this law to himselfe to thinke himselfe bound to geue whē he geueth freely vnlesse he increase in geuing still to think that he hath geuen nothing Wherfore Abell as appeareth in the 4. chapter of Genesis who offered of the best to the Lord was blessed of God And therefore other Kinges the more they offred to God the more they were both spiritually and temporally blessed of him As we read of Iosua Dauid Salomon other in the booke of the Kings and therefore it is so written in the 18. of Numbers And ye shall separate vnto the Lordes treasury thinges that be chiefest and most principall As likewise Dauid sayth in the first of Paralipomenon last chapter I haue geuen all this with a glad hart euen with a good will and now haue I had ioy to see thy people which here are present offer with a free will vnto thee And no maruell for Dauid sayth in that place For of thy hand we haue receiued all and to thee we geue And therefore it seemeth to me that because the Kynges of Fraunce and Barons of the same more then anye other hath geuen to GOD and his Church therefore they were happy and blessed aboue all other kinges and the more they did geue to God the more they receiued at hys handes Examples wherof we haue of Clodoue Charles and S. Lewes the more one geueth to God the more he receiueth of him For he in the 6. of Luke hath promised geue and it shal be geuen vnto you wherfore a gift that a Prince bestoweth vpon the Church is rendered agayne with triple encrease and that no lesse in time of warr then in time of peace I say in warre time because victory proceedeth of no other but onely of God for it is writtē in the 1. Machabecs the 3. Chapter The victorye of the battayle standeth not in the multitude of the boast but the strength commeth from heauen And likewise in the 17. Chapter of Exodus it is declared that when Moyses held vp hys handes Israell had the victory but when he let down his handes Amalec had the victory To this end also serueth the last chapter Machabes 2. where Iudas being at the poynt to haue the victory thought he saw Amon and Ieremy which had bene high Priestes and very vertuous men holding vp their handes toward heauē and praying for theyr people and all the whole Citye c. Likewise in peace time now the long dayes of the king and of hys sonnes their peace prosperity obedience by the prayer of the Church is mayntayned supported in the realme For as long as Salomon was bent and geuē in building the house of God so long he had peace who thus in the 16. chap. of the Prouerbes teacheth vs. when a mans wayes pleaseth the Lord he maketh his very enemies to be hys frendes And also in 1. Esdras 6. chapter where it is read how the Priestes were commaunded to offer sweet fauors to the God of heauen and pray for the kinges life and hys children And well therefore may it be called a gift both fauorable irreuocable wherby victory is geuen life graūted and peace with security conserued To serue therefore God liberally to geue toward the worshipping of him is the chiefest signe and token of diuine feare loue Eccl. cap. 2. O ye that feare the Lord beleue him your reward shall not be empty Secondly cōcerning the feare of God I do you to vnderstand that among the precepts of the Lord the first and chiefest commaundement of the second table is To honor thy father which precept is very well expoūded to y◠Hebrues in the 12. chapter where it is not onely ment of the fathers of our bodies but also of the father of spirites For as spirituall
fauour and the good will of the Earle of Gloucester whose sister he had maried secretly returning into England with a certain company of strauÌ„gers presented himselfe to the kinges sight At the beholding of whom the king for ioy ran to him and imbracinge him did not onely retayne him but also for hys sake vndid all such actes as had bene in the Parliament before enacted The Queene and the whole Court seeing this doting of the king made an heauy Christenmas After this return of Gaueston was noysed among the commons the Pieres and Nobles of the Realme were not a little styrred casting with themselues what way were best to take If he were suffered stil they saw not onely themselues reiected but also that the Queene coulde not enioy the loue of the King neither could there be any quietnes in the Realme Again to stir vp warre in the land it were not the best to vexe or disquiet the king also they were afrayd But for asmuch as they could not abide all the nobilitie so to be thrust out and vilepended for the loue of one straunger also the realme so to be spoyled and impouerished by the same This way they took that Thomas Earle of Lancaster shoulde be elected among them the chieftayn and chiefe doer in that busines to whom all other Earles and Barons and prelats also did concordly condescend consent except onely walter Byshop of Couentry whome Robert the Archbishop therfore afterward did excommunicate which Thomas of Lancaster by the publike assent of the rest sent to the King lying then at Yorke humble petions in the name aswell of the whole Nobilitie as of the commons Desiring his grace to geue the foresayd Gaueston vnto them or els according to the ordinance of the Realme that the land might be auoyded of him But the tyrannious king who set more by the amour of one straunger then by his whole realme beside neither would harken to theyr counsayle nor geue place to theyr supplications But in al hasty fury remoued from Yorke to Newcastle where he remayned almost till midsommer In the meane season the Barons had gathered an host of sufficient and able souldiours comming toward Newcastell not intending any molestation against the king but onely the execution of the lawes vpon wicked Gaueston The king not hauing wherwith to resist theyr power remoueth in all speedy manner to Thinmouth where the Queene lay And hearing there that Newcastle was taken taketh shipping and sayleth from thence notwithstaÌ„ding the Queene there being great with childe with weeping teares and all instaunce desireth him to tary with her as safely he might but he nothing relenting to her tooke Peter his compiere with him and coasted ouer to the Castle of Scarbrough where he leauing Peter Gaueston to the safe keeping of hys men himselfe iournieth toward the coast beside warwike The Lordes hearing where Peter was bendeth thether al theyr power so that at length Gaueston seing no remedy but he must needes come into their hands yeldeth and submitteth himself requiring none other condition but onely that he might talke but a few words with the king in his presence Thus Gaueston being apprehended the king hearing therof sendeth vnto the Lordes requiring his life to be spared and that he might be brought to his speech and so promised that in so doing he would satisfie their mindes and requestes whatsoeuer About this aduisement was taken but then the Earle of Penbroke hearing the kinges promise perswaded the Barons to graunt vnto his petition promising himself vpon loosing all his landes to take theyr charge vpon him to be brought vnto the kinges speach and so to be recommitted to theÌ„ agayne Which when he had obtained he taketh Peter Gaueston with him to bring him where the king lay And so comming to Dedington not farre from Warwike leaueth him in the keeping of his souldiours while he that night went to hys wife being from thence not farre of The same night it chaunced Guido the Earle of Warwike to come to the same place where Gaueston was left who taking him out of the handes of hys keepers caryeth him to the Castle of Warwike where incontinent they woulde haue put him to death but doubting and fearing the kings displeasure a little they stayed At what time one of the company a man of sage and wise counsayle as myne author writeth standing vp among them with his graue Oration declareth the nature of the man the wickednes of his own condition the realme by him so greatly endamaged the nobles despised and reiected the pride and ambition of the man intollerable the ruine of things like to ensue by him and the great charges and expences they had beene at in so long puâ—â—â—ing and getting of him And now being gotten and in theyr handes he exhorteth them so to vse and take the occasion now present that hereafter being out of their handes they afterward might seeke and should not finde it Briefly in such sort he perswaded the hearers that forthwith he was brought out and by common agreement beheaded in a place called Blakelow whiche place in other storyes I finde to be called Gaueshed but that name as I thinke was deriued vpon this occasion afterwarde And thus he that before had called the Earle of Warwicke the blacke dog of Ardeine was thus by the sayd dog worowed as ye haue heard c. His carkas the Dominicke Fryers of Oxford had in their Monastery interred the space of two yeares but after that the king caused the sayd carkas to be taken vpp and buryed within hys owne Mannour of Langley After this great disturbance began to rise betwene the king and the Lords who hauing their power lying about Dunstable sent stout messenge vnto the king at London to haue their former actes confirmed Gilbert Earle of Gloucester the kinges nephew who neyther did holde agaynst the king nor yet agaynst the Nobles with the Byshops and Prelates of the Realme went betweene both parties with great dilligeÌ„ce to make vnitie At which time also came 2. Cardinals from Rome with letters sent vnto them from the Pope The Nobles aunswered to the message of the Cardinals lying then at Saint Albans that as touching themselues they shoulde be at all times welcome to them But as touching their letters forasmuche as they were men vulettered and onely brought vp in warre and feates of armes therefore they cared not for seing the same Then message was sent againe that they would graunt at least but to speake with the popes legates which purposely came for the intent to set quyet and vnitie in the Realme They aunswered agayne that they had bishops both godly and learned by whose counsayle they would be led only and not by any straungers who knewe not the true cause of ther commotion And therefore they sayd precisely that they would no foreiners or alians to be doers in theyr busines and affayres pertaining the
Of whom onely Thomas Earle of Lancaster for the nobility of his bloud was beheaded All the other Lords and Barons were hanged drawn quartered c. which bloudy vnmercifulnes of the king toward his naturall subiects not only to him procured great dishonor within the realme but also turned afterward to his much more greater harm hinderance in his forreine warres agaynst the Scots And finally wrought his vtter confusion and ouerthrow of his seat royall as in the sequell of his end appeared and worthely After the ruine of these noble personages the king as though he had gotteÌ„ a great coÌ„quest who then in deed began first to be ouercomen and conquere himself when he so oppressed and cut of the strength and sinews of his chiualrye began to triumph not a litle with his Spensers And to couÌ„t himselfe sure as though he were in heauen to exercise more sharpe seuerity vpon his subiectes trusting and committing all to the counsell onely of the foresayd Spensers in so much that both the Queene and the residue of yâ— other nobles could litle be regarded Who as they grew euer in more contempt with the king so they encreased in more hatred agaynst the Spensers but strength hability lacked to worke ther will The next yeare the king being at York after he had made Sir Hugh Spencer Erle and Syr Iohn Baldocke a man of euill same to be Chauncellour of England he theÌ„ areared a mighty host agaynst the Scottes But for lack of skilfull guiding expert Captaynes and for want specially of due prouision of vitayles necessary for such an army the great multitude to the number reckoned of an hundreth thousand wandring through Scotland from whence the Scots had conuayed all theyr goods and cattell into moutaynes and marches were so pynched and sterued with famyne that a great part of the army there presently perished and they that returned home as soone as they tasted of in eates escaped not The king neither hauing resistance of his enemies and seing such a destruction of his subiects was forced without anye acte done to retyre But in his retiring Sir Iames Duglas and the Scottes hauing knowledge therof pursued him in such wise that they clue many Englishe men and had well neare taken the kyng himselfe After whiche distresse the king thus beaten and wearyed with the Scottes woulde fayne haue ioyned in â—ruce with the Scottes but because they stoode excommunicate by the pope he standing in feare therof desireth liceÌ„ce to entreate with them of peace the sayd excommunication notwithstanding whiche licence beyng obtayned a treaty was appoynted by commissioners on both parts at Newcastle at the feast of Sainct Nicholas next ensuing and so truce was taken for 12. yeares whereupon this is to be noted by the way gentle reader not vnworthy of obseruation that wheras in former tymes and especially of the late king Edward the first so long as the Scottes were vnder the popes blessing and we in displeasure with his holines for dealing with them so long we preuayled mightely agaynst them euen to the vtter subuersion in manour of their whole estate But nowe so soone as the Pope tooke our part the Scots were vnder his curse and excommunication Then gat they greater victories against vs then any time either before or sithence in somuch as being before not able to defend them selues agaynst vs they nowe pursued vs into the bowels of our owne country The king purposing to erect a house of Fryers Augustines within the towne of Boston in Lincolneshyre first prayed the popes licence in that behalfe Polidorius Virgilius among other histories of our English nation which he intermedleth withall prosecuting also the actes and life of this present King and comming to write of the Queenes goyng ouer into Fraunce inferreth much varietie and diuersitie of autours and story writers concerning the cause thereof Otherwise be geueth hymself no true certainty of that matter neyther yet toucheth he yâ— which was the cause in deede By reason partly that he being an Italian and a foreiner coulde not vnderstand our English toung And partly agayne being but one maÌ„ neyther coulde he alone come to the sight of all our Latine autours One I am sure came not to his perusing an old ancient Latine history fayre written in patchment but without name belonging to the library of William Cary Citizen of London In which story the truth of this matter â—out all ambiguitie is there fully and with all circumstaunces expressed as here briefly is excerpted The king of England had bene diuers sundry tymes cited vpp to the Courte of Fraunce to doe homage to the French king for the Dukedome of Aquitane other lands which the king then helde of Fraunce Whiche homage because the king of England refused to tender the French K. began to enter at such possessions as the king then did hold in Fraunce Whereupon great contention and confirtes there were on both sides At length in this yeare now present a Parliament was called at London Where after much altercation at last it was determined that certayne should be sent ouer to witte the Bishops of Winchester and Norwich and the Earle of Richmond to make agreement betwixt the two kinges For the better help and fortification of which agreement it was thought good afterward that Queene Isabell sister to Charles then the FreÌ„ch king shold be sent ouer Where is to be noted first that the Queenes landes possessions and castles a little before vpon the breach betweene the Frenche king and the Kyng of Englande were seised into the kinges handes and the Queene put to her pension c. Thus the Queene beyng sent ouer with a few to attend vpon her onely Syr Iohn Cromwell Baron and 4. knightes tooke theyr passage into Fraunce by whose mediation it was there concluded that the king of England if he would not himselfe come to do his homage he should geue to his sonne Edward the Dukedome of Aquitanie and the Earledome of Pontine and so he to come to make his homage to the king and to podesle the same This being in Fraunce concluded was sent ouer by message to the king of England with the kings letters patentes adioyned for the sate conduct of him or of his sonne Upon this deliberation was taken in the counsalle of England But the two Spensers fearing to take the Seas eyther with the king or els without the king to remayne behinde for scare of the nobles so appoynted that Prince Edward the kings sonne was sent whiche happened after to theyr vtter desolation as it followed For all thinges being quieted ordered according to the agreement in Fraunce K. Edward of England soone after Michaelmas sendeth for his wife and his sonne agayne out of Fraunce But the sending home most part of her family reinseth her selfâ— to returne For what cause it is not fully certayne whether for indignation that her possessions
of our right deare Lord and king and all the Realme with all our might and strength to keepe and mayntayne the Realme as all good people ought for to do Vpon that we pray you and desire you that ye woulde be helping to vs for the health and profite of the Realme and we haue had none aunswere of you nor knowe not your will in that parte Wherefore we send to you agayne and pray you charge you that ye beat you so against vs that ye haue nor make no cause vs to greue but that ye be to vs helping in all the wayes that you may And were ye well in certaine that we and also those that commeth with vs into this realme nothing for to done but that shall be pleasing to God and common profite to al the Realme Not els but for to destroy the Spensers enemyes to the Realme as ye well know Wherefore we pray and charge you in the fayth that ye owe to our Lord the king to the Crowne and to vs and vpon all that ye may forfeite that if Hugh Spenser both the father and the sonne our enemies come within your power that ye do thē hastely to be take fastly kept til we haue ordeined for them our will And as ye desire profite and honour of vs and of the Realme Vnderstanding well if it be so that ye doe our desire and prayer we shall the more be beholden to you And also we shall doe you profite and worship if that ye send vs hastely worde agayne of our will Geuen at Baldocke the sixt day of October These foresayd letters being published and perused the Bishop of Exceter to whom as ye heard was committed the rule of the City sent to the Maior for theyr keyes of the gates vsing so sharpe wordes in the kinges name y◠variaunce began to kindle betwene him and the Cittizens so farre forth that the commons in theyr rage tooke the foresayd Byshop and beheaded him and two of his housholde at that Stādard in Cheape Then the king went to Bristow and ordayned sir Hugh Spēser the father there to keep the Castle and the towne and the king with Hugh Spencer the sonne and Syr Robert Baldocke Chauncellour the Earle of Arundell went into Wales And the Queene so pursued them that first they tooke the towne yelded vp to her Then they tooke syr Hugh Spenser the father whom being drawn and torne they at last hanged vp at Bristow in chaynes of yron As the king was thus flying y◠queene caused to be proclaymed through her army that the Kyng should come and appeare and so to receaue his kingdome agayne if he woulde be conformable to his liege subiectes Who when he did not appeare Prince Edward his sonne was proclaymed high keeper of the Realme In the meane tyme Henry Earle of Lancaster brother to the good Earle Thomas which before was beheaded also Lord William Souch and M. Upphowell were sent by the Queene into Wales to pursue the king there tooke him and sent him to the Castell of Kenelworth And tooke Hugh Spenser the sonne and Sir Robert Baldock Chauncellour and sir Iohn Earle of Arundell brought them all to the towne of Hereford And anone after Hugh Spenser the sonne was drawn and hanged on a gallowes fiftye foote highe and after beheaded and quartered whose quarters were sent into 4. quarters of the Realme Syr Iohn of Arundel was beheaded sir Robert Baldock was put in Newgate at London where shortly after he pyned away and dyed among the theeues This done a Parliament was assembled at London from whence message was sent to the Kyng that if he would resigne vp his Crowne hys sonne shoulde haue it after him If not an other shold take it to whom the lot would geue it Wherevpon the king being constrayned to yelde vp his Crowne to hys sonne was kept in prison and after had to Barkley where he is sayd to take great repentance After this message beyng sent and the king halfe condescending thereunto the Parliament notwithstanding prosecuting and goyng forward there was a bill exhibited and put vp contayning certayne articles agaynst the sayd Kyng then in prison in the Castle of Barkley touching his misbehauiour and imprudent gouerning of the realme whiche bill openly before all the Lordes and commons by the speaker of the Parliament house was read After long consultation thereof amongest themselues touching those articles and also for the better and more circumspect gouernment of the Realme from that tyme forth it was consulted and agreed vppon by the Lordes spirituall and temporall and commons there assembled that they sayd Edward was a man not meete to be their Kyng nor from that tyme forth anye more to beare the Crowne royall or title of a Kyng But that Edward hys eldest sonne who there in the same court of high Parliament was present as he was rightfull heyre and inheritor therunto so should he be crowned king therof in hys fathers steade with these conditions thereunto annexed That he should take wise sage and true Counsellers vnto him That the Realme might be better and more circumspectly gouerned then before in the tyme of Edward his father it was That the old King his Father should be honourably prouided for and kept so long as he liued according as vnto his estate it appertayned c. These and other things thus finished and ended the Parliament breaketh vp and all thinges necessary to the coronation of a Prince appertayning were in speedy wise prepared whereof more hereafter Christ willing shal be specified In the meane tyme as touching the king whiche was yet in prison it is thought by some writers that the next yeare following by the meanes of syr Roger Mortimer he was miserably slayne with a spit as is sayd being thrust vp into his body and was buryed at Gloucester after he had raigned xix yeares In the time and raigne of this King the Colledge of Cambridge called Michaell house was founded and builded by Syr Henry Stantō Knight to the vse and increase of learning a thing in a common wealth very profitable And necessary to be had the want and need wherof many sondry times is sooner felt in this realme of ours and other Realmes abroad then is the discommoditie therof of most men commonly vnderstoode About the same time also was Nicholaus de Lyra which wrote the ordinary glose of the Bible Also Gulielmus Oceham a worthy diuine and of a right sincere iudgement as the times then would either geue or suffer In the tractation of this kings history before was declared what grudge did kindle in the harts of the Barons agaynst the king for reuoking such actes and customes as had bene before in the Parliament established both for Peter Gauestō for that two Spensers Also what seuere punishment the king did execute vppon them for the same in suche cruell and rigorous sorte that as he spared
to 922. li. 5 s. 11. d. besides the valuation of other riches and treasure within the Abbey which cannot be esteemed The Abbot all this space was at London in the parliament by whose procurement at length such rescue was sent down that 24. of the chiefe of the towne submitting theÌ„selues were committed to warde 30. cartes full of the townesmeÌ„ were caryed to Norwiche of whome 19. were there hanged diuers were put to conuict prison The whole tounship was condemned in seuen score thousand pound to be payd for damages of the house Iohn Berton AldermeÌ„ W. Herlng wâ—i 32. priests 13. women 138. other of the sayd town were outlawd Of whoÌ„ diuers after grudging at the Abbot for breaking promise with theÌ„ at London did confederate themselues together priuily in the night coÌ„ming to the mannour of Cheninton where the Abbot did lye brast open the gates who then entring in first bounde all his familie after they had robbed al his plate iewels and mony they tooke the Abbot and shaued him secretly with them conueyed him away to London where they remouing him from street to streete vnknowne from thence had him ouer Thames into Kent at length ouer yâ— sea they serried ouer to Dist in Brabante where they a sufficient tyme kept him in much penury misery and thraldome till at length the matter being searched they were all excommunicate first by the archb of Cant. then by the pope And at last being known where he was by his friends was deliuered and rescued out of the theeues handes and finally brought home with procession and restored to his house agayn And thus was that abbey with the Abbot of the same for what demerites I know not thus vexed and afflicted about this tyme as more largely I haue seene in theyr latine register But thus much briefly touching the rest I omit here about the latter end of this Edward the 2. ceaseth the history of Nic. Triuet and of Flor. Hist passing ouer to the raigne of the next king King Edward the 3. COncerning the acts story of K. Edward the 2. his deposing cruell death wrought by the false and counterfet letter of sir Roger Mortimer sent in the kings name to yâ— keepers for the which he was after charged drawne quartered I haue written sufficiently before and more peraduenture theÌ„ the profession of this Ecclesiasticall history wil well admit Notwithstanding for certayne respects causes I thought somewhat to extend my lunittes herein the more wherby both kings such as clune to be about them may take the better example by the same the one to haue the loue of hys subiects the other to learne to flee ambition not to beare themselues to brag of theyr fortune and state how hye so euer it be Considering with theÌ„selues nothing to be in this worldo so firme and sure that may promise it selfe any certayne continuance is not in perpetuall danger of mutatioÌ„ vnles it be fastened by God his protection After the suppression of this king as is aboue expressed Edward his soone was crowned king of England beyng about the yeare of 15. raygned the space of 50. yeares who was a prince of much and great temperance In feares of armes very expert and no lesse fortunate and lucky in all hys warres as hys father was infortunate before him In liberallitie also and clemeÌ„cy worthely coÌ„mended briefly in all princely vertues famous and excelleÌ„t Concerning the memorable acts of which prince doue both in warres and peace as how he subdued yâ— Scots had great victoryes by the sea how he conquered Fraunce an 1332. wan Calice an 1348. and trasâ—ated the staple thither tooke the French king prisoner how the French armes first by him was brought in conioyned with the English armes also how the order oâ— the Garter first by the sayd k. was inuented and ordayued an 1356. also an 1357. How the king in hys parliament at Notingham decreed that al such in Flaunders or other where that had skill in making cloth should peaceably inhabite the land and be welcome For 3. yeares before yâ— it was enacted that no wool shold be transported ouer the sea Which was to bridle the pride of that Fleminges who then loued better the sackes of wooll then the nation of EnglishmeÌ„ All these with other noble acts of this worthy Prince although in other chronicles be fully intreated of yet according to that order I haue begun saying somewhat of ech kinges raigne although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history I haue here inserted the same making hast to other matters shortly compendiously abridging them out of diuers sundry authors together compacted mentioned in this wise The coronation and solemnity of K. Edward the third and all the pompe therof was no sooner ended but Robert of Bruse K. of Scotland vnderstanding the state and gouernment of the realme to be as it was in deed in the queene the yong king the Erle of Kent and sir Roger Mortimer And that the Lords and Barons as he was enformed did scarsely wel agree amongst themselues although he grew now in age and was troubled with the falling disease Yet thought he this a meet tyme for hys purpose to make inuasion Hooping for as good successe like victory now as but lately before he had at yâ— castle of Eustriuelin WherupoÌ„ about the feast of Easter he sent his Embassadours wyth Heralds and letters of defiance to the yong king Edward the 3. the Queene counsaile declaring that his purpose was with fire and sword to enter and inuade the Realme of England c. The K. Queene and counsaile hearing this bold defiance commaunded in all speedy preparation musters to be made throughout all the realme appoynting to euery band captaines conuenient at the citty of York by a day assigned them commaunding euery man to be with all their necessary furniture ready and throughly prouided They directed their letters also with all speede to sir Iohn of Heynault requiring him with suche souldiors and men at armes as he might conueniently prouide in Flaunders Heynalt and Grabant to meete the king and Queene vpon the Ascention day next ensuing at their Citty of Yorke The king Queene made speedy preparation for thys expeditioÌ„ The noble men prouided theÌ„selves of all things necessary therunto the English captaynes and souldiors theyr bands throughly furnished were redy at theyr appoynted time and place Sir Iohn of Heynalt Lord Bedmount mustring his men as fast was ready to take shipping where at Wysant in English Bothoms there lying for him redy he weÌ„t aboard and with a mery winde landed at Douer trauailing froÌ„ thence by small iournies dayly tyll he came wtin 3. dayes after the feast of Pentecost to the City of Yorke where the king and Queene with a great power of 6000. men within and about the City of Yorke expected his comming Before whome in curteous wise
