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A56216 The oath of pacification, or, A forme of religious accomodation humbly proposed both to King and Parliament : thereby, to set an end to the present miseries and broyles of this discomposed, almost ship-wrackt state. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652.; England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). His Maiesties declaration to all his loving subjects, after his victories over the Lord Fairfax and Sr. William Waller. 1643 (1643) Wing P410; ESTC R1447 17,333 32

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done hitherto 'T is far then from being a security 't is rather a danger to a state to depend on a Princes generall Oaths when these Oathes depend upon his meere understanding forasmuch as Law does not direct us to the Kings breast as our sole and supreame Tribunall but rather dehorts us from the same as most of all to be distrusted This is a Dilemma not to be excepted against either the KING relyes upon his owne Knowledge and Judgement concerning alterations in Law c. when hee abjures them or not if hee does undertake to know and judge of all alterations and of all differences raised thereupon in Church and State betwixt himselfe and his Subjects then is our Government meerely Arbitrarie more Arbitrarie than the French then are his Edicts and Acts of State our best arrests and Acts of Parliement then does our Law and Religion import no more to us than his meere pleasure Let it but bee maintained that wee must expect satisfaction and decision from the KINGS breast where Poperie and Protestanisme where Prerogative and Libertie confine and border one upon the other and let the maine Secrets and Quaeries of Law bee subjected to the KINGS Cognizance and and for my part I shall ever conceive that enacted Law and publike Right are nothing else but Royall pleasure and one single mans fansie or humour but on the other side if the KING doe presuppose himselfe an incompetent Judge and as lyable to grosse misakes and dangerous deviations in Law and Religion as hee hath beene formerly when wee were almost at an utter losse in both if hee will acknowledge that there may bee as intricate controversies and as undeterminable debates betwixt him and his Subjects hereafter as have beene formerly and as now are at this instant then all that wee can hope for from his Oathes is but this that wee shall bee as much distracted hereafter and as remedilessely torne and divided with dissentions as wee were formerly or are now all our assurance is wee shall bee permitted to remaine and continue in the condition as we were and as wee which makes his Oaths of no effect now are Secondly the next Reason why the KING renouncing by Oath all alterations in Law and Religion does not put us out of all our feares is because hee alwayes sweares for himselfe not his Favourites and Councellors and yet our feares have more respect to his Favourites than to himselfe And so notwithstanding the security which his Oathes gives against any ill intentions or Machichinations from himselfe wee still remaine exposed to ruine by the ill intentions and machinations of such as have a great sway in his Counsaile and affections he himselfe perhaps being neither privie nor confenting thereunto The KING favours not the Irish Rebellion yet such as were the Favourers nay the Plotters and Actors in it find favour and receive power from the King and what difference is it to us whether wee perish by the KINGS hand immediately or by his Favourites mediately by the Kings owne accord directly or by his onely permission indirectly Ireland hath seene more than two hundred thousand Families of Brittish Protestants dispeopled and massacred by treacherous Papists notwithstanning that all this Deluge of Bloud might have beene prevented by the KINGS timely foresight and care and ENGLAND is now falling into the same desolation by the same faction and yet the KING is so farre from withdrawing favour or power from Papists and their accomplices that hee puts more Armes into their hands here and holds further correspondence with them abroad how can wee then but seeme as stocks or more stupid than beasts if we now expect no assurance but an Oath and include none in that Oath but the KING Eli was a good man but an ill Majestrate hee knew better how to moderate his owne affections than to bridle the insolencies of such as were subordinate to him insomuch that that good which hee did by himselfe was farre out-poized by that evill which hee permitted in others and his lenity to his Children became crueltie to the people Some men are much mistaken if there bee not something of Eli in our KINGS disposition for though hee bee esteemed inflexible by such as hee hath once judged adverse to his ends yet hee is much too ductile by those who have once gotten prepossession in his good thoughts Wherefore if his Majestie seriously desires to put us into a Condition of securitie which is the onely remedy of our present distempers hee must rather provide for our indemnitie by protesting against connivence at evill in his Substitutes than doing evill in his own person For he himselfe may be as guiltlesse privately as Eli was and yet in publke wee his Subjects may live as miserably under his Popish Councellors as the Children of Israel did under Hophni and Phineas The Law sayes the KING can doe no wrong and out of its Civilitie it imputes all miscatriages in Government to inferiour agents but policy teaches us that though a Prince in Law bee not questionable for it yet in nature hee is strangely blameable and deeply chargeable when bee makes an ill choyce of inferiour Agents In Law it was the blame of Rehoboam's young Councellors that so unpolitick and unworthy a disgust was given to the great and honourable State of Israel and it was great pitty that they did not suffer for it But it was Rehoboams blame in policie that hee would chuse young Conncellors and hee himselfe was the greatest loser by it The wisedome of SOLOMON would direct him to make use of that Wisedome which is seldome to bee found but in hoarie heads but the more foolish Rehoboam is the more solicitous hee will bee to finde out vaine Consorts fit onely to comply with his owne folly Had there been any particular good which Rehoboam might have attained too by the prejudice of his Subjects the old Councellors in probabilitie would have advised him to it for they seemed to take more care of the KING than of the people as they had done in their old Masters dayes to the danger of the nex Successor But such is the temeritie of these green headed Statists that they neyther ayme at the good of the people nor of the KING They seemed to imagine that it was a sufficient recommendation of a thing to a Prince to represent it as disadvantagious to the People and in this they failed not to please their rash Lord who was so farre from giving satisfaction to the People as that hee thought it profitable to him to purchase their displeasure though with the imminent hazard of his owne Crowne wherefore it does not seeme so probable that Rehoboham did take preposterous courses because hee hapned upon preposterous Counsellors as that hee did chuse preposterous Councellors because he did affectedly addict himselfe to preposterous Courses And when the main fault was in his will rather then his understanding 't was easie for him to erre in the most
