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A67904 The life of William now Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, examined. Wherein his principall actions, or deviations in matters of doctrine and discipline (since he came to that sea of Canturbury) are traced, and set downe, as they were taken from good hands, by Mr. Robert Bayley, a learned pastor of the Kirk of Scotland, and one of the late commissioners sent from that Nation. Very fitting for all judicious men to reade, and examine, that they may be the better able to censure him for those thing [sic] wherein he hath done amisse. Reade and judge.; Ladensium autokatakrisis, the Canterburians self-conviction Baillie, Robert, 1599-1662. 1643 (1643) Wing B462; ESTC R22260 178,718 164

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antiquity hath also taught us Let this therefore be acknowledged to be the doctrine of our Church White against the 〈◊〉 p. 95. avowes it as the doctrine of England that all infants baptised have the holy spirit are made the children of God by adoptiō pressing that of S. 〈◊〉 of all infants baptised Quid dicturus est de infantibus parvulis qui plerique accepto in illa aetate gratiae sacramento qut 〈◊〉 dubio pertinerent ad vitam aeternam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 si continuo ex hac vita 〈◊〉 sinuntur crescere nonnulli etiā apostatae sunt Albeit this same White makes this tenet in his conserence with Fisher to be the judgement only of Papists and Lutherans pag. 176. They differ from Lutherans and 〈◊〉 first in that they 〈◊〉 the grace of sanctification only to the elect 2. In that they deny externall baptisme to be alwayes effectuall at the very 〈◊〉 time when it is administrate w Cant. relat p. 56. That baptisme is necessary to the salva tion of infants in the ordinare way of the Church without binding GOD to the use and means of that Sacrament to which hee hath bound us it is expresse in Saint John Chap. 3. Except a man be born again by water he cannot enter no baptisme no entrance nor can infants creep in any other ordinare way And this is the 〈◊〉 opinion of all the ancient Church infants are to be baptised that their salvation may be certain for they which cannot helpe themselves must not be left only to extraordinare helps of which we have no assurance and for which we have no warrant at all in Seripture 〈◊〉 p. 66. I can shew you of none saved ordinarly without the sacraments in regard of our Saviours exception in the 3. of Iohn Except a man be born againe of the water and the spirit he cannot enter into the kingdome of heaven Montag orig p. 397. Adeo huic usui inserviunt aquae ut si tollatur lavacrū aquae alieni a Deo soedere promissionis aeternae excludantur illi in tenebras exteriores cum edicto divino 〈◊〉 sit nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua spiritu sancto non introibit in regnum coelorum 〈◊〉 hoc elusum a novatoribus sed Christi divinitatem ab haereticis negatam 〈◊〉 utrumque in contemptum Dei dispendium animarum x Samuel Hoards sermon supra puts crosse in baptisme and sindry other ceremonies of it among his rituall traditions Montag 〈◊〉 pag. 16. vestis alba oleum sal lac chrisma additamenta quaedam sunt ornatus causa Ib. p. 15. Cum concilio quodam nupero non veremur profiteri ceremonias à majoribus hominibus religiosissimis usurpatas quod ad varios pietatis usus valeant exercitia quaedam fint quibus mens externarū rerum sensu significatione ad divinum cultum 〈◊〉 Deum attrahitur in Ecclesia retinendas ubi abrogatae fuerant restituendas esse statuimus Andrews stricturae p. 13. Chrisme salt candles 〈◊〉 signe of the crosse 〈◊〉 and the consecration of the water those being all matter of ceremony are therefore in the Church power on good reasons either to retaine or to alter y Andrews 〈◊〉 p. 11. The whole matter about the five Sacraments is a meer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 z Pokling altare p. 65. And because the competents were persons of full age they received also confirmation by imposition of hands 〈◊〉 pleni 〈◊〉 inveniantar zz Andrewes 〈◊〉 pag. 12. The five orders is a point not 〈◊〉 the standing on while the revenues of the Church were able to maintaine so many degrees it cannot be denyed but that there were so many but by the Churches owne order neither by commandement nor example of Scripture but what is this to the present estate of the Church scarce able to maintaine two c. 〈◊〉 antid sect 3. p8 Let the Bishops stand alone on Apostolicall right and no more then so and doubt it not but some wil take it on your word then plead accordingly that thingsof Apostolicall institution may be laid aside When Bishop Andrews had learnedly asserted the 〈◊〉 order to be of Christs institutiō I have heard that some who were then in place did secretly interceed with King 〈◊〉 to have had it altered for feare forsooth of offending our neighbour Churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3. 