Phillip diuers friendly waies of peace to the entent we might better intend our purposed voyage against Christes enemies the Turkes Yet could nothing preuaile with him in obtaining any peaceable way of reformation driuing vs of by crafty dissimulatiō through false pretensed wordes but perfourming nothing with heart and dede Whereuppon wee not neglecting the grace and the gyft of God to defend the right of our inheritāce and to repulse the iniuries of our enemie haue not refused by force of armes cōming downe to Britanie to encounter with him in open fielde And so wee being occupied in our warres there repaired vnto vs the reuerend father bishop of Preuest and of Tusculane Cardinals and Legates from Pope Clement 6. to entreate some reformation of peace betweene vs. At whose request wee consented agreeing to such formes and cōditions of peace as then were taken betwene vs sending moreouer our Embassadours to the court of Rome specially to intreat of the same matter And thus while some hope of truce seemed betwene vs to appeare Newes sodenly came vnto vs which not a little astonied our minde of the death of certaine of our nobles and adherents whom the sayd Phillip vniustly and cruelly at Paris commaunded to be executed Beside the wasting and spoyling our lands and subiects in Britany Gascony and other places with innumerable wrongs and iniuries deceitfully intended against vs both by sea and land By reason wherof the truce on his part being notoriously broken it is most manifest to haue bene lawfull for vs forthwith to haue set vppon him with open warre Yet notwythstanding to auoid those incommodities that come by warre wee thought first to prooue if by any gentle meanes some reformation might be had touching the premisses And therfore sondry times haue sent Embassadours to the Popes presence for the Treatyse of peace and reformation to be had in those aforesaid excesses requiring also for the tractation therof certayne termes of times to be appoynted alwayes reseruing to our selues notwithstanding free liberty to resume warre at our pleasure according as the doinges of the sayd Philip shall constrayne vs therunto And now forasmuch as the foresayd termes be already expired and yet no reasonable offer of peace appeareth neither will the sayd Philip come to any conformity being required and monished notwithstanding by the Popes letters therunto as the Pope by his letters hath written vnto vs but alwayes hath multiplied his conspiracy and obligations vsing extremeties agaynst vs to omit here to speak of the excessiue enormity of the Popes Legate who being sent by the Bishop of Rome for the keeping of truce and whose part had bene rather to haue quenched and stayd the discord hath stirred vp our enemy more egerly agaynst vs. In the which doing neither hath the Bishop of Rome sauing his reuerēce as yet prouided any remedy albeit he hath bene diuers times required of vs so to do Which things being so we ought to be excused both before God and man if for the defect of other remedy to be had we shal be constrayned our selues to finde remedy agaynst such wrongs and iniuries the case of iustice and necessity constrayning vs to geue out these our letters of defiance agaynst the violator of the truce the vniust inuader of our kingdome Protesting that this we do not vpon any displeasure to the Bishop of Rome or to the Apostolicke sea but onely for the moderation of equity standing vpon the defence of our owne right lawfull inheritaunce intēding alwayes rather to haue peace if by any reasonable way it might be had And thus much for the stopping of slaunderous fame and the mouthes of backbiters We thought good to signify first to the high Bishop of Rome c the foresayd Cardinals that by them as persons indifferent and mediators the same may be insinuated to the contrarye part and also vnto your whole vniuersity in general recommending vnto you all the innocency of my cause and the community of iustice Dated at Westminster the 14. of Iune the 19. yeare of our reigne in England and of Fraunce the 6. And thus much for the kinges letter Now let vs agayne returne to his passage from whence a litle we haue degressed Concerning the which passage of the king with the order of his actes atchieued in the same from the winning of Cadane or Cordoyne vnto the towne of Pusiack is sufficiently described by one of the Kinges Chaplaynes and his confessour who being a Dominick Fryer and accompanying the King through all his iourney writeth thereof as followeth Benedicere debemus Deum Coeli c. Great cause we haue to prayse and laud the God of heauen and most worthely to cōfesse his holy name who hath wrought so his mercy to vs. For after the conflict had at Cadame in the which many were slayne and the City taken and sackt euen to the bare walles the Citty of Baia immediately yelded it selfe of his owne accord fearing least theyr coūselles had bene bewrayed After this the Lord our king directed his progresse toward Roane Who being at the towne of Lexon there came certayne Cardinals to him greatly exhorting him to peace Which Cardinals being curteously entertayned of the K. for the reuerence of the Popes sea it was thus answered to them agayne That the king being much desirous of peace had assayd by all wayes and meanes reasonable how to mayntayne the same And therfore hath offered conditions and manifolde wayes of peace to be had to the no small preiudice of his owne cause And yet is ready to admit any reasonable offer of peace if by any meanes it may be fought c. With this answere the Cardinalles going to the french king the kinges aduersary to perswade with him in like maner returned to King Edward agayne offering to hym in the French Kynges name the Dukedome of Aquitania in as full assurance as his father before him euer had it besides further hope also of obteining more if intreatye of peace might be obteined But for so much that cōtēted not enough the kings mind neither did the Cardinals finde the frēch king so tractable and propense to the studye of peace as they looked for the Cardinals returned leauing the matter as they founde it And so the king speeding forward by the way as his iourney did lye he subdued the country and the great townes without any resistāce of the inhabitans who did all flye and run away Such feare God stroke into them that it seemed they had lost their hartes In the same voiage as the king had gotten many townes and villages so also he subdued Castles and Munitiōs very strong and that with little stresse His enemy being at the same time at Roane had reared a great army who notwitstanding being well manned yet euer kept on the other side of the riuer Seane breaking downe all the bridges that we shoulde not come ouer to him And although the countrey roūd about
continually was spoyled sackt and with fire consumed by the circuit of 20. miles round about yet the French king being distant scarse the space of one mile froÌ„ vs either would not or els durst not when he might easily haue passed ouer the riuer make any resistaunce for the defence of his countrey and people And so our king iourneying forwarde came to Pusiacke or Poisy where the French king had likewyse broke downe the bridge and keeping on the other side of the riuer would rest in no place After whose comming to Poisie the foresayd chaplain and confessor to the king named Michaell Northburgh describing the kings voyage and the actes of the Englishmen from the town of Poisie to his comming to Calis in his letters writeth in this wise ¶ A Letter of W. Northburghe the Kyngs confessor describing the kings voyage into Fraunce SAlutations premised we geue you to vnderstand that our soueraigne Lord the king came to the towne of Poisye the daye before the Assumption of our Lady where was a certayne bridge ouer the water of Seane broken downe of the enemye but the king taried there so long till that the bridge was made again And whiles the bridge was in repayring there came a great number of men at armes and other souldiours were armed to hinder the same But the Earle of Northhampton issued out agaynst them flew of them more then one thousand the rest fled away thankes be to God And at an other time our men passed the water although with much trauell and flew a great number of the common souldiours of Fraunce about the Citty of Paris and countrey adioyning being part of the French kinges army and thorowly well appoynted so that our people haue now made other good bridges vpon our enemyes God be thanked without any great losse and damage to vs. And on the morrow after the Assumption of our Ladye the king passed the water of Sceane and marched toward Poâ—ye which is a towne of great defence and stronglye immured and a maruellous strong Castle within the same which our enemies kept And when our vaundgard was passed the towne our reregarde gaue an assault thereunto and tooke the same where were slayne more then 300. men at armes of our enemyes part And the next day following the Earle of Suffolke and Sir Hugh Spenser marched forth vpon the commons of the countrey assembled and well armed and in fine discomfited them and slew of them more then 200. and tooke 60. Gentlemen prisoners besides others And after that the Kyng marched toward Graund Villers and while he was there encamped the kinges vaundgard was discried by the men of armes of the king Bename whereupon our men issued out in great haste and ioyned battell with them but were inforced to retyre Notwithstanding thankes be vnto God the Earle of Northhampton issued out and reskued the horsemen with other souldiours so that few or none of them were either taken or slayne sauing onely Thomas Talbot but had agayne the enemye in chase within 2. leagues of Amians of whom we tooke 8. and slew 12. of their best men at armes the rest being well horsed tooke the towne of Amians After this the king of England marched toward Pountife vpon Bartholomew day and came vnto the water of Som where the French king had layd 500. men at armes and three thousand foote men purposing to haue kept and stopped our passage but thankes be to God the king of England and his hoste entred the same water of Som where neuer man passed before without the losse of any of our men and after that encountered with the enemy and slewe of them more then two thousand the rest fledde to Abeuyle in which chase was taken many Knights Squiers and men at armes The same day Sir Hugh Spenser tooke the towne of Croylay where he and his souldiours flew foure hundred men at armes and kept the towne where they found great store of victuals The same night encamped the king of England in the Forest of Cressy vpon the same water for that the French kinges hoste came on the other side of the town neare vnto our passage But he woulde not take the water of vs and so marched towarde Abeuile And vpon the Friday next following the King beyng still encamped in the sayd Forest our Scuriers discried the french king which marched toward vs in foure great battelles And hauing then vnderstanding of our enemies as Gods will was a little before the euening tide we drew vnto the playne fielde and set our battelles in aray and immediately the fight began which was sore and cruell and indured long for our enemyes behaued themselues right nobly But thankes be geuen to God the victory fell on our side and the Kyng our aduersary was discomfited with all hys hoste and put to flight Where also was slayne the Kyng of Bename the Duke of Loren the Earle of Dabeson the Earle of Flaunders the Earle of Blois the Earle of Aarcot with his two Sonnes the Earle of Damerley the Earle of Nauers and his Brother the Lord of Tronard the Archbyshoppe of Myemes the Archbishop of Saundes the high Prior of Fraunce the Earle of Sauoy the Lord of Morles the Lord de Guis Segniour de S. Nouant Seigniour de Rosingburgh with sixe Earles of Almayn and diuers other Earles Barons Knightes and Squyres whose names are vnknowne And Philippe de Valoys himselfe with an other Marques which was called Lord Electour among the Romaynes escaped from the battell The number of the men at armes whiche were founde dead in the field beside the common Souldiours and footemen were 1542. And all that night the king of England with his hoste abode armed in the field where the battell was fought On the next morrow before the Sunne rose there marched towardes vs an other great hoste mightye and strong of the Frenchmen But the Earle of Northhampton and the Earle of Northfolke issued out agaynst them in 3 battels and after long and terrible fight them in likewise they discomfited by Gods great help and grace for otherwise it could neuer haue bene where they tooke of Knights and Squires a great number and flew aboue 2000. pursuing the chase three leagues from the place where the battell was fought The same night also the king encamped himselfe agayne in the forest of Cressy and on the morow marched toward Boleyne and by the way he took the town of Staples and from thence he marched toward Calis where he entendeth to plant his siege and lay his battery to the same And therfore our soueraigne Lord the king willeth and commauÌ„deth you in all that euer you may to send to the said siege victuals coÌ„uenient For after the time of our departing froÌ„ Chaam we haue trauelled through the countrey with great perill and daunger of our people but yet alwayes had of victuall plenty thankes be to God therfore But now as the case standeth we partly need your helpe to be refreshed
treasure to the wasting of ecclesiastical liuings to the withdrawing of diuine seruice almose hospitalitie and other acceptable workes and to the daily increase of all mischiefes Wherfore in person and by hys owne month the king required the whole estate to prouide here of due remedy To be noted finally in thys parliament of the 38. yere that the Acte of prouisors brought in thys parliament although in the printed copy cap. 1.2.3.4 doth agree with the recorde in maner yet in the saide recordes vnprinted are moe biting wordes against the Pope a mysterie not to be knowen of all men Notes of the 40. yeare of king Edward the third IT followeth moreouer in the sayd Acts of king Edward the 3. and in the 40. yere of his raigne an other Parliament was called at Westminster the 3. of May. An. 1366. the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chauncelour and speaker Who in the 2. day of the sayd assembly in the presence of the King Lordes and commons declared howe the day before generally they vnderstoode the cause of thys their assembly and now more particularly shuld vnderstand the same specially howe that the king vnderstode y◠the Pope for the homage which K. Iohn made to the sea of Rome for the Realmes of Englād Ireland and for the tribute by him granted ment by proces to cite the king of Rome to aunswere thereto Wherein the king required their aduises what were best for him to do if any such thing were attempted The Byshops by their selues required respite of answere vntill the next day So did the Lordes commons euery of them by their selues The same next day the whole estates reassembled together by common consent enacted in effect following vz. For asmuch as neither K. Iohn nor any other kyng coulde bring his realme people in such thraldome subiection but by common assent of Parliament the whyche was not done and therefore done against his othe at hys coronation besides many other causes If therefore the Pope should attempt any thing against the King by processe or other matter in deede That the king shall his subiects should withall their force and power resist the same Here moreouer is not to be omitted howe in the sayd present Parliament the Uniuersities of Oxford Cambridge on the one side and the Friers of the foure orders mēdicants in the said vniuersities on the other side Made long complaintes the one against the other to the kyng in Parliament and in the ende submitted themselues to the kings order After which the king vpon full digesting of the whole matter by assent of Parliament tooke order that as well the Chancelour scholers as the friers of those orders in the sayd Uniuersities should in al graces and other schole exercises vse eche other in frendly wise wythout any rumor as before That none of those orders shoulde receyue any scholers into theyr sayde orders being vnder the age of 18. yeares That the said Friers shall take no aduantage ne procure Bulles or other processe from Rome against the said vniuersities or procede therein And that the kyng haue power to redresse all controuersies betweene them from thence foorth And the offenders to be punished at the pleasure of the King and of the counsaile Notes of the 50. yeare of king Edward the third IN processe of the foresayd Actes and Rolles it followeth more that in the 50. yeare of the reigne of king Edward the 3. the yeare of our Lorde 1376. an other great Parliament was assembled at Westminster the xxiiij of Aprill Where Syr Iohn Knyuet being Lorde Chauncelour of England a certaine long Bill was put vp against the vsurpatiōs of the Pope as being the cause of all y◠plagues murrions famine and pouerty of the realme so as thereby was not left the third person or other cōmodity within the realme that lately was 2. That the taxes payed to the Pope of Rome for Ecclesiasticall dignities doe amount to fiue fold as much as the taxe of al profites as apperteine to the king by the yeare of his whole Realme And that for some one Byshoprike or other dignitie the Pope by way of translation and death hath 3.4 or 5. seuerall taxes 3. That the brokers of that sinfull Citie for money promote many caitifes being altogether vnlearned and vnworthy to a 1000. markes lyuing by yeare where the learned and worthy can hardly obteine 20. marks wherelearning decayeth 4. That aliens enemyes to this land who neuer saw ne care not to se their parishioners haue those liuings wherby they despise Gods seruice conuey away the treasure and are worse then Iewes or Sarasens 5. Also it was put vp in the said Bill to be considered that the lawes of the church would such liuings to be bestowed for charitie onely without praying or paying 6. That reason woulde that liuings geuen of deuotion should be bestowed in hospitality 7. That God had committed his sheepe to the Pope to be pastured and not shoren or shauen 8. That lay patrones perceiuing the couetousnes and simony of the pope do therby learne to sell their benefices to beasts none otherwise then Christ was sold to the Iewes 9. That there is none so rich a Prince in Christendome that hath the fourth part of so much treasure as the Pope hath out of this realme for churches most sinfully 10. Ouer and besides in the sayd Bill repeting againe the tendering zeale for the honor of the Church was declared and particularly named all the plagues whych haue iustly fallen vpon this realme for suffering the same church to be so defaced wyth declaration that it will daily encrease wythout redresse 11. Wherupon with much persuasion this was desired to helpe to reedifie the same and the rather for that this was the yeare of Iubiley the 50. yeare of the kynges reigne the yeare of ioy and gladnesse then the whych there could be no greater 12. The meanes howe to begyn this was to wryte 2. letters to the Pope the one in Latine vnder the kyngs scale the other in French vnder the seales of the nobles importing their particularities requiring redres of the which letter of the Lordes the effect may be seene in a like letter mentioned before pag. 479. 13. And for a further accomplishment hereof to enact that no money were caried foorth of the realme by letter of Lūbardy or otherwise or paine of forfaiture and imprisonment and to enact the articles hereafter ensuing 14. The king hath heretofore by statute prouided sufficiēt remedy and otherwise pursueth the same with the holy father the Pope so mindeth to do from time to time vntill he hath obteined aswel for the matters before as for the articles ensuing being in a maner all one 15. That the popes collector other straungers the kings enemies and onely lyger spies for English dignities and disclosing of the secretes of the realme may be
of the kings protection whereunto was aunswered by the kyng that the statutes and ordinaunces therefore made should be obserued In these rolles and recordes of such Parliamentes as was in thys kings time continued diuers other thynges are to be noted muche worthy to be marked and not to be suppressed in silence Wherein the Reader may learne and vnderstand the state of the kings iurisdiction here wythin this realme not to be straightned in those daies although the Pope then seemed to be in his chief ruffe as afterward since in other kings dayes was seene As may appeare in the parliament of the 15. yeare of thys king Edward the 3. and in the 24. article of the sayde Parliament where it is to be read that the kings officers and temporall Iustices did then both punish vsurers an◠impeached the officers of the Church for bribery and for taking mony for temporall paine probate of willes solemnitie of Mariage c. al the pretensed liberties of the popish church to the contrary notwythstanding Furthermore in the Parliament of the 25. yeare appeareth that the liberties of the clergie and their exemptions in claiming the deliuerance of men by their booke vnder th◠name of Clerks stode then in litle force as appeared by one Hauketyne Honby knight who for imprisonning one of the kings subiectes till hee made fine of 20. li. was therefore executed notwithstanding the liberty of the Clergie whych by his booke would haue saued hym but could not The like also appeared by iudgement geuen agaynst a priest at Notingham for killing of hys maister And likewise by hanging certaine monks of Combe Ex Parliam An. 23. Ed. 3. Item in the Parliament of the 15. yeare by apprehending of I. Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury and hys arrainment concerning which his arrainment all things were committed to sir William of Kildisby Besides these truthes and notes of the kings Parliaments wherin may appeare y◠toward procedings of this king of all his commons against the pretensed church of Rome Thys is moreouer to be added to the commendation of the king how in the volumes of the actes rolles of the king appeareth That the sayd king Edward the 3. sent also Iohn Wickleffe reader then of the Diuinitie lector in Oxford wyth certaine other Lords Ambassadors ouer into the parts of Italy to treat wyth the Popes Legates concerning affaires betwixt the King and the Pope with ful cōmission the tenor whereof here foloweth expressed REX vniuersis ad quorum notitiam presentes literae peruenerint c. In English thus The King to all and singuler to whome these presentes shall come greeting Know ye that we reposing assured confidence in the fidelitie and wisdome of the reuerend father Iohn Bishoppe of Bangor and other our louing and faithful subiects M. Iohn Wickliffe reader of the diuinitie lecture M. Iohn Gunter Deane of Segobyen and M. Symon Moulton doctor of the lawe Syr William Burton Knight M Iohn Belknappe M. Iohn Honnington haue directed them as our Ambassadors and special Commissioners to the partes beyond the seas Geuing to the sayde our Ambassadors and Commissioners to sixe or fiue of them of whome I will that the sayde Bishop shal be one full power and aucthoritie wyth commaundement speciall to treat and consult mildely and charitably with the Legates and Ambassadors of the L. Pope touching certaine affaires Where upon of late we sent heretofore the sayd Bishop and M. William Vghtred monke of Duresme and M. Iohn Shepie to the see Apostolicall And hereof to make ful relation of all things done and past in the sayd assembly that all such things which may tend to the honor of holy Church and the aduauncement of our crowne and this our realme may by the assistaunce of God and the wisedome of the see Apostolicall bee brought to good effect and accomplished accordingly Witnes our selues c. at London dated the 26. day of Iuly in the 48. yeare of our raigne By the which it is to be noted what good wil the king then bare to the sayd Wickleffe and what smal regarde he had to the sinfull sea of Rome Of the whych Iohn wickleff because we are now approched to his time remaineth consequently for our story to entreat of so as we haue heere to fore done of other lyke valiant souldiours of Christes Church before him ¶ Iohn Wickliffe AFter all these heretofore recited by whome as ye haue heard it pleased the Lord something to worke against the Byshop of Rome to weaken the pernitious superstition of the Friers Nowe remayneth consequently following the course of yeares orderly to enter into the story and tractation of Iohn Wickleffe our countreyman and other moe of his time and same countrey whom the Lord wyth the like zeale and power of spirit raysed vp here in England to detect more fully and amply the poison of the Popes doctrine false religion set vp by the Fryers In whose opinions and assertiōs albeit some blemishes perhaps may be noted yet such blemishes they be whych rather declare him to be a mā that might erre then which directly did fight against Christ our Sauiour as the Popes procedings and the friers did And what doctor or learned man hath ben from the prime age of the church so perfect so absolutely sure in whome no opinyon hath sometyme swarued awry And yet be the sayd articles of hys neither in number so many nor yet so grosse in themselues and so cardinall as those Cardinal ennemies of Christ perchance doe geue them out to be if his bookes whō they abolished were remaining to be conferred with those blemishes which they haue wrasted to the worste as euill will neuer sayde the best This is certaine and can not be denied but that he being the publike Reader of Diuinitie in the Universitie of Oxford was for the rude time wherein he liued famously reputed for a great clerke a deepe scholeman no lesse expert in all kinde of philosophie The which doth not onely appeare by his owne most famous and learned wrytings and monuments but also by the confession of Walden hys most cruel bitter enemy Who in a certain Epistle wrytten vnto pope Martin the fift sayth that he was wonderfully astonyshed at his most strong arguments wyth the places of authority whych hee had gathered wyth the vehemency and force of hys reasons c. And thus much out of Walden It appeareth by such as haue obserued the order and course of tunes that this wickleffe florished about the yeare of our Lord. 1371. Edward the third raigning in England for thus we doe finde in the Chronicles of Caxton In the yere of our Lord 1371. sayeth he Edward the third king of England in his Parliamēt was against the Popes clergy He willingly harkned and gaue eare to the voices and tales of heretickes wyth certaine of his counsel conceiuing and folowing sinister opinions against the Clergy
