Liberty Justice and the whole Realme would ensue If any therefore cavill at the Act for continuance of this Parliament till both Houses shall agree to adjourne or dissolve it or at the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments which when they meete shall not be dissolved without their consents for fifty dayes space next after their first meeting Let them now learne that this is no Innovation nor encroachment on the Crowne but an ancient Priviledge of Parliament both claimed practised and resolved in times of Popery in an higher degree then now it is And thus you see how in these particulars the Popish Parliament Prelates Lords and Commons in former times have claimed and exercised farre greater Priviledges and Jurisdictions than this or any other Protestant Parliament hath hitherto claimed or practised which I hope will forever silence the clamourous tongues of all ill Counsellours Courtiers Royalists Malignants Papists and Cavaliers against the present Parliament of whose highest yet moderate proceedings themselves alone have beene the occasions and therefore of all others have least cause to complaine against them BUT to returne againe to the first grand Objection Thirdly I answer that the High Court of Parliament and whole kingdome which it represents may in divers respects be truely and properly said to be the Highest Soveraigne power of all others and above the King himselfe which because it may seeme a dangerous paradox and tends much to the vindication both of the Priviledges Honour and Iurisdictions of our High Court of Parliament now so much undervalued because not really known to most and to the justification of the proceedings in this present Parliament which many out of ignorance and malice so much declaime against both by word and writing in a most licentious manner I shall take a little liberty to demonstrate the truth of it by such convincing reasons and Authorities as no rationall man I hope shall be able to contradict but must necessarily submit to First it is undeniable that the Court of Parliament hath a lawfull power to question all the Kings Patents Charters Commissions Proclamations Grants Warrants Writs and Commitments whatsoever whether they be Legall yea to cancell or repeale them in case they be illegall mischievous or onerous to the Subject not onely without but against the Kings consent and mandate to the contrary as appeares by infinite precedents in this and all foremer Parliaments the scourges of Monopolists Patentees and Projectors the Pests of the Commonwealth The like power have all other Courts of Justice within the kingdome in some degree when such Charters and Writs of the King are brought judicially before them because they are Courts of the Law to which the King and all his Actions are and must be subject Now that which can thus question cancell disanull revoke the Kings owne Royall Charters Writs Commissions Patents c. though ratified with the Great seale and regall power even against his will must certainely be a Soveraigne power and Authority which in point of Law and Justice is superiour to the King This is Bractons resolution l. 2. c. 16. f. 34. a and Fletaesl 1. c. 17. Where they affirme the Law and Parliament to be above the King because they may censure judge and rescinde the Kings Acts Charters legally and judicially even against his personall though not legall Will which is the Law Secondly It is unquestionably true that in all cases of difference betweene the King and all or any of his Subjects though they concerne the Kings Prerogative and the highest branches thereof the Parliament is the supreamest and most proper Judge and its resolution from which there is no appeale to any higher tribunall shall finally binde not onely all the Subjects but the King himselfe notwithstanding his owne personall disassent This is manifest by the many late resolutions given in Parliament against sundry Patents Commissions Writs Charters Impositions Loanes Shipmoney Forest-Bounds Marshall Law Pressing and Billetting Souldiers Imprisonment by speciall Command of the King or his Privy Counsell Tonnage and Poundage Knight-hood and Taxes the Commission of Array and the like which obliege both King and Subject the King in receiving justice in such cases being subject to the Law as well as the meanest of his Subjects as Bracton truely avers against all Royalists mistakes Now that which can thus finally conclude and binde the King himselfe even volens nolens in cases of highest concernment entrenching farthest upon his Prerogative Royall must doubtlesse be the most Soveraigne power Superiour to the Kings And in this sence every Court of Justice whose just resolutions and every petty Jury whose upright verdicts obliege the King because warranted by the Law which is Paramount the King as Bracton Fleta Fortescue King Iames Edward the Confessor yea and Aristotle resolve may be tâ—uely said to be above the Kings person which they binde but not above the Parliament which by its superlative power may examine all judgements and verdicts in other Courts by way of error or appeale and reverse them if there be cause when as the King in person cannot by law examine or reverse them but onely in his Courts of Justice by his Judges Thirdly Parliaments oft times doe and may as they see cause enlarge the Kings Prerogative and Royall power in sundry particulars in which the King had no such jurisdiction before these Acts witnesse the Statute de Praerogativa Regis The notable Parliament Roll of 1. H. 4. num 108. Where the Commons in Parliament grant the King that he shall be in as GREAT ROYALL LIBERTY as his Noble Progenitors were before him having formerly made the like Grant to King Richard the second who perverted it to the altering of the Lawes in many things as appeares by this Roll. 25 H. 8. c. 19 20 21. 26 H. 8. c. 1 3. 31 H. 8. c 9. 34 and 35 H. 8. c. 23. 27 H. 8. c. 15. 28 H. 8. c. 7. 17. 3 4 E. 6. c. 11 12. 1 Eliz. 1 2. with sundry other Acts. Now that Parliamentary power which onely can create and conferre on Kings a greater regall Authority and Prerogrative than they had before must needs be the Originall and supreame Authority for as we rightly argue That the Kings Authority is superiour to all other his greatest Officers and subordinate Ministers of Iustice because their power is by Patent or Commission derived from his So we may from the selfe-same reason conclude that the High Court of Parliaments power the representative Body of the whole kingdome is the most Primitive Soveraigne and greatest Authority of all other yea larger and higher than the Kings because it onely can enlarge the Kings Prerogative all whose originall or additionall Royalties proceeded not from the King himselfe or his Ancestors owne inherent hereditary power for what King could justly without his peoples consents usurpe a Crowne or lawfull Royall Prerogative to himselfe over an whole Countrey but
reasons for it as satisfied both Howses witnes their answers to infinite Petitions yet extant among the Parliament records Therefore the King now is as much obliged thereto as they Seventhly If the King in point of law should have an absolute negative voice in denying his assent to publike Bills of meere right and justice then he should have power by law to deny justice and right and to doe wrong and iniustice to his people a prerogative which neither God himselfe nor any lawfull Monarch ever yet chalenged but renounced with greatest detestation I read in Plutarch that when a flatterer said to king Antigonus that all things were honest and iust to Kings he answered only indeed to Kings of Barbarians but to us honest things are to be accounted for honest only just things for just And that Acrotatus gave the like answer to his parents when they pressed him to do an uniust thing Quoâ—iam vult is me optima agâ—re optimuÌ„ auteâ—â— est cum privato tum multo etiaÌ„ magis Principiid quod est justum agam quâ—â—ultis quae viro dicitis detrectabo Yea our law expresly denies the king any such uniust prerogative by these unquestionable maximes the King neither can nor ought by law to do any wrong seeing he is Gods Vicar and the fountaine of Iustice. Et hocsolum Rex NON POTEST FACERE quod NON POTEST INIVSTE AGERE which our law-books make no defect of power but one of the highest branches of the Kings Prerogative for confirmation whereof I shal only cite one notable Record 7. H. 4. Rot. Parl. Num. 59. The Commons complained that by the favour of Ordinaries divers incumbents were outed of their benefices by superinstitutions upon presentations of the King contrary to the statute in that case provided and were denied a Scire faciâ—s without a speciall licence or command of the King first obtained to the great offence of God and against reason and law BECAVSE SVCH AN ACT CANNOT BE ANY PREROGATIVE AT AL IN OVR LORD THE KING WHICH IS DEROGATIVE TO THE EXECVTION OF RIGHT AND IVSTICE Wherefore they petitioned the King that he would be pleased to grant and command the Chancellor to deliver a writ of Scire facias to every of his Leiges who are outed of their benefices or possessions by the foresaid title of the King and that thenceforth the Chancellors shall be bound to deliver by authority of their Offices this Writ of Scire facias at the sute of the parties and further to doe right to the parties without suing to the King and without other warrant from him To which the King gives this answer The King wills that the said statute bee firmly held and kepe and farther willeth and granteth that if hee presents to any benefice which shall bee full of any Incumbext that the Presentee of the King shall not bee received by the Ordinary to such a benefice untill the King hath recovered his presentment by processe of Law in his owne Court and if any Presentee of the King bee otherwise received and the Incumbent outed without due Processe as aforesaid the said Incumbent may commence his sute within one yeare after the Induction of the Kings Presentee or later And further the King wills that no ratification granted for the Incumbent after that the King hath presented and taken his sute shall bee allowed pending the plea nor after the judgement given for the King but that such judgement shall bee fully executed as reason demands Lâ—e here the Commons and Parliament affirme and the King himselfe subscribes thereto That the King neither hath nor yet can have any Prerogative at all which is derogative or any impediment at all in the execution of Right and Justice and disclaime a negative voyce or power in him in granting a scire facias to particular Incumbents unduly outed of their Living by a pretended prerogative power against Reason and Law Therefore à fortiori the King by his prerogative neither hath nor can have any absolute Negative voice at all to hinder the passing of publike Bills presented to him by both Houses for the due execution of right and iustice and the weale peace or safety of the whole Kingdome That speech of King Zedâ—kiaâ— to his Princes though in a bad case is an undoubted verity here Behold he is in your hands FOR THE KING IS NOT HE THAT CAN DOE ANY THING AGAINST YOU and likewise of King David to his people 2 Sam. 18. 3. 4. WHAT SEEMETH TO YOU BEST I WILL DO In one word as it is no impotency in God but a part of his owne divine prerogative that he cannot possibly ly that he cannot deny himself that he is immutable and changeth not that he cannot do injustice And as it was the Apostles highest priviledge 2 â—or 13. 8. We can do nothing against the truth but for the truth So it is no note of impotency but of highest Soveraignty in our Kings that in all Bills of publike Right and Common Iustice they have no Negative voice or power at all to withstand or deny their passing for then they should have a prerogative to deny common Right and Iustice and so to doe publike injustice which God himselfe whose vicegerents they are is uncapable of and never derived to them I will close this reason with that memorable speech of that great heathen Emperour Iulius Caesar which he somtimes used at Rome in the Councell-house Touching all other affaires that are to be taken in hand for your sake I am both your Consul and your Dictator but as touching any wrong to be done to any man I am as a private man without office Eighthly Our Kings have ever claimed this as an absolute duty from their subjects in Parliament to grant them such speedy free and competent ayds subsidies customes for the necessary defence of themselves and the Kingdome and support of their royall estates as the urgency of their publike warres and affaires required and the subjects though they have sometimes denied subsidies to their Princes upon reasonable causes and excuses alleadged by them expressed in our Historians yet have always held it their BOUNDEN DUTY to grant such ayds in Parliament when and sometimes before they have been required and have really done it without refusall when they saw just cause to grant them as all the old and new Acts for the grant of Customes Subsidies Dismes Quindismes Tonnage and Poundage Polemoney with other such aides in all our Kings-Reignes abundantly evidence Therefore the King who is as much obliged by oath and duty to aid his subjects and provide for their common protection weale peace ease as they are to provide for His and the Kingdomes safety is by like reason as much obliged in duty not to deny them such publike Acts as they are not to deny him such publike aides Ninthly Kingdomes and Commonweales were existent before Kings for there must be
contentment of all good Subjects joy and re-establishment of our peace in truth and righteousnesse To end the point proposed Anno Dom. 1315. King Edward the second by his Writ summoned a Parliament at London But many of the Lords refused to come pretending causes and impediments by which their absence might well be excused and so this Parliament tooke no effect and nothing was done therein In this particular then Popish Prelates Lords and Commons have exceeded Protestants in this or any other Parliament Fifthly Popish Parliaments Prelates Lords and Subjects have by Force of Armes compelled their Kings to grant and confirme their Lawes Liberties Charters Priviledges with their Seales Oathes Proclamations the Popes Buls Prelates Excommunications and to passe confirme or repeale Acts of Parliament against their wils Thus the Barons Prelates and Commons by open warre and Armes enforced both King Iohn and King Henry the third to confirme Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta both in and out of Parliament sundry times with their hands Seales Oathes Proclamations and their Bishops Excommunications taking a solemne Oath one after another at Saint Edmonds upon the High Altar 1214. That if King John should refuse to grant these Lawes and Liberties they would wage warre against him so long and withdraw themselves from their Allegiance to him untill he should confirme to them by a Charter ratified with his Scale all things which they required And that if the King should afterwards peradventure recede from his owne Oath as they verily beleeved he would by reason of his double dealing they would forthwith by seizing on his Castles compell him to give satisfaction Which they accordingly performed as our Histories at large relate Yea when they had enforced King Iohn thus to ratifie these Charters for the better maintenance of them they elected 25. Barons to be the Conservators of their Priviledges who by the Kings appointment though much against his liking as afterwards appeared tooke an Oath upon their Soules that with all diligence they would observe these Charters Regem cogerent and would COMPELL THE KING if he should chance to repent to observe them All the rest of the Lords and Barons then likewise taking another Oath to obey the commands of the 25. Barons After this Anno Dom. 1258. King Henry the third summoned a Parliament at Oxford whither the Lords came armed with great Troopes of men for feare of the Poictovines to prevent treachery and civill warres and the Kings bringing in of Foraine force against his naturall Subjects to which end they caused the Sea-ports to be shut up and guarded The Parliament being begun the Lords propounded sundry Articles to the King which they had immutably resolved on to which they required his assent The chiefe points whereof were these That the King should firmely keepe and conserve the Charter and Liberties of England which King John his Father made granted and ratified with an Oath and which himselfe had so often granted and sworn to maintaine inviolable and caused all the infringers of it to be horribly excommunicated by all the Bishops of England in his owne presence and of all his Barons and himselfe was one of the Excommunicators That such a one should be made their Chiefe Iustice who would judge according to Right without respect to poore or rich With other things concerning the kingdome to the common utility peace and honour of the King and kingdome To these their necessary Counsels and provisions they did frequently and most constantly by way of advice desire the King to condescend swearing and giving their mutuall Faith and hands one to another That they would not desist to prosecute their purpose neither for losse of money or Lands nor love nor hate no nor yet for life or death of them or theirs till they had cleared England to which they and their forefathers were borne from upstarts and aliens and procured laudable Lawes The King hearing this and that they came exquisitely armed that so he and his aliens might be enforced if they would not willingly assent tooke his corporall Oath and his Sonne Prince Edward also that he would submit to their Counsels and all those their Ordinances for feare of perpetuall imprisonment The Lords having by an Edict threatned death to all that resisted Which done all the Peeres and Prelates took their Oath To be faithfull to this their Ordinance and made all who would abide in the Kingdome to swear they would stand to the triall of their Peeres the Arch-Bishops and Bishops solemnely accursing all that should rebell against it And Richard King of Romans the Kings younger brother comming soone after into England to visit the King and his own Lands the Barons enforced him according to his promise sent them in writing before his arrivall to take this Oath as soone as he landed in the Chapter-house at Canterbury Hear all men that I Richard Earle of Cornewal swear upon the holy Gospels to be faithfull and forward to reforme with you the Kingdome of England hitherto by the Counsell of wicked men so much deformed And I will be an effectuall coadjutor to expell the Rebels and troublers of the Realm from out of the same This Oath will I observe under paine to forfeit all my Lands I have in England To such a high straine as this did these Popish Parliaments Prelates Peeres and Commons scrue up their jurisdictions to preserve themselves and the kingdome from slavery and desolation whom Matthew Paris his continuer for this service stiles Angliae Reipublicae Zelatores the Zelots of the English Republicke Neither is this their example singular but backed with other precedents In the second and third yeares of King Edward the second Piers Gavesâ—on his great proud insolent covetous unworthy Favorite miscounselling and seducing the young King from whom he had been banished by his Father swaying all things at his pleasure the Peers and Nobles of the Realme seeing themselves contemned and that foraine upstart preferred before them all came to the King and humbly entreated him That he would manage the Affaires of his Kingdome by the Counsels of his Barons by whom he might not onely become more cautious but more safe from incumbent dangers the King Voce tenus consented to them and at their instance summoned a Parliament at London to which he commanded all that ought to be present to repaire Where upon serious debate they earnestly demanded of the King free liberty for the Barons to compose certaine Articles profitable to himselfe to his kingdome and to the Church of England The King imagining that they would order Piers to be banished a long time denied to grant their demand but at last at the importunate instance of them all he gave his assent and swore he would ratifie and observe what ever the Nobles should ordaine The Articles being drawne up and agreed by common consent they propounded them to the King and by their importunity much