THE OATH OF PACIFICATION OR A forme of Religious Accommodation Humbly proposed both to KING and PARLIAMENT THEREBY To set an end to the present Miseries and Broyles of this discomposed almost Ship-wrackt State Claudite Pastores rivos sat prata biberunt Shut shut the Sluces of this purple floud The Medowes have carous'd enough in bloud LONDON Printed for ROBERT BOSTOCK at the Signe of the Kings head in Pauls Church-yard 1643. The Oath of Pacification OR A Religious forme of Accommodation Humbly proposed Both to the KING and PARLIAMENT c. THE Kings last Declaration of Iuly the thirtieth was published as an Act of great grace to the Subiect and being issued immediately after his Maiesties good successe obtained against the Lord Fairfax Sir William Waller and Colonell Fines it emblematized the King as some Courtiers fansied with a victorious Palme in one hand and a peacefull Olive in the other Neverthelesse it appeares by the close of that Declaration that the intent of it was to bring in Men Money Plate Horses and Armes as well as to proclaime pardon for it proclaimed pardon to no other persons than such as should forthwith apply themselves to the King nor on no other Conditions than upon the bringing in of such like Ayds and supplies The favour was not to bee extended to all nor was it cloathed in the habit of a Composition or peaceable Accommodation it onely set to sale a pardon and the price of that pardon was besides treacherous combination with the Papists against the Parliament such Money such Plate such Horses c. 'T is true the rate of the purchase was left indefinite but it is well enough knowne that all such as have submitted to the King and confessed a guilt of Treason in themselves and undertaken to redeem the same by new services have found their penances rigorous and their Ghostly Fathers very hard to be satisfied The effect therefore which that Declaration had was no other as wee can perceive but to put more courage into the lovers of Parliaments and to quicken all good men the more in the raising of new Forces and imbarking in harder Adventures And Gods Name be praised who did not onely then give us such pious and manly resolutions but hath also speeded mercifully prospered our undertakings The face of things is now changed The Earle of Essex hath since that removed the Kings terrible Army from before Gloucester and after a bloudy day fought by Newbury is returned home victorious Sir William Waller and the Earle of Manchester are great in new hopes and preparations and the Marquesse of Newcastle is as fearefull to receive annoyance from the Scots as hopefull to doe any to the Lord Fairefax wherefore it seemes to me that if a faire way of Accommodation were now tendred by the Parliament it would bee held as honourable as seasonable and it seems not impossible to propose such termes of Pacification as may well stand with the honour of God the safety of Religion the advantage of the King the justice of the Parliament and the wishes of the people The King hath divers times though not with any publike Ceremony or Solemnity applyed himselfe to satisfie his Subjects by protesting innocence and appealing to the judgement of Almighty God but there hath been such generality in his expressions and defect in his formes hitherto that his Subjects remaine yet unsatisfied That which I shall therefore now undertake with my utmost discretion and abilitie is to demonstrate wherein the Kings Oathes have beene hitherto short and of little securance and how they may yet bee compleated and made satisfying I will in the first place set forth the forme of the Oath both as it is conceived in his Majesties owne Words and as it is altered with my additions and suplements and then I will next addresse my selfe by way of Reason to give some Account why it may bee admitted and entertained by either side In the Kings last Declaration of Iuly aforesaid I find the forme of the Kings Vowes and Protestations to run in these very words WHereas Almighty GOD to whom all the secrets of my heart are open knowes with what unwillingnesse and anguish of soule I first submitted my selfe to the necessitie of taking up defensive Armes I having before with Iustice and Bounty to repaire my Subjects former Pressures made excellent Lawes for the preventing of the like and offered further to adde any thing else for the establishment of the Religion Lawes and Liberty of the Kingdome And whereas in September 1642. in the head of my Armie not then great besides at other times I made voluntarily a Protestation to defend and maintaine the true Protestant Religion the just priviledges and freedom of Parliaments and to govern by the Lawes of the Land for whose defence onely that Armie was raised and hath beene since kept And whereas there cannot bee a more seasonable time to renew that Protestation then now when God hath vouchsafed mee so many victories I doe therefore now declare to all the World in the presence of Almighty God to whom I must give a strict account of all my professions and Protestations that I am so farre from intending any alteration of the Religion established or from the least thought of invading the Liberty and Property of the Subject or violating the least Priviledges of PARLIAMENT That I call God to witnesse who covered my Head in the day of Battaile that I desire from my Soule and shall alwayes use my utmost endevours to advance and preserve the true Protestant Religion and that the preservation of the Liberty and Property of the Subject in due observation of the Lawes of the Land shall bee equally my care as the maintainance of my owne Rights I being desirous to governe onely by those good Lawes And I doe acknowledge the just priviledges of PARLIAMENT to be an essentiall part of those Lawes and will therefore most solemnly defend and observe them To adde to the perfection of this Oath and to make it satisfying I shall supply as followeth And forasmuch as generall professions of maintaining of Law and doing justice cannot end the present differences of this State or secure us from the like hereafter but particular judgement must be given according to Law and Iustice in the maine poynts now controverted betwixt us and that Iudgement which shall ever rule and conclude both sides must not be expected from my breast or any inferiour Councell but from the supream Iudicatory of the Kingdome by the Oath already taken I further oblige my selfe that I will ingeniously and with my utmost skill make strict inquirie what the supreame Iudicatorie is which in these grand disputes is to dispence Law and to arbitrate betwixt King and Subject and the same being made knowne to mee by the best and most impartiall advice that can bee gotten I will most intirely and freely submit all my claimes and pretences to it to be resolved and determined by