his speciall maintainers As yeares and time grew on king Edward the third which had reigned nowe about 51. yeares after the decease of prince Edwarde his sonne who departed the yeare before was stroken in great age in such feblenes withall that he was vnweldy through lacke of strēgth to gouerne the affairs of the realm Wherfore a parliament being called the yeare before his death it was there put vp by the knights other the burgesses of the Parliament because of the misgouernment of the realme by certain gredy persons about the king raking all to themselues without seing any iustice done that 12. sage and discrete Lordes and Pieres such as were free from note of all auarice shuld be placed as tutours about the Kyng to haue the doing and disposing vnder him 6. at one time and in their absence 6. at an other of matters pertinent to the publike regiment Here by the way I omit to speake of Alice Perris the wicked harlot which as the story geueth had bewitched the kings hart gouerned all and sate vpon canses herself through the diuelish help of a Frier Dominick who by the duke of Lancaster was caused to be take and was conuicted should haue suffred for the same had not the Archb. of Cant. and the Friers more regarding the liberty of their Churche then the punishing of vice reclaimed hym for their own prisoner This Alice Perrys notwithstanding she was banished by this Parliament from the king yet afterward she came againe left him not til at hys death shee tooke all his rings vpon his fingers and other iewels frō him and so fled away like an harlot But thys of her by the way These 12. gouernours by the parliament aforesayd being appoynted to haue the tuition of the king to attend to the publike affaires of the realme remained for a certaine space about him till afterward it so fel out that they being againe remoued all the regiment of the realme next vnder the King was committed to the Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne For as yet Richard the sonne of prince Edward lately departed was very yong and vnder age This Duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceiued a certaine displeasure against the popish clergy whether for corrupt and impure doctrine ioyned with lyke abhominable excesse of life or for what some other cause it is not precisely expressed Onely by story the cause thereof may be gessed to rise by William Wickam bishop of Winchester The matter is thys The Bishop of Winchester as the saying went then was reported to affirme that the foresaid Ihon of Gaunt duke of Lācaster was not the sonne of king Edward nor of the Quene Who being in trauel at Gaūt had no sonne as he sayd but a daughter which the same time by lying vppon of the mother in the bedde was there smothered Whereupon the Quene fearing the kings displeasure caused a certaine manchilde of a woman of Flaunders borne the very same time to be conueyed and brought vnto her in stead of her daughter aforesayde And so brought vp the child whom she bare not who now is called duke of Lancaster And this said the Bishop did the Queene tell him lying in extremes on her death bed vnder seale of confession charging hym if the sayde Duke should euer aspire to get the crowne or if the kingdome by any meanes should fall vnto hym he then should manifest the same declare it to the worlde that the sayde Duke of Lancaster was no part of the kings bloud but a false heire of the king This slaunderous report of the wicked Byshop as it sauoureth of a contumelious lie so seemeth it to proceede of a subtile zeale toward the Popes religion meaning falshoode For that the foresayd Duke by fauouring of Wickliff declared hymselfe to be a professed enemy against the Popes profession Whych thing was then not vnknowen neyther vnmarked of the Prelates and Byshops then in Englande But the sequele of the story thus followed Thys slanderous vilany of the Byshops report being blased abroad and comming to the Dukes eare he therw t being not a litle discontented as no maruell was sought againe by what meanes he coulde to be reuenged of thys forenamed Bishop In conclusion the Duke hauing now al the gouernment of the realm vnder the king his father in hys own hand so pursued the byshop of Winchester that by acte of parliament he was condemned and depriued of al his temporal goods which goods wer assigned to prince Rich. of Burdeur the next inheritour of the crowne after the king and furthermore inhibited the said bishop not to approch nere to the court by 20. miles Further as touching thys bishop the story thus procedeth Not lōg after in the yeare of our Lord. 1377. a Parliament was called by the meanes of the Duke of Lancaster vpon certaine causes respects in which parliament great request and sute was made by the cleargy for the deliueraunce of the B. of Winchester At length whē a subsidie was asked in the kyngs name of the clergy and request also made in the kings behalfe for spedy expedition to be made for the dissoluing of the parliament the Archb. therfore accordingly conuented the bishops for the tractation thereof To whō the B. with great lamentation cōplained for lack of their felow and brother B. of Wint. Whose iniury said they did derogate to the liberties of the whole church And therfore denied to ioyne themselues in tractation of any such matters before al the members together were vnited with the head And seing the matter touched them altogether in common as well him as thē would not otherwise do And seemed moreouer to be moued against the Archb. for that he was not more stout in the cause but suffered him so to be cited of the duke The Archb. although hauing sufficient cause to excuse himselfe wherefore not to send for him as also he dyd because of the perils which might ensue therof yet being enforced persuaded therunto by the importunitie of the bishops directed downe his letters to the foresaid bishop of wintch willing hym to resort vnto the conuocation of the clergy Who being glad to obey the same was receyued with great ioy of the other bishops And at length by that meanes of Alice Perris the kings paramor aboue mētioned geuing to her a good quantity of mony the sayd Winchester was restored to his temporalities againe As the Bishops had thus sent for wintch the Duke in the meane time had sent for Iohn Wickliffe who as is saide was then the diuinity reader in Oxford and had cōmenced in sondry actes and disputations contrary to the forme and teaching of the Popes church in many things who also for the same had bene depriued of his benefice as hath bene afore touched The opinions which he began in Oxford first in his lectures and sermōs to entreat of and
art in daunger of Cesar. Wherefore if thou wilt owe nothing vnto any earthly king forsake all chose things and followe Christ If then all ecclesiasticall ministers hauing richesse ought to be vnder the subiection of kings and geue vnto them tribute It foloweth that kings may lawfully by the authoritye which is geuen them take away theyr temporallities from them Here vpon S. Paule acknowledging him selfe to be vnder the iurisdiction of the Emperour appealed vnto Cesar as it appeareth Actes 25. I stand sayth he at Cesars iudgement seat there I ought to be iudged Whereupon in the 8 distinction chapter quo iure S. Ambrose alleageth that all things are lawfull vnto the Emperour al things vnder his power For the confirmation wherof it is said Daniel second chapter the God of heauen hath geuen vnto thee a kingdome strength Empire and glory and all places wherein the children of men do dwell and hath geuen into thy power the beastes of the field and fowles of the aire and set all things vnder thy subiection Also in the 11. question and 1. He sayeth if the Emperour require tribute we do not denie that the landes of the Church shall pay tribute if the Emperour haue neede of our landes hee hath power to chalenge them let him take them if hee will I doe not geue them vnto the Emperour neither doe I denie them Thys wryteth S. Ambrose expresly declaring that the seculare Lorde hath power at hys pleasure to take away the lands of the Church and so consequently the seculer Lords haue power at their owne pleasures to take away the temporal goodes from the Ecclesiasticall ministers when they doe offend Item S. Augustine wryteth if thou sayest what haue we to do wyth the Emperour But nowe as I sayde wee speake of mannes lawe The Apostle would be obedient vnto the kings and honor them saying Reuerence your kings and doe not say what haue I to doe with the king What haste thou then to doe wyth possessions By the kings law the possessions are possessed thou hast said what haue I to doe with the king but doe not say what hath thy possessions to doe wyth the king For then haste thou renounced the lawes of menne whereby thou diddest possesse thy landes Thus wryteth S. Augustine in his 8. distinction by whose wordes it is manifest that the king hath power ouer the churche goodes consequently may take them away from the clergie transgressing or offending Item in his 33 Epistle vnto Boniface hee sayeth what sober man will say vnto our kings care not you in our kingdome by whome the church of the Lorde is maintained or by whome it is oppressed it partaineth not vnto you who will bee eyther a religious man or who will be a church robber Vnto whome it may be thus answered Doeth it not pertaine vnto vs in our kingdom who will either liue a chast life or who will be an vnchast whoremonger Beholde this holy man sheweth heere howe that it is the duety of kings to punish suche as are robbers of Churches and consequently the proud clergy when as they do offend Item hee wryteth in the 33. quest 7. si de rebus The seculare Lordes may lawfully take away the temporall goodes from heritickes and for so much that it is a case greatly possible that many of the cleargie are vsers of Simonie and thereby heretickes Therefore the seculare Lordes may very lawfully take away their temporallities from them For what vnworthy thyng is it sayeth Saint Augustine if the Catholickes doe possesse according vnto the will of the Lorde those thynges whych the heretickes helde For so muche as this is the worde of the Lorde vnto all wycked men Mathew 21. the kingdome of God shall be taken away from you and geuen vnto an nation whiche shall doe the righteousnesse thereof is it in vaine whych is wrytten in the 11. chapter of the booke of Wisedome The iust shall eat the labours of the wicked And whereas it may bee obiected as touching the desire of other mennes goodes Saynte Augustine aunsweareth that by that euidence the seuen nations whyche did abuse the lande of promesse and were driuen out from thence by the power of God may obiecte the same vnto the people of God whyche inhabite the same And the Iewes them selues from whome accordynge vnto the woorde of the Lorde the kingdome is taken away and geuen vnto a people whiche shall doe the woorkes of righteousnesse maye obiecte the same vnto the Churche of Christ as touching the desire of other mennes goodes but Sainte Augustines aunswere is thus Wee sayeth he doe not desire another mannes goodes for so much as they are oures by the commandement of him by whom all things were made By like euidence the clergie hauing offended their temporall goodes are made the goodes of others for the profite of the church to this purpose also according to S. Augustine serueth the 14. question 4. vnto a misbeleeuer it is not a halfepennie matter but vnto the faithfull is a whole worlde of richesse shal we not then conuince al such to possesse an other mans goodes which seemed to haue gathered great richesse together and know not howe to vse them for that truely is not an others whych is possessed by right and that is lawfully possessed whych is iustly possessed and that is iustly possessed which is well possessed Ergo all that is euell possessed is another mannes and he doth ill possesse it which doth euell vse it If then anye of the cleargie doe abuse the temporall goodes the temporall Lordes maye at theyr owne pleasure accordynge vnto the rule of charitie take away the sayde temporall goodes from the cleargie so transgressing For then according to the allegation aforesayde the cleargie doeth not iustly possesse those temporall goodes but the temporall Lordes proceadyng according to the rule of charitie Doe iustly possesse those temporallities for so muche as all things are the iust mannes 1. Corrinth 3. chapter All thynges sayeth the Apostle are youres Whether it be Paule or Apollo or Cephas eyther the worlde eyther life or death or thynges present or thynges to come for all thynges be youres you be Christes and Christe is Goddes Also 23. quest 7. Quicunque It is wrytten Iure diuino omnia sunt iustorum The woordes of Sainte Augustine in that place ad Vincentium be these Who so euer sayeth hee vppon the occasion of this law or ordinaunce of the Emperour doeth molest or persecute you not for loue of any charitable correction but onely for hatered and malyce to doe you displeasure I holde not wyth hym in so doyng And althoughe there is nothyng heere in thys earthe that any manne may possesse assuredly but eyther hee must holde it by Goddes lawe by whyche cuncta iustorum esse dicuntur that is all thynges be sayde to pertayne to the possession of the iuste or else by mannes lawe whych standeth in
the simple Also they shall instantly preache wythout deuotion or example of the Martyrs and shall detract the seculer princes taking away the sacraments of the church from the true pastors receiuing almes of the poore diseased and miserable and also associating them selues with the common people hauing familiaritie with women instructing them howe they shall deceiue their husbandes and friendes by their flatterye and deceitfull wordes and rob their husbandes to geue it vnto them for they will take all these stollen and euill gotten and say geue it vnto vs and we will pray for you so that they beyng curious to hide other mens faultes doe vtterly forget their owne and alas they will receiue all thinges of rouers pickers spoylers theeues and robbers of sacrilegious persons vserers adulterers Heretikes Schismatikes Apostataies whores and baudes of noble men periurers merchantes false iudges souldiours tyrantes princes of such as liue contrary to the law and of many peruers and wicked men following the persuasion of the deuil the sweetnes of sinne a delicate and transitory life and fulnes euen vnto eternall damnation All these things shall manifestly appeare in them vnto all people and they day by day shal waxe more wicked and hard hearted whē as their wickednes and disceits shal be found out then shall theyr gifts cease and then shal they go about their houses hungry as mad dogs loking down vpon the earth drawing in their necks as doues that they might bee satisfied with bread then shall the people crye out vpon them Woe be vnto you ye miserable children of sorow the worlde hath seduced you the deuil hath brideled your mouthes your flesh is frayle and your heartes without sauour your mindes haue bene vnstedfast and your eyes delighted in much vanitie and folly your daintie bellies desire delicate meates Your feete swift to runne vnto mischief remember when you were apparantly blessed yet enuious poore but rich simple mightie deuout flatterers vnfaithfull betrayers peruerse detracters holy hipocrites subuerters of the truth ouermuch vpright proude vnshamefast vnstedfast teachers delicate marters confessours for gaine meeke slaunderers religious couetous humble proud pitifull hard harted liers pleasant flatterers peace makers persecutors oppressors of the poore bringing in new sects newly inuented of your selues mercifull wicked louers of the world sellers of pardons spoylers of benefices vnprofitable orators sedicious cōspirators dronkards desirers of honor maintainers of mischiefe robbers of the worlde vnsaciable preachers men pleasers seducers of women and sowers of discorde for Moyses the glorious prophet spake very well of you in his song A people without coūcel or vnderstanding would to God they did know vnderstand and foresee the end You haue builded vp an high and when you could ascend no hier then did you fall euen as Symon Magus whom God ouerthrew and did strike with a cruel plage so you likewise thorowe your false doctrine naughtines lies detractions and wickednes are come to ruine and the people shall say vnto them goe yee teachers of wickednesse subuerters of the truth brethren of the Sunamitie fathers of heresies false apostles which haue fained your selues to followe the life of the Apostles and yet haue not fulfilled it in no part sonnes of iniquitie we wil not follow the knowledge of your waies for pride presumption hath deceiued you and insaciable cōcupiscence hath subuerted your erroneous hearts And whē as yet would ascēd hier thē was mete or comely for you by the iust iudgement of God you are fallen backe into perpetual opprobry and shame Thys blessed Hildegardis whose prophecy this is flourished about the yeare of our Lord a 1546. as it is wrytten in Martins chronicles Also Hugo in his second boke of sacraments in the 2. parte 3. chapter and 7. sayth the laity forsomuch as they entermedle wyth earthly matters necessary vnto an earthly life they are the least part of the body of Christ. And the clergy for so much as they doe dispose those things which pertaine vnto a spirituall life are as it were the right side of the body of Christ and afterward interpreting both these partes him selfe he sayeth A spirituall man ought to haue nothing but such as pertaineth vnto God vnto whom it is appoynted to be sustained by the tithes and oblations whych are offered vnto God But vnto the Christian and faithfull laietie the possession of the earth is graunted and vnto the cleargie the hole charge of spiritual matters is committed as it was in the old Testament And in his 7. chapter he declareth howe that certaine things are geuen vnto the Church of Christ by the deuotion of the faithfull the power and authority of the seculer power reserued least there might happen any confusion For so much as God him selfe cannot alow no disordered thing Wherupon oftētimes the worldly princes do graunt the bare vse of the church and oftentimes vse and power to exercise iustice which the clergy cannot exercise by any Ecclesiasticall minister or any one person of the clergy Notwithstāding they may haue certain lay persōs ministers vnto that office But in such sort sayeth he that they do acknowledge the power which they haue to come from the seculer prince or ruler and that they do vnderstand their possessions can neuer be alternate away from the kings power but if that necessity or reason doe require the same possessions in all such case of necessity do owe him obeisance and seruice For like as the kings power ought not to turne away the defence or sauegarde which he oweth vnto other so likewise the possessions obtained and possessed by the clergy according to the duty and homage which is due vnto the patronage of the kings power cannot by right be denied Thus much wryteth Hugo In the third acte the same yeare after the feast of S. Vitis as touching Tithes c. ¶ Tithes are pure almes VPon this article it is to be noted that for so much as almes is a worke of mercy as S. Augustine Chrysostome and others do ioyntly affirme and that mercy according to Lincolniensis minde for the present is a loue or desire to helpe the miserable out of his misery and for so much as the misery of mankinde is double that is to say spirituall and bodily the whiche is the want or taking away of the good and the goodes of man is eyther the goodes of the soule or of the body And the goods of the soule is double That is to say the lighting of the minde the vprightnes of affection the misery of the soule is also double as the darcknes of ignorance and a froward and wilfull sweruing from the truth And both the goodes of the soule are wont to be comprehended vnder one title of name that is to say wisdom and both the miseries of the soule vnder the name of follie Wherupon all the hole goodnes of the soule is wisdom and all the hole misery thereof is ignoraunce the miseries of the
goodnesse sake that he will wholy reforme our Church now altogether out of frame vnto the perfection of his first beginning and original Ex Archiuis Regijs ¶ These verses following were annexed vnto the conclusions Plangunt Anglorum gentes crimen Sodomorum Paulus fert horum sunt idola causa malorum Surgunt ingrati Gyerzite Simone nati Nomine praelati hoc defensare parati Qui Reges estis populis quicunque praeestis Qualiter his gestis gladios prohibere potestis ¶ The which verses are thus Englished The English nation doth lament of Sodomites their sinne Which Paule doth plainely signifie by Idoles to begin But Giersitis full ingrate from sinfull Symon sprong This to defende though Priests is name make bulwarkes greed and strong Ye Princes therefore which to rule the people God hath placed With iustice sword why see ye not this euill great defaced After these conclusions were thus proposed in the Parliament the king not long after returned home from Dubline into England toward the latter ende of the Parliament Who at his return called certaine of his nobles vnto him Richard Stury Lewes Clifforde Thomas Latimer Iohn Mountacute c. whom he did sharply rebuke and did terribly threaten for that hee heard them to be fauourers of that side charging them straightly neuer to hold maintaine nor fauour any more those opinyons and conclusions And namely of Richarde Stury he tooke an othe that he should neuer from that day fauoure or defende any such opinions which othe being taken the king then answered And I sweare sayth he againe to thee that if thou doest euer breake thine oth thou shalt die for it a shameful death c. Ex Chron. D. Albani All this while W. Courtney Archbyshop of Caunterbury was yet aliue who was a great stirrer in these matters But yet Pope Urbane the great maister of the Catholicke secte was deade and buried 6. yeare before After whom succeeded in the schismatical sea of Rome pope Boniface 9. who nothing inferiour to hys predecessour in all kinde of cruelties left no diligence vnattempted to set forward that which Urbane had begon in suppressing them that were the setters foorth of the light of the Gospell and had wrytten sundry times to king Richard as well for the repealing of the Actes of Parliament against his prouisions Quare impedit and premunire facias as also that hee should assist the Prelates of Englande in the cause of God as he pretended against such whom he falsly suggested to be Lollardes and traytors to the Church to the king and the Realme c. Thus the curteous pope whom he coulde not reach with his sword at least with cruel slander of hys malitious toung would worke his poyson agaynst them which letter he wrote to the king in the yeare of our Lord. 1396. Which was the yeare before the death of W. Courtney Archbishop of Caunterbury After whom succeded in that see Thomas Arundel brother to the Earle of Arundel being first Byshop of Ely afterwarde Archbyshop of Yorke and Lord Chancelor of England and at last made Archbyshop of Caunterbury about the yeare of our Lorde 1397. The next yeare following which was the yeare of our Lord 1398. and the 9. yeare of the Pope I finde in certaine recordes of the Bishop of Duresme a certaine letter of K. Richard 2. written to the said pope Boniface Which because I iudged not vnworthy to be sene I thought here to annexe the same proceeding in forme as foloweth ¶ To the moste holy father in Christ and Lorde Lorde Boniface the 9. by the grace of God high Pope of the most holy Romish and vniuersall Churche hys humble and deuout sonne Richard by the grace of God king of England and Fraunce Lord of Irelande greeting and desiring to help the miseries of the afflicted Church and kissing of that his blessed feete WHo wil giue my head water mine eyes streaming teares that I may bewaile the decay and manifold troubles of our mother which haue chaunced to her by her owne children in the distresse of this present schisme and diuision For the sheepe haue forgotten the proper voyce of their shepherds and hirelings haue thrust in themselues to feede the Lordes flocke who are clothed with the apparell of the true shephearde chalenging the name of honour dignity resembling so the true shepheard that the pore sheepe can scarse know whome they ought to folow or what pastour as a straunger they ought to flee and whom they shuld shun as an hireling Wherefore we are afraid least the holy standard of the Lord beforsaken of his host and so that Citye being full of riches become solitary and desolate and the land or people whych was soâ—t to say flourishing in her prosperities I sate as a Quene and am not a widowe least it be destitute of the presence of her husband and as it were so bewitched that shee shall not be able to discerne his face and so wrapped in mases that she shal hot know where to turne her that she might more easily finde him and that she shall with weeping speake that saying of the spouse I sought him whom my soule loueth I sought him and found him not For now we are compelled so to wander that if any man say beholde here is Christ or there we may not beleeue him so saying and so many shepheards haue destroyed the Lordes vineyarde and made his amiable portion a waste wildernesse This multitude of shepherdes is become very burdenous to the Lords flocke For when two striue to be chief the state of both their dignities standes in doubt and in so doing they geue occasion to all the faithfull of Christ of a schisme and diuision of the Churche And although both parties goe about to subdue vnto their power the whole Church militant yet coÌ„trary to both their purpose by working this way there beginneth to rise nowe a diuision in the body of the Church Like as when the diuision of the quicke innocent body was asked when the two harlots did striue afore Salomon like as the ten tribes of Israel folowed â—eroboham the intruder and were withdrawne from the kingdome for Salomons sinnes euen so of olde time the desire of ruling hath drawne the great power of the world from the vnitie of the Churche Let your selues remember we beseeche you how that all Greece did fall from the obedience of the Romish Churche in the time of the faction of the primarche of Constantinople and howe Mahome with his felowes by occasion of the supremacie in Ecclesiasticall dignitie deceiued a great part of Christians and withdrewe them from the Empire and ruling of Christ. And nowe in these dayes where as the same supremacie hathe wythdrawen it selfe from the obedience of it in so muche that nowe in very fewe realmes the candle that burnes afore the Lord remaineth and that for Dauids sake his seruaunt And although nowe remaine fewe countreys professing
Such a stroke heareth ambition in thys Apostolicall see whiche we are wont so greatly to magnifie But of this inough whiche I leaue and referre to the consideration of the Lorde seeing men will not looke vpon it Drawing now toward the latter end of king Richards raigne it remaineth that as we did before in the time of K. Edward the third so here also we shewe forth a summary recapitulation of such parliamentall notes proceedinges as then were practised by publique parliament in this kings time against the iurisdiction of the Bysh. of Rome to the intent that such if any such be that thinke or haue thought the receauing of the popes double authoritie to be such an auncient thing within this realme may diminishe theyr opinion As euidently may appeare by diuers arguments heretofore touched concerning the election and inuesting of byshops by the king As where king Oswin coÌ„maunded Tedde to be ordayned Archbish. of Yorke Also where king Egfride caused Cuchbert was brought to K. Canuce and at his commaundement was instituted Byshop of the same see Ex lib. Malmesb. de gestis pontif Anglorum And likewise Math. Parisiensis testifieth that king Henry the 3. gaue the Archbishopricke of Caunterbury to Radulphus then Bishop of London and inuested him wyth staffe and ring And the sâ—â—re king gaue the Bishopricke of wint to W. Gifford and moreouer following the steppes both of his father and brother before him endued him with the possessions pertaining to the sayd Bishoprick the contrary statute of pope Urbane forbidding that Clerkes should receaue any Ecclesiasticall dignitie at the hand of Princes or of any lay person to the contrary notwithstanding c. Innumerable examples of like sort are to be seen in auncient historyes of this our realme As also out of the parliament tolles in the time of king Edward hath sufficiently bene touched a little before Whereunto also may be added the notes of such parliamentes as haue bene holdeÌ„ in the raygne of this present king Richard the second the collation whereof in part here followeth * Notes of certayne Parliamentes holden in the the raigne of king Richard 2. making agaynst the Pope IN the first yeare of King Richard 2. in the parliament holden at Westminster it was requested and graunted that the popes collector be willed no longer to gather the first fruites of benefices within this realme being a verye noueltie and that no person doe any longer pay them Item that no man doe procure any benefice by prouision from Rome on payne to be out of the kinges protection Item that no Englishman do take to farme of any Alien anye Ecclesiasticall benefice or Prebende on the lyke payne In which byll was rehearsed that the French men had 6. thousand poundes yearely of such liuinges in England Item that remedy might be had against the popes reseruations to dignities electiue the same being done against the treaty of the pope taken with king Edward 3. In the second yeare of the sayd king Richard the secoÌ„d it was by petitioÌ„ requested that some order might be takeÌ„ touchyng Aliens hauyng the greatest part of the Church dignities in their handes Whereunto the kyng auÌ„swered that by aduise of the Lordes he will prouide therfore Item it was enacted that all the benefices of Cardinals and others rebels to pope Urbane that now is shal be seased into the kynges handes An Acte that Pope Urbane was true lawfull Pope and that the liuynges of all Cardinals and other rebels to the sayd Pope should be seased into the kinges handes and the kyng bee aunswered of the profites thereof And that whosoeuer within this Realme shall procure or obtayne any prouision or other instrument from any other Pope then the same Urbane shall be out of the kynges protection Moreouer in the thyrd yeare of kyng Richard the second the Prelates and Clergie made their protestation in this Parliament expressely agaynst a certaine new grauÌ„t to wit their extortions That the same neuer should passe with their assent and good will to the blemishyng of the liberties of the Churche if by that worde extortion they ment any thyng largely to proceede against Ordinaries others of the Church But if they ment none otherwise to deale hereafter therin theÌ„ before that the time had bene done then would they consent Wherunto it was replied for the king that neither for the same their sayd protestation or other wordes in that behalfe the king woulde not stay to graunt to his Iustices in that case and all other cases as was vsed to be done in times past and was bound to doe by vertue of his othe done at his coronation Furthermore in the fourth yeare of the sayd king Richard 2. it was requested that prouision might be had agaynst the popes collectors for leuying of the first fruits of ecclesiasticall dignities within the realme Item that all Priors Aliens might be remoued out of their houses and licensed to depart neuer to reuert And that English men may be placed in their liuinges answering the king as they did And in the 9. yeare of the foresayd king touching matter of the Staple the speaker of the Parliament pronounced that he thought best the same were planted within the realme considering that Calis Bruges and other towns beyond the seas grew very rich therby and good townes here very much decayed and so much for the common profite Touching the king he affirmed that the subsidie custome of wool more yelded to the king wheÌ„ the staple was kept in England by one thousand markes yearely then it did now being holden beyond the seas Item that inquisition and redresse might be had against such religious persons as vnder the licence to purchase 10. li. yearly do purchase 80. li. or 100. li. Item that all Clarkes aduaunced to any ecclesiasticall dignitie or liuing by the king will graunt to the king the first fruites of their liuinges none otherwise then they would haue done to the Pope being aduaunced by him In the 11. yeare of K. Richard 2. it was put vp by the petitions of the commons that suche impositions as are gathered by the popes bulles of Volumus and imponimus of the translations of B.B. and such like might be imployed on the kinges warres agaynst the schismatickes of Scotland And that such as bring into the realme the like bulles and nouelries may be reputed for traytors In the 13. yeare of his raigne followed an other parliameÌ„t in which although the archbish of Canterbury and Yorke for them and the whole Clergie of their prouinces made their solemne protestations in opeÌ„ Parliament that they in no wise ment or would assent to any statute or law made in restraynt of the popes authoritie but vtterly withstood the same willing this protestation of theirs to be enrolled yet the sayd protestation of theirs at that time took no great effect