MOST HIGH AND ABSOLUTE POWER OF THE REALME for thereby KINGS AND MIGHTY PRINCES HAVE FROM TIME TO TIME BEENE DEPOSED FROM THEIR THRONES and Lawes are enacted and abrogated Offenders of all sorts punished and corrupted Religion either disanulled or reformed It is THE HEAD AND BODY OF ALL THE REALME and the place where every particular man is intended to be present if not by himselfe yet by his Advocate and Atturney For this cause any thing that is there enacted is not to be withstood but obeyed of all men without contradiction or grudge and to be short all that ever the people of Rome might doe either Centuriatis Comitiis or Tribunitiis the same is and may be done by the Authority of Parliament Now the Romans in their Assemblies had power to enact binding Lawes to create and elect their Kings and Emperours and likewise to judge censure and depose them to create and elect all kindes of Officers and to change the very forme of their State and Government as I shall hereafter manifest Therefore by these Authours resolution the Parliament hath an absolute power to doe the like when they see just cause Sir Thomas Smith one of the Principall Secretaries of State of King Edward the 6. and Queene Elizabeth and a Doctor of Law in his Common-wealth of England l. 2. c. 1. in the old but 2. in the last Edition hath the same words in effect with Holinshed and addes that the Parliament giveth forme of Succession to the Crowne c. Our Kings Royall power being then originally derived to them conferred on them by the Peoples and kingdomes common consents in Parliament and all their new additionall Prerogatives too as the premises evidence it cannot be denyed but that the whole kingdome and Parliament are really in this sense above him and the most Soveraigne primitive power from whence all other powers were and are derived Fourthly This is undeniable because the whole kingdome in Parliament may not onely augment but likewise abridge allay abolish and resume some branches of the Kings royall power and prerogative if there be just cause as when it becomes onerous mischievous or dangerous to the Subjects inconvenient to or inconsistent with the kingdomes peoples welfare peace safety Liberty or the Lawes This is most apparent by Magna Charta Charta de Foresta Statutum De Tall agio non concedendo Articuli super Chartas Confirmatio Chartarum 1 E. 3. c. 6 7. 2 E. 3. c. 2. 8. 3 E. 1. c. 35. 9 E. 3. c. 12. 5 E. 2. c. 9. 10 E. 3. c. 2 3. 14 E. 3. c. 1. 14. 18 E. 3. c. 8. 25 E. 3. c. 4. Stat. 3. c. 1 2. Stat. 5. c. 8. 11. 36 E. 3. c. 10. 37 E. 3. c. 18. 42 E. 3. c. 3. 10 R. 2. c. 1. 11 R. 2. c. 1. to 7. 1 R. 3. c. 2. 4 H. 4. c. 13. 21 Jac. c. 3. 24. 7 H. 8. c. 3. The Petition of Right 3 Caroli most Statutes against Purveyens Pardons Protections and for regulating the Kings Charters Grants Revenues the Acts made this Parliament against Ship-money Knighthood Forest-bounds Pressing of Souldiers the Star-Chamber High-Commission the Trienniall Parliament the continuance of this Parliament whiles they please with sundry other Acts which restaine abridge repeale resume divers reall and pretended branches of the Kings royall Prerogative because they proved grievous mischievous dangerous pernicious to the people and kingdome This then answers that irrationall groundlesse position of Doctor Ferne That the Subjects neither lawfully may nor ought in any case to resume all or any part of that Regall power wherewith they have once invested their Kings by common consent though it prove never so mischievous and be never so much abused to the peoples prejudice Which as it is contrary to that received principle of nature and reason Eodem modo quo quid constituitur dissolvitur That all Governments created by mens consents especially being but officers in trust for their good and welfare onely to sundry presidents and Prophesies in Scripture concerning the Alterations Subversions Diminutions of Kings and kingdomes to the constant practise of all Realmes all States whatsoever from Adam till this instant who have undergone many strange alterations eclipses diminutions yea Periods of Government to the Resolution of Aristotle and all other Politicians who hold all formes of Government changeable and revocable without any injustice if necessary or convenient So likewise to the very end for which Kings have regall power as well as other Governours and Governements and for which they were ordained to wit their kingdomes peoples welfare safety peace protection c. Salus populi being not onely that Suprema Lex but principall end for which all royall power was instituted by God and Man and to which it must submit in case it becomes incompatible or inconsistent with the publique weale or safety What therefore that learned Father Augustine Bishop of Hippo long since resolved touching the now much contested for Lordly State of Episcopacy which he and neere three hundred African Bishops more were then ready to lay downe for the Churches peace I may fitly apply to the now over-much contended for supposed royall Prerogatives of Kings to effect peace in our State in these times of uncivill military that I say not bloody dissentions raised about them betweene King and Parliament Anâ— vero c. What verily did our Redeemer descend from heaven into humane members and shall we lest his very members he rent in pieces with cruell division feare to dâ—scend out of out Thrones we are ordained Bishops for Christian peoples sake what therefore may profit them for Christian peace that let us doe with our Bishoprickes Quod autem sum propter te sim si tibi prodest non sim si tibi obest What I am I may be for thee if it profit thee I may not be if it be hurtfull to thee If we be profitable servants why doe we envy the eternall gaines of our Lord for our temporall sublimities or Prerogatives Our Episcopall dignity will be more fruitfull to us if being laid downe it shall more unite the flocke of Christ than disperse it if retained If when I will retaine my Bishopricke I disperse the flocke of Christ how is the dammage of the flocke the honour of the Shepherd c. Old statute Lawes yea the common Law of England though above the King and his Prerogative may be and oft are repealed and altered by Parliaments when they become mischievous or inconvenient therefore by like or greater reason may any branches of the Kings Prerogative inferiour to these Lawes be restrained yea resumed when they prove grievous or dangerous to the Subject It is the Kings owne professed Maxime in full Parliament Printed and inrolled by his speciall command in all his Courts That the Kings Prerogative is but to defend the Peoples Liberties when therefore it either invades or subverts them it
of the People he is then no Soveraigne Whence it followes that the Kings of England who cannot make any Law to obliege either all or any of their Subjects nor impose any Taxes nor repeale any Common or Statute Law but in and by their Parliaments are no absolute Soveraigne Princes as some Royalists and Court Divines most falsly averre them to be but meere mixt Politique King inferiour to their Lawes and Parliaments the sole Law-makers Law-alterers though not against but with the Kings assent considered not abstractively as Kings but copulative as a branch and member of the Parliament And indeed to speake impartially though the Kings Royall assent be generally requisite to passe and retifie Lawes yet I humbly conceive that the originall prime Legislative power of making Lawes to binde the Subjects and their Posterity rests not in the Kings owne Royall person or Jurisdiction but in the Kingdome and Parliament which represents it For first admit the King should propound any Lawes to his people as Kings and Law-givers usually did at first yet these Lawes would not wayes obliege them unlesse they voluntarily consented and submitted to them in Parliament and the sole reason why our Acts of Parliament binde the Subjects in former times and at this day is not because the King willed them but because the people gave their generall consents unto them in Parliament as Sir Thomas Smith in his Common-wealth of England Holinshed the Prologues to most ancient Statutes the King by the advise and assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons and at the speciall request of the Commons in Parliament assembled and by THE AUTHORITY OF THE SAME PARLIAMENT doth grant and ordaine c. The Kings Coronation Oath Quas vulgus Elegerit and all our Law-bookes resolve and that upon this received Maxime of Law Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus debet approbari Hence Marius Salamonius defines a Law to be Expressa Civium Conventio and averres that Ligatur populus suis legibus quasi pactis conventis quae verae sunt Leges And he likewise proves at large That the Lawes to which Princes assent are more the Peoples Lawes than the Kings because Kings doe passe and grant them but as the publicke Ministers of the people and by their command and direction and they could neither assent to Lawes nor doe any other Act of Royalty unlesse the people had given them such authority with which Fortescue concurres c. 9. 13 14. The King in passing Bils doth but like the Minister in Marriage declare it to be a Law but it is the parties consents which makes the Marriage and the peoples onely that makes it a Law to binde them whence those in Scotland Ireland Man Garnsey and Iersie are not bound by our English Statutes nor Tenants in Ancient Demesne as hath beene oft times judged because they consented not to them Therefore the chiefe Legislative power is in the people and both Houses of Parliament not in the King as it was in the Roman State where the people had the Soveraigne Jurisdiction of making and confirming Lawes to binde them not their Kings Emperours or Senate as I shall hereafter manifest Secondly This appeares by the case of Customes of By-Lawes in Corporations and Manours which binde all the Corporation and Tenants if they be reasonable without the Kings or Lords consents by reason of their mutuall assents alone and as these private By-Lawes oblige all those who consent to them by reason of their ownefree assents onely so doe all publicke Acts of Parliaments obliege all Subjects onely because of their generall assents to them in their Knights Citizens and Burgesses elected by and representing their persons Thirdly all Bills or Acts of Parliament are usually made framed altered thrice read engrossed voted and fully agreed upon in both Houses without the Kings personall knowledge or privity for the most part before they come to have his Royall assent And when they are thus agreed on by both Houses the King cannot alter any one word or letter in them as the Houses may doe but must either absolutely asâ—ent to or consider further of them And if the King send any Bill he desires to have passe it must be thrice read and assented to in both Houses which have power to reject alter enlarge or limit it as they thinke meete else it can be no Act at all A cleare Demonstration that the chiefe power of enacting and making Lawes is onely in the people Commons and Peeres not the King who by his Writ doth purposely summon them to meete and enact Lawes as the chiefe Legislators Witnesse this notable clause in the Writ for the Election of Knights and Burgesses Ita quodiidem Milites plenam sufficientem Potestatem pro SE COMMUNITATE Comitatus praedicti dicti Cives Burgenses pro SE COMMUNITATE Civitatum Burgorum praedictorum divisim ab ipsis habeant AD FACIENDUM ET CONSENTIENDUM HIS quae tunc ibidem DE COMMUNI CONSILIO DICTI REGNI not Regis nostri contigerint ORDINARI super negotiis antedictis Ita quod PRO DEFECTU POTESTATIS HUJUSMODI c. dicta negotia INFECTA NON REMANEANT quovis modo answerable to which is that clause in Pope Elutherius his Epistle to our first Christian King Lucius about An. 185. Ex illis Dei gratia PER CONSILIUM REGNI VESTRI SUME LEGEM per illam Dei potentia vestrum reges Britania regnum Fourthly all publicke Acts are the whole Kingdomes Lawes not Kings alone made principally and solely for the Subjects benefit if good their prejudice if ill therefore the whole Kingdome represented in and by both Houses not the King knowing much better what is good or bad for themselves than the King alone it is just and reasonable that they and not the King should be the principall Law-makers to binde or burthen themselves with any new Lawes penalties or restraints This is the ground of that notable Rescript of the Emperour Theodosius to the Roman Senate which proves the Roman Emperours to have no right nor power to declare or make Lawes but by the Senates concurring assent and approbation Humanum esse probamus si quid de caetero in publica privatave causa emerser it necessarium quod formam generalem antiquis Legibus non insertum exposeat id AB OMNIBUS autem tam Proceribus nostri Palatii quam gloriosissimo caetu vestro Patros conscripti tractari si UNIVERSIS tam Iudicibus quam VOBIS placuerit tunc legata dictari sic ea denuo COLLECTIS OMNIBUS recenseri CUM OMNES CONSENSERINT tunc demum in sacro nostri numinis consistorio recitari ut UNIVERSORUM CONSENSUS nostrae Serenitatis authoritate firmetur Scitote igitur Patres conscripti NON ALITER IN POSTERUM LEGEM a nostra clementia PROMULGANDAM nisi supradicta forma fuerit observata Bene enim
cognoscimus quod cum vestro consilio fuerit ordinatum ID AD BEATITUDINEM NOSTRI IMPERII ET AD NOSTRAM GLORIAM REDUNDARE Therefore doubtlesse he deemed the Senate the chiefe Legislators as knowing better than himselfe what conduced to the beatitude of the Empire and to his owne Imperiall honour and never dreamed of any negative voyce annexed to his Imperiality to deny such Acts as they once Voted for usefull publicke Lawes Fifthly It is cleare that all Acts which give any Subsidie Taxes Penalties or forfaitures to the King are made onely by the People in Parliament and not principally by the King since the King cannot be said in any propriety to give any thing to himselfe This is undenyable by the forme of penning all subsidie Bills granted by the Commons or Clergy Your Commons assembled in your High Court of Parliament c. humbly present your Majesty with the free and chearefull gift of two entire Subsidies which we humbly beseech your Majesty graciously to accept c. Your Majesties faithfull Subjects the Prelates and Clergie c. with one agreement and uniforme consent have given and granted and by these presents doe give and grant to your Highnesse c. foure intire Subsidies in manner and forme as followeth And by the Kings assent to these Bills Le Roy remercy ses Loaulz Subjects accept LOUR BENEVOLENCE c. the Commons having the sole power to grant or deny Subsidies and Taxes when they see cause and to limit the proportion of them the manner and time of paying them and to order how and by whom they shall be received and imployed as all Acts of this nature manifest If then they be the chiefe Law-makers in these Acts which lay any imposition upon the Subjects goods or restraint on his person then by like reason in all other penall publicke Lawes This is infallibly cleare by the Kings Coronation Oath who sweares That he will grant fulfill and defend ALL RIGHT FULL LAWES and CUSTOMES the which THE COMMONS OF THE REALME SHALL CHUSE and shall strengthen and maintaine them after his power If the Commons then are to chuse Lawes and the King by his Oath bound to grant strengthen maintaine and defend them when chosen by them then doubtlesse they are the chiefe Legislators not the King whence Fortescue c. 9. resolves That the People of England are ruled by such Lawes as themselves chuse or desire And that their Lawes are their owne not the Kings Seventhly all Acts of Parliament made in the Reignes of usurpers who have no Title to the Crowne nor right to assent to Lawes are firme and good in Law and shall binde the right heires to the Crowne as is evident by the Lawes made by King Iohn Henry the 4 5 6. reputed usurpers by Edward the 4. and Richard the 3. acknowledged an usurper whose Lawes are yet in force The reason is as is cleare by 1 E. 4. c. 6. because these Lawes and all other Judiciall Acts in Courts of Justice are the Acts of the Parliament and Courts themselves which are lawfull not of the usurping King who is unlawfull Therefore certainely the Legislative power is more in the Parliament thaâ—â— in the King if not wholly in it there being Lawes and kingdomes before Kings were Eightly There are good and binding Lawes in many Aristocraticall and Democraticall States as in Venice the Netherlands Geneva Florence Switzerland and other Republickes where there are no Kings at all Yea there were such obligatory Lawes in Bohemia Poland Sweden Spaine Hungary and other Realmes before they were erected into kingdomes which remained in full force and efficacy and still bound both King and People after they became kingdomes And the Romans Athenians Lacedemonians Lawes of old made under their Kings survived and continued in their vigour after their Kings were abandoned and the very forme of their states quite altered into an Aristocracy yea the Lawes made by the Roman Senate and People continued in force after their Emperours were erected and the very Lex Regia recorded by Salamonius which created limited and defined the very Prerogative Power and Authority of the Roman Emperours was made onely by the Senate and People who by that Law gave sometimes more Authority to one Emperour than to another and restrained the power of some Emperours more than others and subjecting them to some Lawes from which they exempted others and therefore doubtlesse were the supreamest Law-givers and the Soveraigne power above the Emperour as Marius Salamonius and Bodin prove at large And the Emperour Theodosius is not ashamed to professe as much in his Edict to Volusianus in these termes Digna vox Majestate regnantis LEGIBVS ALLIGATVM SE PRINCIPEM PROFITERI AD EO DE AVTHORITATE IVRIS NOSTRA PENDET AVTHORIT AS revera majus Imperio est summittere Legibus Pincipatum Etoraculo praesentis Edicti Quod NOBIS LICERE NON PATIMVR aliis indicamus If then Lawes may thus be made where there are no Kings by the peoples joynt consents alone If Lawes enacted in a State before by consent it be made a Kingdome remaine in force after it is erected into a kingdome and continue after it ceaseth to be a kingdom only by and for the people consenting to them as is evident by infinite examples and the people Parliament Senate have anciently made and may make Lawes even to binde their Kings and Soveraignes themselves in points of their Prerogative and power then doubtlesse they and not Kings are the chiefe Soveraigne Legislators and their Royall assents to Lawes are no wayes essentiall to the very being of Lawes but rather a complementall Ceremony Ninthly admit the King should dye without Heire no doubt the kingdome and Parliament have a just right either to alter the government or dispose of the Crown to what family they please as the constant practise of all kingdomes in such cases manifests and Bishop Bilson himselfe assureth us That all Nations once members of the Roman Empire when the right Heires failed were suffered to elect their Governours where they pleased as the Romans themselves might doe and no doubt they may make binding publike Lawes during the Inter-regnum as the kingdome and Estates of Aragon did during their Inter-regnums Yea if the King be an infant as Henry the 3 Henry the 6. Edward 3. 5. and Richard 2. with other our Kings were when the Crowne descended to them or non Compos Mentis or taken with a dead Palsie or Apoplexie or an Ideot by birth or Age or a Monke professed as some Kings have beene or absent in a Pilgrimage to Rome or a voyage to the Holy Land As the Lords and State Assembled at the New Temple after the death of King Henry the third during his Sonne King Edward the 1. his absence in the Holy Land Proclaimed him King swore fealty to him CAUSED A NEW SEALE TO BE MADE appointed â—it Officers