〈◊〉 p. 195. Dixi abesse ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquid quod de jure divino sit culpa 〈◊〉 vestra non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 injuria temporum non enim tam propitios habuisse Reges Galliam vestram in Ecclesia reformanda quam habuit Britannia nostra Interim ubi dabit meliora Deus hoc quoque quod jam abest per Dei gratiam suppletum iri Relatum inter hereticos Aerium qui Epiphanio credat vel Augustino necesse est fateatur tu qui 〈◊〉 Aerium quo nomine damnas An quod se 〈◊〉 consensui universalis Ecclesiae Idem qui sentit an non itidem se opponit ac eo nomine damnandus erit Montag 〈◊〉 p. 138. 〈◊〉 jus autoritatem ita credimus annexam Episcoporum personis ut a nemine non episcopo ordinato consecrato possit aut debeat adhiberi 〈◊〉 ordinationem vel 〈◊〉 omnem pronunciamus quae non a legitimo canonico more 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 se 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non missi ingerant caelesti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viderint 〈◊〉 quid sint responsuri olim summo sacerdoti cujus partes usurpant 〈◊〉 nostros non aliorum 〈◊〉 vocationes Yea not only they tye ordination and jurisdict on to the person of Bishops but of such Bishops who must of necessity shew the derivation of all their power from the Pope as was shown before a Dew p. 184. By his favour I must tell him that neither the law of God nor of the King disallowes the use of the old Canons and Constitutions though made in the time of Popery and by the Pope or Popish Prelats which are not contrary to the law of God or the King If hee desire proofe of this let him consider whether the Statute 25. Hen. 8 19. do not say as much as I affirme which having regulated divers things touching the exercise of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction At last the statute concludes with this 〈◊〉 Provided also that such Canons constitutions ordinances and synodals provinciall being already made not repugnant to the lawes and customes of this Realme nor to the hurt of the Kings prerogative royall shall now still be used and executed as they were before the making of this Act till such time as they be viewed searched or otherwise ordered by the said two and thirty persons or the more part of them according to the tenour of this present Act. It followes then that till these thirty two persons determine otherwise old Canons may bee still executed and retaine their ancient vigour and authority and when that will be I know not but as
reerection of it where it s owne unsupportable weight hath caused it to fall As for the power of Princes the most of those this day who are Christians and especially our gracious Soveraigne are very well content to bee limited within the bounds of the lawes which themselves and their predecessors have setled in the Church and State of their dominions to make the preservation of those Lawes and of their subjects liberties Ecclesiastick and Civill according to them the greatest glory of their prerogative Royall To give assurance of their resolution never to abolish any old or bring in any new act either in church or state without the concurrence of Assemblies and Parliaments Neither to impose any taxation on their subjects goods without their free consent thereto given by their Commissioners in Parliament the extending of the prerogative to the making of new lawes or abolishing of old to the imposing of taxes by simple proclamation without Parliament our Prince doth so farre abhorre that he condemned a certaine writ for importing his Majesties entertainment of such motions yea his Majestie by his Attourney generall called the Earle of Bedford and other noble personages to censure for keeping such a writ wherein did lye so pernicious positions Where some Princes misled through passion and mis-information have deviat so far from the path of justice as to intend by violence and armes the overthrow of the true religion and ancient liberties of their subjects the opposition which the subjects are forced to make in this case against the oppression of their Prince our gracious Soveraigne hath been so farre ever from counting of it rebellion of which crime the greatest royalists in England wont alway to absolve it that his Majestie hath thought meet before all Europe after the example of his glorious Father and renowned predecesrix Elizabeth to give his countenance aid and powerfull assistance to them all when their just grievances and feares were laid out before his Throne If so be King Charles had esteemed the late wars in France of the protestants against their king the present wars of Holland and of the high Dutches against the Spaniard and Emperour an unlawfull defence let be a trayterous insurrection of Subjects against their Soveraignes Weepresuppone his Majesties justice would have beene loath ever to have defiled his Scepter by supporting them all with men and moneyes as oft he hath done and yet doth avow the deed While our gracious prince is so farre inflamed with hatred against all tyranny yet behold this wicked fiction how carefully they goe about by all the meanes they can to draw his royall mind to that which naturally it doth so much abhorre For they tell us first that the power of all true Kings is so simply absolute and illimitate that for any man to reason what they may not is a crime no lesse than treason that they are far above