suspected of the byshops were the more maliced no doubt therefore of the sayd byshops whiche were the more ready to finde take all occasions to worke agaynst them as by theyr doyng herein may wel appeare For the bishop of Salisbury and archb of Yorke hauing no greater matter agaynst them then was declared with a grieuous complaynt went to the king complayning of the Mayor and Sheriffes of LoÌ„don What trespasse the Mayor and Sheriffes had done as ye haue heard before so may you iudge Now what followed after let vs heare The king incensed not a little w e the complaynt of the Bishops conceined estsoones against the Mayor and Sheriffes and agaynst the whole Cittie of London a great stomache In so muche that the Mayor both the Sheriffes were sent for and remoued from theyr office Syr Edward Darlyngton then was made warden Gouernor of the citie who also for hys gentlenes shewed to the Cittizens was also deposed and an other named syr Baldwyn Radington placed in that roome Moreouer so much grew the kinges displeasure agaynst the City that he also remoued from London the courtes termes to be kept at Yorke that is to say the Chauncery the Eschequer the kinges benche the hamper and the common place where the same conâ—â—â—ued from Midsommer tyll Christenmas to the great decay of the Cittye of London which was an 1393. Thivdly an other great cause whiche purchased the K. much euill will among hys subiectes was the secret murthering of his owne Uncle named T. Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester of whom mention was made before where was declared how the said Duke with the Earle of Arundell the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Darby with other were vp in armour agaynst certaine wicked Counsaylours about the king Whereupon the king watching afterward hys time came into Chelsford so to the place neare by where the Duke lay wherwith hys own hands he arested the sayd Duke his Uncle and sent him downe by water immediatly to Calice And there through the kinges commaundement by secret meanes was put to death being strangled vnder a fetherbed the Earle Marshall being then the keeper of Calis Wherby great indignation roâ—e in many mens hartes agaynst the king With the same Duke of Gloucester also about the same time was arested and imprisoned the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Arundel who being condemned by parliament were then executed whereby great grudge and great indignation rose in the heartes of many agaynst the king an 1397. Fourthly to omit here the blanke chartes sent ouer all the land by the king and how the king was sayd to let out his realme to ferme Ouer and beside all these aboue premised fell an other matter whiche was the principall occasion of this mischiefe The banishment I meane of HeÌ„ry Erle of Darby and made Duke of Herford a little before being sonne of Iohn of Gaunt the Duke of LaÌ„caster who dyed shortly after the banishment of hys sonne and lieth buryed in the Church of S. Paule in London and the Duke of Northfolke who was before Erle of Notingham and after by this king made Duke of Northfolke the yeare before At which time the king made 5. Dukes a Marques and foure Earles to wit Duke of Herforde whiche was before Earle of Darby Duke of Awmerle which was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Exester whiche was before Erle of Huntington and this Duke of North folke being before Earle of Notinghame as is aforesayd c. The occasion of banishing these foresayd Dukes was this About this present time the Duke of Herforde did appeach the Duke of Northfolke vppon certayne wordes to be spoken against the king Wherupon casting theyr gloues one agaynst the other they appoynted to fight out yâ— quarrell a day being for the same appoynted at Couentry But the king tooke vp the matter in hys owne handes banishing the Duke of Northfolke for euer whiche after dyed at Uenice and the other Duke which was the Duke of Herford for 10. yeares Beside these also was exiled in France Thomas Arunder archbishop of Caunterbury by Acte of Parliament in the same yere for poynts of treason as ye haue heard before expressed page 512. col 2. All which turned to the great inconuenieÌ„ce of this king as in the euent following may appeare These causes and preparatiues thus premised it followed the yeare after which was an 1399. and last yeare of this king that the king vpon certaine affayres to be done tooke hys viage into Ireland In which meane time HeÌ„ry of Bollingbroke Earle of Darby and Duke of Herford and with him the foresayd archbishop Thomas Arundel which before were both exiled returning out of Fraunce to Calice came into England challenging the Dukedome of Lancaster after the death of hys father With â—hem also came the sonne and heyre of the Earle of Arundell beyng yet but yong These together setting out of Calice arriued at Rauenspur in the North. At the knowledge whereof much people gathered vnto them In this meane time as the Duke was houering on the sea to enter the land L. Edmund Duke of York the kings Uncle to whome the king committed the custodye of thys realm hauing intelligence thereof called to him the Byshop of Chichester named Edmund Stafford Chauncellor of the Realme and W. Scroupe Earle of Wiltshyre Lorde Treasurer also I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene and Iohn Ruschell with diuers other consulting with them what was best in that case to be done Who then gaue their aduise whether wilful or vnskilfull it is not knowne but very vnfruitfull that he shold leaue london and go to S. Albons there to wayt for more strength able to encounter with the Duke But as the people out of diuers quarters resorted thether many of them protested that they woulde do nothing to the harme and preiudice of the Duke of LaÌ„caster who they sayd was uniustly expulsed The rest then of the counsayle I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene W. Stroupe Treasurer hearing and vnderstanding how the commons were minded to ioyne with the Duke of Hereford left the Duke of York and the lord Chauncellor and fled to the Castell of Bristow Where is to be vnderstand that these foure were they to whome the common fame ran that the king had let out hys realme to farme and were so hated of the people that it is to be thought that for the hatred of them more then for the king this commotion was among the people As this broyle was in England the noyse therof sounding to the kinges eares being then in Ireland for hastye speed of returning into England left in Ireland both his busines and most of hys ordinance also behinde hym And so passing the seas landed at Milforde hauen not daryng as it seemed to come to London On the contrary side vnto Henry Duke of Herforde being landed
and protesting before the face of the people that his comming into the Realme in the absence of the king was for none other cause but that he might in humble sort with the loue and fauour of the king and all the Lords spirituall and temporall haue and enioy his lawfull inheritance descending vnto him of right after the death of his father which thing as it pleased all men so cried they Blessed is he that commeth in the name of the Lord But how this blessing afterwards turned into cursing shall appeare in that which followeth and also ye shall vnderstand his horrible and wicked conspiracie against his soueraigne Lord king Richard and diuers other Lords as well spirituall as temporall besides that his manifest periurie shal wel be known and that he remaineth not only foresworne and periured but also excommunicate for that he conspired against his soueraigne Lord our king Wherefore we pronounce him by these presents as well periured as excommunicate 3. Thirdly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he the said Lord HeÌ„ry immediatly after his entry into England by crasty and subtile policie caused to be proclaimed openly throughout the Realme that no tenths of the Clergy fiftenes of the people sealing vp of cloth diminution of wooll impost of wine nor other extortioÌ„s or exactions whatsoeuer should hereafter be required or exacted hoping by this meanes to purchase vnto him the voice and fauour of the prelates spiritual the Lords temporall the Marchants comminaltie of the whole Realme After this he tooke by force the kings Castels and fortresses spoiled and deuoured his goodes wheresoeuer he found it crieng hauocke hauocke The kings maiestie subiects as well spirituall as temporal he spoiled and robbed some he tooke captiue and imprisoned them and some he slew put to miserable death wherof many were Bishops prelates Priests and religious men Whereby it is manifest that the said Lord Henry is not only periured in promising swearing that there should be hereafter no more exactioÌ„s paiments or extortions within the realme but also excommunicate for the violence and iniurie done to Prelats and Priests Wherefore by these presents we pronounce him as afore as well periured as excommunicate 4. Fourthly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he hearing of the Kings returne from Ireland into Wales rose vp against his soueraigne Lord the king with many thousands of armed men marching forward with al his power towards the Castle of Flint in Wales where he tooke the king held him prisoner and so led him captiue as a traitor vnto Leicester from whence he tooke his iourney towards London misusing the king by the way both he and his with many iniuries and opprobrious coÌ„tumelies and scoffes And in the end committed him to the Tower of London and held a Parliament the king being absent in prison wherein for feare of death he compelled the king to yeeld and resigne vnto him all his right title of the kingdome and crowne of England After which resignation being made the said Lord Henry standing vp in the Parliament house stoutly and proudly before them al said aâ—â—â—med that the kingdome of EnglaÌ„d and crowne of the same with al therunto belonging did pertaine vnto him at that present as of very right and to none other for that the said king Richard by his owne deede was depriued for euer of all the right title interest that euer he had hath or may haue in the same And thus at length by right and wrong he exalted himselfe vnto yâ— throne of the kingdome since which time our commoÌ„ weale neuer florished nor prospered but altogether hath bene void of vertue for that the spiritualtie was so oppressed exercise and warlike practises hath not bin mainteined charitie is waxed cold couetousnes and miserie hath takeÌ„ place finally mercy is taken away vengeance supplieth the rcome Wherby it doth appeare as before is said that yâ— said Lord HeÌ„ry is not only periured false by vsurping the kingdome and dominion belonging to another but also excommunicate for the apprehending vniust imprisoning and depriuing his soueraigne Lord the king of his roiall crowne and dignitie Wherefore as in the articles before we pronounce the said Lord Henry to be excommunicate 5. Fiftly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he the same Lord Henry with the rest of his fauourers complices heaping mischief vpon mischief haue coÌ„mitted and brought to passe a most wicked and mischieuous fact yea such as hath not bene heard of at any time before For after that they had taken and imprisoned the king and deposed him by open iniurie against all humane nature yet not coÌ„teÌ„t with this they brought him to Poinfret Castle and there imprisoned him where xv daies nights they vexed him with continuall hunger thirst and cold and finally berest him of life with such a kind of death as neuer before that time was knowen in England but by Gods prouidence it is come to light Who euer heard of such a deed or who euer saw the like of him Wherefore O England arise stand vp auenge the cause the death and iniurie of thy king and prince which if thou do not take this for certaintie that the righteous God will destroy thee by strange inuasions and foreigne power and auenge himselfe on thee for this so horrible an act Whereby doth appeare not only his periurie but also his excommunication most execrable so that as before we pronounce the said Henry not only periured but also excommunicate 6. Sixtly we depose c. against the sayd Lord Henry that after he had attained to the crowne and scepter of the kingdome he caused forthwith to be apprehended diuers Lords spirituall Bishops Abbots Priors and religious men of all orders whom he arested imprisoned bound and against all order brought them before the secular iudges to be examined not sparing the Bishops whose bodies were annointed with sacred oyle nor priests nor religious men but commanded them to be coÌ„demned hanged and beheaded by the temporall law and iudgement notwithstanding the priuiledge of the Church and holie orders which he ought to haue reuerenced and worshipped it he had bin a true and lawfull king for the first and chiefest othe in the coronation of a lawfull king is to defend and keepe inuiolate the liberties and rights of the Church and not to deliuer anie Priest or religious man into the hands of the secular power except for heresie onely and that after his degradation according to the order of the Church Contrary vnto all this hath he done so that it is manifest by this article as afore in the rest that he is both periured and excommunicate 7. Seuenthly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that not onely he caused to be put to death the Lords spirituall and other Religious men but also diuers of the Lords
King that the citations whereupon such priuations inhabilitations are graunted were made within the Realme and that if such Ordinaries or such presented or others doe pursue the contrary that then they and theyr procurators fautours and counsellours doe incurre the paines contained in the statute made against prouisors in the 13. yere of the raigne of the late Richard king of England the second by processes to be made as is declared in the statute made against suche prouisors in the 27. yeare of the raigne of king Edward predecessour to our Lorde the king that nowe is any royall licences or grauntes in any maner to the contrary notwithstanding and that all other statutes made against prouisors and not repealed before this present Parliament be in their full force and be firmly kept in all poyntes That the kings counsell haue power by authoritye of Parliament in case that any man finde himselfe griened in particular that he may pursue and that the said counsel by the aduise of the iustices do right vnto the parties This to endure vntil the next parliament reseruing alwayes vnto the king his prerogatiue and libertie Item that no Popes collector thenceforth should leuy any money within the realme for first fruites of any ecclesiasticall dignitie vnder payne of incurring the statute of prouisions Besides in the sayd Parliament holden the 11. yeare of this king is to be noted how the commōs of the land put vp a Bill vnto the kyng to take the temporall landes out from spirituall mens handes or possession The effecte of which Bill was that the temporalities disordinately wasted by men of the Churche might suffice to finde to the K. xv Earles xv C. Knightes vi M. CC. Esquires and a C. houses of almose to the reliefe of poore people moe then at those dayes were wythin England And ouer all these foresayd charges the king might put yearely in his cofers xx M. pounde Prouided that euery Earle should haue of yerely rent iii. M. marke and euery Knight C. marke and iiii plough landes Euery Esquier xl marke by yeare with ii plough landes euery house of almose C. marke wyth ouersight of two true seculars vnto euery house And also with prouision that euery towneship should keepe all pore people of their owne dwellers whych might not labour for theyr liuing with condition that if moe fell in a towne then the towne might maintaine than the said almes houses to relieue such towneships And for to beare these charges they alledged by theyr sayd bil that the temporalties being in the possession of spiritual men amounted to iii. C. and xxii M. marke by yeare Wherof they affirmed to be in the see of Cant. with the abbaies of Christes church of S. Augustines Shrewsbury Coggeshale and S. Osus xx M. marke by yere In the see of Yorke and Abbeyes there xx M. marke In the see of Winchester and abbeys there xx M. marke In the see of London with abbeys and other houses there xx M. marke In the see of Lincolne wyth the abbeys of Peterborowe Ramsey and other xx M. marke In the see of Norwych with the abbeys of Bury and other xx M. marke In the see of Ely Spalding and other xx M. marke In the see of Bathe wyth the abbey of Okinborne and other xx M. marke In the see of Worcester wyth the abbeys of Euisham Abingdon other xx M. marke In the see of Chester with the precinct of the same with the sees of s. Dauid of Salisbury and Exceter wyth their precinctes xx M. marke The abbeis of Rauens or Reuans of Fountains of Bernons and diuers other to the number of v. moe xx M. marke The abbeys of Leicester Walthan Gosborne Merton Ticetir Osney and other vnto the number of vi mo xx M. marke The abbeys of Douers Batil Lewys Couentry Dauentre Tourney xx M. marke The abbais of Northhampton Thortō Bristow Killingworth Winchcombe Nailes Parchissor Frideswide Notly and Grimmisby xx M. marke The which foresaid sommes amount to the full of iii. c. M. marke And for the odde of xxii M. marke they apointed Hardford Rochester Huntingdō Swineshed Crowland Malmesbury Burton Teukesbury Dunstable Shirborne Taunton and Biland And ouer this they alleaged by the sayde bill that ouer and aboue the said summe of iii. C. and xxii M. marke diuers houses of religion in England possessed as many tēporalties as might suffice to find yerely xv M. priests and clerks euery priest to be allowed for his stipend vii marke by the yeare To the which Bill no answer was made but that the king of this matter wold take deliberation aduisement and wyth that answer ended so that no further labor was made These things thus hitherto discoursed touching suche actes and matters as haue bene incident in the lyfe time of this king followeth next the 13. yeare of his raigne In the which yeare the sayd king Henry the 4. after that hee had sent a little before a certaine company of captaines souldiours to aide the duke of Burgundy in Fraunce among whome was the Lord Cobham keping his Christenmas at Eltham fell greeuously sicke From thence he was conneied to London where he began to call a parliament but taryed not the end In the meane time the infirmitie of the king more and more increasing he was takē and brought into a bed in a fair chamber at Westminster And as he lay in his bed he asked how they called the same chamber and they answered and sayde Ierusalem And then he sayde it was his prophecie that he should make his ende in Ierusalem And so disposing himselfe towarde hys ende in the foresayd chamber he died vpon what sicknesse whether of leprosie or some other sharpe disease I haue not to affirm Ex vetust Chron. Anglico cuius initium That all men called The like prophecy we read that pope Siluester 2. pa. 180. to whom being inquisitiue for the time and place where he should die it was answered that he shuld die in Ierusalē Who then saying Masse in a Chappel called likewise Ierusalem perceiued his end there to be nere and died And thus K. Henry the 4. successor to the lawful K. Richard 2. finished hys life at Westminster and was buried at Cant. by the tombe of Thomas Becket c. An. 1413. ¶ King Henry the fift AFter thys Henry the 4. reigned Henry the 5. hys sonne which was borne at Munmorth in Wales of whose other vertues and great victories gotten in Fraunce I haue not greatly to intermeddle Especially seeing the memory of hys worthy prowesse being sufficiently described in other writers in this our time may both content the reader and vnburden my labor herein Especially seing these latter troubles and perturbatious of the Churche offer me so much that vnneth any vacant laisure shal be left to intermeddle wyth matters prophane After the coronatiō then of this new king which was the 9. day of April called then
Church that he should personally appeare before vs the 11. day of September last past to aunswere vnto the premisses and certayne other thinges concerning heresye The which day being come we sitting in the tribunall seat in our greater chappell within the Castle of Leedes of our dioces the which we then inhabited and where as we then kept residence with our court and hauing taken an othe whiche is requisite in the premisses and the information by vs heard and receiued as the common report goeth In the partes whereas the sayd sir Iohn dwelleth fortifying himselfe in his sayd castle defending his opinions manifoldly contemning the keâ—es of the churche and the Arbishops power We therefore caused the sayde Syr Iohn cited as is aforesayd to be openly with a loude voyce called by the cryer and so being called long looked for and by no meanes appearing we iudged him as he was no lesse worthy obstinate and for punishment of his sayd obstinacye we did then and there excommunicate him And for so much as by the order of the premisses and other euident tokens of hys doinges we vnderstand that the sayde sir Iohn for the defence of his errour doth fortify himselfe as is aforesayd against the keyes of the Church by pretence whereof a vehement suspition of heresy and schisme riseth agaynst him We haue decreed if he may be apprehended agayne personallye to cite him or els as before by an edict that he should appeare before vs the Saterday next after the feast of Saint Mathew the Apostle and Euangelist next comming to shew some reasonable cause if he can why we shoulde not proceede agaynst him to more greuous punishment as an open hereticke schismaticke and open enemy of the vniuersall church And personally to declare why he should not be pronounced such a one or that the ayde of the secular power shoulde not be solemnely required agaynst him And further to aunswere do and receiue as touching the premisses whatsoeuer iustice shal require The which time being come that is to say the Saterday next after the feast of S. Mathew being the 24. day of September sir Rob. Morley knight Lieftenant of the tower of London appeared personally before vs sitting in the chapter house of the Churche of S. Paule at London with our reuerent fellowe brethren and Lordes Richard by the grace of God Bishop of London and Henry Byshop of Winchester and brought with him sir Iohn Oldecastle Knight and set him before vs for a little before he was taken by the kinges seruauntes and cast into the tower vnto which sir Iohn Oldcastle so personally present we rehearsed all the order of the proces as it is contayned in the actes of the of the daye before passed with good and modest wordes and gentle meanes That is to say howe he the said sir Iohn was detected and accused in the conuocation of the prelates and clergy of our sayd prouince as is aforesayd vpon the articles before rehearsed and how he was cited for hys contumacy excommunicate And when we were come to that poynt we offered our selues ready to absolue him Notwithstanding the sayd sir Iohn not regarding our offer sayd that he would willingly rehearse before vs and my sayde fellowe brethren the fayth which he held affirmed So he hauing his desire obteining licence tooke out of his bosome a certayne Scedule indented and there openly reade the contentes of the same and deliuered the same Scedule vnto vs and the Schedule of the articles wherupon he was examined which was as in forme folowing * The catholicke fayth and confession of the Lord Cobham I Iohn Oldcastle knight Lord of Cobham desire to made manifest vnto all Christians God to be taken to witnesse that I neuer thought otherwise or would thinke otherwise by Gods helpe then with a stedfast vndoubted fayth to imbrace all those his Sacramentes whiche be hath instituted for the vse of his Church Furthermore that I may the more playnly declare my mynde in these iiii pointes of my fayth First of all I beleue the SacrameÌ„t of the aulter to be the body of Christ vn der the forme of bread the very same body which was borne of his mother Mary crucified for vs dead and buried rose againe the third day sitteth on the right haÌ„d of his immortall father now being a triumphant partaker with him of his eternall glory Then as touchyng the Sacrament of penaunce this is my belief that I doe thinke the correction of a sinnefull lyfe to be most necessary for all such as desire to be saued and that they ought to take vpoÌ„ them such repentaunce of their former lyfe by true confession vnfayned contrition and lawfull satisfaction as the worde of God doth prescribe vnto vs. Otherwise there will be no hope of saluation Thirdly as touchyng images this is my opinioÌ„ that I do iudge them no poynt of fayth but brought into the worlde after the fayth of Christ by the sufferaunce of the Church so growen in vse that they might serue for a kalender for the lay people and ignorauÌ„t By the beholdyng wherof they might the better call to remeÌ„braunce the godly examples martyrdome of Christ and other holy men but if any man do otherwise abuse this representatioÌ„ and geue the reuerence vnto those Images which is due vnto the holy men whom they represent or rather vnto him whom the holy â—en themselues owe all theyr honour setting all theyr trust and hope in them which ought to be referred vnto God or if they be so affected toward the domb Images that they do in any behalfe addict vnto them eyther be more addicted vnto one Saint then another in my minde they doe little differ from Idolatrye grieuouslye offending agaynst God the author of all honor Last of all I am thus perswaded that there be no inhabitants here in earth but that we shall passe straight either to life or punishment for whosoeuer doth so order his lyfe that he stumble at the commaundementes of God whiche either he knoweth not or he will not be taught them it is but in vayne for him to look for saluation although he ran ouer all the corners of the world Contrarywise he which obserueth his commaundements cannot perish although in all his life time he walked no pilgrimage neither to Rome Caunterbury nor Compostella or to any other place whither as the common people are accustomed to walke This Scedule with the articles therin conteined being read as is aforesaid by the sayd sir Iohn we with our felow brethren aforesaid many other doctors learned meÌ„ had conference vpon the same And at the last by the counsell and consent of them we spake these wordes folowing vnto the sayd sir Iohn there present Behold sir Ioh. there are many good and catholicke things conteined in this scedule But you haue this time to answere vnto other matters which sauor of errors heresies