and Ministers for the Custody of his Treasure and Peace and proclaimed his Peace throughout the Realme or other remote foraine parts by reason of warres as divers of our Kings heretofore have beene and so unable personally to consent to Lawes no doubt in all such cases the right of creating a Protector to execute regall power summon Parliaments assent to Lawes is onely in the Parliament which may in these cases make any publicke Acts without the Kings personall presence or assent and the assent of the Regent or Protector usually created by them shall as firmely binde the King as if he had personally consented as is evident by all the Acts of Parliament passed during the minority of Henry the third who was but nine yeares old Edward the third who was but thirteen Richard the second who was but eleven yeares of age Henry the sixt who was but nine moneths old Edward the sifth but twelve yeares Henry the eight not eighteene yeares Edward the fixt but nine yeares of age when they began their Reignes and so uncapable of giving any personall consent to Lawes by themselves of which they could not judge but by their Protectors and by all Acts made in the absence of King Richard the first Edward the 1 2 3 4. Henry the 3. 2 3 4 5 6. and others out of the Realme all good and binding Lawes as appeares by 28 H. 8. c. 17. which altered and 33 H. 8. c. 22 which declareth the Law in these particulars A cleare demonstration that the Parliament is the most absolute Supreame power and Law-giver not the King Tenthly The King hath little or no hand in making but onely in assenting to Lawes when they are made by the Houses as the usuall forme of passing Acts Le Royle veult The King wills or assents to it not before but after they have passed both Houses imports which assent of his if the Bils be publike and necessary for the Common good is not meerely arbitrary at the Kings will but the King by Oath and duty is bound to give it and the Lords and Commons may in justice demand it of meere right as I shall shew anon His Royall assent then though it be the last act which compleates Bils and makes them Lawes yet since it is but an assent to a Law formerly made by both Houses which he cannot alter in any point Yea an assent which the King in Honour Law Justice Duty by vertue of his Coronation Oath is bound to give as appeares by the Prefaces of most Statutes the Statute of Provisours 25 E. 3. Parl. 6. 20 E. 3. and other Acts it is so farre from proving the King the Supreame power and Law-giver that it manifests the contrary that this power principally resides in both the Houses not the King Eleventhly The kingdomes Soveraignty and supreame jurisdiction above the King is most apparent by those Coronation Oathes which Parliaments and the kingdome anciently long before or at leastwise in King Edwards dayes before and ever since the Conquest have prescribed to our Kings ere they would accept of them for their Soveraignes of which I shall give you a short account Before the Conquest I read in King Edward the Confessors Lawes not onely the Office but Oath of the King of England whom he and Bracton oft stiles Gods and Christs Vicar upon earth thus excellently described A King ought above all things to feare God to love and observe his Commandements and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdome He ought also to set up good Lawes and customes such as be wholesome and approved such as be otherwise to repeale them and thrust them out of his kingdome Item he ought to doe Iustice and Iudgement in his kingdome by the counsell of the Nobles of his Realme All these things ought the King in his owne person to doe taking his Oath upon the Evangelists and the blessed Reliques of Saints swearing in the presence of the whole State of his Realme as well of the temporalty as of the spiritualty before he be Crowned of the Archbishops and Bishops Three servants the King ought to have under him as Vassals fleshly lust avarice and greedy desire whom if be keepe under as his servants and slaves he shall Reigne well and honourably in his kingdome He must doe all things with good advisement and preâ—â—e ditation and that properly belongeth to a King for hasty rashnesse bringeth all things to 〈◊〉 according to the saying of the Gospell Every kingdome divided in it selfe shall be brought to desolution Master Fox informes us that William the Conquerour through the peoples clamour promised to confirme this King Edwards Lawes but the most part of them be omitted contrary to his Oath at his Coronation Indeed I finde not in William of Maâ—â—esbury Henry Huntingdon Matthew Paris or Westminster that William the Conquerour tooke this Oath at his Coronation but onely that he was received by the Clergie and people at London in great triumph AB OMNIBUS REX ACCLAMATUS and proclaimed King by them all and then Crowned but Roger de Hoveden and Daniel out of him are expresse in point that according to the accustomed forme the Bishops and Barons of the Realme tooke their Oathes to be his true and loyall Subjects and he reciprocally being required thereunto by Aldred Arch-bishop of Yorke who Crowned him made his personall Oath before the Altar of the Apostle Saint Peter in the presence of the Clergy and People That he would defend the holy Churches of God and the Rectors of the same Likewise that he would govern all the people Subject to him justly and with royall providence RECTAM LEGEM STATUERE ET TENERE which referres to future Lawes that he would establish and observe RIGHTEOUS LAWES and that he would utterly prohibit rapines and unjust judgements Nor did he claime any power by Conquest but as a regular Prince submitted himselfe to the Orders of the kingdome desirous to have his Testamentary title howsoever weake to make good his Succession rather than his Sword the flattery of the time onely giving him the Title of Conquerour afterwards but himselfe not claiming it But William soone after forgetting this his solemne Oath did as Speed with others write abrogate for the most part the ancient Lawes of the Land and introduce new hard Lawes of his owne written in the Norman tongue which the people understood not and the Iudges wrested at their pleasures to the forfeiture of Goods Lands Life Hereupon the Nobility and Natives seeking to cast off these snares and fetters of his Lawes set up Edgar Atheling for their King and Generall once again fell into a new conspiracy raising great forces resolving to make the sword their judge The King hereupon by Lanfrankes advise who as Rehoboams sages gave him counsell somewhat to beare with their abuses rather than hazard the ruine of all in fight appointed a meeting at Berkhamsteed Anno
the King in Parliament promiseth to abate his houshold and hereafter to live upon his owne so setling a new forme of his Court which is extant in many hands and intituled Ordinations for the Kings house Anno 3 E. 2. an Ordinance was made for the Kings houshold in ease of the Kings people oppressed with purveyance by reason of the greatnesse thereof and the motive of that Ordinance was to the honour of God and profit of holy Church and to the honour and profit of the King and the benefit of his people according TO RIGHT AND REASON AND THE OATH WHICH OUR LORD THE KING MADE AT THE BEGINNING of His Raigne Thus R. 2. did discard the Bohemians Anno 10. by an act of Parliament at the peoples petition surcharged by them Thus H. 4. did with the Gascoignes and Welsh in like sort overburdening and impoverishing the King and Realme with perpetuall suits so that in Court as the Record saith there were no men almost of substance or valiant persons as there ought to be but rascals for the greater part Hence was it that the wisedome of former times foreseeing the mischiefe the open hand of the Soveraigne might bring the state into made a Law 11 R 2. that whatsoever commeth to the King by judgement escheat forfeiture wardship or in any other waies shall not be given away and that the procurer of any such guift shall be punished This Law the Parliament continued 7 H. 4. untill the King was out of debt making frustrate the grants of these and ordaining a penalty of double value to every mover or procurer of such grants The like in Anno 11 H. 4. and that no Petition for any thing should be delivered to the King but in presence of the Councell who might examine it lest that the Kings wants should light upon the Commons And to keep the hand of H. 6. from wastfull giving the Councell enduced him to convey to the Archbishop of Canterbury and others all profits of wards marriages reliefes escheats and forfeitures to defray the charge of his house It is one of the greatest accusations in Parliament against the Duke of Sommerset for suffering the King to give away the possessions and profits of the Crown in manner of a spoile for so are the words of the Record And it was the first and chiefest Article to depose R. 2. for wasting and bestowing the Lands and the revenue of the Crowne upon unworthy persons and thereby overcharging the Commons with exactions Nor yet to mention the Parliaments Soveraigne Power and Jurisdiction in making or proclaiming Warre or Peace in which they have oft times not onely advised but overswayed the King in creating the highest Officers in ordering the Militia of the Kingdome by Sea and Land by setled Lawes of which more anon or in ordering the Coyne and Money of the Land together with the Mint or designing how the Subsidies and Aydes granted by them to the King shall be disposed of to the Kingdomes use of which there are sundry presidents All which together with the Acts concerning his Purveyance Pardons Charters Grants and all Revenues Royall are strong u evidences of its Soveraigne Authority Nor yet to remember that inâ—allible Argument to prove Kingdomes greater and more valuable then Kings that Kings as publique servants to their Realmes ought to hazzard their lives for their Kingdomes safety and preservation as many have done in warres against enemies but never ought the whole Kingdome to be lost or hazzarded to preserve the Kings Prerogatives that of Iohn 11. 48 49 50. and chap. 1814. being an undoubtted rule in Divinity and Policy That it is expedient that any one man though a King yea Christ the King of Kings should die for the people that the whole Nation perish noâ— rather then the whole Nation die for him Priorque mihi potior ejus officii ratio esâ— quod humano generi quam quod uni hominum debeâ— as Seneca de Benefic l. 7. Gentilis de Iure Belli l. 1. c. 16. resolve from the light of nature and common reason I shall onely adde this important consideration to illustrate this obscured truth It can hardly seeme probable much lesse credible that any free people whatsoever when they voluntarily at first incorporated themselves into a Kingdome and set up an elective or hereditary King over them would so absolutely resigne up their Soveraigne popular â—riginall authority power and liberty to their Kings their heires and successors for ever as to give them an absolute irrevocable uncontroulable Supremacy over them superiour to irrestrainable irresistable or unalterable by their owne primitive inherent Nationall Soveraignety out of which their regall power was derived For this had been to make the Creator inferiour to the Creature the Parent subordinate to the Child the Derivative greater then the Primitive the Servant for Princes are but their Kingdomes publique Ministers more potent then the Master of Freemen to have made themselves and their Posterity absolute slaves and vassals for ever and in stead of a Principality intended only for their greater safety and immunity to have erected a Tyranny to their perpetuall irremediable Oppression and slavery A most brutish sottish inconsiderate rash action not once to be imagined of any people quite contrary to the practice of the Lacedemonians Romans Germans Aragonians and most other Nations who still reserved the Soveraigne power to themselves and never transferred it to their kings or Emperours who were ever subject to their jurisdictions and censures too as I shall manifest at large in the Appendix no absolute Monarchy being ever set up in the world but by direct Tyranny and Conquest as Cassanaeus in his Catalogus Gloriae Mundi pars 5. Consid. 1. manifests at large not by the peoples free election and consents And had our Ancestors or any other Nations when they first erected Kings and instituted Kingly government been demanded these few questions Whether they meant thereby to transferre all their Nationall authority power and priviledges so farre over unto their Kings their heires and successors for ever as not still to reserve the supremest power and jurisdiction to themselves to direct limit restrain their Princes supremacy the exorbitant abuses of it when they should see just cause or so as not to be able ever after to alter or diminish this form of government upon any occasion whatsoever Or if their King should turne professed tyrants endeavouring to deprive them against all right and justice of their Lives Goods Liberties Religion Lawes or make open warres upon them to destroy them or bring in forraigne enemies upon them to conquer or subject them to a forraigne power without their free consents that yet they should patiently submit themselves to these their unnaturall tyrannicall destructive proceedings without any the least resistance of them by necessary defensive Armes or calling theÌ„ to account for these grosse
frequently disposed of the Crowne of that Kingdome determined the controversies of the right and titles pretended to it and elected Protectors or Regents of the Realme during their Kings minorities or distractions of which I shall cite divers precedents in the Appendix to which I shall referre you Nor yet to trouble you with Spanish Precedents of this nature where the severall claimes and titles of the pretenders to the Crownes have beene oft referred to debated in and finally resolved by their Parliaments and generall assemblies of the States the proper Iudges of such controversies as Ioannes Mariana Euardus Nonius and other Spanish writers determined as Philip the second the 18. King of Portugall his title to that Crowne and his competitors together with the rights and claimes of Alfonso the 1. 3. 5. Iohn the 1. Emanuel and other Kings of Portugall and their Corivals were solemnly debated and determined in the assembly of the States of that Realme and of divers Kings and Queenes of Arragon Castile Navarre A pregnant argument that their assemblies of States are the soveraigne Tribunall since they have power and right to determine and settle the descent right and succession of the Crowne betweene those who pretend titles thereunto I shall confine my selfe to domesticke precedents Not to repeate the forementioned precedents how the Lords and commons when the Title to the Crowne hath been in dispute have transferred it from the rightfull Heires to others I shall give you some other pregnant evidences where the Parliament hath finally determined the Title to the Crowne when it hath beene in competition and setled it in a legall manner to avoid debates by way of Appeale to them by competitors or reference from the Kings themselves as the onely proper Judges of such a superlative controversie Not to mention any stories of our British Kings to this purpose where the Kingdome Lords and Commons then disposed of the Crowne in cases of minority want of Heires misgovernment and controversies about the Title to the Crowne Canutus after the death of King Edmund Anno 1017. clayming the whole Realme against Edmunds Brethren and Sonnes referred his Title upon the agreement made betweene Edmund and him for this purpose to the Parliament who resolved for Canutus Title and thereupon tooke an Oath of fealty to him Offering to defend his right with their swords against all others claimes After his decease the Title to the Crowne being controverted betweene Hardicanute the right Heire and Harold his elder but base Brother it was referred to a Parliament at Oxford who gave their voyces to Harold there present and presently proclaymed and consecrated him King Anno 1036. After whose death the States of England sent and adjudged the Crowne to Hardicanute then in Denmarke He dying Edward the Confessor by a generall consent of the Nobles Clergy and People who presently upon Harold◠death enacted by Parliament That none of the Danish blood should any more Reigne over them was elected King and declared right Heire to the Crowne Anno 1126. King Henry the first having no issue male but onely one Daughter Maude to succeed him summoned a Parliament in the presence of himselfe and David King of Scotland wherein the Crowne was setled upon Maude after his decease being of the ancient Royall English blood whereupon Stephen his Sisters Sonne and all the Nobles presently swore fealty to her As much as in them lay after King Henries death if hee died without issue male to establish her Queene of the Monarchy of great Britaine But Stephen after his decease usurped the Crowne against his Oath By the unanimous consent and election of the Lords and Commons And after seventeene yeares civill wars to the devastation of the Realme King Stephen and Henry the Sonne of Maude came to a Treaty at Wallingford where by the advise of the Lords they made this accord That Stephen if he would should peaceably hold the kingdome during his life and that Henry should be his adopted Sonne and Successor enjoy the Crowne as right Heire to it after his death and that the King and all the Bishops and Nobles should sweare that Henry after the Kings death if he survived him should possesse the Kingdome without any contradiction Which done the civill warres ceased and a blessed peace ensued and then comming to Oxford in a Parliament all the Nobles did fealty to Henry who was made chiefe Justiciar of England and determined all the affaires of the kingdome In the 8. and 25. of E. 3. there was a doubt moved in Parliament whether the children of the King or others borne beyond the Seas within his Allegiance should inherit lands in England The King to cleare all doubts and ambiguities in this case and to have the Law herein reduced to certainty charged the Prelates Earles Barons and other wise men of his Councell assembled in Parliament in the 25. yeare of his Raigne to deliberate of this point who with one assent resolved That the Law of the Realme of England is and alwayes hath beene such that the children of the Kings of England in whatsoever parts they be borne in England or elsewhere be able and owe to beare inheritance after the death of their Ancestors Which when they had declared the King Lords and Commons by a speciall Act did approve and affirme this Law for ever the onely Act passed in that Parliament And in a Parliament 1◠E. 3. this Kings eldest sonne was created Duke of Cornewall by Parliament which then also entailed the Dutchy of Cornewall upon the eldest sonnes 〈…〉 of England So 21. R. 2. c. 9. the Principality of Chester 〈…〉 on the Prince by Act of Parliament King Henry the 〈…〉 the inheritance of the Crownes and 〈…〉 his posterity caused them by a speciall 〈…〉 his raigne to be entailed and setled on 〈…〉 and Prince Henry his eldest sonne to be established 〈…〉 heire apparant to him and to succeed him in the said 〈◊〉 and Realmes to have them with their appurtenances after the Kings death to him and the heire◠of his body begotten And if hee should die without heire of his body begotten 〈…〉 remaine to the Lord Thomas the Kings second sonne with successive remainders to Lord John the third and Lord Humfry the Kings fourth sonne and the heires of their bodies begotten After which Act passed for the avoyding of all claimes titles and ambiguities to be made unto the Crowne he thought never by any of his Subjects to be molested or troubled the rather because in this Parliament it was first concluded that deposed King Richard should continue in a large prison and be plenteously served of all things necessary both for viande and apparell and if any persons should presume to reare warre or congregate a multitude to deliver him out of prison that then he should be the first that should die for that seditious commotion Which King Richard as Sir Iohn Bagot