all Law 2. That the Oath which a Prince makes to keepe the Lawes is but a personall deed which cannot oblige his successor that his Oath and promise at his Coronation to keepe the Lawes is to be exponed of his resolution to make his lawes to be keeped by others That all the oathes and promises he makes at his coronation are but of his meere free-will and arbitrement that by them all no true covenant or paction can bee inferred betwixt the King and his subjects 3. That the prince alone is the Law-giver both in Church and State 4. That in matters Ecclesiasticall they themselves alone without the advice of any of the Clergie may lawfully make what Canons they please and compell their Clergie to embrace them 5. That it is a part of the Kings prerogative to have power to impose upon all his Subjects such Confessions of Faith such Liturgies such Canons as he thinks meetest without the advice of any Church Assembly 6. When it is his pleasure to call an Assembly the members of that Ecclesiastick Court are onely such as hee is pleased to call whether of the Clergie or of the Laity 7. That when they are called onely the Princes voyce is decisive the voyce of all the rest at most but consultive or if any of them become decisive it is by the Princes favour or at least permission 8. That Church Assemblies are onely politick Conventions not grounded upon any Divine right and so to bee used or disused as the prince shall thinke expedient 9. That it is in the power of all Soveraignes whether Monarchick Aristocratick or Democratick to appoynt for the government of the Church in their dominions such Officers and Spirituall Courts as they finde most meet and agreeable to their temporall estates to erect Bishops and put downe Presbyteries to erect Presbyteries and put downe Bishops 10. That all this power to conclude every ecclesiastick affaire which can bee subject to the jurisdiction of any ecclesiasticall Synod doth belong alike to all Soveraignes whether Turkish Iewish Pagan Hereticall or Christian and Orthodox Concerning the Kings power in matter of State they teach first that a Parliament is but his arbitrarie Councell which in making or annulling of his Lawes hee may use or not use as hee pleaseth 2. When hee is pleased to call a Parliament it is his due right by his letter to ordaine such Barons to be Commissioners for the Shires and such Citizens to bee Commissioners for Burrowes as hee shall bee pleased to name 3. That hee may lawsully exact when he hath to doe what portion of his subjects goods hee thinks meet and by himselfe alone may make such Lawes for exactions in times to come as seemes to him best 4. That no subject of his Kingdome can have any hereditarie jurisdiction but any jurisdiction that either any of the Nobilitie or any other Magistrate or Officer possesseth they have it alone during his pleasure that at his presence the power of all others must cease and at his death evanish and be quite extinguished till by his successors by new gift it bee renewed 5. That Scotland is a subdued Nation that Fergus our first King did conquer us by the sword and establish an absolute Monarchie for himselfe and his heires giving to us what Lawes he thought meetest 6. That all the Lands in Scotland were once the Kings propertie and what thereof hath beene given out for service yet remaines his owne by a manifold right 7. That to denie any of the named parts of this power to the King is to destroy his Monarchike government to dethrone him and make him no King to subject him to his people and make them his Masters or at least Collegues in the Empire But thankes be to God that our gracious prince hath so oft declared himselfe to bee farre from all such thoughts yea that my Lord of Canterburie himselfe is forced whiles to let drop from
heart to imploy it rather then to pull downe those tyrants who have shed rivers of Protestants bloud who have long troden on the persons of our nearest friends in the on our honour Is it now meet we should choose to goe kill one another alone for the bearing vp of Prelats tailes and that of Prelates as unworthy of respect as any that ever wore a Mytre Let our kindred let our friends let all the Protestant churches perish let our own lives estates run never so evident an hazard yet the 〈◊〉 pride must be borne vp their furious desire of 〈◊〉 must be satiate all their Mandamus in these dominiōs must be executed with greater severity rigour then those of their brethren are this day in Italy or Spaine or those of their grand-father at Rome To us surely it is a strange Paradox that a Parliament of England so wise grave equitable a Court as inall bygon times it hathever proved should be thought in danger at any time let be now to be induced by any allurement by any terrour to submit themselves as Vallets and pages to the execution of the lusts the furies and outragious counsels of Canterbury and his dependers for they know much better then we that the maine greevances both of their Church and state have no other originall no other fountaine on Earth but those men Who other but they have keeped our most gracious Prince at a distance from the countrey almost ever since he came to the Crowne