in person saith Cope but with his mind and with his counsell he was present and addeth this reason saying And therfore he being brought agayn after his escape was conuice both of treason and heresye therfore susteining a double punishmēt was both hanged and burnt for the same c. And how is al this proued By Robert Fabian he sayth whereunto briefly I aunswere that Rob. Fabian in that place maketh no such mention of the Lord Cobham assisting or consenting to them either in mind or in counsell His wordes be these That certaine adherentes of Sir Iohn Oldcastle assembled in the fielde neare to S. Biles in great number of whom was sir Roger Acton sir Iohn Browne and Iohn Beuerley The which with 36. mo in number were after conuict of heresy and treason and for the same were hanged and burnt wein the sayd field of S. Byles c. Thus much in Fabian touching the commotion condemnation of these mē but that the Lorde Cobham was there present with thē inany parte either of consent or counsell as Alanus Copus Anglus pretendeth that is not found in Fabian but is added of his liberall cornu copiae wherof he is so copious and plentifull that he may keep an open shop of such vnwrittē vntruethes whiche he maye aforde verye good cheape I thinke being such a plentifull artificer But here will bee obiected agaynst mee the wordes of the statute made the seconde yeare of king Henry the fifte wherupon this aduersary triumphing with no litle glory 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thinketh himselfe to haue double vauntage against me first in prouinge these foresayd complices adherents of the Lord Cobham to haue made insurrection agaynst the king and so to be traytors Secondly in conuicting that to be vntrue where as in my former booke of Actes and Monumentes I doe reporte how that after the death of sir Roger Acton of Browne Beuerley a Parliament was holden at Leicester where a statute was made to this effect that all and singular suche as wer of Wickliffes learning if they would not geue ouer as in case of felony and other trespasses loosing all theyr goodes to the king shoulde suffer death in two manner of kinds that is they should first be hanged for treasō against the king and then be burned for heresy agaynst God c. Wherupon remaineth now in examining this obiectiō and aunswering to the same that I purge both them of treason and my selfe of vntruth so farre as truth and fidelity in Gods cause shal assist me herin Albeit in beginning first my history of Ecclesiastical matters wherin I hauing nothing to do with abatement of causes iudiciall but onely folowing the simple narration of things done and executed neuer suspected that euer any would be so captious with me or so nise nosed as to presse me with such narrow points of the law in trying and discussing euery cause and matter so exactly straining as ye woulde say the bowels of the statute lawe so rigorously agaynst me Yet for so much as I am therunto constrained now by this aduersary I wil first lay open all the whole statute made the second yeare of this foresayd Henry the fift after the death of the foresayd sir Roger Acton and his fellowes at the Parliament holden at Leycester an 1415. That done I will note vpon the words therof so as by the circumstaunces of the same may appeare what is to be cōcluded either for the defence of theyr innocencye or for the accusation of this aduersary The tenour and purport of the statute here vnder ensueth ¶ The wordes and contentes of the statute made an 2. Henrici 5. cap. 7. FOrasmuch as great rumors congregations and insurrections here in England by diuers of that king his maiesties seege people haue bene made here of late as well by those which were of the sect of heresy called Lolardy as by others of their cōfederatiō excitatiōs abetmēt to the intēt to adnulle subuert the christian fayth the law of God within the same Realme as also to destroy our soueraigne Lord the king himselfe and all maner of estates of the same his Realme as well spirituall as temporall and also all maner pollicy the lawes of the land Finally the same our Lord the king to the honor of God in conseruation and fortification of the Christian fayth also in saluation of his royall estate of the estate of all his realme willing to prouide a more open more due punishmēt agaynst the malice of such heretickes Lolardes then hath bene had or vsed in that case heretofore so that for the feare of the same lawes and punishment such heresyes and Lolardies may the rather cause in time to come By the aduise and assēt aforesayd at the prayer of the sayd commons hath ordeined established that especially the Chaūcellor the Treasurer the Iustices of the one bēch and of the other Iustices of Assise Iustices of peace Shiriffes Maiors and Bailiffes of Cityes and Townes and all other officers hauing the gouernement of people either now present or which for the time shal be do make an othe in taking of their charge and offices to extend their whole payne and diligence to put out to do to put out cease destroy all maner of heresyes and errors commonly called Lolardies within the places in which they exercise their charges and offices from time to time with all their power and that they assist fauor and maintaine the ordinaries and their commissaries so often as they or any of them shal be therunto required by the said ordinaries or their cōmissaryes So that the sayd officers and ministers when they trauell or ride to arest any Lolard or to make any assistēce at the instance and request of the ordinaries or their cōmissaryes by vertue of this statute that the same ordinaries commissaryes do pay for their costs reasonably And that the seruices of the king vnto whō the officers be first sworne be preferred before al other statutes for the liberty of holy Church the ministers of the same And especially for the correction and punishment of hereticks Lolards made before these dayes not repealed but being in theyr force And also that all persons conuict of heresy of whatsoeuer estate condition or degree they be by the sayd ordinaries or their cōmissaries left vnto the secular power according to the lawes of holy Church shall leese forfayte all theyr lands and tenements which they haue in fee simple in maner and forme as followeth That is to say that the king shall haue all the landes tenementes which the sayd conuictes haue in fee simple which be immediatlye holden of him as forfayted And that the other Lordes of whom the lands tenements of such conuictes be holden immediatly after that the king is therof seised answered of the yeare
haue ordeined a speciall iudgement as they should thinke good yet when hee was before atteinted by the outlawrie they could not lawfully varie from the common iudgemeÌ„t of â—reason At least how could or should the iudgement of Sir Roger Acton Maister Browne and Iohn Beuerley who were iudged in the Buildhall before and without the Parliament vary from the said common iudgement of Traytors if they had truly committed and bene conuicted of such high treason Adde this moreouer to the foresaid Notes that if Sir Iohn Oldcastle after his escape out of prison had bene culpable and so atteinted of that high treason wherby his lands had bene immediately forfait vnto the King by the processe of his outlawry What needed the king then in the second yeare of his raigne in the Parliament after holden at Leycester haue made that prouiso to haue his lands forfaite to him by vertue of Parliament vpon his escape on the day of his arest when as the lands and cattaile of his had bene forfeite before by the processe of the outlawry as is before specified Thus you see Maister Cope how little aduantage you can wrast out of this Commission and inditement against the Lord Cobham and his fellowes to proue them traytors And admit the said Lord Cobham was attainted of treason by the Acte and that the King the Lordes and the Commons assented to the Act yet it hindeth not in such sort as if in deed he were no Traytour that anye man may not by search of the truth vtter and set forth sincerely and iustly the very true cause whereby his death hapt and followed Thus then hauing sufficiently cleared the Lord Cobham and his parteners from all that you can obiect vnto them out of records and statutes let vs now come to your English Chroniclers wherwith you seeme to presse me to oppresse them whome ye name to be Robert Fabian Edward Halle Polydor Virgilius Thomas Cooper Richard Grafton with other briefe Epitomes and Summaries c. Concerning which authors as I haue not to say but to their commendation in this place so if that you had auonched the same to the commendation rather then to the reproofe of other I would better haue commeÌ„ded your nature and beleued your cause But now like a spidercatcher sucking out of euery one what is the worst to make vp your leystall you heape vp a donghill of dirtie Dialogues conteining nothing in them but malicious railing virulent slanders manifest vntruths opprobrious contumelies stinking blasphemies able almost to corrupt infect the aire Such is the maladie cacoethes of your pen the it beginneth to barke before it hath learned well to write Which pen of yours notwithstanding I do not heere reproch nor contemne as neither do I greatly feare the same God of his mercy keepe the sword out of the Papists hand it is not the pen of the papists I greatly passe vpoÌ„ though xx Copes and so many surplesses were set against the booke of Monuments were I so disuâ—sed Maister Cope to dally or as the Breckes do say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to repay againe as I am prouoked But in despightful railing and in this Satyricall sort of barking I geue you ouer and suffer you therin to passe not only your selfe but also Cerberus himself if ye will the great bandog of Pluto Mildnes and humanitie rather beseemeth and is the grace of the Latine phrase If ye could hit vpon the vaine therof it would win you much more honestie with all honest men But the Lord hereafter may cal you which I beseech him to do and to forgiue you that you haue done In the meaue time seeing this your pratling pen must nedes be walking yet this you might haue lerned of these your own authors whom you aledge more ciuilly to haue reÌ„pered your fume in exclaiming against theÌ„ whose cause is to you not perfectly known And now briefly to answer to these your foresaide wryters as witnesses produced against these men there be 2. things as I take it in these chronicle wryters to be coÌ„sidered First the grouÌ„ds which they follow secondly in what place they serue As touching the order and ground of wryting among these Chronicles ye must consider and caÌ„not be ignorant that as none of all these by you forenamed was present at the deede nor witnesse of the fact so haue they nothyng of theÌ„selues herein certainely to affirme but either must follow publike rumor and hearesay for their autor or els one of them must borrow of another Whereof neither seemeth to me sufficient For as publike rumor is neuer certain so one author may soone deceiue an other By reason whereof it commeth oft to passe that as these story wryters hit many times the truth so againe al is not the gospell that they doe wryte Wherefore great respect is heere to be had either not to credite rashly euery one that wryteth stories or els to see what groundes they haue whome we doe followe Now to demaund M. Cope of you what authoritye or foundation hath your Robert Fabian hathe Polydore Uirgil Edward Hal and other of your authors to prooue these men to be traytors What authority do they auouch what actes what registers what recordes or out of what court do they shewe or what demoÌ„stration do they make And do you thinke it sufficient because these men doe only affirme it wythout any further probation wyth youre 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therfore we are bouÌ„d to beleue it Take me not so M. Cope that I do here diminish any thing or derogate from the credit of those wryters you alledge whose labors haue deserued well and serue to great vtilitie but coÌ„ming now to triall of a matter lying in coÌ„trouersie betwene vs we are now forced to seeke out the fountaine and bottome of the truthe where it is not enough to say so it is but the cause is to be shewed why it is so affirmed And what though Robert Fabian Polydore Uirgile and Edwarde Hall should all together as they do not agree in the treason of sir Iohn Oldcastle and of the rest yet neither is this any sufficient surety to prooue them traitors Considering that wryters of stories for most part folowing either blind reporte or els one taking of an other vse commonly all to sound together after one tune tanquam Dodonaei lebetes so that as one sayth all say and if one erre all do erre Wherfore you see M. Cope howe it is not sufficient nor sure to sticke onely to the names and authorities of Chronographers vnlesse the ground be found substantial wherupon they stand themselues Which yet in none of these whome you haue produced doth appeare Secondly in alleaging and wryting of Chronicles is to be considered to what place and effect they serue If yee would shew out of them the order course of times what yeres were of dearth and of pleÌ„ty where kings kept their
good is not forbidden or that which is mere ill is not commaunded but is meane or indiffereÌ„t betwene both Which mean or indifferent thing yet notwithstanding by circumstances of time place or person may be either good or euill 4 Item that euery one shall sweare confesse by his oth that the opinions of Wickliffe and others touching the 7. sacraments of the church and other things aboue notified being contrary to the sayd church of Rome be false 5. Item that an othe be required of them all that none of them shall hold defend or maintaine any of the 45. articles of Iohn Wickliffe aforesayd or in any other matter catholick and especially of the 7. Sacraments and other articles aboue specified but only as doth the Church of Rome and no otherwise 6. Item that euery ordinary in his dioces shall cause the sayd premisses contained in the 1.2.3.4 articles aforesayde to be published in his Sinodes and by his preachers to be declared to the people in the kingdome of Boheme 7. Item that if any Clerke student or lay man shal with staÌ„d any of the premisses that the ordinary haue authority if he be conuicted therof to correct him according to the old lawes and Canons and that no man shal dâ—â—end such one by any meanes for none but the ordinary hath power to correct such a man because the Archbishop is chauncellour both of the kingdome and vniuersity of Prage 8. Item that the songes lately forbidden being odious â—auÌ„derous and offensiue to others fame be not long neyther in streetes tauernes nor any other place 9. Item that maister Iohn Hus shall not preach so long as he shall haue no absolution of the court neither shal hinder the preaching in Prage by his presence that by this his obedience to the Apostolicall sea may be knowne 10. Item that this Councell doth appeare to be good and reasonable for the putting away of ill report and dissentioÌ„ that is in the kingdome of Boheme 11. Item if maister Iohn Hus with his complices will performe this which is conteined in the 4. former Articles then we will be ready to say as they woulde wishe vs and haue vs whensoeuer need shall require that we do agree with them in matter of fayth otherwise if they wyll not so doe we in geuing this testimony should lye greatly vnto our Lord the King to the whole world And moreouer we will be content to write for them to the Court of Rome and do the best we can for them our honors saued This counsell and deuise being considered amongest the head of the vniuersity of Prage the foresayd administrator named Conradus presented to the king and to the barons of the realme and also to the Senate of Prage Whereof as soone as word came to Iohn Hus and his adherents they likewise drew out other Articles in maner and forme of a councell as foloweth For the honor of God the true preaching of hys gospell for the health of the people and to auoyd the sinister false infamy of the kingdome of Boheme and of the Marquiship of Morauia of the city and vniuersity of Prage and for the reforming of peace vnity betweene the clergy and the scholers of the vniuersity 1. First let the right and iust decrement of the princes and of the kinges councell be holden and stand in force which betwene the L. Archbi Suinco on the one party and betwene the rector maister Iohn Hus on the other party was made proclaimed sâ—aled and solemnly on both parts receiued and allowed in the court of our soueraigne Lord the king 2. Item that the kingdome of Boheme remain in his former rites liberties common customes so as other kingdomes landes do enioy that is in all approbations condemnations and other actes concerning the holy mother vniuersall church 3. Item that maister I. Hus agaynst whom the foresayd Lord Suinco could obiect no crime before the couÌ„cell that the sayd Iohn Hus may be present in the congregation of the Clergy and there whosoeuer will obiect to him either heresy or error let him obiect binding himself to suffer the like payne if he do not proue it 4. Item if no man will set himselfe on the contrary part against him then let the coÌ„maundement be made by our soueraigne Lord the king through all his Cittyes and likewise let it be ordeined and proclaimed through all villages and townes that maister Iohn Hus is ready to render account of his fayth and therfore if any will obiect vnto him any heresy or errour let him write his name in the chauncery of the Lord Archbishop and to bring forth his probations openly before both the parties 5. Item if no such shal be founde to obiect or which will write his name then let them be called for which caused to be noised rumored in the Popes Court that in the kingdome of Boheme in the Citty of Prage and in the Marquesdome of Morauia many there be whose harts be infected with heresy and error that they may proue who they be and if they be not able to proue it let them be punished 6. Item that commaundement be directed to Doctors of Diuinity and of the Canon law and to the Chapter of Cathedrall churches and that it be required of them all and of euery one particularly that they wil bring forth his name if they know any such to be an heretick or erroneous And if they deny to know any such then let them make recognition therof before the publike Notary confirming the same with their seales 7. Item these things thus done premised then that our soueraigne Lord the king also that the Archb. will geue commaundement vnder payne that no man shall call one another hereticke or erroneous vnles he will stand to the probation of that heresy or error as it becommeth him 8. Item after these thinges obteined that our soueraigne lord the king with the consent of his Barons will theÌ„ leuy a subsidy or collect of the clergy direct an honest ambassy to the Popes court with the which embassadors let theÌ„ also go vpoÌ„ theyr owne proper charges or expenses for theyr purgation which haue caused this kingdome falsly greuously to be infamed in the Apostolicall court 9. Item in the meane season for the presence of master I. Hus no Interdict ought to be made as it was made of late contrary to the order and determination of our holye mother church c. As this matter was thus in altercatioÌ„ betwene the two parts the one obiecting the other answering in articles as is aforsayd In the meane time it happened by the occasioÌ„ of Ladislaus king of Naples who had besieged the Popes townes and territories that Pope Iohn raising vp warr agaynst the sayd Ladislaus gaue ful remission of sinnes to all them which would warre of his side to defeÌ„d the church When this Bul of the popes indulgeÌ„ce was come to Prage and there published
by the king saying that he had as liefe set his owne crowne beside hym as to see him weare a cardinals hatte and that in Parliamentes he not beyng contented with the place of a bishop among the spirituall persons presumed aboue hys order whiche the sayd Duke desired to be redressed 2. Item whereas he being made Cardinal was voyded of his bishopricke of Winchester he procured from Rome the Popes Bull vnknowing to the king whereby he took agayne his bishopricke contrary to the common lawe of this realme incurring therby the case of prouision and forefeiting all his goodes to the king by the law of premuniri facias 3. Item he complayned that the said Cardinall with the Archbishop of Yorke intruded themselues to haue the gouernaunce of the king and the doing vnder the king of tēporall matters excluding the kings vncle and other temporall Lordes of the kinges kinde from hauing knowledge of any great matter 4. Item whereas the king had borowed of the Cardinall 4000. pounds vpon certayne Iewels and afterward had his mony ready at the day to quite his iewels the Cardinall caused the treasurer to conuert that mony to the payment of an other armye to keepe the Iewels still to hys owne vse and gayne 5. Item he being then bishop of Winchester and Chancellour of England deliuered the king of Scottes vpon his own authoritie contrary to the act of parliament wedding his nece afterward to the sayd king Also where the said king of Scottes shoulde haue payd to the king forty thousand pounds the cardinall procured x. thousand marks therof to be remitted and yet the rest very slenderly payd 6. Item the sayd cardinall for lending notable sommes to the king had the profite of the port of Hampton where he setting his seruauntes to be the Customers wolle and other marchaundise was vnder that clok exported not somuch to his singular vauntage being the chiefe marchant as to the greate preiudice of the king and detriment to his subiectes 7. Item the cardinall in lending out great summes to that king yet so differed and delayed the loane thereof that comming out of season the same did the king litle pleasure but rather hinderaunce 8. Item where iewels plate were prised at a 11. thousand poundes in weight of the sayd Cardinall forfeited to the king the cardinall for loane of a little peere gat him a a restorement thereof to the Kings great dammage who better might haue spared the commons if the somme had remayned to him cleare 9. Item where the kinges father had geuen Elizabeth Bewchampe CCC markes of liuelode with this condition if the wedded with in a yeare the Cardinall notwithstanding she was maryed two or three yeares after yet gaue her the same to the kinges great hurt and diminishing of hys inheritaunce 10. Item the Cardinall hauing no authoritie nor interest to the crown presumed notwithstanding to cal before him like a King to the kinges high derogation 11 Item that the Cardinall sued a pardon from Rome to be freed from all dismes due to the Kyng by the church of Winchester geuing thereby example to the Clergye to withdraw their disines likewise and lay all the charge only vpon the temporaltie and poore commons 12. 13. Item by the procuring of the sayd Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke great goodes of the kings were lost and dispended vpon needles Ambassades first to Arras then to Calice 14. Item it was layd to the charge of the sayd Cardinall and archbishop that by their meanes goyng to Calice the ii enemies of the king the Duke of Orleance and Duke of Burgoyne were reduced together in accorde alliaunce who being at warre before betwene themselues and now cōfederate together ioyned both together agaynst the kings townes and countryes ouer the sea to the great daunger of Normandy and destruction of the kinges people 15. Item by the archbishop of Yorke and the Cardinall perswasiōs were moued opēly in the kings presence with allurementes and inducementes that the king shoulde leaue hys right his title and honour of his crowne in nominating him king of Fraunce during certayne yeeres that he shoulde vtterly absteyne and be content onely in writing with Rex Angliae to the great note and infamye of the king and of all his progenitours 16. 17. Item through the sleight and subtlety of the sayde Cardinall and his mate a new conuention was intended betweene the king and certayne aduersaryes of Fraunce Also the deliueraunce of the Duke of Orleance was appointed in such sort as therby great disworship inconueniēce was like to fall rather of the kinges side then of the other 18. Item that the Cardinall had purchased great landes and liuelodes of the king the Duke being on the other side the sea occupyed in warres whiche redounded little to the worship and profite of the king and moreouer had the kinge bound to make him as sure estate of all those landes by Easter next as could be deuised by any learned councel or els the said cardinal to haue and enioy to him and his heyres for euer the landes of the Duchie of Lancaster in Northfolke to the value of 7. or 8. hundred markes by the yeare 19. Item where the Duke the kinges vncle had oftenoffered his seruice for the defence of the Realme of France and the duchie of Normandy the Cardinall euer laboured to the contrary in preferring other after this singular affection whereby a great part of Normandy hath bene lost 20. Itē seeing that Cardinall was risen to such riches treasure which could grow to him neyther by his Church nor by enheritāce which he then had it was of necessitie to be thought that it came by his great deceites in deceiuinge both the king and hys subiects in selling offices prefermentes liuelodes captaynships both here and in that realm of Fraunce and in Normandy so that what hath beu there lost he hath bene the greatest causer thereof 21. Furthermore when the sayd Cardinal had forfeited al hys goods by the statute of prouision he hauing the rule of the king and of other matters of the realme purchased frō the pope a charter of pardon not onely to the defeating of the lawes of the Realme but also to the defrauding of the king who otherwise might and should haue had where with to susteine his warres without any tallage of his poore people c. When the king heard these accusations he committed that hearing therof to his counsaile whereof that most part were spirituall persons So what for feare and what for fauour the matter was wincked at delied out and nothing said thereunto and a fayre countenaunce was made to that Duke as though no displeasure had bene taken nor malice borne in these spirituall stomaches But shortly after the smoke hereof not able to keepe in any longer within the spiritual brestes of these charitable churchmen brast out in flames of
dyed of no naturall pang but of some violent hand Some suspected him to be strangled some that a whole spytt was priuily forced into his body some affirme that he was styfeled betweene to fether beds After the death of this Duke and hys body being enterred at S. Albons after he had politikely by the space of 25. yeares gouerned this realme 5. of his housholde to wit one knight 3. Esquiers and a Yeoman were arreigned conuict to be hanged drawn quartered Who being hanged and cut downe halfe aliue the Marques of Suffolke there present shewed the charter of the kinges pardon and so they were deliuered Notwithstanding all this could not appease the grudge of the people saying that the sauing of the seruauntes was no amends for the murdering of the mayster In this cruell facte of these persons which did so conspire and consent to the death of this noble man whiche thought thereby to worke their owne safety the meruailous work of gods iudgement appeareth herein to be noted who as in all other like cruell pollices of maÌ„ so in this also turned al theyr pollices clean contrary So that where yâ— Queene thought most to preserue her husband in honor and her selfe in state thereby both she lost her husband her husband lost his realm the realm lost Angeow NormaÌ„dy the Duchy of Aquitane with all her partes beyond that sea Calice only except as in sequele of the matter who so will read the storyes shall right well vnderstand The next yeare following it followed also that that Cardinall who was the principall artificer and ringleader of all this mischiefe was suffered of God no loÌ„ger to liue Of whose wicked conditions being more largely set foorth in Edward Halle I omitte here to speake What he himselfe spake in his deathbed for example to other I thought not best to pretermit Who hearing that he shuld dy that ther was no remedy murmured grudged wherfore he shuld dye hauing so much riches saying that if the whole realm would saue hys life he was able either by pollicy to get it or by riches to buy it adding saying moreouer fit quod he will not death be hyred nor will money doe nothing wheÌ„ my nephew of Bedford dyed I thought my selfe halfe vp the wheele but wheÌ„ I saw mine other nephew of Glocester deceassed then I thought my selfe able to be equal with kinges and so ought to encrease my treasure in hope to haue worne the triple crown t. Ex Edou Hallo And thus is the rich byshop of Winchester with all his pompe and riches gone with the which riches he was able not onely to build scholes colledges and Uniuersities but also was able to susteine the kinges armies in warre as is specified in storyes without any taxing of the commons In whose seate next succeeded William Wanflet preferred to the byshopricke of Winchester who though he had lesse substaunce yet hauing a minde more godly disposed did found and erecte the Colledge of Mary Magdalen in Oxford For the which foundation as there haue ben and be yet many studentes bound to yeld gratefull thanks vnto God so I must needes confesse my selfe to be one except I will be vnkinde Among that other mischieuous aduersaries which sought and wrought the death of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester next to the Cardinall of Winchester who as is sayd dyed that next yere following was William de la Pole Marques of Suffolk who also liued not long after nor long escaped vnpunished For although he was highly exalted by the meanes of the Queene whose maryage he onely procured vnto the fauour of the king was made Duke of Suffolke magnified of the people and bare the whole sway in the realme whose actes and facts his vayne glorious head caused also by the assent of the commons to be recorded substantially to be registred in the rolles of the Parliament for a perpetuall renowne to him and all his posteritie for euer yet notwtstanding the hand of Gods iudgement still hanging ouer hym he enioyed not long this his triuÌ„phant victory For within 3. yeares after the death and ruine of the Cardinall the voyces of the whole commons of England were vtterly turned against him accusing him in the Parliament at the blacke Fryers for deliuery of the Duchye of Angeow and Barledome of Maine also for the death of yâ— noble Prince Humfry Duke of Glocester They unputed moreouer to hym the losse of all Normandye saying vnto him that he was a swallower vp and consumer of yâ— kings treasure the expâ—iler of al good and vertuous counsaylers from the king and aduancer of vicious persons apparant aduersaryes to the publicke wealth so that he was called in euery mouth a traytour a murderer and a robber of the kinges treasure The Queene albeit she tenderly loued the Duke yet to appease the exclamation of the commons was forced to committee hym to the tower where he with as much pleasure and liberty as could be remayned for a month whiche being expired he was deliuered and restored agayne into his old place former fauour with the kyng where at the people more grudged then before It happened by the occasion of a commotion then beginning amongest the rude people by one whom they called Blewbeard that the parliament was for that tyme adiourned to Leycester thinking to the Queene by force and rigour of lawe to repâ—esse there the malice and euill will conceiued against the duke But at that place few of yâ— nobilitie would appeare Wherfore it was againe reiourned vnto LondoÌ„ kept at Westminster where was a whole company a ful appearance with the king and Queene with them the duke of Suffolke as chiefe counsailour The commons not forgetting their old grudge renewed agayn their former articles and accusations agaynst the sayde duke agaynst the byshop of Salisb. syr Iames Fynics Lord Say and other When the kyng perceaued yâ— no glosing nor dissimulation would serue to appease the continual clamour of the importunate coÌ„mons to make some quiet pacificatioÌ„ first he sequestred from hym the Lord say treasurer of Englande other the Dukes adherentes from theyr offices Then he put in exile the Duke of Suffolke for the terme of 5. yeares supposing by that space the furious rage of yâ— people would asswage But the hand of God woulde not suffer that giltles bloud of Humfrey Duke of Glocester to be vnreuenged or that flagitious person further to continue For wheÌ„ he shipped in Suffolke intending to be transported into Fraunce he was encountred with a shippe of warre belonging to the tower whereby he was taken and brought into Douer rode and there on the side of a ship boat one strake of his head which was about the yeare of our Lord. 1450. And thus haue ye heard the full storye and discourse of Duke Humfrey and of all hys aduersaries also of Gods condigne