some private Lords or Courtiers shall recommend in whom the Kingdome and Parliament in these jealous deceitfull times dare not confide The yeelding to the Parliament in this just request will remove all feares and jealousies restore our peace re-gaine his Majesty the reall affections of his discontented Subjects the persisting in the contrary course will but adde fuell to our flames feares doubts dangers and frustrate all hopes all endevours of Peace From the Militia it selfe I descend to the consequencies of its denyall the Parliaments seising upon Hull with other Ports and Forts the Royall Navy Ammunition Armes Revenues and detaining them still from his Majesty the grand difference now pretended whence the present warre hath emerged which these ensuing considerations will in a great measure qualifie if not altogether satisfie First his Majesty and all Royalists must necessarily yeeld that the Ports Forts Navy Ammunition Armes and Revenues thus seised on by the Parliament though his Majesties in point of possession yet are not his but the Kingdomes in point of right and interest they being first transferred to and placed on his Predecessors and himselfe by the Parliament and Kingdome not in right of propriety but conditionally upon trust his Majesty being but a publike Officer for the defence and safety of the Realme and though his Majesty came to them by descent yet it was but in nature of the Heire of a Feoffee in trust for the use and service of the kingdome as a King in his politicke not as a man or Proprietor in his naturall capacity as our Law Bookes Terminis terminantibus resolve Hence it hath been oft adjudged that the King can neither by his will in writing nor by his Letters Patents Devise or alien the Lands Revenues Jewels Ships Forts or Ammunition of the Crowne unlesse it be by vertue of some speciall Act of Parliament enabling him to doe it by the kingdomes generall consent and if any such alienations be made they are voyd in Law and may be yea have beene oft resumed reversed by the Parliament because they are not the Kings but kingdomes in point of intereâ—t and propriety the Kings but in possession and trust for the kingdomes use and defence Hence it is that if the King dye all his Ships Armes Ammunition Jewels Plate Debts to the Crowne Moneyes Arrerages of Rents or Subsidies Wards and Rights of presentments to voyd Churches goe onely to his Successors not to his Executors as in case of a common person because he enjoyes them not as a Proprietor as other Subjects doe but as a Trustee onely for the kingdomes benefit and defence as a Bishop Abbot Deane Mayor or such like Corporations enjoy their Lands not in their naturall but politicke capacities for the use and in the right of their Churches Houses Corporations not their owne Upon this ground King Harold pleaded his Oath and promise of the Crowne of England to William the Conquerour without the Kingdomes consent to be voyd and King Philip with all the Nobles of France and our owne Parliament 40 E. 3. rot Parâ— nu 8. unanimously resolved King Iohn his resignation and grant of the Crown and Kingdome of England to the Pope without the Nobles and Parliaments consents to be a meere nullity voyd in Law binding neither King nor Subject the Crowne and possessions of it being not the Kings but kingdomes And before this Anno Doâ— 1245. in the great Councell of Lyons under Pope Innocent to which King Henry the third sent foure Earles and Barons together with the English Prelates and one Master William Powyke an Advocate to complaine of the Popes exactions in the Councell which they did where they likewise openly protested against the annuall tribute extorted by the Pope by grant from King Iohn whose detestable Charter granting that annuall tribute was reported to be burnt to ashes in the Popes closet by a casuall fire during this Councell as a meere nullity and that in the behalfe of the whole kingdome of England EO QUOD DE REGNI ASSENSU NON PROCESSERAT because the kingdome consented not thereto and because the King himselfe could make no such Charter to charge the kingdome Which Matthew Paris thus expresseth W. De Poweric Anglicanae Vniversitatis Procurator assurgens gravamina Regni Angliae ex parte universitatis Angliae proponens satis eleganter conquestus est graviter quod tempore Belli per â—â—uriam Romanam extortum est tributum injuriose in quod nunquam patres Nobilium regni vel ipsi consenserunt nec consentiunt neque in futurum consentient unde sibi petunt justitiam exhiberi cum remedio Ad quod Papa nec oculos elevans nec vocem verbum non respondit Upon this reason l Matthew Paris speaking of King Henry the third his morgaging his kingdome to the Pope Anno 1251. for such monies as he should expend in the Warres useth this expression Rex secus quam deceret aut expediret Se suumque Regnum sub paena exhaeredationis QUOD TAMEN FACERE NEC POTUIT NEC DEBUIT Domino Papae obligavit Hence King Edward the third having the Title of the King and Crowne of France devolved to him which made some of the English feare that they should be put in subjection to the Realme of France against the Law the Parliament in the 14. yeare of his Reigne Stat. 4. passed a speciall Act declaring That the Realme of England never was nor ought to be in subjection nor in the obeysance of the Kings of France nor of the Realme of France and enacting that the King of England or his Heires by colour of his or their Titles to the Crowne Seale Armes and Title of the King of France should not in any time to come put the Realme of England or people of the same of what estate or condition soever they be in subjection or obeysance of him nor his Heires nor his Successors as Kings of France nor be subject nor obedient but shall be free and quite of all manner subjection and obeysance as they were wont to be in the time of his Progenitors Kings of England for ever By the Statute of 10 R. 2. c. 1. it is resolved That the King could not alien the Land Castles Ships Revenues Jewels and Goods of the Crowne and a Commission is thereby granted to inquire of and resume all such alienations as illegal Hence the Commons in the Parliament of 16 R. 2. c. 5. of Praemunire in their Petition to the King and the whole Parliament in and by that Law declared That the Crowne and kingdome of England hath been so free at all times that it hath beene in subjection to no Realme but immediately subject to God and to none other which by the prosecution of suites in the Court of Rome for Benefices provided against by this Act should in all things touching the Regality thereof be submitted to the Bishop of Rome and the Laws
sweare to observe before they are crowned the words of which law are these The King shall take heed that he neither undertake warre nor conclude peace nor make truce nor handle any thing of great moment but by the advise and consent of the Elders to wit the Iustitia Arragoniae the standing Parliament of that kingdome which hath power over and above the King And of later dayes as the same Author writes their Rici-homines or selected Peeres appointed by that kingdome not the King have all the charges and offices both of warre and peace lying on their neckes and the command of the Militia of the kingdome which they have power by their Lawes to raise even against their King himselfe in case he invade their Lawes or Liberties as he there manifests at large So in Hungary the great Palatine of Hungary the greatest officer of that kingdome and the Kings Lieutenant Generall who commands the Militia of that Realme is chosen by the Parliament and Estates of that country not the King It was provided by the Lawes of the Aetolians that nothing should be entreated of CONCERNING PEACE OR WARRE but in their Panaetolio or great generall Councell of state in which all Ambassadors were heard and answered as they were likewise in the Roman Senate And Charles the fifth of France having a purpose to drive all the Englishmen out of France and Aquitain assembled a generall assembly of the estates in a Parliament at Paris by their advise and wisedome to amend what by himselfe had not beene wisely done or considered of and so undertooke that warre with the counsell and good liking of the Nobilitie and people whose helpe he was to use therein which warre being in and by that Councell decreed prospered in his hand and tooke good successe as Bodin notes because nothing giveth greater credit and authority to any publike undertakings of a Prince and people in any State or Commonweale then to have them passe and ratified by publike advise and consent Yea the great Constable of France who hath the government of the Kings Sword the Army and Militia of France was anciently chosen by the great Councell of the three Estates Parliament of that kingdome as is manifest by their election of Arthur Duke of Britaine to that office Anno 1324. before which Anno 1253. they elected the * Earle of Leycester a valiant Souldier and experienced wise man to be the grand Seneschall of France ad consulendum regno desolato multum desperato quia strenuus fuit fidelis which office he refused lest he should seeme a Traytour to Henry the third of England under whom he had beene governour of Gascoigne which place he gave over for want of pay In briefe the late examples of the Protestant Princes in Germany France Bohemia the Low countries and of our brethren in Scotland within foure yeares last who seised all the Kings Forts Ports Armes Ammunition Revenues in Scotland and some Townes in England to preserve their Lawes Liberties Religion Estates and Country from destruction by common consent without any Ordinance of both Houses in their Parliament will both excuse and justifie all the Acts of this nature done by expresse Ordinances of this Parliament which being the Soveraigne highest power in the Realme intrusted with the kingdomes safety may put the Ports Forts Navy Ammunition which the King himselfe cannot manage in person but by substitutes into such under Officers hands as shall both preserve and rightly imploy them for the King and kingdomes safety and elect the Commanders of the Militia according to the expresse letter of King Edward the Confessors Laws which our Kings at their Coronations were still sworne to maintaine wherewith I shall in a manner conclude the Legall part of the Subjects right to elect the Commanders of the Militia both by Sea and Land Erant aliae potestates dignitates per provincias patrias universas per singulos Comitatus totius regni constitutea qui Heretochii apud Anglos vocabantur Scilicet Barones Nobiles insignes sapientes fideles animosi Latine vero dicebantur Ductores exercitus apud Gallos Capitales Constabularii vel Marâ—schaâ—li Exercitus Illi vero ordinabant acies densissimas in praeliis aâ—as constituebant prout decuit prout iis melius visum fuit ad Honorem Coronae ET AD UTILITATEM REGNI Isti vero viri ELIGEBANTUR PER COMMUNE CONCILIUM PRO COMMUNI UTILITATE REGNI PER PROVINCIAS ET PATRIAS UNIVERSAS ET PER SINGULOS COMITATUS so as the King had the choyce of them in no Province or Countrey but the Parliament and people onely in pleno Folcmote SICUT ET VICECOMITES PROVINCIARUM ET COMITATUUM ELEGI DEBENT Ita quod in quolibet Comitatu sit unus Heretoch PER ELECTIO NEM ELECTUS ad conducendum exercitum Comitatus sui juxta praeceptum Domini Regis ad honorem Coronae UTILITATEM REGNI praedicti semper cum opus adfuerit in Regno Item qui fugiet a Domino vel socio suo pro timiditate Belli vel Mortis in conductione Heretochii sui IN EXPEDITIONE NAVALI VEL TERRESTRI by which it is evident these popular Heretochs commanded the Militia of the Realme both by Sea and Land and might execute Martiall Law in times of war perdat omne quod suum est suam ipsius vitam manus mittat Dominus ad terram quam ei antea dederat Et qui in bello ante Dominum suum ceciderit sit hoc in terra sit alibi sint ei relevationes condonatae habeant Haeredes ejus pecuniam terramejus sine aliqua diminutione recte dividant inter se. An unanswerable evidence for the kingdomes and Parliaments interest in the Militia enough to satisfie all men To which I shall only adde that observation of the learned Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossarium Title Dux and Heretochius where he cites this Law of King Edward That the Heretoch was Magister Militiae Constabularius Mariscallus DVCTOR EXERCITVS SIVE NAVALIS SIVE TERRESTRIS called in Saxon Heretoga ab Here Exercitus Togen Ducere Eligebantur in pleno Folcmote hoc est non in illo sub initio eaâ—endarum Maii at in alio sub capite Calendarum Octobris Aderant tune ipsi Heretochii QUAE VOLUERE IMPERABANT EXEQUENDA consvlto tamen PROCERUM COETU ET JUDICIO TOTIUS FOLCMOTI APPROBANTE Then he subjoynes POPULARIS ISTA HERETOCHIORUM SEU DUCUM ELECTIO nostris Saxonibus cum Germanis aliis COMMUNIS FUIT Vt in Boiorum ll videas Tit. 2. cap. 1. S. 1. Siquis contra Ducem suum quent Rex ordinavit in Provincia illa AUT POPULUS SIBI ELEGERIT DUCEM de morte Ducis consiliatus fuerit in Ducis sit potestate c. Hue videtur pertinere quod apud Greg. Turon legas l. 8. Sect. 18. Wintro Dux à Pagensibus
suis depulsus Ducatu caruit c. sed posteà pacato populo Ducatum recepit Eigebantur enim interdum Provinciarum Duces AB IPSO POPULO In the Roman State the Senate and some times the people alone without their advise had power to appoint Lieutenants and Governours of Provinces whence the Senate commanded those Governours of Provinces whom the Emperour Maximinus had made to be displaced and others to be substituted in their roomes which was accordingly executed yea the Senate had power to dispose of the common Treasure and publike reventue one of the greatest points of Soveraingty And so we read in Scripture Iudges 11. 5. to 12. That when the children of Ammon made warre against Israel the Elders of Gilead went to fetch Iephthah out of the land of Tob. And they said unto Iephthah Come and be our Captaine that we may fight with the Children of Ammon c. Then Iephthah went with the Elders of Gilead and THE PEOPLE MADE HIM HEAD and CAPTAINE OVER THEM the Princes and people even under Kings themselves having the chiefe disposing power of the Militia and denouncing war as is evident by Iosh. 22. 11. to 32. Iudges 20. and 21. throughout 1 Sam. 14. 38. to 46. c. 29. 1. to 11. 2 Sam. 18. 2 3 4. c. 19. 1. to 9. Prov. 20. 18. c. 24. 6. compared together And for a close of all lest any should object that no late direct precedent can bee produced to prove the office of the Lord Admirall and custody of the Seas disposed by Parliament I shall conclude with one punctuall precedent of many In 24. H. 6. prima Pars Pat. ma. 16. The King grants to Iohn Duke of Exeter the OFFICE OF ADMIRALL OF ENGLAND IRELAND and AQUITAIN with this subscription Per breve de privato sigillo AVCTORITATE PARLIAMENTI the former Patent of this office made joyntly to him and his sonne by the King alone in the 14. yeare of his reigne being surrendred in the Parliament of 24. and a new one granted them by its direction and authority Yea most of the Admiralls Patents which anciently were not universall for all England but severall for such and such parts onely and commonly but annuall or triennuall at most as Sir Henry Spelman observes in his Glossary in the word Admirallus where you have an exact Kalender of all the Admiralls names with the dates of their severall Patents and Commissions are DE AVISAMENTO ET ASSENSU CONSILII which is almost as usually taken for the Kings great Counsell the Parliament as for his privy Counsell And if our Kings have constantly disposed of this Office by the advise or assent of their privy Counsell there is more reason and equitie they should doe it by the advise of their great Counsell of which his privy Counsell are but a part and by whom they have frequently beene elected as I shall plentifully manifest in the next objection Now whereas some pretend that the Parliaments seising and detaining of the Kings Castles Ports Ships Armes and Ammunition is High Treason within the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. c. 3. and a levying of warre against the King I answer first that the Parliament was never within the meaning nor letter of that or any other Act concerning Treasons as I have formerly proved the rather because the King is a member of it and so should commit Treason against himselfe which were absurd Secondly because both Houses are of greater authority then the King a member of them as they make one Court so cannot commit Treason against the lesse Thirdly the Parliament is a meere Corporation and Court of justice and so not capable of the guilt of Treason A Judge Maior or particular persons of a Corporation may be culpable of high Treason as private men but not a Court of justice or Corporation Fourthly by the very Statutes of 25 E. 3. and of 11 R. 2. c. 3. 