For whose cause have Parliaments these many yeares bin hindred to meet and when they have met beene quickly raised to the unspeakable griefe and prejudice of the whole land of all our friends abroad By whose connivence is it that the idolatrous chappels of both the Queens in the most conspicuous places of the Court are so gorgeous much frequented Whose tolerance is it that at London three masse-priests are to be found for one Minister that three hundreth of them reside in the city in ordinar six thousand at least in the country If ye trust the Iesuits Catalogues to Rome Whence comes their immunity fro the laws who have set up cloisters for Monks and Nuns let be houses for open Masses in divers cities of the Kings dominions Why is our correspondence with the Pope no more secret but our Agents avowedly sent to Rome his holinesse Nuntioes received here in state that such ones as in publik writs have lately defamed with unspeakable reproaches the person and birth of that most sacred Q. Elizabeth Such actions or at least long permission of such abominations doe they flow from any other but his Grace the head and heart of the Cabbin Counsel Did any other but he and his creatures his legs and armes hinder alwayes our effectuall allyance with the Swedes French when their armies did most flourish in Germany for the relief of the oppressed churches Why was that poore Prince the King of Boheme to his dying day kept from any considerable helpe from Britaine How was these young princes the other year permitted to take the fields with so small forces that a very meanpower of a silly commander beat them both tooke the 〈◊〉 captive and put the other in his slight to an evide at hazard of his life Who moved that innocent Prince after his 〈◊〉 to take so strainge a 〈◊〉 as the world now speaks of and when he was engadged who did betray both his purpose and person to the French King could any without the Cabbine understand the convey of such matters and within that 〈◊〉 does any come without his graces permission Is not that man the evident author of all the Scotish broyles Are not his letters extant his holy hands 〈◊〉 of the Scotish service to be seen his other writtes also are in our hands making manifest that the beginning and continuance of that cursed worke hath no spring without his braine When the King himselfe after ripe advisement and all about him both English and Scots had returned in peace who incontinent did change the face of the Court and revive that fire which in the heart of the Prince and all his good Subjects was once closse dead That a 〈◊〉 of England will not only let such a man and his complices goe free but to serve his humour will be content to ingadge their lives and estates for the overthrow and inslaving of us their best neighbors that over our carcases a path-way may be made for Bishops now and at once for the Pope and Spaniard to tred on the neck both of their bodies souls we cannot beleeve Yet if any such things should be propounded for what darenot effronted impudence attempt we would require that sage Senat before they passe any bloudy sentence of war against us to consider a little the quality of that party for whose cause they take armes we offer to instruct to the full satisfaction of the whole world offree imprejudicate minds not by fleeing reports not by probable likelihoods not by the sentences of the gravest and most solemne judicatories of this land our two last generall assemblies late parliament who at far greater length with more mature advisement did cognosce of those causes then ever any Assembly or Parliament amongst us since the first founding of our Church and Kingdome did resolve upon any matter whatsoever All those means of probation we shall set aside and take us alone to the mouth of our very adversaries If by their owne testimony we make it evident that beside books ceremonies and Bishops which make the proper and particular quarrell of this nationall Kirk against them they are guilty of grosse Arminianisme plain Popery and of setting up of barbarous tyrannie which is the common quarrell of the Kirk of England of all the reformed Kirks and of all men who delite not to live and die in the fetters of slavery If we demonstrate not so much by their preachings and practises amongst us 〈◊〉 by their maximes printed with 〈◊〉 among your selves which to this day though oft pressed thereto they have never recanted If we shew that yet still they stifly avow all the articles of Arminius a number of the grossest abominations of Popery specially the authority of the sea of Rome that they vrge conclusions which will 〈◊〉 you without any 〈◊〉 so much as by a verball protestation not onely to give way unto any iniquitie whatsoever either in kirk or state whereto they can get stolen the pretext of the Kings name but also to lay downe your neck under the yoke of the King of Spaine if once he had any footting in this I le without any farther resistance though in your church by force that Tyrant should set up the Latine Messe in place of the Bible and in your state for your Magna Charta and acts of Parliament the lawes of Castile though in your eyes he should destroy the whole race of the royall