authority declareth calleth stablisheth affirmeth and reputeth the sayd Richard of Yorke very true and rightfull heyre to the crowne of England and Fraunce and that all other statutes and acts made by any of the Henryes late contrary to this aduise be annulled repelled damned cancelled voyd and of no force or effect The king agreed and consented that the sayd Duke and hys heyres shall after his naturall life enioy the crowne c. Also that all sayinges and doinges agaynst the duke of Yorke shall be hygh treason and all actes of Parliamentes contrary to this principall act be voyd and of none effect c. And thus much for the reign of king Henry the 6. Who now lacked his vncle and protector Duke of Glocester about him But commonly the lacke of such frendes is neuer felt before they be missed In the time of this king was builded the house in Lōdon called Leadē hall foūded by one Simon Eyre Maior once of the sayd City of London an 1445. Also the standard in cheape builded by Iohn Wels an 1442. the Conduite in Fleetstreet by William Castfield an 1438. Item Newgate builded by goods of Rich. Whittington an 1422. Moreouer the sayde Henry 6. founded the Colledge of Eton and another house hauing then the title of S. Nicolas in Cambridge now called the kinges Colege Ex Scal. mundi In the reigne of this Henry 6. it is not be passed ouer in silence which we finde noted in the Parliament rolles how that Lewes Archbishop of Rhoen after the death of the late Bishop of Eley had graūted vnto him by the popes Bulles during his life all the profites of the sayd bishoprick by the name of the administratour of the said Bishopricke Lewes the foresayde Archbishop sheweth his Buls to the king who vtterly reiected his Bulles Notwithstanding for his seruice done in Fraunce the king graunted to hym the administration aforesaid the which to all intents at the petition of the sayd Lewes should be affirmed to bee of as great force as though he were bishop touching profits liberties and hability Neither agayn is here to be ouerpast a certayn tra gicall Acte done betweene Easter and Whitsontide of a false Britone an 1427. Which murdered a good widdow in her bed who had brought him vp of almes without Algate in the suburbes of London and bare away all that she had afterward he tooke succor of holy church at S. Georges in Southwarke but at the last he tooke the crosse forswore the kings land And as he went his way it happened him to come by the same place where he had done that cursed deed and women of the same parish came out with stones and cannell dong and there made an end of him in the hye streete so that he went no further notwithstandinge the Constables and other men also which had hym vnder gouernaunce to conduct him forwarde for there was a great company of them so that they were not able to withstande them Kyng Edward the fourth KIng Edward after his conquest and victorye achieued agaynst king Henry returned again to London where vpon the Uigil of S. Peter and Paul being on Sonday he was crowned king of England raigned 22. yeares albeit not without great disquitnes and much perturbation in his reigne Queene Margaret hearing how her husband was fled into Scotland was also fayne to flye the land and went to her father Duke of Angeow From whence the next yeare following she returned again to renue warre against king Edward with small succor and lesse lucke For being encountred by the Earle of Warwicke about Nouember she was driuen to the seas agayne and by tempest of weather was driuen into Scotland In this yere we read that king Edward in the cause of a certayne widow for rape sate his owne person in Westminster hall vpon his owne Bench discussing her cause Ex Scal. mundi The yeare folowing king Henry issuing out of Scotland with a sufficient power of Scottes and Frenchmen came into the Northcountrey to recouer the crowne vnto whom the Lord Radulph Percy Lord Radulph Grey flying from king Edward did adioyn themselues but the Lord so disposing king Henry with his power was repulsed in the battaile of Exham by the Lord Mountacute having then the rule of the North where the Duke of Somerset Lord Hungerford Lord Rosse with certayne other were taken The Lord Radulph Percy was slayne the residue fled Albeit the history of Scal. mūdi referreth this battel to the yeare 1464. the 15. day of May. In the which moneth of May were beheaded the duke of Somerset Lorde Hungerford Lord Rosse L. Philip Wentworth L. Tho. Husly L. Tho. Findern beside 21. other belonging to the retinue and household of king Hēry 6. Queene Margaret finding no resting place here in England took her progres agayne from whence she came learning in her own country to drinke that drinke which she her selfe had brued here in England And not long after the next yeare an 1465. on the day of S. Peter and Paule king Henry being founde knowne in a wood by one Cantlow as they say was arested by the Earle of Warwicke and at last of a king made prisoner in the tower of London In this meane time king Edward after the motion of mariage for him being made and first the Lady Margaret sister to Iames the 4. K. of Scottes thought vpon but that motion taking no effect afterward the Lady Elizabeth sister to Henry king of Castelle being intended but she being vnder age the Earle of Warwick turning then his legation and voiage to the French king Lewes the II. to obteyne Lady Bona daughter of the duke of Sauoy and sister to Carlot the French Queen and obteining the same had cast fauour vnto one Elizabeth Grey widow of Syr Iohn Grey knight slain before in the battell of S. Albōs daughter to the Duches of Bedford and Lord Riuers and first went about to haue her to his concubine But she as being vnworthy as she sayde to be the wife of such a high personage so thinking her selfe to bee to good to be his concubine in such sort wanne the kings hart that incontinent before the returne of the Earle of Warwicke he maried her at the which mariage were no moe then onely the Duches of Bedford two gentle women the priest clark Upō this so hasty vnlucky mariage ensued no litle trouble to the king much bloudshed to the realme vndoing almost to all her kyndred and finally confusion to the K. Edwardes 2. sonnes which both were declared afterward to be bastards and also depriued of theyr liues For the Earle of Warwicke who had bene the faythfull frend and chiefe maynteiner before of the king at the hearing of this maryage was therwith so greuously moued and chaffed in hys mind that he neuer after sought any thing more then how to worke displeasure to the
king and to put him beside his cusshion And although for a time he dissembled his wrathfull mood till he might spye a time conuenient and a world to set forwarde his purpose at last finding occasion somewhat seruing to his mind he breaketh his hart to his two brethren to witte the Marques Mountacute the Archbishop of Yorke conspiring with them how to bring hys purpose about Then thought he also to proue a farre of the mind of the duke of Clarence king Edwards brother likewise obteined him geuing also to him his daughter in Mariage This matter being thus prepared agaynst the kyng the first flame of this cōspiracy began to appeare in the north country Where the Northrenmen in short space gathering thēselues in an open rebellion finding certaines of their wicked purpose came down from Yorke toward London Against whom was appoynted by the king W. lord Harbert Earle of Penbroke with the Lord Stafford and certayne other Captaynes to encounter The Yorkeshyre mē geuing the ouerthrow first to the lord Stafford thē to the Earle of Penbrok and his company of Welchmē at Banbery fielde at last ioyning together with the army of the Earle of Warwicke and Duke of Clarence in the dead of the night secretly stealing one the kinges field at Wolney by Warwick killed the watch and tooke the king prisoner who first being in the castle of Warwicke then was conueyed by night to Midleham Castle in Yorkeshyre vnder the custody of the Archbishop of Yorke where he hauinge loose keeping and liberty to go on hunting meeting wyth syr William Standley syr Thomas of Brough and other his frendes was to good for his keepers and escaped the hands of his enemies and so came to York where he was well receiued from thēce to Lankester where he met with the Lord Hastinges his Chamberlayne well accompanied by whose helpe he came safe to London After this tumult when reconciliation could not come to a perfect peace vnity although much labor was made by the nobility the Earle of Warwick raiseth vp a new war in Lincolnshyre the captaine wherof was Sir Rob. wels knight who shortly after being taken in battell wyth hys father and sir Thomas Dunocke were beheaded the residue casting away their coates ran away and fled geuing the name of the field called Losecoat field The erle of Warwicke after this put out of comfort and hope to preuayle at home fled out of England An. 1470. first to Calice then to Lewes the French king accompanyed with the Duke of Clarence The fame of the Earle of Warwicke and of his famous actes was at that time in great admiration aboue measure and so highly fauoured that both in England Fraunce all men were glad to behold his personage Wherfore the comming of this Earle of the Duke of Clarence was not a litle gratefull to the French king and no lesse oportune to Queene Margaret King Henryes wife and Prince Edward her sonne who also came to the Frenche Courte to meete and conferre together touching their affayres where a league betwene thē was cōcluded moreouer a mariage betwene Edward prince of Wales Anne the secōd daughter of the Erle of Warwick was wrought Thus all things fasting luckely vpō the Erles part beside the large offers and great promises made by the Frenche king on the best maner to set forwarde their purpose the Earle hauing also intelligence by letters that the harts almost of all men went with him and lōged sore for his presence so that there lacked now but onely hast with al speed possible to returne he with the duke of Clarence wel fortified with the French nauy set forward toward England For so was it betwene them before decreed that they two should proue the first venture and then Queen Margaret with Prince Edward her sonne should folow after The ariuall of the Earle was not so soone heard of at Dartmouth in Deuonshyre but great cōcourse of people by thousands went to him from all quarters to receiue welcome hym who immediatly made proclamation in the name of kyng Henry the sixt charging all men able to beare armour to prepare themselues to fight agaynst Edwarde Duke of Yorke vsurper of the Crowne Here lacked no freendes strength of men furniture nor pollicy conuenient for such a matter When king Edwarde who before not passing for the matter nor seking how either to haue stopped his iāding or els straight wayes to haue encountred with him before the gathering of his frendes but passing forth the time in hunting in hauking in all pleasure daliance had knowledge what great resort of multitudes incessantly repaired more and more dayly about the Erle and the Duke began now to prouide for remedy when it was to late Who trusting to much to his friendes and fortune before dyd nowe right well perceiue what a variable and inconstant thyng the people is especially here of Englād whose nature is neuer to be contēt long with the present state but alwayes delighting in newes seketh new variety of chaunges eyther enuying that which stādeth or els pitying that which is fallen Which inconstant mutability of the light people chaunging with the winde and wauering with the reede did well appeare in the course of this kinges story For he through the people when he was down was exalted now being exalted of the same was forsaken Wherby this is to be noted of all princes that as there is nothing in this mutable world firme and stable so is there no trust nor assurance to be made but onely in the fauor of God and in the promises of his word onely in Christ his sonne whose only kingdome shall neuer haue ende nor is subiecte to anye mutation These thinges thus passing in England on the Earles side agaynst king Edward he accompanyed with the Duke of Glocester his brother and the Lord Hastings who had maried the erle of Warwicks sister and yet was neuer vntrue to the king his maister and the Lord Seales brother to the Queene sent abroad to all his trusty frendes for furniture of able souldiors for defence of his person to wtstand his enemies Whē litle rescue few in effect would come the king himselfe so destitute departed to Lincolneshyre where he perceiuing his enemyes dayly to encrease vpon him all the countryes about to be in a tore making fiers singing songs crying king Henry king Henry a Warwicke a Warwicke and hearing moreouer his enemyes the Lancastrians to be within halfe a dayes iourney of him was aduised by his frendes to flie ouer the Sea to the Duke of Burgoyne which not long before had maryed king Edwardes sister ¶ Here might be thought by the common iudgement and pollicy of man peraduētnre that king Edward as he had in his handes the life of king Henry of his Queene and Prince so if hee had dispatched them out of the way
he was repulsed in so many battailes to his great dishonour during all the life of Zisca of Procopius as is afore more at leÌ„gth expressed who was so beaten both of the Turkes at home of his owne people that he neuer did encounter with the Turkes after Then followed the Councell of Basill after the beginnyng wherof within vi yeares this SigismuÌ„dus which was Emperour king of Hungary and kyng of Boheme dyed in Morauia an 1437. ¶ Albertus Emperour THis Sigismund left behinde him one only daughter Elizabeth who was married to Albert Duke of Austrich by reason whereof he was aduanced to the Empire and so was both Duke of Austrich Emperour king of Hungary and king also of Boheme But this Albert as is afore declared being an enemy and a disquieter to the Bohemians and especially to the good men of Thabor as he was preparing and setting foorth against the Turkes in the meane time died in the second yeare of his Empire an 1439. leauing his wife great with child who lieng then in Hungary and thinking to be great with a daughter called to her the Princes and chiefetaines of the Realme declaring to them that she was but a woman and vnsufficient to the gouernaÌ„ce of such a state and moreouer how she thought her selfe to be but with childe of a daughter and therefore required them to prouide among them such a Prince and gouernour reseruing the right of the Kingdome to hir selfe as were fit and able vnder her to haue the regiment of the land committed The Turke in the meane while being eleuated and encouraged with his prosperous victories against Sigismundus aforesaide began then more fiercely to inuade Hungary and those parties of Christendome Wherefore the Hungarians making the more haste consulted among themselues to make Duke Uladislaus brother to Casimiâ—us King of Polony their King But while this was in working betwene the Hungarians and Uladislaus the Duke in the meane space Elizabeth brought forth a sonne called Ladislaus who being the lawfull heire of the kingdome the Queene calleth backe againe her former word minding to reserue the kingdome for her sonne being the true heire thereof and therefore refuseth marriage with the saide Uladislaus which she had before pretended But Uladislaus ioyning with a great part of the Hungarians persisting stil in the condition before graunted would not geue ouer by reason whereof great contention and diuision kindling amoÌ„g the people of Hungary Amurathes yâ— great Turke taking his aduantage of their discord and partly surpressed with pride of his former successe against Sigismund aforesaid with his whole maine force inuaded the realme of HuÌ„gary where Huniades surnamed Uaiuoda Prince of Transiluania ioining with the new King Uladislaus did both together set against the Turke anno 1444. and there Uladislaus the new King of Hungary the fourth yeare of his kingdome was slaine Elizabeth with her sonne was fled in yâ— meane while to Fridericke the Emperour Of Huniades Uaiuoda the noble Captaine and of his Actes and also of Ladislaus Christ willing more shall be sayd heereafter in his time and place ¶ Fridericus the third Emperour AFter the deceasse of Albert succeeded in the Empyre Fridericus the third Duke of Austria an 1440. By whome it was procured as we haue before signified that Pope Foelix elected by the Councell of Basill did resigne his Popedome to Pope Nicholas the fift vpon this condition that the said Pope Nicholas should ratife the acts decreed in the said Councell of Basil. In the daies of this Emperour much warre and dissention raged almost thorough all Christian Realmes in Austria Hungaria Polonia in France in Burgoine and also heere in EnglaÌ„d betweene King Henry the sixt and King Edward the fourth as ye haue already heard whereby it had bene easie for the Turke with little maistry to haue ouerrunne all the Christian Realmes in Europe had not the prouidence of our mercifull Lord otherwise prouided to keepe Amurates the Turke occupied in other ciuill warres at home in the meane while Unto this Fridericke came Elizabeth as is aforesaide with Ladislaus her sonne by whome he was nourished enterteined a certaine space till at length after the death of Uladislaus aforesaid king of Ungarie which was slaine in battaile by the Turkes the men of Austria through the instigation of Ulricus Eizingerus and of Ulricus Earle of Cilicia rising vp in armour required of Fridericke the Emperour either to giue theÌ„ their yong king or els to staÌ„d to his own defence When Fridericke heard this neither would he render to them a sodaine answere neither would they abide any longer delay and so the matter growing to warre the new Citie was besieged where many were slaine and much harme done At length the Emperours part beyng yâ— weaker the Emperour through the interueÌ„tion of certaine Nobles of Germany restored Ladislaus vnto their hands who being yet vnder age committed his in kingdomes to three gouernours Whereof Iohn Huniades the worthy Captaine aboue mentioned had the ruling of Ungarie George Pogiebracius had Boheme and Ulricus the Earle of Cilicia had Austria Which Ulrice hauing the chiefe custody of the King bare the greatest authority aboue the rest a man as much full of ambitioÌ„ and tirannie as he was hated almost of all the Austrians and shortly after by the meanes of Eizingerus was excluded also from the King and the Court but afterwarde restored againe and Eizingerus thrust out Such is the vnstable condition of them which be next in place aboute Princes But this contention betwene them I ouerpasse Not long after Ladislaus the yong King went to Boheme there to be crowned where George Pogiebracius as is said had the gouernaunce But Ladislaus during all the time of his being there though being much requested yet would neither enter into the Churches nor heare the seruice of them which did draw after the doctrine of Hus. In somuch that when a certaine Priest in the hygh tower of Prage was appointed and addressed after the maner of Priests to say seruice before the King beeyng knowne to hold with Iohn Hus and Rochezaua the King disdaining at him commaunded him to giue place and depart or else he woulde sende him downe headlong from the rocke of the Tower and so the good minister repulsed by the King departed Also another time the sayde Ladislaus seeing the Sacrament carried by a Minister of that side whome they called then Huslites woulde doo thereunto no reuerence Ex Aene. Syluio At length the long abode of the King although it was not very long yet seemed to the godly disposed to be loÌ„ger then they wished and that was not to yâ— king vnknowen which made him to make the more hast away But before he departed he thought first to visit the noble Citie Uratislauia in Schlesia In the which Citie the foresaid King Ladislaus being there in the high Church at seruice many great Princes were about him Among whome was
also George Pogie bracius who then stoode nearest to the King vnto whome one Chilianus plaieng the Parasite about the King as the fashion is of such as faine themselues fooles to make other men as very fooles as they spake in this wise as foloweth with what countenance you do behold this our seruice I see right well but your hart I do not see Say then doth not the order of this our Religion seeme vnto you decent and comely Do you not see how many and how great princes yea the king himselfe do follow one order and vniformitie And why do you then follow rather your Preacher Rochezana then these Do you thinke a few Bohemians to be more wise then all the Church of Christ besides Why then do you not forsake that rude and rusticall people and ioine to these Nobles as you are a noble man your selfe Unto whome thus Pogiebracius sagely againe doth aunswere If you speake these words of your selfe sayth be you are not the man whome you faine your selfe to be and so to you I aunswere as not to a foole But if you speake this by the suggestion of others then must I satisfie them Heare therefore As touching the Ceremonies of the Church euery man hath a conscience of his owne to follow As for vs we vse such Ceremonies as we trust do please God Neither is it in our arbitrement to beleeue what we will our selues The mind of man being perswaded with great reasons is captiuated wil he nill he and as nature is instructed and taught so is she drawne in some one way and in some another As for my selfe I am fully perswaded in the Religion of my preachers If I should follow thy Religion I might perchance deceiue men going contrary to mine owne conscience but I can not deceiue God who seeth the harts of all Neither shall it become mee to frame my selfe lyke to thy disposition That which is meete for a Iester is not likewise conuenient for a noble man And these wordes eyther take to thy selfe as spoken to thee if thou bee a wise man or else I referre them to those which set thee a worke Ex Aen. Sylu. in Hist. Bohem. After the King was returded from the Bohemians againe to Austria the Hungarians likewise made their petitions to the king that he would also come vnto thē The gouernour of Hūgarie as ye before haue heard was Ioannes Huniades whose victorious acts against the Turks are famous Against this Huniades wicked Ulricus Earle of Cilicia did all he could with the King to bring him to destructiō and therfore caused the king to send for him vp to Uienna and there priuely to woorke hys death But Huniades hauing thereof intelligence offereth hymselfe wythin Hungary to serue hys Prince to all affaires Out of the lande where he was it was neyther best sayde hee for the Kynge nor safest for hym selfe to come The Earle being so disappoynted came downe wyth certaine Nobles of the Courte to the borders of Hungarie thynking eyther to apprehend him and bryng hym to Uienna or there to dispatch hym Huniades without in the fieldes sayde hee woulde common wyth hym wythin the Towne he would not be brought After that an other trayne also was laide for hym that vnder pretence of the kings safe-conduct he shoulde meete the king in the broade fieldes of Uienna But Huniades suspecting deceit came in dede to the place appoynted where hee neither seeing the Kyng to come nor the Earle to haue any safe conduct for hym was mooued and not without cause against the Earle declaring howe it was in hys power there to slay him which went about to seeke hys bloud but for the reuerence of the king he would spare him and let him goe Not long after this the Turke wyth a great power of fighting men to the number of an hundreth and fifteene thousande arriued in Hungarie where he laid siege to the Citie Alba. But through the mercifull hand of God Iohn Huniades and Capistranus a certaine Minorite wyth a small garrison of Christian souldiors gaue him the repusse and put him to flight wyth all hys mighty hoste Whereof more Christ willing heereafter Ex hist Bohemie Aen. Syluij Huniadés shortly after this victorie deceased Of whose death when the king and the Earle did vnderstande they came the more boldly into Hungarie where hee being receiued by Ladislaus Huniades tonne into the Towne of Alba there vewed the places where the Turkes before had pitched theyr tentes When thys Ladislaus heard that the king was comming first toward the towne obediently he opened to hym the gates Foure thousand only of armed souldiours he debarred from entring the Citie In the meane time while the King was there resident in the Citie the Earle with other nobles did sitte in counsaile requiring also Ladislaus to resorte vnto them who first doubting with hymselfe what he might doe at length putteth on a priuie coate of maile and commeth to them Whether the Earle first beganne wyth him or he wyth the Earle it is not knowen The opinion is of some that Ulricus first called him traitor for shutting the gates against the kings soldiours Howsoeuer the occasion began thys is vndoubted that Ulricus taking his sworde from hys page let flie at his head To breake the blowe some putting vp their hands had their fingers cut of The Hungarians hearing a noise tumult wythin the chamber brake it vpon them there incontinent slewe Ulrike the Earle wounding and cutting him almost alto peeces The King hearing thereof although he was not a little discontented thereat in his minde yet seeing there was then no other remedy dissembled his griefe for a time Frō thence the king tooke his iourny againe to Buda accompanied wyth the foresayde Ladislaus who passyng by the towne where the wife of Huniades was mourning for the death of her husband seemed with many faire wordes to comfort her and after he had there sufficiently repasted hym selfe wyth such pretence of dissembled loue and fained fauour that they were without all suspition feare from thence he set forward in hys iourney taking wyth him the two sonnes of Huniades Ladislaus and Mathias who were right ready to wait vpon him The king being come to Buda whether of his owne head or by sinister counsell set on when hee had them at a vauntage caused bothe the sonnes of Huniades to witte Ladislaus and Mathias to be apprehended And first was brought foorth Ladislaus the elder sonne to the place of execution there to be beheaded where meekely he suffered being charged wyth no other crime but thys published by the voyce of the cryer saying Thus are they to be chastened which are rebelles against their Lord. Peucerus wryting of his death addeth thys moreouer that after the hangman had 3. blowes at his necke yet notwythstanding the sayd Ladislaus hauing his hands bound behinde hym after the thirde stroke