21 R. 2. c. 12. 1 H. 4. c. 10. 21. R. 2. c. 3. the Parliament is the sole Judge of all new Treasons not within the very letter of that act and if any other case supposed Treason not there specified happens before any Iustices the Iustice shall tarry without any going to judgement of the Treason till the cause bee shewen and declared before the King and his Parliament whether it ought to be judged Treason And if the Parliament be the sole Judge of all Treasons it cannot be guilty of Treason for then it should be both Judge and Delinquent and if so no doubt it would ever acquit it selfe of such a crime as High Treason and never give judgement against it selfe And no Judge or person else can arraigne or judge it or the members of it because it is the highest soveraigne Court over which no other person or Court whatsoever hath any the least jurisdiction So that if it were capable of the guilt of Treason yet it could not be arraigned or judged for it having no superiour or adequate Tribunall to arraigne it Fiftly admit it might be guilty of High Treason in other cases yet it cannot be so in this For having a joynt interest with the King in the premises in the Kingdomes right the sole propriator of them it cannot doubtles be guilty of treachery much lesse of High Treason for taking the custody and possession onely of that which is their owne especially when they both seise and detaine it for its owne proper use the Kingdomes security and defence without any malicious or traytorous intention against King or kingdome Secondly I answer that the seising or detaining of these from the King are no Treason or levying of Warre within this Law as is most evident by the Statutes of 6. Ed. 6. c. 11. which expresly distinguisheth the seising and detaining of the Kings Forts Ammunition Ships from the levying warre against the King in his Realme and by an expresse new clause enacts this seising and detayning to be High Treason from that time because it was no Treason within 25. Ed. 3. before which if it had beene in truth this new clause had beene superfluous which law of King Edward being repealed by primo Mariae Rastal Treason 20. this offence then ceased to be Treason whereupon by a speciall act of Parliament in 14 Eliz. c. 1. it was made High Treason againe which had beene needlesse if it had beene a levying of warre or Treason within 25. Ed. 3. before And that with this proviso this Act to endure during the Queenes Majesties life that now is ONLY and so by this Parliaments resolution it is no Treason since her death within 25 Ed. 3 for then this proviso had beene idle and repugnant too And therefore being now no High Treason in any person cannot without much calumny and injury be reputed Treason in both the Houses of Parliament uncapable of High Treason as the premises demonstrate In briefe he that seised and detained the Forts and Ships
Parliament dare trust one the other alone with the premises and it is neither Royall nor Honourable as many beleev for the King to trust the Parliament now alone with these who in their Declarations never desired but professed the contrary that the chiefest command of the Militia when indifferent Officers were appointed should still reside in his Majesty in as ample manner as before there is no other equall honourable just impartiall probable way left to secure or accord both parties in this particular but onely to commit the premises for a convenient time to the custody of such trusty persons nominated by the Parliament to the King or by the King to the Parliament as both sides ioyntly shall allow of and by a speciall Bill to prescribe them such an Oath as shall oblige them to keep and imploy them onely for the ioynt use of King Kingdome and Parliament by the joynt direction of King and Parliament and not by the single warrant or command of either of them whiles this Parliament continues Vnder paine of High Treason both against the King and Kingdome I shall close up this obiection with the words of Seneca Securitas securitate mutua paciscenda est Errat enim si quis existimet tutum esse Regem vbi nihil a regâ— tutum est Vnum est inexpugnabile munimentum Amor Ciuium which the King shall then be sure of when he takes up this resolution Non rempublicam suam esse sed se Reipublicae and shall really trust the Kingdome and Parliament as much as farre forth as he expects or desires they should trust him The Parliaments Right to Elect Privie Counsellours Great Officers and Iudges THe third grand Complaint of the King and Royalists against this Parliament is That they take upon them a power to recommend and nominate to the King his Privie Counsellours Iudges with other great Officers of State demanding that none of them may hereafter especially during Parliaments be ordained by his Majesty but by their Nomination or advice A great affront an intollerable encroachment on the Prerogative Royall as is pretended The lowd clamour against the Parliament if seriously examined will speedily vanish into nothing For first it is already cleared and Fortescue so resolves That Kings themselves the highest Officers and Justiciaries in their Kingdomes were both created and elected at first by the free generall votes of their people from whom alone they received all their Royall Authority having still no other nor greater lawfull power then they conferred on them onely for the defence of their Laws Persons Liberties Estates and the Republicks welfare which they may regulate augment or diminish for the Common good as they see just cause Therefore doubtlesse the people who thus created and elected their Kings at first did likewise constitute and elect all publike Councellours Officers Judges Ministers of the State giving both being and bounds to their severall Offices and Iurisdictions by publike Lawes which is most apparent not only in the Roman Lacedemonian and other Kingdomes but our own too by infinite Acts of Parliament creating regulating and limiting the power Charters Pattents Graunts and proceedings not onely of our Kings but of their Counsellours Chancellous Treasurers Keepers of the Great Seale and privie Seale high Stewards Admiralls Marshalls Masters of the Horse Presidents of the Marches and of York Masters and other Officers of the Court of Wards Iudges and Iustices of all Courts all kinds Sherifs Coroners Customers Searchers Escheators and all other Temporall or Ecclesiasticall publick Officers the right of whose elections remaining originally in the Kingdome and Parliament representing it was never yet irrevocably or totally transferred by them to the King by any publike acts that I have seene and therefore when they see just cause they may make use of this their primitive inherent right of Election without any reall incroachment on the Kings Prerogative Secondly I have already proved that the Heretochs Lieutenants Generall and Sherifs as likewise the Conservators of the Peace in every County through the Realme were anciently elected onely by the Parliament and People not the King though they had the custody power Command of the whole Countey without any impeachment to the Prerogative Royall why then may not these other publike Officers of the Estate be thus nominated and chosen by the Parliament likewise without any just exception or offence Thirdly All Coroners Majors Sherifs Baylifs Aldermen Recorders of London Yorke Bristoll and generally of all Cities Townes and Burroughs throughout the Kingdome which have the chiefe Government of these Corporations Verderers of the Forrest Constables and other Officers have ever anciently and are still at this day elected onely by the People not the King Yea all Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots Priors with other Ecclesiasticall Officers who were formerly Peers and Members of the Parliament and Rulers in the Church were anciently chosen not by the King himselfe but onely by the Clergie and people as sundry Presidents and Statutes manifest and the Conge de'sliers at this day for the Election of new Bishops more then intimate and all this without the least violation of the Kings Prerogative why then may not the Parliament nominate all those publike Officers to the King by Parallell Reason without Ecclipsing his Prerogative Fourthly The Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the Kings and Kingdomes greatest Court and Councell the Parliament the supreamest Counsellors and Iudges of all others to whom all other Courts Counsellors Officers Iudges are responsible for their actions Iudgements advice have alwayes of right beene and yet are elected onely by the Free-holders and Commons of the Realme yea all the members of the Lords house though summoned thither by the Kings Writ and not elected sit there of right not of grace or the Kings free choyse by the fundamentall Lawes and Constitutions of the Realme neither can the King by his absolute Prerogative elect any members of the Commons House or exclude any member of it or Peere of the Vpper House who by vertue of his Peerage ought to sit there without the Houses consents for then if he might elect or exclude one he might likewise choose and seclude more yea most of them by like reason at his pleasure and so subvert the subjects Priviledges and by a Packed Parliament impose what Lawes or Taxes he would on his people to their slavery and ruine Which freedome of the subjects Election and all Lords Summons is so essentiall and necessary to Parliaments that the Parliaments of 21 R. 2. at Westminster and of 38 H. 6. at Coventry were by the Parliaments of 1 H. 4. c. 3 4. Nâ— 21 22. and 39 H. 6. c. 1. adjudged and declared to be void and no Parliaments at all but unlawfull yea devillish Assemblies and Ordinances for this very Reason because in the first of them the Knights were not duly elected by the Commons according to Law
inferior Court of Iustice whatsoever hath such a Priviledge by the Common law and statutes of the Realm that the King himself hath uo negative voice at all somuch as to stay or delay for the smalest moment by his great or privy seale any legall proceedings in it much lesse to countermand controle or reverse by word of mouth or proclamation any resolution or judgement of the Iudges given in it If then the King hath no absolute Negative overruling voice in any of his inferiour Courts doubtlesse he hath none in the supreâ—mest greatest Court of all the Parliament which otherwise should be of lesse authority and in farre worse condition then every petty sessions or Court Baron in the Kingdome The sole question then in debate must be Whether the King hath any absolute Negative over-ruling voice in the passing of publike or private Bills For resolving which doubt we must thus distinguish That publike or private Bills are of two sorts First Bills only of meere grace and favour not of common right such are all generall pardons Bills of naturalization indenization confirmation or concession of new Franchises and Priviledges to Corporations or private persons and the like in all which the King no doubt hath an absolute negative voice to passe or not to passe them because they are acts of meere grace which delights to be ever free and arbitrary because the king by his oath and duty is no way obliged to assent thereto neither can any subjects of justice or right require them at his hands it being in the Kingsfree power to dispence his favours freely when and where he pleaseth and coÌ„trary to the very nature of free grace to be either merited or coÌ„strained SecoÌ„dly Bills of common right and justice which the King by duty and oath is bound to administer to his whole kingdome in generall and every subiect whatsoever in particular without denyall or delay Such are all Bills for the preservation of the publike peace and safety of the kingdome the Liberties Properties and Priviledges of the Subiect the prevention removall or punishment of all publike or private grievances mischiefes wrongs offences frauds in persons or callings the redresse of the defects or inconveniences of the Common Law the advancing or regulating of all sorts of Trades the speedy or better execution of Justice the Reformation of Religion and Ecclesiasticall abuses with sundry other Lawes enacted in every Parliament as occasion and necessity require In all such Bills as these which the whole state in parliament shall hold expedient or necessary to be passed I conceive it very cleare that the king hath no absolute negative voyce at all but is bound in point of office duty Oath Law Iustice conscience to give his royall assent unto them when they have passed both houses unlesse he can render such substantiall reasons against the passing of them as shall satisfie both Houâ—eâ— This being the onely point in controversie my reasons against the Kings absolute over-swaying negative Voyce to such kinde of Bills as these are First because being Bills of common right and Iustice to the Subiects the denyall of the Royall assent unto them is directly contrary to the Law of God which commandeth kings to be just to doe judgement and justice to all their Subjects especially to the oppressed and not to deny them any just request for their reliefe protection or wellfare Secondly because it is point-blanke against the very letter of Magna Charta the ancient fundamentall Law of the Realme confirmed in at least 60. Parliaments ch 29. WE SHALL DENY WE SHALL DEFERRE both in the future tense TO NO MAN much lesse to the whole Parliament and Kingdome in denying or defâ—rring to passe such necessary publike Bills IVSTICE OR RIGHT A Law which in terminis takes cleane away the Kings pâ—etended absolute negative Voyce to these Bills we now dispute of Thirdly Because such a disasseâ—tâ—ng Voyce to Bills of this nature is inconsisent with the very office duty of the king and the end for which he was instituted to wit equall and speedy administration of common right justice and assent to all good Lawes for protection safety ease and benefit of his Subjects Fourthly Because it is repugnant to the very Letter and meaning of the kings Coronation Oath solemnly made to all his Subiects TO GRANT FVLFILL and Defend ALL RIGHTFVLL LAWES which THE COMMONS OF THE REALME SHALL CHVSE AND TO STRENGTHEN AND MAINTAINE THEM after his power Which Clause of the Oath as I formerly manifested at large and the Lords and Commons in their Remonstrance of May 26. and Nov. 2. prove most fully extends onely or most principally to the kings Royall assent to such new rightfull and necessary Lawes as the Lords and Commons in Parliament not the king himselfe shall make choise of This is infallibly evident not onely by the practise of most of our kings in all former Parliaments especially in king Edward the 1 2 3 4. Rich. 2. Hen. 4 5 and 6. reignes whereof the first Act commonly in every Parliament was the confirmation of Magna Charta the Charter of the Forest and all other former unrepealed Lawes and then follow sundry new Actâ— which the Lords and Commons made choise of as there was occasion and our Kings assented to confessing they were bound to doe it by their Coronation oath and duty as I shall manifest presently but likewise by the words of the Coronation oaths of our ancienter Kings already cited in the first part of this Discourse and of our Kings oaths of latter times the Coronation Oaths of King Edward the 2. and 3. remaining of Record in French are in the future tense Sire grantes vous a tenir et garder LES LEYS et les Coustumes DROITVRELES les quiels LA COMMVNANTE de vostre Royaume AVRESLV les defenderer et assorcerâ—r al honeur de Diâ—u a vostre poare Respons Ie le FERAI in the future too The close Roll of An. 1. R. 2. M 44. recites this clause of the Oath which King Rich took in these words Et etiam de tuendo custodiendo IVST AS LEGES consuetudines ecclesiae ac de faciendo per ipsum Dominum Regem eas esse protegendas ad honorem Dei CORROBOR AND AS quas VVLGVS IVSTE ET RATIONABILITER ELEGERIT juxta vires ejusdem Domini Regis in the future tense And Rot. Parliament 1. H. 4. p. 17. expresseth the clause in King Henry his Oath thus Concedis IVSTAS LEGES consuetudines esse tenendas promittis per te eas esse protegendas ad honorem Dei CORROBORANDAS QV AS VVL GVS ELEGERIT secundum vires tuas Respondebit Concedo Promitto In the Booke of Clarencieux Hanley who lived in King Henry the 8. his reigâ—e this clause of the Oath which this king is said to take at his Coronation is thus â—endred in English Will you GRANT FVLFILL defend ALL