The most of this Hūgary is nowe vnder the Turk which Turks first came into Europe An. 1211. BOhemia Praga Pilzen Thabor Buduuis Kolin or Koelu Egra Kuttenberg Leimiritz Laun. Rakonicke Glataw Bern. or Beraun Bruck Most Gretz Hradetz Aust. Maut Myto Hof Iaromir Dub. Biela Lantzhut Gilowy Krupka Krumaw Pardubitz Chumitaun Loket Teplitz Hantzburg Zbraslau Labe. Vltawa After the deathe of Ladislaus the kingdome of Boheme fell to George Pogiebracius aboue mentioned whō Pope Innocent the eight did excommunicate and depose for hys religion as is afore declared Furthermore the kingdome of Hungary was geuen to Mathias sonne of Huniades who was in captiuity as is sayd with king Ladislaus and should haue bene put to death after his brother had not the king before bene preuented wyth death as is aboue recorded Moreouer heere is to be noted that the sayde king Ladislaus thus dying wythout wife and issue left behinde hym two sisters aliue to witte Elizabeth which was maried to Casimirus king of Polonia and Anna maried to William duke of Saxonie Elizabeth by her husbande Casimirus king of Polonia had Uladislaus who at length was king both of Boheme and Hungarie This Casimirus first was maryed to Beatrix wife before to Mathias Then being diuorced from her by the dispensation of Pope Alexander maryed a newe wife a Countesse of Fraunce by whome he had two children Lewes and Anna Lewes which was heire of both kingdomes of Boheme and Hungarie was slayne fighting against the Turkes Anna was maried to Ferdinandus by whome he was Archduke of Austria kyng of Boheme c. Sigismundus left onely ouedaughter Elizabeth wife to Albertus Emperour Who had 3. children Ladislaus king of Hungarie Boheme and Austria Elizabeth wyth of Casimirus kynge of Polonie who had Anna wyfe to William Duke of Saxon. Vladislaus kyng of Baheme and Hungary who by hys seconde wife Countesse of Fraunce had Ludouicus King of Boheme Hungarie Anne wife to Ferdinandus Father to thys Maximilian nowe Emperour Ye heard before howe after the decease of Ladislaus the Hungarians by their election preferred Mathias surnamed Coruinus which was sonne of Huniades to the kingdome of Hungary For which cause dissention fel betwene Friderick the Emperor and him for that the said Friderick was both nominated himselfe by diuers vnto that kyngdom also because he had the crown of Hungary then remaining in his hands which Elizabeth mother to K. Ladislaus had brought to the Emperor as was before declared But this warre betweene them was ceased by the intercessiō of the Princes of Germany so that Mathias ransomed that crowne of Fridericke for 8000. Florences Not long after Pope Innocent being displeased with George Pogiebracius or Boiebracius king of Bohemia for fauouring of Iohn Hus his Religion that is to say for playing the part of a godly Prince dyd excommunicate depose him conferring his kingdome to Mathias But for somuch as Fridericke the Emperour would not thereto consent and especially after the death of the foresayde George when the Emperour and the Bohemians leauing out Mathias did nominate Uladislaus sonne of Casimirus king of Polonie and of Elizabeth to be kyng of Boheme therefore great warre and trouble kindled betweene him and Fridericke the Emperour wherein the Emperour had vtterly gone to ruine had not Albertus Duke of Saxonie rescued the Emperour and repressed the vehemencie of Mathias The noble actes of Iohn Huniades and of this Mathias hys sonne were not onely great stayes to Hungary but almost to al Christendom in repelling backe the Turke For beside the other victories of Iohn Huniades the father afore mentioned thys Mathias also his sonne succeeding no lesse in the valiantnes then in the name of hys father did so recouer Sirmium and the confines of Illyrica from the hands of the Turks so vanquished their power that both Mahometes and also Baiazetes hys sonne were enforced to seeke for truce Ouer and besides the same Mathias conducting hys army into Bosna which lyeth South from Hungary recouered againe Iaitza the principall towne of that kyngdome from the Turkes possession Who if other Christen Princes had ioyned their helpes withal would haue proceded farther into Thracia But behold here the malitious subtilty of Sathan working by the Pope For while Mathias was thus occupied in hys expedition agaynst the Turkes wherein he should haue bene set forward and aoded by Christen Princes and Byshoppes the Byshop of Rome wickedly and sinfully ministreth mater of ciuil discord betwene him Pogiebracius aforesayd in remouing him from the right of hys kingdome and transferryng the same to Mathias Wherupon not only the course of victory against the Turkes was stopped but also great warre and bloudshed followed in Christen realmes as well betweene thys Mathias and Pogiebracius wyth hys two sonnes Uictorinus and Henricus as also betweene Casimirus Uladislaus and Mathias warring about Uratislauia till at length the matter was taken vp by the Princes of Germanie Albeit for al the execrable excōmunication of the Pope against Pogiebracius a great part of Boheme would not be remooued from the obedience of their King whome the Pope had cursed and deposed yet Mathias toke from him Morauia and a great portion of Slesia and adioyned it to his kingdome of Hungarie An. 1474. ¶ Where this by the way is to be noted that the Religion in Bohemia planted by I. Hus could not be extinct or suppressed withall the power of foure mightie Princes Uenceslaus Sigismundus Albertus and Ladislaus notwithstanding they wyth the Popes did therein what they possibly coulde but still the Lorde maintained the same as ye see by thys Pogiebracius king of Boheme whome the Pope coulde not vtterly remooue out of the kingdome of Bohemia This forementioned Mathias beside his other memorable actes of chiualry is no lesse also commended for hys singulare knowledge and loue of learning and of learned men whom he with great stipends procured into Pannonia where by the meanes of good letters and furniture of learned mē he reduced in short space the barbarous rudenesse of that countrey into a flourishing common wealth Moreouer such a Library he did there erect and replenish with all kinde of authors sciences and hystories which he caused to be translated out of Greeke into Latine as the like is not thought to be foūd next to Italy in all Europe beside Out of which Librarye we haue receaued diuers fragments of wryters as of Polybius and Diodorus Siculus which were not extant before Ex Peucer The constante fortitude also of Georgius Pogiebracius king of Boheme is not vnworthy of commendation of whom also Pope Pius himselfe in Descriptione Europae doth honestly report as a Pope may speake of a protestāt in these words wryting Magnus vir alioqui rebus bellicis clarus c. Who although Pope Innocent did execrate with hys children yet hee lett not of the profession of the veritie knowledge which he had
miracles what straunge sightes this Berthwalde or Drithelm did see after hys death read the ix booke of Henr. Huntington King Etheldred made Abbot of Bardney Adelmus Gu. Malmesâ— lib. 5. de pontifiâ— Lying miracles Malmesbery commended for hys stile Lying miracles reproued Aldelme Byshop Swithune Bishop of Wine Bedo lib. 5. cap. 23. Ex historia Iornalensi do regib us Northumb S. Iohn of Beuerlay Anno. 717. Annother lying fable of Sainct Eguyne Ranulphus in Polychro lib. 5. cap. 23. Beda lib. 5. de gestes Angl. Polycron lib. 5. cap. 17. A generall rule seruing for the obseruation of Easter day This rule of Easter seemeth to be taken out of the booke of Numer And they going out of Ramesse the 15. day of the first moneth the next day after held their Easter c. Why priestes crownes were shauen Bede de gest lib. 5. The copy of a Monkish letter of Colfride to King Naiton for the shauing of Priestes crownes How proueth he that the Apostles Iob and Ioseph were shauen Much sayd nothing proued Diuersitie of rites hurteth not the Church See how these shauelinges would father their shauing vpon Peter which is neyther found in Scripture nor in any approued story but onely in paynted clothes Why Priestes and Monkes be shauen in the crowne The shauing of the crowne what it representeth How doth the signe of the crosse defend Churches from euill spirites when it cannot keepe them from euill Priestes If shauing of the crown doth each men patience in suffering how commeth it that we see none more washpish and irefull then these shorne generations of Monkish vipers Simon Magus 〈◊〉 as he sayâ— The difference betweene the shauing of Peter and Simon Magus In outward habite christians ought not to reliâ—â—ble wicked doers * There is but one mediator betweene God and man Christ Iesus The Scottish monke and the Englishe monkes differed in their shauing If Peter shall let in the elect of God into heauen Christ theâ— serueth in little stede A note to admonish the reader Fabia cap. 141. Guliel Malmesb de Reg. An. 724. Ethelburge the Queene perswadeth her husbaÌ„d to be a monke The crafty head of a woman King Iue resigning hys kingdome went to Rome and became a Monke Ethelburga the Queene made NuÌ„ne of Barking Peter pence first graunted and payd to Rome The lawes made by King Iue to his people Celulphus King of Northumberland Bede An. 729. The life of Bede briefly described This Benedict maister to Bede was the first that brought in the vse of glasse windowes into England Also the sayd Benet 〈…〉 An Epistle of Pope Sergius The famous learning of Bede Bede commended for integritie of lyfe Anno. 735. S. Iohns Gospell translated into English by Bede Celulfus of a King made a Monke Egbert Kyng of Northumberland Anno. 747. Ex Malmesb. lib. de gestis pontifi Anglo Cutbert Archbishop of Caunterbury The rogation dayes had not then that superstition in them as they had afterward Boniface an English man Archb. of Mentz Ethelwold kyng of Merceland Edelhim a strong 〈◊〉 valiant warriour Pride ouerâ—throwne A letter of Boniface otherwise called Winfridâ— sent to kyng Ethelbald Nihil factum quod non factum prius The corrupt lyfe of Nunnes noted The popish actes and doynges of Boniface Archbishop of Magunce The Monastery of Fulda in Germany builded by Boniface Childericus The French king deposed and Pipinus intruded Dist. xl cap Si Papa Images in Churches subuerted by Emperours mayntained by Popes Philippicus for holding agaynst Images lost hys Empyre his eyes The author of the book called the dialogues of Gregory Memoriall of reliques offring and sacrifice for the dead brought into the masse Canon The Popes feete first kissed of the Emperours Segebert king of Westsaxons Sigebert slayne Cruell tyranny with like cruelty reuenged Kenulphus king of Westsaxons Anno. 748. Murder reuenged with murder Offa King of Mercia An vntruth noted in the story of Fabianus The primacy of Canterbury remoued to Lichfield Lambrith Archbishop of Cant. This Alcuinus is commended for hys learning nex to Adelmus and Bede aboue all Saxons Ethelbert king of Eastangles wrongfully murdered by Offa. The vayne suspicion and wicked counsell of a woeman Ex historia Iornalensi Malmesocriensi Cruell murder reuenged Offa and Kenredus of Kinges made monkes at Româ— Egfretus King of Mercia Alcuinus Osbâ—â— to patritio The fathers fault punished in the childe Egbert King of Kent taken prisoner A princely example of clemency in a noble king The Church of Winchcombe builded by K. Kenulphus Egbert King of Kent released out of prison A place of Fabian doubted Pope Steuen the second The donation of Pipinus falsely taken to be the donation of Constantine Ex polyer lib. 5. cap. 25. Pope Paule the first Images agayne mayntayned by the Pope agaynst the Emperour A lay man pope who was deposed and had hys eyes put out Pope Steuen the third The counsell of Constantinople the 7. condemned of the Pope for condemning Images The pope also ordayned Gloria in Excelsis to be song in the masse at S. Peters altar by the Cardinals Pope Hadrian the first Images agayne mayntayned by the Pope to be mens Kalenders The body of S. Peter clothed iâ— siluer The order of the Romish masse book when it came in Ex Duraâ—do Nauâ—â—ro Iacobâ—â— Voragine in vita Greg. Et tameâ— ipsis commentum placet Terent Note well the practise of Prelates in planting their popish masse Gregories masse taketh place in Europe Carolus Magnus beneficiall to the sea of Rome Rex Christianissimus intituled to Fraunce A letter of Charles the great sent to king Offa. How the Pope heareth the cry of poore widowes and Orphanes The Empire translated from Greece to Fraunce Images written agaynst as contrary to the true fayth This Albinus was Alcuinus aboue mentioned The Bishops and Princes of England against Images King Egbert made a monke Anno. 757. Osulphus Mollo otherwise called Adelwold Alcredus or Aluredus Ethelbert otherwise named Adelred or Eardulphe Alfweld Osredus Adelred agayn kinges of Northumberland Anno. 764. Northumberland kingdome ceaseth Alcuinus otherwise called Albinus The troubles of the kingdome of Northumberland and described by Alcuinus Ex Historia MalmesberieÌ„si How it rayned bloud in Yorke Anno. 780. Brigthricus K. of Westsaxons Edelburga daughter to Offa poysoned her husband Wickednes reuenged Irene Anno. 784. Images restored agayne by Irene at Constantinople The second councell at Nicea The wickednes of Irene condingly rewarded Kenelmus king of Mercia innocently slayne Celulphus Ceolulphus Bernulphus kings of Mercia The kingdome of Mercia ceaceth Vniust dealinges of men iustly rewarded Paules Church The first aultar and crosse set vp in England The church of Winchester The church of Lincolne The church of Westminster The scholes at Cambridge Abbey of Knouisburgh Malmesb. Abbey of Glocester Mailrose Heorenton Hetesey The monastery of S. Martin at Douer Lestingey Whitbie This Hilda was first conuerted to the fayth by Paulinus a godly and learned
in Monkes An 969. Galiel lib. 3. de Gest. pontifi Chr. Iornalense in vita Edgarâ— Prebendaries and Priestes slacke in their duety Priestes voyded of Cathedrall Churches and monkes set in The difference order and institution of Monkes examined Two sortes of Monkes in the primitiue Church Cassianus lib. 2. cap. 4. de canon Nâ—ctor orat Two sortes of lay men Monkes in the olde tyme were no other but lay men leading a stricte lyfe August de mor ecclesia Hieron ad Heliodor Dionysius Concilium Chalced. Can. A. Monkes forbidden to intermeddle with matters ecclesiasticall Monkes differing froÌ„ Priests Monkes in the primitiue tyme differyng from Monkes in the ij age of the Church August de institutis monachorum Zozomen lib. 3. cap. 16. Monkes of the primitiue time were no clerks but mere lay men Monkes of the old tyme some marryed none restrayned from mariage Athanasius epistola ad DracoÌ„ Superstition crept in with monkery The ignoraunce of our free iustification by Christ is the cause of all superstition Ex Cassia cap. 17. collat 2. 〈…〉 Example â— declaring the blinde superstition of the Monkes of the olde tyme. Cassianus lib. de spiritu Gastrimarg cap. 40. Superstition Cassian lib. 6. cap. 2. Monkery mother of superstition and hipocrisie Basilius Magnus Nazianzenus Monkes of the middle and latter age of the church described Causes of the founding of monasteries and Nunneries tending to the derogation of Christes passion and Christian fayth Most part of monasteries were builded vpon some murther The order of Monkes Cluniacâ— by Othoâ— vp in King Edgars time Monarch flagellants Monkes are subiect and ruled by the knocke of a bell Monkes made spirituall ministers contratrary to the old decrees and custome of the Church Priestes is King Edgars tyme had wyues The worthy actes of K. Edgar The King a good iusticiarie England reduced into one full and perfect monarchie â—dgerus Rex Pacificuâ— King Edgar and King Alfrede compared together A note for men of nobilitie to marke A notable example of a prince to admonishe all princes what to do Wolues first driuen out of Englend The prouision of kyng Edgar in keeping the seas A notable example in a prince for all good princes to marke and to follow The deuise of K. Edgar to auoyde dronkennes Vlij kinges do homage to K. Edgar The Glory of king Edgar reprehended Wherein kinges ought to glory K. Edgar a superstitious vpholder of Monkery Ex Edmero Vices noted in King Edgar King Edgar circumuented by one of hys own counsell Cruelty in king Edgar noted Great detriment happening in this Realme by King Edgar W. Malmesb. The incontinent life of King Edgar Editha base daughter of Wilfrede the kinges lemman Edward borne in bastardie of Elflede King Edwardes concubine King Edgar a great mayntayner of monkery K. Edgar seduced by Dunstane and Ethelwold bishop of Winchester Ex Osberno in vita Dunstani Fol. 27. Malmesb Houeden alijs The death of K. Edgar Ex Chronico Saxonico Ecclesia Wigornensis Ex Osberno in vita Dunstani Dunstane refuseth to take the king by the hand The wordes of Dunstane to K. Edgar Penance enioyned 〈◊〉 K. Edgar 〈◊〉 Dunstane K. Edward raygned 〈◊〉 three years crowned king Elflede proued a NuÌ„ne and Edward her sonne a bastard Errours in Malmesbery and retayne other Monkes â—â—râ—â—s The 1. error The kinges penaunce not enioyned for Edith but 〈◊〉 Edward The 2. error Elflede the mother of Edward proued to be a professed Nunne The lying myracles of Elflede Dunstane and Editha reproued Idolatrous worshipping the tumbe of Alflede The idle phantasies and forged myracles of Dunstane A doubt whether Dunstane was a sorcerer Dunstane a post â—etter Dunstane caught the deuill by the nose with an hote payre of tonges Our Lady appeareth tâ— Dunstane What maruell if certayn bookes and epistles be falsly intituled to the Doctours wheÌ„ the papistes shame not to ascribe other mens verses also to the virgin Mary her selfe A foule filthy Monkish myracle in the story of Editha An other dreame of Dunstane Ex. W. Malmesteriensi Capgrauo in legend â—oua The death of K. Edgar An Epitaph commendatorie of king Edgar written by H. Huntington Sonday first halowed from saterday at ix of the clocke to monday morning An. 975. The story of king Edward Ex Simone Durham Contention amongst the Lordes about the putting in of Monkes Contention amongst the Lordes for chasing the king Edward the bastarde made K. and the right heyre put back Ex Osberne Nic. Trinet Ioan. Paris Vincentio Antonino Editha proued not to be the childe for whom King Edgar was enioyned penance The yeares of Editha and Edward cast by the supputation of Legendes and stories King Edward called martir proued to be a bastard The cause perpended why thys story of K. Edward is so falsely corrupted in Monkish â— stories Malmesb. in lib. de Regibus Dunstane suborneth Editha the bastard to take the crowne from the right heyre Ex Capgrauo in vita sanctae Edithae Duke Alpherus Priestes with their wiues restored Historia Iornaelensis in vitae Edgari Byshops and Priestes in those dayes maryed in England Iornalens de In eo Rego Ex Chronico Ingulphi Abbatis de Crowland Greatâ—nes in the land aboâ—â— placing Monkes 〈◊〉 displacing Priestes A contâ—â—uersie betweene Priestes 〈◊〉 Monkes Priestes â—â—â—riage 〈◊〉 for an 〈◊〉 custoâ—◠〈◊〉 England The obieâ—â—â—â—on of prieâ—â— agaynst the Monkes Guliel de Regib lib. â— The aunswere of Monkes agaynst the Priestes Maryed mens liues compared with the lyfe of Monkes An. 977. A vayne miracle of Dunstanes roode that spake Here lacâ—eâ— a Thomas Cromeâ—â—â— to try out false iugling An other assembly called at Calue Dunstane an enemy 〈◊〉 Priestes wiues A sodayne fall of the people at the councell of Calue Henricus lib 5. Guliel Ranulph Iornalensis Fabian The horrible wickednes of the Queene the mother K. Edward traterously murdered by hys stepmother and her seruant K. Edward found dead and buried not knowne to be king Coref Castle The body of king Edward after three yeares honorably taken vp and translated to Shaftesbury Two Nunneries founded vpon murther An. 979. Three Edward kinges before the conquest Continuation of the romish Bishops or Popes Pope Iohn xiii a wicked Pope Liuthprandus lib. 6. As merry as pope Iohn Prouerb Pope Iohn xiii deposed Pope Iohn restored Pope Iohn wounded in adultery Pope Benedictus 5. Pope Leo. 8. The election of the Byshop of Rome geuen to the Emperour The donations of Carolus Magnus and Otho to Rome Pope Iohn 14. Pope Iohn 14. cast into prison The cruell reuenge of the pope Christening of belles first began Pope Benedictus 6. Pope Benedict slayne in prison Pope Donus 2. Pope Bonifacius 7. Two Popes together Pope Iohn 15. Pope Iohn slayne Pope Boniface drawne through the streetes of Rome Pope Benedictus 7. Otho second Emperour Gilbertus a Necromanser made Archb. Pope Iohn the 16. Pope Iohn the xviii Pope Gregory the v. Pope Iohn the viii Two Popes together in
pontif Lib. 4. Ex Roger. Ho 〈◊〉 Eabia c. Anno. 1116. Assemble of the nobles at Salisbury Thurstine refuseth to professe subiection to the Arch. of Cant. Thurstine promiseth to renounce hys archbishopricke Anno. 1118. Pope Calixtus breaketh promise with the king Thurstine sacred archbishop of Yorke by the Pope agaynst the kinges minde Concision Rhemense Actes of the councell of Rhemes The Actes sent to the Emperour The Emperour agreeth not to the popes inuesting The councell deuided Ex Rog. Houed Henry the Emperour excommunicated Agreed that England shoulde haue no other Legate from Rome but onely the Archb. of Cant. England spoyld by the popes legates All the custome of the Realme graunted of the pope Anno. 1120. The popes letter to the King The king compelled to receaue Thurstinus for feare of the popes curse Thurstinus restored Anno. 1122. Wil. Archb. of Cant. The gray Friers first came into England Anno. 1125. Priestes payd for their wiues Ex Roger. Houed El Guliel GisburneÌ„si Ex Henrie Hunting lib. 7. The Abbey of Gilburne bailded S. la ues hand Reading Abbey fouÌ„ded Matilde daughter of K. Henry heyre to the crowne Geffry PlaÌ„tagenet Henry 2. borne of Matilde the Empresse Anno. 1130. The priorie of Norton founded Three terrible visioÌ„s of the king Three vowes made of King Henry Anno. 1131. Danegelt released The Church relieued Iustice rightly administred Bishoprike of Carlile newly erected by king Henry The Citie and Paules Church of London burned Honorius the 2. Mathaeus Partsiensis A romishe statute concerning priestes wiues and Concubines Mariage forbid to the seuenth degree The Popes Legate geuing preceptes of chastitie was found with an harlot Lotharius Emperour Arnulphus Martyred at Rome The history of Arnulphus Arnulphus Martyr Ex Tretimio A booke called Tripartitum written 400. yeares agoe Number of holy dayes Curious singing in Cathedrall Churches The world ouercharged with begging Religions Promotion of euill prelates Supersluitie of apparell in Bishops families Byshops seales abused to get mony Non residentes in benefices Rash bestowing of benefices Wastefull spending of the Church goods Old bookes of Councels lost by the negligence of the clerkes The vnchaste lyfe of priestes condemned by the nature of the storkes Amendment of lyfe ought first to begin with the priestes The realme of Fraunce interdited King of Portingale deposed The Knights of the Rhodes and Templars Pope 〈◊〉 centius the second Hurly 〈◊〉 betweene Popes The pope curse proclaymed agaynst 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 any priest The death of K. Henry Anno. 1135. Periury iustly punished Ex Chris. Anglico in certi autâ—ris The Bishop of Sarum and of Lincolne takeâ— prisoners of the king and led with ropes about their neckes Roger. â—eued in 〈◊〉 Steph. Ex Fabian In vita Step. Anno. 1136. K. Stephen Building of Castles in England The cruelty of the Scots agaynst the Englishe man Anno. 1140. Maude the Empresse came into England agaynst Steuen King SteueÌ„â—ken prisoner What it is for princes to be hard and straite to their subjectes K. Stephen and Robert Erle of Glocester deliuered by exchaunge Ex incerti autoris chronise The decease of Geffry Plantagenet Henry Duke of Normandy Henry entereth into England Theobalde Archbishop of Cant. Peace betwene king Steuen and Duke Henry concluded The death of K. Steuen S. William of Yorke Gracianns the compiler of the popes decrees Petrus Lombardus maister of the sentence Petrus Comestet Hugo de sancto Victore Bernardus Clareualensis Hildegare Ioannes detemporibus The fewes crucified a christen body at Norwich The order of the Gilbertines The Lordes prayer and the Creede in Englishe Matthaeus Pariensis lib. Chron. 4. Steuen king of England Cursing with booke bell and candle Anno. 1138. Pope Lucius the ij warring agaynst the Senators Spirituall excommunication abused in temporall causes Hadrianus a Pope an Englishman Anno. 1154. King Henry the second Thomas Becket chauncellor of England Anno. 〈◊〉 Gerhardus Dulcinus Preaches agaynst Antichrist of Rome Ex 〈◊〉 Gisbaron si Anno. 11â—â— Fredericus Barbarosa Emperor The pope displeased that the Emperour did not held his right stirrup The Emperour holdeth the Popes stirrup The Popes old practice in setting Princes together by the eares War more gaynefull to the Pope then peace Warre stirred vp by the Pope The pope driuen to entreate for peace The godly proceedings of Frederick the Emperour agaynst the pope A letter of Pope Hadrian to the Emperour Fredericke The Emperours name before the Popes A seditious and proud letter of the pope to the Bishops of Germany Well bragged and like a Pope Scripture well wrasted Ex Radenuico in appendice Frisingensis See the ambitious presumption of a proude priest Note here a couragious hart in a valiaunt Emperour An example for all princes to follow Note The order of Erenuâ—â— Anno. 1159. The saying and iudgement of P. Adrianus of the papall sea The popes rather successors to Romulus then to Peter Pope Alexander the third Alexander curseth the Emperour Anno. 1164. Volateran â—ken with a â—tradiction Concilium 〈◊〉 The clergie â—ounde to â—he vowe of â—hastitie Papiâ—tes are not so much in pro 〈◊〉 chastitie as in desining chastitie Tho. Becket Archb. at Cant. Becket no martyr Herberturde busebam Ioan. Charnot A lanus Abbot of Tenchbury Gulselmus Cantuariensis Tho. Becked described What commeth of blinde zeale destitute of right knowledge The life of Tho. Becket Polydorus mistaketh the mother of Becket Ex Roberto Criâ—eladensi Ex Florilego 〈…〉 The 〈◊〉 of vanâ—â— recited betweene 〈◊〉 king 〈◊〉 Archb. The kings custome Out of an Englishe Chronicâ—â— as it appearreth 〈◊〉 en cured Frenchâ—â— Erle â—â—lord 〈◊〉 The lawes of Claredoun Beckets additioÌ„ Saluo ordine suo The Bishop of Chichester The stubberne wilfulnes of T. Becket T. Becket relenteth to the king Becket yeldeth to the king Saluo ordine left out in the composition Becket repenteth of hys good deede A letter of pope Alexander to T. Becket Becket enterprising agaynst the king◠〈◊〉 to flye out of the realme Becket taunted of the king Ex Rogero Houed prâ— parte historia continuas a post Bedam The kinge to be the Pope Legate The ceâ—sty dissimulation of the Pope The popes secret letters to Becket More then an C. murthers done by the clergye Guliel Neuburg lib. 2. ca. 16. Becket cited to Northampton The Archbish. condemned in the Councell of NorthamtoÌ„ in the loâ—â—e of all hys moueables Becket required to geue an accompt The verdite of Winchester The counsell of the Bishop of London Canterbury Winchester Chichester Moderate counsell Lincolne Exceter Worcester Becket the Archbishop replyeth agaynst the Byshops A great â—â—ielle growen in the church because that Byshop may noâ—â—â— aboue 〈◊〉 and prince Becket destitute and forsaken Becket 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 nes when he should appeale A masse of S. Steuen 〈◊〉 saue hym from hys enemies Becket answere to the Bishops â—â—câ—â—t appealeth to Rome London appealeth from the Archbish. A masse to charme away persecutors Becket caryeth with hym the sacrament going
prison and so kept a long time The birth of prince Edward The expedition of king Edward into Scotland The Scottish times K. Edward wasâ—â—â—h and destroyeth the realme of Scotlande Barwicke besieged and yeelded vp to the king The K. entreth the towne of Barwicke appointeth the captaine therof Sir Robâ— de Aâ—tois a â—â—ble maâ—â—â— Fraâ—â—â— inciteth the â— to prolecâ—â— his title in Fraunce The king delibeâ—â—â—â— with his councell â—â—cerning the title of Fraunce Embassadors are â—â— to the 〈◊〉 of Heynaâ— concerning the title The Embassadours â—eturne with answere Ed the Erle 〈◊〉 pleaseth the kyng K. Philip of France heareth of the kings purpose and stayeth his viage of the Croisie K. Edward assigned lieâ—tenant Generall of the Empyre The first viage of kâ—â—â— Edward iâ—â—â— Fraunce Southampton buâ—â—â— of the French men The Scottes styrâ—ed vp against England by the French K. The Pope cause of the kings remoâ—ing out of Fraunce Anno. 1340. The king of England taketh the title of Fraunce K. Edward to the nobles and coÌ„mons of Fraunce The title of France how it came to K. Edward Note the grosenes of this tyme when the blâ—ud of Christ was thought but only dedicated to the holy land Southampton burnt spoyled by the French men Counsaile of the Archb. geuen to the king Battel vpon the sea betweene kyng Edward and Frenchmen The Frenchmen beaten vpon the sea The wordes of the foole to the French kyng The letters of K. Edward to the Byshops of England A câ—â—ncâ—l at Villenorth Flaunders Brabant and Hennalt take part with kyng Edward The letter of king Edward to the FreÌ„ch kyng The answere of the FreÌ„ch K to K. Edward The Scottes â—â—de Englâ—â—â— Henborough recoâ—ered from the Englishmen by the Scottes Tourney besieged Articles of truce K. Edward returneth from Tourney The kyng deceiued by his officers No bishop must be imprisoned by the Popes lawe Couetous officers Iohn Stratford Archb. of Cant. The kyngs letter to the Dean and chapter of Paules Archbish. of Cant falâ—e to the king Euil officers displaced by the kyng Archbish. of Cant. 〈◊〉 to all the clergie The Archb. of Cant. de 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 The Archb. 〈◊〉 with 〈…〉 ingratitude The Archb. 〈◊〉 of the â—yng The Archb. â—â—useth his office 〈…〉 The letter of the Archbishop to the kyng Good counsellers necessary about a kyng Excommunication in his owne priuate cause abused The returne of the kings army from Tourney Anno. 1341. Truce taken for three yeares betweene K. Edward and the French king Anno. 1342. Pope Clement 6. Ex Chron. Albanens The kyng disanulleth the Popes prouision The Poges procurators driuen out of England A letter of the Nobles commons of England to the pope Decay of the Church of England by the Pope The Popes message to the king The kings aunswere to the Popes message Anno. 1344. The Castle in Windsore enlarged The rounde table builded in Windsore Tenthes graunted to the king by the clergy for 3. yeares Priuileges granted by the king to the clergie By this it is lyke that priestes had wiues Prince Edward first prince of Wales Anno. 1345. Henry Erle after made duke of Lancaster sent ouer to Gasconie A rare example of a liberal captaine to his soldiours The liberall heart and constant voyce of a worthy captain The Scots partly a meane of breaking truce Anno. 1346. The 1. viaâ—â— of K. Edw. into France The battell at Caâ—â—â—n The kingâ—et ters of defiance against the French king The Popes legate surreth vp war â—â—ke legate â—â—ke Pope A letter of the kings coÌ„â—cllor touching his actes doing at Cardoyn The Cardinalâ— againe entreate for peace The kyngs answere to the Cardinals The French kyng sheweth no carefull study of peace The kings comming to Pusiacke Anno. 1346. Siege of Calys Dauid king of Scots inuadeth England The Scots ouerthrowen Dauid the Scottishe K. taken prisoner K. Edward answereth to the pope The kyng appealeth from the P. to God Offers made to the men of Flaunders to forsake K. Edwarde The Dolphin with the French discomfited at Casseles Anno. 1347. The French king flyeth before the battaile The towne of Calice wonne Truce coÌ„cluded betweene England Fraunce Anno. 1348. A vehement pestilence in England Now called the Charterhouse church yard Anno. 1350. Calice almost lost by treason The death of the French king Anno. 1351. The towne of Gwynes taken Anno. 1352. Victory of Syr Roger Bentele First Duke of Lancaster Anno. 1354. Pope innocent 6. Chron. Adamâ— Murimouth canonici D. Paulâ— de gestis Edw. I. Ann. 1355. The third viage of K. Edward into Fraunce The French K. refuseth to ioyne in battell with kyng Edward Fiftie shillings for euery sack of wooll caryed out of England The custome of wooll for sixe yeres 1500000. poundes sterling to king Edward Anno. 1356. The French K. taken prisoner by prince Edward Euery Scute valuing 6. shillings 8. pence Marsilius Patauinus author of the booke called Defensor paces Article of Marsilius against the Pope Merites cause of saluation sine qua non Marsilius condemned of the Pope Extrau cap. Licet intra doctrinam Ioannes GaÌ„denensis condemned by the pope Guillermus Ockam wrote against the pope Michael generall of the gray fryers excommunicated for an heretike Ascentionis in praesatione eius aeutoris The dialogue betwene the souldier and the clarke of Ockams making Eight questions disputed by Ocham Gregorius Ariminensis mainteineth the same doctrine nowe receiued Ex Trithemio Andreas de Castro and Burdianus both gospellers 200. yeares agoe Eudo duke of BurguÌ„dy against the popes decrees about 200. yeares since Ex Charolo Molinao Dante 's an ItaliaÌ„ writer against the Pope Donation of Constantine a thing forged The pope the whore of Babilon Ex lib. Iornandi Pope Antichrist An admonition to the Romans Taulerus of Germany a preacher against the popes proceedings Franciscus petrarcha Vide 20 epistolam Francisci Petrarcha Rome the mother and schole of errour Ioannes de rupe scissa Iohn cast into pâ—â—â—â— Church of Rome the whore of Babilon The reformation of the Church before prophesied Conradus Hager The Masse to be no sacrifice Conradus cast in prison Ex bullis quibusdam Otthonis Epis Herbipeli Ponitentiarius Asini. The pope and his spiritualitie coÌ„federate against the laitie The pope maketh the Emperour lay meÌ„ Aâ—â—â— Gerhardus Ridder a writer against moÌ„kes and friers Michael Cesenas Petrus de Corbaria condemned of the Pope Ioannes de Poliaco The opinioÌ„s of Michael against the Pope Michael Cesenas depryued and coÌ„demned of the Pope Martyres Ioannes de Castilione Franciscus de Arcatara burned Archbyshoppes of Cant. the 〈◊〉 succeeding the other New Colledge in Oxforde founded an 1366. Pope Innocent 6. Two Franciscanes burned at Auinion Ioan. Rochtaylada Martyr Ex Chron. Henrici de Herfordia The church of Rome declared to be the whore of Babilon by Gods reuelatioÌ„ Kochtaylada with an other Frier Martyrsâ— A priest for casting the popes bull before the popes feete scourged cast in
Hilman Nic. Hereford and Phil. Repington for not appearing excommunicated Excommunication pronounced by the Archbishop The 12. day of Iuly an 1382. Excommunication to be denounced at Paules crosse The excommunication of Herforde Repington denouÌ„ced at Pauls crosse Xiij day of Iuly anno 1382. Other letters of the Archb. sent to the Châ—â—cellour of Oxford Hitherto no lawe to burne any man for religion The K. circumuented by the archbyshop The first law to be â—â—and practised by the clergy for burning the professours of religion An. 5. R. secâ—ndâ— This statute was made by the clergie without consent or knowledge of the commons Note that this statute was repealed afterwardes at the instance of the commons No vsuall wordes of warrant affixed to thiâ— coÌ„mission The petition of the 〈◊〉 for the 〈◊〉 the fâ—râ—sayd statute The statute repealed The K. ratifieth the repeale The kings letter against the sauorers of Wicklisse The 16. day of Iune and 1302. An other letter of the K. to the Uicechancellor The 13. day of Iuly an 1382. An other sharp letter of K. Rich. sent to Oxford agaynst Wicklirfe and his fellowes The effect of the kings letter briefly comprehended The persons with their bookes to be arested The 14. day of Iuly an 1382. Rob. Rigs Uicechauncellour of Oxford Ni. Herford preaching on the Ascension day defended Wickliffe Repington first ChanoÌ„ of Leicester after B. of Lincolne Repington commensed Doctor Peter Stokes standerd bearer to the papists Notes of the Sermon of Repington The vniuerâ—â—e reioyâ—â—th Whether the Lordes temporall were to be prayed for before the P. and Byshops The Fryer derided and mocked in the scholes Religious â—en first causers of this trouble H. Crompe first an accuser of other after accused himselfe for heresie The kynges letter to the Vicechauncelor and proctors of Oxford Henry Crompe complayneth to the kings counsell of the most secular maisters of Oxford Henry Crompe Peter Stokes Carm. Steuen Packington Carm. restored by the King to their scholasticall actes Herford Repington fled to the Duke of Lancaster Letters of the Archb. to the Vicechancelor Letters of the Archb. to the B. of London Rob. Braybroke B. of London The 14. day of Iuly an 1382. The letter of Rob. Rigges Vicechauncelor to the Archb. The 25. day of Iuly an 1382. Herford Repington repulsed from the Duke of Lancaster The 23. day of October Repington released by the Archb. I. Aisheton reconciled by the Archbishop A parliament summoned The 15. of October 1382. The conuocation of S. Frideâ—â—â—de in Oxford The 18. day of Nouemb. The 19 day of Nouemb. anno 1382. Rob. Rigge displaced from Vicechauncellorship InquisitioÌ„ made at Oxford The 24. day of NoueÌ„b an 1382 The abiuration of Philip Repington Philip â—â—pington aâ—ter hiâ—â—â— iuration â—â—caâ—â— a tâ—â—rible perâ—â—cutor A short time my Lord â—â—â— a maÌ„ in oâ—e for enâ—oâ—e to learne a faith agaâ—â—â— his coÌ„science The abiuâ—ation of Iâ—hâ— Aisheton Ex chron Monast. D. Albans I. Aâ—â—heton The Londiners open the dore where the Archb. â—ate against Ioh. Aisheton Ni. Herford would not appeare N. Herforde appealed from the Archb. Ni. Herford cast in prison Herford escapeth out of prison The cruell letter of the Archb. against Nic. Herford to the kyng This â—s not to seeke againe that which is lost by the rule of Ezechiel Prosopopoia What the kyng might haue aunswered agayne Bishops of Cant appeared not before theyr kyngs and yet they were not persecuted The Epistle of I. Wickliffe to pope Vrbane The true disciples of Christ seeke no honor The Pope occupied so in schismaticall warres that he had no leysure to other matters Difference betweene the Apostles and the Popes in striuing for preeminence Ann. 1383. The Pope set to warre The very fruites of Antichrist Christes passion hath here no place O bloâ—â—ines of Antichrist Ex Chron. Mon. D. Albani in vita Ruâ— â— Waldenus â— tomo de Sacramentis The number of Wicliffes bokes came to 200. volumes Eneas Sylâ—ius The bookes of Wicliffe The Popes riches is but the almes of good meÌ„ Necessitie taketh away thâ— Popes almes Note well the saying here of Bernard The pope must leaue his lordship or els Apostleship let him chuse whether The maner of the Apostles How the pope ought to occupy the Church goods The way to obtaine the kingdome of Christ. I. Cleâ—bon Lewes Clifford Rich. Sturius Tho. Latimer W. Neuell Ioh. Mountegew The Earle of Salisbury The penance of the Earle of Salisbury Tâ—e fruites of gâ—od and true doctrine Ex Chron. Monast. D. Albani Ex tomo operuÌ„ Ioan. Husse fol. vâ—t Great learning ioyned with good life and godlines The bones of Wickliffe were not yet commaÌ„ded by the couÌ„cel of Const. to be burned Ex â— tomo operum I. Hussi fol. vit The testimony and iudgement of M. Iohn Hus concâ—â—ning Iohn Wickliffe Lib. de senâ— su veritate scriptura per l. WickleuuÌ„ True iudgement standeth not vpon number and multitude Burning of bookes proueth not by and by an hereticke A false consequent reproued by I. Chrisostome Iohn Duke of Lancaster defender of I. Wickliffe I. Wickliffe proued no heretick The councell of CoÌ„staÌ„ce against I. Wickliffe The senteÌ„ce of the councell of ConstaÌ„ce against I. Wickliffe The dialoge and trialoge of I. Wickkliffe The bookes of Wickliffe coÌ„demned to be burned Words of authoritie without due probation Aske my fellow if I be a theefe So we hear you say Vnholsome because they teach against the pompe of the pope So thought the souldiours perpetually to keep downe Christ from rising O merueilous sacred Synode Rub a galde horse on the backe and he will winse At Rome c. neither barrell better hearing Though the sepulchre be watched Christ will rise Other articles of Wickliffe to the number of 45. condemned by the councell of Const. W. Wodford Tho. Walden TyssingtoÌ„ writers against I. Wickliffe Articles against Wickliffe by W. Woodford Traâ—â—atus frat W. Wâ—dford conti a trialoguÌ„ Wickleus The whole Vniuersitie is against the iudgement of the doctours which condemned the 45. articles August lib. de doct châ—â— lib. 2. Grego moral lib. 23. Tâ—e 14. article of I. Wickliffe The defeÌ„ce of this 14. Article The preaching of the Gospel coÌ„maunded of God Gregorius Disâ— 44. cap. Siâ— rector The hearing of the word commaunded by God Excommuâ—ication Excommunication double The probation of the first part The Apostles did not obey no wicked inhibition Anacletus Dist. xliiij Hieronimâ—â— ad Râ—sticum If the pope be an heretike the godly Bishops may preach against him Albeit the chief priests be adulterers yet ought the ministers to preach against adultery The example of Christ. The obedience of christian priests towarde their Prelates The power of preaching to edification ought not to ceâ—se The preaching of the Gospell is not to bee left of for al the popeâ— prohibition The second part of the article Meanes necessary vnto saluation are not to be omitted A maÌ„ ought to doe nothing against his conscience The
Edward K. Edward put to hys othe Victory got by periury punished at length in posteritie K. Edward safely commeth to NottinghaÌ„ K. Edwards friends resort vnto hym K. Edward resumeth the name of a kyng K. Edward commeth to Leycester K. Edwarde commeth to Warwicke The Earle of Warwick flyeth to Couentry The Duke of Clarence commeth with a great army Concord of brethren The Eare of Warwicke refuseth to be reconciled K. Edward commeth to London Londiners take part with kyng Edward K. Henries couÌ„saylours flye away K. Henry againe taken and committed to prison The Earle of Warwicke commeth to Barnet The battayle at Barnet The Earle of Warwicke and his brother slain Differnce betweene Polydore Fabian Hall folower of Polydore Polydore is said to haue burned a number of our English writers The returne of Queene Margeret into England Queene Margaret for sorow swouadeth Ex Polyd. lib. 24 Queene Margaret taketh sanctuary Queene Margaret moued by her friendes to renue warres against King Edward K. Edward warreth against Queene Margaret 〈◊〉 Margaret debarred from Glocester The battayle of Teukesbury A great matter to take a thing in tyme. Queene Margaret take in battayle Prince Edwarde brought to the kyng The stoute answere of the Prince to the kyng Prince Edward sonne to K. Henry slaine Queene Margaret raunsomed for a great summe of money Publique processions for victory gotte Anno. 1471. The death of K. Hen. 6. Ex Scalâ— mundi K. Henry buryed at Chertesey Polydores myracles A. K. sainâ— is dear ware in the popes market Ex Edis Hallo The cause examined of the fall of Lancaster house Example of Gods iust rodde of correction A sore heresy preched at Pauls crosse Contention in the churche whether Christ was a begger or not Times compared Ex hist. Scala mundi fol. vlt. The Popes determined solutioÌ„ that Christ was no beggar K. Edward vanquished 9 battailes being himselfe present at them all Charles Duke of Burgoyne fayled hys promise with the kyng Peace betweene the two kinges bought with the French kyngs money Mariage betwene the FreÌ„ch kings sonne and K. Edwards daughter made and broken King Iames of Scotland goeth from his promise of mariage Barwick recouered Anno. 1473. Iohn Goose Martyr Iohn Goose in English is as much as Iohn Hus in the Bohemian tongue Iohn Goose taketh his dynner before hee went to Martyrdome The vnworthy death of the Duke of Clarence The Duke of Clarece drowned in a buâ—â—e of Malmesey The causes of his death expended The mischiefe that Sathan worketh by false prophesies The prophesie of G. Prophesies not rashly to be beleeued Sathan can say truth for a wicked end Deuelishe prophesies although they tell truth yet are not to be followed Ex Iust. lib. 1. Merlines prophesies 1. Reg. 18. Act. 16. * A spirite of diuination which could ghesse foredeeme thinges past present and to come which knowledge God many times permitteth to the deuill Ex Paulo Diac. Three thinges to be noted coÌ„cerning false prophesies Vid. sup pag. 180. Vid. sup pag. 535. False trust by deuilish prophesies Ambrosius in Exameron Ioan. Pie Mirandul contra Astrog lib. 2 cap. 9 Experience of false prophesies This man by false dillemblers was taken betrayed and brought into England A perilous matter for 2 man to be curious of tymes and things to come The seconde part how prophecies are to be discerned In the secoÌ„d part three things to be considered The seconde thing to be considered in prophesies The 3. thing to be considered in prophesies The 3. part how to auoyde the daunger of frontier prophesies Two remedies against deâ—ilishe prophesies The first remedie The seconde remedy against dangerous prophesies Mans policy can nothing doe against the deuil No power can withstand SathaÌ„ but onely Christ and our fayth in hym A briefe rehearsall of the matter of prophesies before passed The deuil ready to answere in matters of diuination Curiositie of prophesies to be auoyded The strength of a ChristiaÌ„ mans fayth in Christ. Onely Christ able to withstaÌ„d the power of Sathan Psalm 90. Sigismundus Emperour Sigismundus vnprospetous in his warres Sigismundus ouercome of the Turkes Sigismundus ouercome of the Bohemians Albertus Duke of Austrich Emperour kyng of Hungary king of Boheme Albertus Emperour but two yeares Elizabeth daughter to Sigismund wife to Albert Emp. The Turke beginneth to inuade Hungary Vladislaus brother to Casimirus K. of Polonia made king of Hungary Elizabeth Q. of HuÌ„gary brought to bedde of a man childe Ladislaus prince of Hungary borne Diuision discord in Hungarie The Turk warreto agaynst Hungarie Huntades Vaino a. Vladislaus K. of Hungary slayne in warre Fridericus 3. Emperour Vladislaus K. of Hungary slayne in battell by the Turke Ioh. Huniades gouernour of HuÌ„gary vnder the kyng George Pogiâ—bracius gouernour of Boheme Vlricus gouernour of Austria Ladislaus a young popish kyng Ladislaus could not abide the doctrine of Hus. Chilianus a Parasite about kyng Ladislaus The wordes of a Popish Parasite to Pogiebracius An answere proceeding of a heauenly wisdome Vlricus seeketh the death of Huniades Huniades spareth his enemie Alba besieged of the turke The power of God by the meanes of Huniades Capistranus against the turke King Ladislaus coÌ„meth into Hungary Ladislaus Huniades sonne Debate betweene Vlricus and Ladislaus Huniades sonne Vlricus Earle of Cicilia slayne The cruell dissimulatioÌ„ of Ladislaus the king The 2. soÌ„nes of Huniades Ladislaus Mathias Ladislaus Huniades sonne innocently put to death A miraculous token at the death of Ladislaus Ex Peucer Chro. lib. 5. Prepâ—râ—â— the kingâ— age Ladislaus the king receaued in Boheme Ladislaus the king an infest enemie against the Huslians The sacrament of the aulter vsed to many purposes Ex Aenea Siluâ—â— in Histo. BoheÌ„ A great coÌ„course of Catholique princes intended against the Hussites Man purposeth but God disposeth Ex Aenea Siluio Gouernance of Imperies and kingdoms is not in mans power much lesse the gouernaÌ„ce of ReligioÌ„ The great worke of God in defending his poore seruantes The death of king Ladislaus Bloud reuenged by God The large dominion of Ladislaus George Pogiebracius Mathias Huniades Warre betwene Mathias and Fridericke the Emperour Georg Pogiebracius by the Pope deposed from his kingdome for fauoring of I. Hus. Albert Duke of Saxonie The noble actes of Ioh. Mathias Huniades against the Turkes Syrmum the borders of Illirica recouered from the Turkes Iaitza recouered The subtile practise of Sathan to stoppe good proceedings The Popes excommunication not obeyed of diuers in Bohemia Mathias adioyned Morauia part of Slesia vnto Hungarie Anno. 1474. The religioÌ„ of the Bohemians defended by God against the 4. greatest princes in Europe Mathias a great louer of learning and of learned men The noble library of Mathias king of Hungary Ex 5. lib Penc Commendation of George Pogiebracius Ex pâ—â— pont Descriptione Europae Gods fauor to the soÌ„nes of Pogiebracius The death of Pogiebracius Vladislaus Casimirus sonne made king of Hungary Vladislaus forsaketh his first wife
Vicarage in one City of our Empyre shall occupy or possesse a prebend in an other Church of the same City except he geue ouer the first within a yeares space vnto some person fitte and profitable for the Church neither that he doe by vniust quarelles vexe or trouble any man in getting of benefices neither that any man doe falsely fayne himselfe to haue bene of the Emperors houshold which hath not ben comprehended within the league and agreement made by the Princes neither that any man attempt to take away the patronages from any lay man or aggrauate the small prebendes of Curates of Churches with pensions neyther that they doe vse in getting of benefices and Bulles any fraude deceite false instrumentes corrupte witnesses and cloaked Simonye neyther that any man presume to obteyne any regresfe or other thing contrarye to the sacred Canons right honesty equity and reason vpon payne of the most greeuous offence of treason the whiche we will that not onelye they going so contrary to God and all honesty but also all theyr fauourers which doe helpe counsell harbour or geue them any thing all theyr messengers and writers proctours suretyes and other theyr friendes shall incurre and receiue condigne punyshment for so great offence and contempt of our commaundemēt From Oenopont c. ¶ Here ensueth the copye of a letter written vnto the Emperour Maximilian ¶ To our most victorious Lord Maximilian the Emperour Iacobus Selestadiensis most humble commendations MOst victorious Emperour when I had read your maiestyes Epistle and receiued instructions of your Secretary I prepared my selfe with all my whole endeuour to satisfye your maiestyes desire For euen from my youth hitherto I haue applyed all my care and study fyrst for the honour of your maiesty and consequently for the amplifying of the Germayne nation and sacred Romayne Empire Albeit I knowe my selfe farre vnable to satisfye your desire and purpose and there are many which can fulfill thys matter much better which haue greater learning and experience of these common matters There be also with other Princes and in the Senates of common wealthes many excellent learned men which can exonerate and beautify Germany and perswade to reduce all the Clergy vnto a Christian discipline and to an vnity peace of the vniuersall Church Wherein not onely your Maiesty but also your predecessours as Charles the great and his sonne Ludouicus Pius the Othoes Conrades Frederickes and Henrikes and last of all Sigismundus haue with all labour and diligence trauelled being stirred thereunto vndoubtedly throughe the zeale charity which they bare vnto almighty God thakfulnes vnto Christ for his benefites which he hath bestowed vpon mankinde and specially for the benefite of his most bitter passion For Christ became not poore for vs that we should liue in all riote and wantonnes vpon his patrimony and shew sorth our ambition and couetousnesse neither did he suffer hunger that wee should glut vp our selues or suffered labors chastity and greuous torments that we shuld liue in idlenesse wantōnes and al kind of voluptuousnesse Neither they which were contributers and benefactours to Churches induing the ministers thereof with theyr temporall riches had any suche respecte herein that the Clergye shoulde liue onely in idlenesse hauing all thinges at theyr wyll without labour Surely there was another cause why that they in times past did empouerish themselues and theirs to endow the Church veryly that they might the better attend vnto diuine seruice without care of want of liuing which they might easily get and gather out of the fieldes woodes medowes and waters and to the intent that they should liberally geue almes vnto the poore Christians Widdowes Orphanes aged and sicke persons For in the institutions of the canonicall profession whiche we suppose waa written by the commaundement of Ludouicus Pius the emperour and allowed by the counsell of the Byshoppes thus it is read The goodes of the Churche as it is alledged by the fathers and conteyned in the chapters before are the vowes of the faythfull and patrimony of the poore For the faythfull thorow the seruentnes of theyr fayth and loue of Christ being inflamed hauing an earnest desire of that heauenly kingdome haue enriched the holy Church with theyr owne goodes that thereby the souldiors of Christ might be nourished the Church adourned the poore refreshed and captiues according to the oportunitye of time redemed Wherfore such as haue the administration of those goods ought diligently to bee looked vpon that they doe not conuert them vnto theyr owne proper vse but rather according to theyr substaunce and possibility they doe not neglecte them in whome Christ is fed and clothed Prosper is also of the same minde affirmyng that holy men did not chalenge the Church goods to their owne vse as their owne proper goodes but as thinges commended vnto the poore to be deuided amongest them For that is to contemne that which a man possesseth not to possesse a thing for himselfe but for others neyther to couet the Church goods with couetousnesse to haue them himselfe but to take them with a godly zeale to helpe other That which the church hath is commō to all them which haue nothing neyther ought they to geue any thing of that vnto them sayth he which haue of theyr owne for to geue vnto them whiche haue enough is but to cast thinges away Ex Illyrico To returne nowe to the order of Popes where we left before speaking of Innocentius the eight after the sayde Innocentius next succeeded Pope Alexander the 6. In which Alexander among other horrible thinges this is one to be noted that when Gemes Peucerus named him Demes brother to Balazetes the great Turke was committed by the Rhodians to the sate custodye first of Pope Innocent then of Alexander the 6. for whose keeping the Pope receiued euery yeare 40000. crownes yet notwithstanding whē pope Alexander afterward was cōpelied to send the sayd Gemes to Charles the eight the French king for a pledge because the Frēch king should not procure the great Turkes fauour by sending his brother Gemes to him to be slayne he being hyred by the Turke caused the sayde Gemes to be poysoned who in his iourney goinge toward the French king dyed at Terracina Ex Hieronymo Mario Moreouer in the sayd Dicronymus Marius it appeareth that this Alexander taking displeasure with the foresayd Charles the French king about the winning of Naples sent to Baiazetes the Turke to fight against the foresayd Clarles Ex eodem Munsterus lib. 4. Cosmog Declaring the foresayd hystorye of Gemes something otherwise first calleth him Zizymus and sayth that he was first committed by the Rhodians to the french king And when as Ioannes Huniades afore mentioned did labor to the French king to haue him thinking by that meanes to obtain a noble victory against the Turke as it was not vnlike this Alexander the pope thorow his fraudulent flatterye gotte him of the Frenche King
into his owne handes by whose meanes the sayd Gemes afterwarde was poysoned as is in maner before expressed Unto these poysoned actes of the Pope let vs also adioin his malicious wickednes with like fury exercised vpoÌ„ Antonius Mancinellus which Mancinellus being a maÌ„ of excellent learning because he wrote an eloqueÌ„t oratioÌ„ against his wicked maners filthy life with other vices he therfore commaunded both his hands his tong to be cut of playing much like with him as Antonius the tirant once did with M. Cicero for writing agaynst his horrible life At length as one poyson requireth another this poysoned Pope as he was sitting with his Cardinals other rych Senatours of Rome at dinner his seruauntes vuwares brought to him a wrong bottell wherewith he was poysoned and his Cardinals about him In the time of this Pope Alexander also it happened whiche is not to bee pretermitted how that the Aungell whiche stood in the high toppe of the Popes Churche was beaten downe with a terrible thunder which thing semed then to declare the ruine and fall of the Popedome After this Pope next succeded Pius the 3. about the yeare of our Lord 1503. After whome came next Iulius the second a man so farre passing all other in iniquity that Wicelius such other of his owne friendes writing of him are compelled to say of him Marti illum quam Christo deditiorem fuisse that is that he was more geuen to warre and battayle then to Christ. Concerning the madnesse of this man thys is most certaynely knowne that at what time he was going to warre he cast the keyes of S. Peter into the riuer of Tybris sayinge that for as much as the keyes of Peter would not serue him to his purpose he woulde take himselfe to the sword of Paule Wherupon Philip MelancthoÌ„ amongest many other writing vpon the same maketh this Epigrame Cum contra Gaellos bellum papa Iulius esset Gesturus sicút fama â—etusta docet Ingentes martis turmas contraxit â—rbem Egâ—essus saeuas edidit ore minas Iratus'que sacras claues in flumina iecit Tibridis hic â—rbi pons â—bi iungit aquas Inde manustrictum Gagina diripit ensem Exclamans'que truci talia â—ocerefert Hic gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab hoste Quandoquidem clauis nil iuuat ista Petri. Whereupon also Gilbert Ducherius maketh this Epigrame In Gallum â—â— fama est bellum gesturus acerbum Armatum educit Iulius â—rbe manum Accinctus gladio claues in Tibridis amnem Proÿcit soeuus talia â—erba faecit Quum Petrinihil efficiant ad praelia claeues Auxilio Pauli forsitan ensis erit ¶ The sense of these Epigrammes in English is this When Iulius Pope agaynst the French determined to make warre As fame reportes he gathered vp great troupes of men from farre And to the bridge of Tybur then marching as he were wood His holy keyes he tooke and cast them downe into the floud And afterward into his hand he tooke a naked sword And shaking it brake forth into this fierce and warlike word This sword of Paule quoth he shall now defend vs from our foe Since that this key of Peter doth nothing auay le thereto Of this Iulius it is certaynely reported that partly with his warres partly with his cursinges within the space of 7 yeares as good as 200000. Christians were destroyed Fyrst he besieged Rauenna agaynste the Uenetians then Seruia Imola Fauentia Foroliuium Bononia and other cities which he gate out of Princes handes not with out much bloudshed The Chronicles of Iohn Steban maketh mention that when this Iulius was made Pope he tooke an oathe promising to haue a Councell within two yeares but when he had no leysure thereunto being occupyed with his warres in Italy amoÌ„g the Uenetians and with the French king and in Ferraria and in other countryes 9. of his Cardinalles departing from him came to Millayne and there appoynted a Councell at the Citty of Pise amongest whome the chiefe were Bernardus Cruceius Gulielmus Prenestinus Franciscus CoÌ„stantinus with diuers others amongest whome also were adioyned the Procuratours of Maximilian the Emperour and of Charles the French king So the Councell was appoynted the yeare of our Lord 1511. to begin in the Kalendes of September The cause why they did so call this Councell was thus alledged because the Pope had so brokeÌ„ his oth and all this while he gaue no hope to haue any councell also because there were diuers other crimes whereupoÌ„ they had to accuse him Theyr purpose was to remoue him out of his seat the which he had procured through bribes and ambition Iulius hearing this geueth out contrary commaundement vnder great payne no man to obey them calleth himselfe another councell agaynst the next yeare to be begon the 19. day of Aprill The French king vnderstading Pope Iulius to ioyne with the Uenetians and so to take theyr part agaynst him couented a councell at Thurin in the month of September in the which councel these questions were proposed Whether it was lawfull for the Pope to moue warre agaynst any prince without cause Whether any Prince in defending himselfe might inuade his aduersary and deny his obedience Unto the which questions it was answered that neither the bishop ought to inuade and also that it was lawfull for the king to defende himselfe Moreouer that the Pragmaticall sanction was to bee obserued thorowe the realme of Fraunce Neyther that any vniust excommunications ought to be feared if they were founde to be vniust After this the king sent vnto Iulius the aunswere of his councell requiring him either to agree to peace or to appoynt a generalll Councell some other where where thys matter myght bee more fully decided Iulius woulde neyther of both these but forthwith accursed Charles the French king with all his kingdome At the lenth at Rauenna in a great war he was ouercome by the freÌ„ch king and at last after much slaughter and great bloudshed and mortall warre this Pope dyed in the yeare of our Lorde 1513. the 21. day of February If it were not that I feare to ouerlay this our volume with heapes of foreigne historyes which haue professed chiefly to entreat of Actes and Monuments here done at home I woulde adioine after these popes aboue rehearsed some discourse also of the Turkes story of theyr rising and cruell persecution of the sayâ—tes of God to the great anoiance and perill of Christendome yet notwithstanding certayne causes there be which necessarily require the knowledge of theyr order and doinges and of theyr wicked procedings theyr cruell tyranny and bloudy victories the ruine subuersion of so many Christen Churches with the horrycle murders and captiuiâ—ye of infinite Christians to bee made playne and manifest as well to this our countrey of England as also to other nations First for the better explayning of the Prophecies of the new Testament as