RIGHTFVLL LAWES and Customes the which THE COMMONS OF YOVR REALME SHALL CHVSE in the future and where but in the Parliament House when and where they meet together to make good Laws and shall strengthen and maintain to the worship of God after your power The King shall answer I grant and beheâ—e But that which puts this past all doubt is the Coronation Oath of K. Edward the 6. thus altered by the Lord Protectour and Kings Councell in words but not sence Doe you grant to make NO NEW LAWES but such as SHALL BE to the honour and glory of God and to the good of the Common-wealth and that the same SHALL BEE MADE BY CONSENT OF YOVR PEOPLE AS HATH BEEN ACCVSTOMED Where this clause of the Oath referres wholly and onely to future new LAWES to be chosen and made by the Peoples consent not to Lawes formerly enacted And certainly it must do sâ— else there would be much Tautology in this short solemne Oath unsutable to the grave wisdome and judgement of an whole Kingdom to prescribe and continue for so many ages and for our Kings in discretion to take For the first clause of the Oath both in the Latin French and English Copieâ— of ancient and present times is this Sir will you grant and keep and by your oath confirme to the people of England THE LAWES AND CVSTOMES GRANTED TO THEM BY ANCIENT KINGS OF ENGLAND rightfull men and devout to God and namely the Lawes and Customes and Franchises granted to the Clergy and to the people by the glorious King Edward to your power Which clause relating to all Lawes and Customes granted by formeâ— Kings to the people if this latter clause should be in the pretertense too HATH CHOSEN as the King and his mistaken Counsell object it would be a meer Suâ—plusage or Battology yea the same insubstance with the first part of the oath and ouâ— Kings should be onely bound by their oathes to observe their Ancestors Lawes not their owne as they now argue the reason perchance why the Petition of Right and our other new Lawes are so ill observed which is ridiculous to imagine And whereas they obiect that the word CVSTOMS joyned to lawes in the last clause cannot be meant of such Customes as the people shall chuse after the Oath made because all Customes are and must be time out of minde The Answer is very easie For Customes here are not taken strictly for ancient usages time out of minde but for Statutes Franchises just Liberties or Taxes for the Kingdoms defence chosen freely granted by the Commons or people and to be confirmed by the King in Parliament as appears by the first clause of the oath the laws customs granted to them by the ancient Kings of England And by Bracton himself who expounds this clause of the oath to relate to future Laws newly made by our Kings after their Coronations in this observable passage Hujusmodi vero leges Anglicanae CONSVETVDINES regum authoritate jubent quandoque quandoque vetant quandoque vindicant puniunt transgressores quas quidem cum FVERINT APPROBATAE CONSENSV VTENTIVM ET SACRAMENTO REGVM CONFIRMATAE mutari non poterunt nec destrui SINE COMMVNI CONSENSV EORVM OMNIVM quorum CONSILIO ET CONSENSV FVERVNT PROMVLGATAE Now no Customes properly so called can commence by way of grant especially of the King alone but only by the people and common usage for a good space of time as the Customes of Gavelkinde Burrough English and such like never granted nor commenced by Charter or Act of Parliament did and if the King by Charter or Act of Parliament should grant a new Custome before it were a Custome in this sense it would be utterly void in law because there was no such custome then in being and no granâ— or act can make or create a custome or prescription that had no former being Therefore Custome in this oath coupled with just and reasonable must needs be meant only of such iust and reasonable statutes liberties privilidges immunities aides taxes or services for the subjects ease and benefit and the publike service as they upon emergent occasions shall make choice of in Parliament of whose iustnesse and reasonablenesse not the King alone but the grand Councell of the Kingdom assembled in the Parliament to this very end to iudge of make and assent to iust and profitable Laws are and ought to be the proper Iudges as I have elswhere manifested and the very words of the oath QVAS VVLGVS ELIGERIT to which justas leges consuetudines relates resolve beyond contradiction And King David and Achish both were of this opinion 1 Chron. 13. 1. to 6. 2 Sam. 18 2 3 4. 1 Sam. 29. 2. to 11. and King Hezekiah too 2 Chron. 30. 1. to 7. 23. yea God himselfe and Saunel too 1 Sam. 8. 4 to the end Fifthly Because it is directly contrary to the preambles and recitals of sundry Acts of Parliament in most of our Kings reignes comprising the two last reasons To instance in some few of many the ancient statutes of Marlbridge begin thus The yeare of grace 1267. for the better estate of the Realme of England and for the more speedy ministration of Iustice AS BELONGETH TO THE OFFICE OF A KING the more discreet men of the Realme being called together as well of the higher as of the lower estate It was provided agreed and ordained that whereas the Realme of latâ— had beene disquieted with manifold troubles and distractions for reformation whereof statutes and lawes BE RIGHT NECESSARY whereby the peace and tranquility of the people may be conserved wherein the King intending to devise convenient remedy hath made these Acts underwritten The statutes of 3 Edw. 1. have this Prologue These be the Acts of King Edward c. at his first Parliament generall after his Coronation Because our Soveraigne Lord the King hath great zeal in desire to redresse the state of the Realm in such things AS REQVIRED AMENDMENT for the common profit of the holy Church and of the Realme c. the King hath ordained and established these Acts underwritten which he intendeth TO BE NECESSARY AND PROFITABLE unto the whole Realme And cap. 17. in the Marches of Wales and elsewhere where the Kings Writs be not currant the King which is chiefe and soveraigne Lord there SHALL DOE RIGHT THERE unto such as will complaine And cap. 48. The King hath ordained these things unto the honour of God and holy Church and for the commonwealth and for the remedy of such as be grieved and for as much as it is great charity which is oft times put for Iustice as here TO DOE RIGHT VNTO ALL MEN AT ALL TIMES WHEN NEED SHALL BE by assent of all c. it was provided The statute of Glocester in the 6. year of King Edw. 1. is thus prefaced For the great mischiefs and disinherisons that the people of the
Realme of England have heretofore suffered throught default of the law that failed in divers cases within the said Realm our soveraign Lord the King for the amendment of the land for the reliefe of his people and to eschew much mischiefs dammages and dis-inherisons hath provided established these Acts underwritten willing and commanding that from henceforth they be firmely kept within this Realme The Statutes of Westminster 2. in his 13. year begin thus Whereas of late our soveraigne Lord the King c. calling his Counsell at Glocester and considering that divers of this Realm were disherited by reason that in many cases where remedy should have been had there was none provided by him nor his Predecessors ordained certaine statutes right necessary and profitable for his Realm whereby the people of England and Ireland have obtained more speedy Iustice in their oppressions then they had before and certaine cases wherein the law failed did remaine undetermined and some remained to be enacted that were for the reformation of the oppressions of the people our soveraigne Lord the King in his Parliament holden c. the 13 ear of his reign at Westm. caused many oppressions of the people and defaults of the lawes for the accomplishment of the said statutes of Glocest to be rehearsed and thereupon did provide certaine Acts here following The sâ—atute of Quo Warranto An. 1278. the 6. year of this King made at Glocest. hath this exordium The King himself providing for the wealth of his Realm and the morefull administration of Iustice AS TO THE OFFICE OF A KING BELONGETH the more discreet men of the Realm as well of high as of low degree being called thither it was provided c. The staâ— of York 12 E. 2 hath this Prologue Forasmuch as people of the Realm of England and Ireland have heretofore suffered many times great mischiefs damage and disherison by reason that in divers cases where the law failed no remedy was purveyed c. our soveraign Lord the King desiring THAT RIGHT BE DONE TO HIS PEOPLE at his Parl. holden at York c. hath made these Acts statutes here following the which he willeth to be straitly observed in his said Realm In 9. Ed. 3. in a Parliament held at York the Commons desired the King in the said Parliament by their Petition that for the profit and commodity of his Prelates Earls Barons and Commons of his Realm it may please him WITHOVT FVRTHER DELAY upon the said grievances and outrages to provide remedy our soveraign L. the K. desiring the profit of his people by the assent of his Prelates c. upon the said things disclosed to him found true to the great hurt of the said Prelates c. and oppression of his Commons hath ordained and established c. In 10. E. 3. stat 1. there is this introduction Because our Soveraigne Lord the King Edw. 3. WHICH SOVERAIGNLY DESIRETH the maintenance of his peace and safeguard of his people hath perceived at the complaint of the Prelates Earls Barons and also at the shewing of the Knights of the shires and the Commons in their Petition put in his Parliament c. divers oppressions and grievances done to his people c. COVETING to obvent the malice of such felons and to see a covenable remedy hath ordained c. for the quietnes and peace of his people that the articles underneath written be kept and maintained in all points 14. E. 3. stat 1. To the honor of God c. the King for peace and quietnesse of his people as well great as small doth grant and establish the things underwritten The like we have in 15. E. 3. stat 1. and in this kings Proclamation for revoking it there is this passage We considering how BY THE BOND OF OVR OATH WE BE BOVND TO THE OBSERVANCE AND DEFENCE OF THE LAWES AND CVSTOMES OF THE REALME c. So in 20. E 3. Because that by divers complaints made to us we perceived that the law of the land which WEE BY OVR OATH BE BOVND TO MAINTAINE is the lesse well kept and the execution of the same disturbed many times c. WE GREATLY MOVED OF CONSCIENCE IN THIS MATTER and for this cause desiring as much for the pleasure of God and ease and quietnesse of our Subjects AS TO SAVE OVR CONSCIENCE AND TO KEEPE OVR SAID OATH by the assent of the great men and other wise men of our Counsel we have ordained these things following 23. E. c. 8. That in no wise ye omit the same as ye love us and the Commonwealth of this Realme 25. E. 3. stat 2. Because that statutes made and ordained before this time have not been holden and kept as they ought to be the King willing to provide quietnesse and common profit of his people by the assent c. hath ordained and established these things under-written The passage in the statute of Provisors 25. E. 3. Parliam 6. is notable Whereupon the said Commons have prayed our Soveraigne Lord the King that SITH THE RIGHT OF THE CROWNE OF ENGLAND AND THE LAW OF THE SAID REALME IS SVCH that upon the mischiefes and dammages which hapneth to his Realme HE OVGHT AND IS BOVNDEN OF THE ACCORD OF HIS SAID PEOPLE IN PARLIAMENT THEREOF TO MAKE REMEDY AND THE LAW OF VOIDING THE MISCHIEFES and dammages which thereof commeth that it may please him thereupon to ordain remedie Our Soveraigne Lord the King seeing the mischiefes and dammages before named and having regard to the statute made in the time of his Grandfather and to the cause contained in the same which statute alwayes holdeth his force and was never defeated nor annulled in any point and by so much AS HE IS BOVNDEN BY HIS OATH TO DOE THE SAME TO BE KEPT AS THE LAW OF THIS REALME though that by sufferance and negligence it hath been attempted to the contrary also having regard to the grievous complaints made to him by his people in divers his Parliaments holden heretofore willing to ordain remedy for the great dammage and mischiefs which have hapned and daily do happen to the Church of England by the said cause By assent of the great men and Commonalty of the said Realm to the honor of God and profit of the said Church of England and of all his Realme hath ordered and established c. 28. E. 3 The King for the common profit of him and his people c. hath ordained 36. E. 3. To the honour and pleasure of God and the amendment of the outragious grievances and oppressions done to the people and in reliefe of their estate King Edward c. grantâ—d for him and his Heires for ever these Articles underwritten 1. R. 2. To the honour of God and reverence of holy Church for to nourish peace unity and concord in all the parts within our Realm of England which we doe much desire We have ordained c. 3. R. 2. For the honour of God and of holy Church
a Kingdome and society of men to governe as Aristotle Cicero Polibius Augustine Fortescue and all other Polititians accord before there could be a King elected by them for to governe them And those Kingdomes and societies of men had for the most part some common lawes of their owne free choice by which they were governed before they had Kings which lawes they swore their Kings to observe before they would crowne or admit them to the government and likewise gave them a further oath to passe and confirme all such subsequent lawes as they should make choice of for their publike benefit and protection as is evident by the Coronation oaths of all our own yea of most other Christian and some Pagan Kings continuing to this very day and these words in the Kings oath QUAS VULGUS ELEGERIT which intimates the choice of Lawes to be wholly and fully in the peoples free elections prove beyond Contradiction Yea those ancient law-givers Solon 〈◊〉 Liâ—â—rguâ— Numa with others who tooke paines to compile Lawes for severall Kingdomes and Republikes did only recommend them to the people whose voluntary aâ—â—ent unto them made them binding Which lawes they either altered or repealed as they saw cause Besides during Interrognums in sorraigne elective Kingdomes the Estates in Parliament have power to make new binding Lawes repeale and alter old as they did in Aragon after Sanchius his decease before they elected a new King whom they swore to observe the Lawes then made before they would admit him without any Kings assent at all who yet give their royall assent to Lawes made in their reignes And in our owne and other successive Kingdomes during the Kings infancy dotage absence the Kingdomes and Parliaments have an absolute power as I have already manifested to create Regents or Lord-Protectorsâ— to execute royall authority and give royall assents to publike acts in the Kings name and steads without their actuall personall assents which lawes being necessary for the Subject shall be as firme and obligatory to King and Kingdome as those to which they actually assent Yea if Kings chance to die without any heire the Kingdome in such a case may assemble of themselves and make binding necessary lawes without a King and alter the very frame of government by publike consent Therefore the royall assent to just necessary publike Bills is in truth but a formall Ceremony or complement much like a Kings Coronation without which he may be and is a lawfull King bestowed by the people upon Kings for their greater honour with this limitation that they must not deny it when they of right require it to any just or necessary law not simply to make but declare confirm a law already made and passed by both houses much like a Tenants attornment to the grant of a Reversion And therefore Kings may neither in law nor conscience deny it when it is necessarily demanded to any just publike Bills unlesse they can shew good reason to the contrary so farre as to satisfie their people why such lawes should not passe Tenthly Our very lawes in many cases deny the King an absolute negative voice or power even in matters of Prerogative because they are contrary to his oath and mischeivous to the Republike This appeares most clearly in matters of Pardons the Statutes of 2 E. 3. c. 2. 14 E. 3. c. 15. 13 R. 2. c. 1. 16 R. 2. c. 6. enact That Charters of pardon shall not be granted for man slaughters Roberies Fellonies and other Trespasse but ONLY WHERE THE KING MAY DOE IT BY HIS OATH that is to say where a man slayeth another in his owne defence or by misadventure or in case where he may doe it KEEPING AND SAVING THE OATH OF HIS CROWNE Soe the King cannot pardon nor release the repairing of a Bridge or Highway or any such like publike charges or any publike Nusances or offences against paenall Lawes pro bono publico because it is contrary to the trust and confidence reposed in him for the publike good because the republike hath an interest herein and the pardoning of them would be mischeivous for the common good In like manner the King cannot deny delay nor deferre Iustice nor stay the Iudges from doing present right and justice to any of his Subjects by his Letters under his great or privy seale because it is contrary to his oath and duty Neither can he by his absolute Prerogative impose any the least â—axe or imposition on his subjects without their common consent in Parliament nor yet authorize any other to kill beat wound imprison any mans person or take away his goods without due processe of law Yea the very lawes and custome of the Realme deny the King any absolute negative voice even in the Parliament House in reversing erronious Iudgments Charters Patents declaring what is law in difficult cases or in proceedings and sentences against Delinquents or in any one particular whatsoever which concernes the administration of right or common Iustice. Therefore by the selfesame reason the very law denies him any such negative voice in refusing his royall assent to Bills of common right and Iustice And as both Houses doe alwayes over-rule the King not He both Houses in the one so by parity and congruity of reason they ought to oversway him in the other there being the same reason in both cases and the one no greater an â—ntrenchment upon his Prerogative than the other Eleventhly This is infallibly proved by the usuall forme of our Kings answers to such Bills as they assent not to Le Roy so it a visera The King will bee advised or take further consideration which is no absolute deniall but a craving of longer time to advise upon them and thereupon to assent to them if he can see no just cause to the contrary or else to give satisfactory reasons why he cannot assent Which answer were not proper nor formall had the King an absolute negative voyce to reiect Bills without rendering a sufficient satisfactory reason of his refusall of them Twelfthly publike Bills for the Subiects common good are formed for the most part by the Lords and Commons themselves who in truth as I have elsewhere proved are the chiefe Law-makers who as Aristotle defines know better what is good and necessary for their own benefit then the King their publike Minister for their good Itaque majorum rerum potestas jure populo tribuitur is Aristotles resolution Therefore in passing such Bills there is greater â—eason that both Houses should over-rule the King then the King them It is usuall in all inferior Counsells of State Law Waâ—ie of the Kings own choise for the Counsell to over-rule the King in matters of State Law Warre unlesse the king can give better reasons against than they doe for their conclusive advise and kings in such cases doe usually submit to their Counsells determinations without
these â—iberties and that which we have sworne ALL OF US ARE BOUND TO OBSERVE But where the Acts to which the assent is gained are unjust or illegall such to which the King was not bound by Oath or duty to consent but meerely out of necessity to avoid imminent danger of death or other mischiefe and where the whole Parliament was enforced as well as the King there the acts may be avoided by Duresse as is evident by the Statutes of 11. and 21. of R. 2. c. 12. by the Statute of 31 H. 6. c. 1 which makes voyd all the Petitions granted by this King in a former Parliament the 29. of his Reigne and all indictments made by Duresse through the Rebellion Tyranny and Menaces of Iack Cade and his rebellious rout of Traytors and by 39. H. 6. c. 1. 15. E. 3. stat 2. and 17. E. 4. c. 7. Yet these enforced unjust Bills being publike Acts done in a legall forme are not meerly void but good in Law till they be repealed and nullified by a subsequent Parliament as is evident by the next forecited Statutes even as a Marriage Bond or deed made by Duresse or Menace are good in Law and not meerly void but voidable only upon a Plea and Tryall And if subsequent Parliaments refuse to repeal these forced Laws and to declare the Royall assent thereto by coertion void or illegall the King cannot avoid them by Duresse because his Royall assent is a judiciall Act in open Parliament which his oath and duty obliged him to give and the Lawes are rather the Parliaments Act which was not forced then his owne but they remaine in full vigour as if he had freely assented to them which is most evident by the Statutes made in 10. and 11. R. 2. which though extorted from the King by Duresse against the will and liberty of the King and right of his Crowne as is pretended and declared in the Statute of 21. R. 2. c. 12. yet they continued in full strength for ten yeares space or more during which time there were no lesse then 8. Parliaments held under this King because these Parliaments refused to reverse them upon this pretext of Duresse and the Parliament of 1 H. 4 c 2 3 4. received and confirmed them From all which premises I humbly conceive I may infallibly conclude That the King in passing the fore-mentioned kinde of Bills of Common Right and Iustice for the Kingdomes and the Subjects weale and safety hath no absolute negative voyee but must and ought of common right and Iustice by vertue of his Royalloath and duty to give his ready and free assent unto them without any tergiversatiâ—n And so the Parliament in their Declarations to this purpose hath no wayes invaded nor injured his Majesties just Prerogative royall in this particular Nor yet those members in it eclipsed his royall grace who have upon occasion given affirmed the Petition of Right the Bills for Trieniall Parliaments which before by Law were to be annuall at least the continuance of this Parliament without adjournment for the Kingdomes necessary preservation the acts against Shipmoney Forest-Bounds c. illegall new invented grievances and oppressions not heard of in former Kings Reigns and the Statutes for the suppression of the Star-Chamber High Commission Knighthood and Bishops votes lately growen intollerable grivances and mischeifes to the Realme Especially since his Majesties Reigne to bee no acts of most transcendent Grace such as never any Prince before vouchsafed to his people as they are daily cried up in Presse and Pulpet but Bills of meere Common Right and Iustice which the King by his Royall Office Oath Duty in Law and Conscience ought to assent unto and could not without apparent injustice deny to passe when both Houses urged him thereunto the rather because the unhappy fractions of all Parliaments and Grievances of these Natures under his Majesties own Reign and Government occasioned by his evill Councellers were the sole grounds and just occasions of enacting these necessary Laws for the Subjects future security if the sword now drawen to suppresse the Parliament and cut these Gordians or rather Cobwebs as Diogenes once termed Laws a sunder deprive them not of their benefit before they scarce enjoy it I should now here proceed to manifest the Parliaments taking up of defensive Armes against his Majesties Malignant Army of professed Papists Delinquents and pillaging murthering Cavaleers whose grand designe is onely to set up Popery and an absolute tyrannical Government over our consciences bodies estates in defense of their own persons priviledges the Subjects Laws Liberties Properties and our Protestant established Religion devoted by Papists to eternall ruine as we have cause to feare to be just lawfull and no treason nor rebellion at all against the King neither in point of Law nor conscience And that the Parliaments assessing of men towards the maintenance of this necessary defensive warre by an Ordinance of both Houses onely without the Kings assent now wilfully absent from and in armes against his Parliament and People with their distraining and imprisoning of such as refuse to pay it and their confinement and securing of dangerous Malignants to be justifiable by Law and ancient presidents with other particulars not yet so fully discussed by any as is desired But this part being already growne somewhat large and having lingred much longer at the Presse then I expected I have thought it more convenient to reserve the remainder for a future Treatise by it selfe then to hinder the state of the present benefit which it may receive by this through Gods blessing ere the other can â—ee compleated which I hope will fully un-blindfold the hood-winkt world and either satisfie the consciences or stop the mouthes of all who are not wilfully malicious against the Truth and Parliaments proceedings and the Soveraigne Power of Parliaments and Kingdoms over their Kings themselves which I shall more copiously manifest in the Appendix FINIS partis secunda THE THIRD PART OF THE SOVERAIGNE POWER OF PARLIAMENTS and KINGDOMES Wherein the Parliaments present Necessary Defensive Warre against the Kings offensive Malignant Popish forces and Subjects taking up Defensive Armes against their Soveraignes and their Armies in some Cases is copiously manifested to be Iust Lawfull both in point of Law and Conscience and neither Treason nor Rebellion in either by inpregnable Reasons and Authorities of all kindes Together With a Satisfactory Answer to all Objections from Law Scripture Fathers Reason hitherto alledged by Dr. Ferne or any other late opposite Pamphleters whose grosse Mistakes in true Stating of the present Controversie in sundry points of Divinity Antiquity History with their absurd irrationall Logicke and Theologie are here more fully discovered refuted than hitherto they have been by any Besides other particulars of great concernment By WILLIAM PRYNNE Utter-Barrester of Lincolnes Inne 2 Sam. 10. 12. Be of good courage and let us play the men for our People and for the City of
the very Law of Nature and fundamentall institution of Parliaments now justly take up Defensive armes to preserve their Liberties Lawes Lives Estates Religion from vassallage and ruine Thirdly Our owne Parliaments Prelates Nobles and Commons in all ages especially in times of Popery as well in Parliament as out have by open force of armes resisted suppressed the oppressions rapines vnjust violence and armies of their Princes raised against them Yea incountred their Kings in open Battells taken their persons Prisoners and sometimes expelled nay deposed them their Royall authority when they became incorrigible open professed enemies to their kingdomes their Subjects seeking the ruine slavery and desolation of those whom by Office Duty Oath and common Iustice they were bound inviolably to protect in Liberty and peace as the premised Histories of Achigallo Emerian Vortigern Segebert Osred Ethelrâ—d Bernard Edwin Ceolwulfe King Iohn Henry the 3d. Edward 1. and 2. Richard the 2 Henry the 6 th our British Saxon English Kings and other examples common in our owne Annalls plentifully manifest Neither are their examples singular but all Kingdomes generally throughout the world in all ages have done the like when their Kings degenerated into Tyrants of which there are infinite precedens in History which actions all ages all Kingdomes have alwaies reputed lawfull both in point of Policy Law Religion as warranted by the very Lawes of Nature Reason State Nations God which instruct not onely particular persons but whole Cities and Kingdomes for their owne necessary defence preservation the supportation of humane Societie and Libertie to protect themselves against all unlawfull violence and Tyranny even of their Kings themselves or their Ministers to whom neither the Lawes of God Nature Man nor any civill Nation ever yet gave the least authority to Murther Spoile Oppresse enslave their Subjects or deprive them of their lawfull Liberties or Estates which resistance were it unlawfull or unjust as many ignorant Royallists and Parasites now â—each some few oppressing tyrannizing wilfull Princes might without the least resistance ruine murther enslave the whole world of men overthrow all setled formes of civill government extirpate Christian Religion and destroy all humane Society at their pleasures all which had beene effected yea all States and Kingdomes totally subverted long agoe by ambitious Tyrannizing lawlesse Princes had not this Lawfull Naturall Hereditary power of resisting and opposing their illegall violence inherent in their Parliaments States Kingdomes restrained and suppressed their exorbitances of this kinde Now that this necessary Defensive opposition and resistance against open Regall Hostile violence which hath beene ever held lawfull and frequently practised in all Kingdomes all ages heretofore as just and necessary should become sodenly unlawfull to our Parliament and Kingdome onely at this instant seemes very unreasonable unto me Fourthly It is the expresse resolution of Aristâ—tle Xenophon Polibius Pope Elutherius in his Epistle to our first Christian King Lucius King Edward the Confessor in his established Lawes c. 17. the Councell of Paris Anno 829. and Isiodâ—r cited by it Iohn 〈◊〉 Iâ—hn Mariana and generally of all forraigne Divines and Polititians Pagan or Christian yea of Bracton Fâ—â—ta Fortescue and King Iames himselfe that a King governing in a setled Kingdome ceaseth to be a King and degenerates into a Tyrant so soone as hee leaves to rule by his Lawes much more when he begins to invade his Subjects Persons Rights Liberties to set up an Abitrary power impose unlawfull Tâ—xes raise Forces and make Warre upon his Subjects whom he should Protect and rule in peace to pillage plundâ—r â—aste and spoile his Kingdome imprison murther and destroy his people in an hostile manner to captivate them to his pleasure the very highest degree of Tyranny condemned and detested by God and all good men The whole State and Kingdome therefore in such cases as these for their owne just necessary preservation may lawfully with force of Armes when no other course can secure them not onely passively but actively resist their Prince in such his violent exorbitant tyrannicall proceedings without resisting any kingly lawfull royall Authority Vested in the Kings person for the Kingdomes preservation onely not destruction because in and as to these illegall oppressions tyrannicall actions not warranted but prohibited by the Lawes of God and the Realme to whom he is accountable and by whom he is justly censurable for them he is no lawfull King nor Majestrate but an unjust oppressing Tyrant and a meere private man who as to these proceedings hath quite denuded himselfe of his just Regall authority So that all those wholsome Lawes made by the whole State in Parliament for the necessary preservation and defence of their Kings Royall Person and lawfull Soveraigne power the suppression of all Insurrections Treasons Conspiracies and open Warres against them whiles they governe their people justly according to Law as all good Princes are obliged to doe by oath and duty or the open violent resisting of their Lawfull authority and Commands to which all Subjects both in point of Law and Conscience ought cheerfully and readily to Submit will yeeld no publike Countenance Encouragement or Protection at all to Kings in their irregall tyrannicall oppressions or violent courses especially when they turne professed publike enemies to their people proclaime open Warre against them invade their Lawes Liberties Goods Houses Persons and exercise all acts of Hostilitie against them as farre forth as the most barbarous Forraigne Enemies would doe It being against all common sence and reason to conceive that our Parliaments Lawes which strictly inhibit and punish the very smallest violations of the publike peace with all kinds of Oppressions Robberies Trespasses Baâ—tâ—ries Assaults Bloodsheds Fraies Murthers Routs Riots Insurrections Burglaries Rapes Plunderings Force-able Entries Invasions of the Subjects Liberties or Properties in all other persons and greatest publike Officers whatsoever whose Delinquences are so much the more hainous execrable and censurable as their persons honours and places are more eminent should so farre countenance justifie or patronize them onely in the King the Supreame fountaine of Iustice ad tutelam Legis corporum bonorum crectus as Fortescue and Sir Edward Cooke resolve Cujus Potestas Iuris est non Injuriae cum sit author Iuris non debet inde injuriarum nasci occasio unde Iura nascâ—nt ur as Bracton and Fleta determine as not to permit the Subjects under paine of Rebillion and high Treason by force of Armes upon expresse command and direction of the whole Kingdome in Parliament so much as to defend their Persons Goods Estates Houses Wives Children Liberties Lives Religion against the open violence of the King himselfe or his Malignant plundring murthering Papists Caveleers When as Kings of all others as Bracton Fortescue and Mariana prove at large both by Oath and Duty ought to be more
Chichester the day before the battle of Lewis against King Henry and his sonne who were taken prisoners in it by the Barons and 20000. of their Souldiers slaine absolved all that went to fight against the King their Lord from all their sinnes Such confidence had he of the goodnesse of the cause and justnesse of the warre In one word the oath of association prescribed by the Barons to the King of Romans brother to King Henry the third in the 43. yeare of his Raigne Heare all men that I Richard Earle of Cornewall doe here sweare upon the holy Evangelists that I shall be faithfull and diligent to reforme with you the Kingdome of England hitherto by the councell of wicked persons overmuch disordered and be an effectuall Coadjutor TO EXPELL THE REBELLS and disturbers of the same And this Oath I will inviolaby observe under paâ—ne of losing all the lands I have in England So helpe me God Which Oath all the Barrons and their associates tooke by vertue whereof they tooke up armes against the Kings ill Councellors and himselfe when he joined with them sufficiently demonstrate their publicke opinions and judgements of the lawfullnesse the justnesse of their warres and of all other necessarie defensive armes taken up by the Kingdomes generall assent for preservation of its Lawes Liberties and suppression of those Rebels and ill Councellors who fight against or labour to subvert them by their policies In the third yeare of King Edward the 2 d this king revoking his great Mynion Piers Gavâ—ston newly banished by the Parliament into Ireland and admitting him into as great favour as before contrary to his oath and promise the Barrons hereupon by common consent sent the King word that he should banish Piers from his company according to his agreement or else they would certainely rise up against him as a perjured person Vpon which the King much terrified suffers Piers to abjure the Realme who returning againe soone after to the Court at Yorke where the king entertained him the Lords spirituall and temporall to preserve the liberties of the Church and Realme sent an honourable message to the King to deliver Piers into their hands or banish him for the preservatioâ— of the peace Treasure and weale of the Kingdome this wilfull King denies their just request whereupon the Lords thus contemned and deluded raifed an army and march with all speede towards New-Castle NOT TO OFFER INIVRIE OR MOLESTATION TO THE KING but to apprehend Peirs and judge him according to Law upon this the King fleeth together with Peirs to Tinemouth and from thence to Scarborough Castle where Piers is forced to render himselfe to the Barrons who at Warwicke Castle without any legall triall by meere martiall Law beheaded him as a subvertor of the Lawes and an OPEN TRAITOR TO THE KINGDOME For which facts this King afterwards reprehending and accusing the Lords in Parliament in the 7 th yeare of his Raigne they stoutly answered THAT THEY HAD NOT OFFENDED IN ANY ONE POINT BVâ— DESERVED HIS ROYALL FAVOVR for they HAD NOT GATHERED FORCE AGAINST HIM though he were in Piers his company assisted countenanced and fled with him BVT AGAINST THE PVBLICKE ENEMIE OF THE REALME Whereupon there were two acts of oblivion passed by the King Lords and Commons assembled in that Parliament Printed in the 2 d Part of old Magna Charta The first that no person on the Kings part should be questioned molested impeached imprisoned and brought to judgement for causing Pierce to returne from Exile or barboring councelling or ayding him bere after his returne The second on the Barons part in these words It is provided by the King and by the Archbishops Bishâ—ps Abbots Priors Earles Barâ—ns and Commons of the Realme assembled according to our Command and unun mously assented and accorded that none of what estate or condition soever he be shall in time tâ— come be appealed or challenged for the apprehending deteining or death of Peirsde Gaveston nor shall for the said death be apprâ—hended nor imprisoned impeached molâ—sted nor grieved nor judgement given against him by us nor by others at our suite nor at the suite of any other either in the Kings Court or elsewhere Which act the King by his Writ sent to the Iudges of the Kings Bench commanding that tâ—is grant and concord shall be firme and stable iâ— all its points and that every of them should be held and kept in per petuitie to which end he commands them to cause this act to be there inrolled and fiâ—mely kept for ever A pregnant evidence that the Barons taking up Armes then against this Traytor and enemie of the Realme in pursuance of the Act and sentence of Parliament for his banishment though the King were in his company and assisted him all he might was then both by King and Parliament adjudged no Treason nor Rebellion at all in point of Law but a just honorable action Wherefore their taking up Armes is not mentioned in this Act of oblivion seeing they all held it just but their putting Piers to death without legall triall which in strictnesse of Law could not be justified Now whether this be not the Parliaments and kingdomes present case in point of Law who tooke up armes principally at first for defence of their owne Priviledges of Parliament and apprehention of delinquents who seducing the king withdrew him from the Parliament and caused him to raise an Army to shelter themselves under its power against the Parliament let every reasonable man determine and if it be so we see this ancient Act of Parliament resolves it to be no high Treason nor Rebellion nor offence against the King but a just lawfull act for the kings the kingdomes honour and safety Not long after this the two Spensers getting into the kings favour and seducing miscouncelling him as much as Gaveston did the Lords and Barrons hereupon in the 14 th and 15 th yeares of his raigne confederated together to live and dye for justice and to their power to destroy the TRAITORS OF THE REALME Especially the two Spensers after which they raised an Army whereof they made Thomas Earle of Lancaster Generall and meeting at Sherborne they plunder and destroy the Spensers Castles Mannors Houses Friends Servants and marching to Saint Albanes with Ensignes displayed sent Messengers to the King then at London admonishing him not onely to rid his Court but Kingdome if the TRAITORS TO THE REALME the Spensers condemned by the Commons in many Articles to preserve the peace of the Realme and to grant them and all their followers Letteâ—s Pattents of indemnity for what they had formerly done Which the King at first denied but afterwards this Armie marching up to London where they were received by the City he yeelded to it and in the 15 th yeare of his Raigne by a speciall Act of Parliament the said Spensers were disinherited and banished the Realme for mis-councelling the king oppressing the people
by injustice advising him to lovie warre upon his Subjects making evill Iudges and other Officers to the hurt of the King and Kingdome engrossing the Kings eare and usurâ—ing his Royall authority as ENEMIES of the King and OF HIS PEOPLE and by another Act of Parliament it was then provided that no man should be questioned for any felonies or trespasses committed in the prosecution of Hughâ—e de Sponsers the father and sonne which Act runnes thus Whereas of late many great men of the Realme surmised to Sir Hugh le Despenser the sonne and Father many misdemeanors by them committed against the estate of our Lord the King and of his Crowne and to the disinheritance of the great men and destruction of the people and pursued those misdemeanors and attainder of them by force because they could not be attainted by processe of Law because that the said Sir Hughes had accroached to them the royall power in divers manner the said Grandees having mutually bound themselves by oath in writing without the advise of our Lord the King and after in pursuing the said Hugh and Hugh and their alies and adherents the said great men and others riding with banners displaied having in them the Armes of the king and their owne did take and occupie the Chattels Villages Mannors Lands Tenements Goods and likewise take and imprison some of the Kings leige people and others tooke some and slew others and did many other things in destroying the said Hugh and Hugh and their alies and others in England Wales and in the Marches whereof some things may be said Trespasses and others felonies and the said Hugh and Hugh in the Parliament of our Lord the King sommoned at Westminster three weekes after the Nativitie of Saint Iohn Baptist the 15. yeare of his Raigne for the said misdemeanors were fore judged and banished the Realme by a vote of the Peeres of the Land and the foresaid great men in the said Parliament shewed to our Lord the King that the things done in the pursuite of the said Hugh and Hugh by reason of such causes of necessity cannot be legally redressed or punished without causing great trouble or perchance warre in the land which shall be worse and prayed our Lord that of all alliances trespasses and felonies they might be for ever acquitted for the preservation of peace the avoyding of warre and asswaging of angers and rancors and to make unitie in the land and that our Lord the King may more intirely have the hearts and Wills of the great men and of his people to maintaine and defend his Lands and to make warre upon and grieve his enemies It is accorded and agreed in the said Parliament by our Lord the King and by the Prelates Earles Barrons and Commons of the Realme there assembled by command of our Lord the King that none of what estate or condition soever he be for alliance at what time soever made by deed oath writing or in other manner nor for the taking occupying or detainer of Chattels towns Mannors Lands Tenements and goods taken imprisoning or ransoming the Kings leige People or of other homicides robberies felonies or other things which may be noted as trespasses or fellonies committed against the peace of the king by the said great men their allies or adherents in the pursuite aforesaid since the first day of March last past till the thursday next after the feast of the assumption of our Ladie to wit the 19. day of August next ensuing be appealed nor challenged taken nor imprisoned nor grieved nor drawne into judgement by the King nor any other at the suite of any other which shall be in the Kings Court or in any place else but that all such trespasses and Felonies shall be discharged by this accord and assent saving alwaies to all men but to the said Hugh and Hugh action and reason to have and recover their Chattels Farmes mannors Lands tenements wards and marriages according to the Lawes and customes used in the Realme without punishment against the king or damages recovered against the party for the time aforesaid For which end they prescribed likewise a Charter of Pardon annexed to this Act according to the purport of it which every one that would might sue out which Charter you may read in old Magna Charta From which Act of Parliament I shall observe these three things First that this their taking up Armes to apprehend the Spâ—â—seâ—s as enemies to the King and kingdom and marching with banners displayd was not then reputed high Treason or Rebellion against the King though it were by way of offence not of defence and without any authority of Parliament for there is not one word of Treason or Rebellion in this Act or in the Charter of pardon pursuing it and if it had beene high Treason this Act and Charters on it extending onely to Fellonie and Trespasses not to Treasons and Rebellions would not have pardoned these transcendent Capitaâ—l crimes Secondly that the unlawfull outrages robberies and murders committed by the souldiers on the kings leige people and not on the two Spensers the sole delinquents were the occasion of this Act of oblivion and pardon not the Armed pursuing of them when they had gotten above the reach of Law Thirdly that though this were an offensive not defensive warre made without common assent of Parliament and many murthers robberies and misdemeanors committed in the prosecution of it upon the kings leige people who were no Delinquents yet being for the common good to suppresse and banish these ill Councellors enemies Traytors to King and Kingdome the King and Parliament though it such a publicke service as merited a pardon of these misdemeanors in the carriage of it and acquitted all who were parties to it from all suites and punishments All which considered is a cleare demonstration that they would have resolved our present defensive warre by Authoritie of both Houses accompanied with no such outrages as these for the apprehension of such as have beene voted Traytors and Delinquents by Parliament and stand out in contempt against its justice for the defence of the Priviledges and Members of Parliament the Liberties and properties of the subject the fundamentall lawes of the Realme the Protestant Religion now indangered by Papists up in Armes in England and Ireland to extirpate it and the removing ill Counsellors from his Majestie to be no high Treason Rebellion or offence at all against the king but a just and lawful Act the very miscarriages wherof in the generall except in such disorderly Souldiers for whom martiall Law hath provided due punishments deserve a publike pardon both from King and Kingdome And to put this out of Question as no fancie of mine owne we have an expresse Act of Parliament resolving the taking up of Armes by the Queene Prince both but subjects and capable of High Treason in such a case as well as others the Nobles and people of the Realme against these two
these Lords and their companions thus taking up Armes from any the least guilt of Treason and rebellion against the King because they did it onely for the advancement of the publike weale the setting the Realme in a better condition the removing ill Counsellors and publike oppressors of the Realme from about the King and to rescue his person out of their hands then questionlesse by their resolutions our present Parliaments taking up defensive armes upon the selfe-same grounds and other important causes and that by consent of both Houses which they wanted can be reputed no high Treason nor Rebellion against the King in point of Law and no just no rationall Iudge or Lawyer can justly averre the contrary against so many forecited resolutions in Parliament even in printed Acts. The Earle of Richmund afterward King Henry the seventh taking up armes against Richard the third a lawfull King de facto being crowned by Parliament but an Vsurper and bloody Tyrant in Verity to recover his Inheritance and Title to the Crowne and ease the Kingdome of this unnaturall blood-thirsty Oppressor before his fight at Boswell Field used this Oration to his Souldiers pertinent to our purpose If ever God gave victory to men fighting in a just quarrell or if he ever aided such as made warre for the wealth and tuition of their owne naturall and nutritive Countrey or if he ever succoured them which adventured their lives for the reliefe of Innocents suppression of malefactors and apparent Offenders No doubt my Fellowes and Friends but he of his bountifull goodnesse will this day send us triumphant victory and a lucky revenge over our proud Enemies and arrogant adversaries for if you remember and consider the very cause of our just quarrel you shall apparently perceive the same to be true godly and vertuous In the which I doubt not but God will rather ayde us yea and fight for us then see us vanquished and profligate by such as neither feare him nor his Lawes nor yet regard Iustice and honesty Our cause is so just that no enterprise can be of more vertue both by the Laws Divine and Civill c. If this cause be not just and this quarrell godly let God the giver of victory judge and determine c. Let us therefore fight like invincible Gyants and set on our enemies like untimorous Tygers and banish all feare like ramping Lyons March forth like strong and robustious Champions and begin the battaile like hardy Conquerors the Battell is at hand and the Victory approacheth and if wee shamefully recule or cowardly fly we and all our sequele be destroyed and dishonoured for ever This is the day of gaine and this is the time of losse get this dayes victory and be Conquerours and lose this dayes battell and bee villaines And therefore in the name of God and Saint George let every man couragiously advance his standard They did so flew the Tyrannicall Vsurper wonne the Field And in the first Parliament of his Raigne there was this Act of indemnity passed That all and singular persons comming with him from beyond the Seas into the Realâ—e of England taking his party and quarrell in recovering his just Title and Right to the Realme of England shall be utterly discharged quit and unpunishable for ever by way of action or otherwise of or for any murther slaying of men or of taking and disporting of goods or any other trespasses done by them or any of them to any person or persons of this his Realme against his most Royall Person his Banner displayed in the said field and in the day of the said field c. Which battell though it were just and no Treason nor Rebellion in point of Law in those that assiâ—ted King Henry the 7 th against this Vsurper yet because the killing of men and seising their goods in the time of Warre is against the very fundamâ—ntall Lawes of the Realme they needed an Act of Parliament to discharge them from suits and prosecutions at the Law for the same the true reason of all the forecited Acts of this nature which make no mention of pardoning any Rebellions or Treasons against the King for they deemed their forementioned taking up of Armes no such offences but onely discharge the Subjects from all suites actions and prosecutions at Law for any killing or slaying of men batteries imprisonments robberies and trespasses in seising of Persons Goods Chartels What our Princes and State have thought of the lawfulâ—esse of necessary Defensive Warres of Subjects against their oppressing Kings and Princes appeares by those aides and succours which our Kings in former ages have sent to the French Flemmings Almaines and others when their Kings and Princes have injuriously made Warres upon them and more especially by the publike ayde and assistance which our Queene Elizabeth and King Iames by the publike advise and consent of the Realme gave to the Protestants in France Germany Bohemia and the Netherlands against the King of France the Emperour and King of Spaine who oppressed and made Warre upon them to deprive them of their just Liberties and Religion of which more hereafter Certainely had their Defensive Warres against their Soveraigne Princes to preserve their Religion Liberties Priviledges beene deemed Treason Rebellion in point of Law Queene Elizabeth King Iames and our English State would never have so much dishonoured themselves nor given so ill an example to the world to Patronize Rebells or Traitours or enter into any solemne Leagues and Covenants with them as then they did which have been frequently renued and continued to this present And to descend to our present times our King Charles himself hath not onely in shew at least openly aided the French Protestants at Ree and Rochel against their King who warred on them the Germane Princes against the Emperour the Hollanders and Prince of Oâ—aâ—ge to whose Sonne hee hath married his elstest Daughter against the Spaniard and entred into a solemne League with them which hee could not have done in point of Law Iustice Honour Conscience had they beene Rebells or Traytors for standing on their guards and making defensive Warres onely for their owne and their Religions preservation but likewise by two severall publike Acts of Parliament the one in England the other in Scotland declaring the Scots late â—aking up Armes against him and his evill Counsellors in defence of their Religion Lawâ—s Priviledges to be no Treason nor Rebellion and them to bee his true and loyall Subjects notwithstanding all aspertions cast upon them by the Prelaticall and Popish Party because they had no ill or disloyall intention at all against his Majesties Person Crowne and Dignity but onely a care of their owne preservation and the redresse of thâ—se Enormities Pressures grievances in Church and State which threatnâ—d desolation unto both If then their seizing of the Kings Fortes Ammunition Revenues and raising an Army for the foresaid ends hath by his Majesty himselfe and his two Parliaments
in regulating the Kings own meniall servants in some cases when they either corrupt or mis-counsell him And thus much touching the unhappy differences between the King and Parliament concerning matters of his own royall Prerogative The Parliaments Right and Iurisdiction to impose Taxes and Contributions on the Subjects for the necessary defence of the Realm Laws Liberties without the King in case of the Kings wilfull absence from and taking up Arms against the Parliament and Kingdom briefly vindicated from the calumnies against it THe severall grand Objections of consequence made by the King and others against the Parliaments pretended usurpations upon the just Rights and Prerogatives of the Crowne being fully examined and refuted in the Premises so far I hope as to satisfie all ingenuous men in point of Divinity Policy Law Reason Conscience I shall next proceed to the remaining materiall Accusations which concerne the Subjects onely in regard of Property and Liberty wherein I will contract my Discourse into a narrow compasse partly because the debate of the fore-going Differences between the Kings Prerogative and the Parliaments Soveraigne Jurisdiction hath in some sort over-ruled the Controversies betwixt the Subjects and both Houses representing them partly because these accusations are not so universally insisted on as the former which concerne the King the justnesse of them being generally acknowledged willingly submitted to by most except such who calumniate and traduce them either out of covetousnesse onely to â—ave their Purâ—es or from a groundlesse Malignity against the Parliament or out of a consciousnesse of their owne Delinquencies subjecting them to the Parliaments impartiall Justice or out of some particular interests which concern them in their gains honours preferments or such who by their restraints for not paying Parliamentary Assessements hope to save their purses for the present or to gaine favour and preferment by it for the future If these private sinister ends were once laid by this second sort of accusations would speedily vanish especially with men of publike spirits who prefer the Common-weale before their owne particular interests The first of these Cavillatory Objections against the Parliaments proceedings is That both Houses without the Kings Royall Assent have contrary to Magna Charta the Petition of Right the Statutes De Tallagio non concedendo and other Acts by their Ordinances onely imposed late Taxes on the Subjects amounting to the twentieth part of their estates and since that monethly or weekly Assessements to maintaine a war against the King a grand incroachment on the peoples Properties contrary to all Law and Iustice. This Objection seems very plausible and cordiall to covetous Earth-worms being politikely contrived to Court the close-handed niggardly party by those who are guiltiest in themselves of that they thus object against others But it will easily receive an answer as to the Parliament and recoyle with infinite disadvantage on those that make it First 〈◊〉 anâ—wer That the Parliament is the absolute Soveraigne power within the Realme not subject to or obâ—iged by the letter or intendment of any Laws being in truth the sole Law-maker and having an absolute Soveraignty over the Laws themselves yea over Magna Charta and all other objected Acts to repeale alter determine and suspend them when there is cause as is undeniable by its altering the very common Law in many cases by repealing changing many old Statute Lawes and enacting new ones every Sessions as there is occasion for the publike safety and defence This the practice of all Parliaments in all ages yea the constant course of all Parliaments and Assemblies of the Estates in all forraigne Kingdoms too abundantly manifests The Parliament therefore never intended by all or any of these objected Acts to binde its owne hands but onely the Kings and his Ministers with inferiour Courts of Justice neither is the Parliament within the letter words or meaning of them therefore not obliged by them 2. The King with his Officers Judges and inferiour Courts of Justice only are included and the Parliament is directly excluded out of the very letter and meaning of all these Acts as is apparent First in generall from the occasion of enacting all these Laws which was not any complaints made to the King of any illegall taxes imprisonments or proceedings of our Parliaments to the oppression of the people but onely the great complaints of the people and Parliament against the illegall taxes impositions imprisonments and oppressions of the Subject by the King his Officers Judges and inferiour Courts of Justice as all our Hâ—stories with the Prefaces and words of the Acts themselves attest to redresse which grievances alone thâ—sâ— Lawes were made by the Parliaments and peoples earnest solicitations much against the Kings good will The Parliament then who would never solicit them king of a Law against or to restrain it selfe being cleare out of the orignall ground and mischiefe of enacting these Lawes and the King with his Ministers and inferiou◠〈◊〉 is only within them they can no way extend to the Parliament but to them alone 3. The Parliament 〈◊〉 the making of these Acts hath alwayes constantly enjoyed an absolute right and power without the least dispute of granâ—ing and imposing on the Subjâ—cts whatsoever Taxes Subsidies Aids Confiscations of Goods or restraint of Liberty by temporall or perpetuall imprisonment it thought meet and necessary for the publike defence safety and tranquility of the Realm as the severall Tâ—xes Subsidies and Poll-monies granted by them in all ages the many Statutes enjoyning confiscation of Lands Goods corporall punishments banishments temporary or perpetuall imprisonments for divers things not punishable nor criminall by the Common Law or when Magna Charta and the ancient Statutes in pursuance of it were first enacted abundantly evidence past all contradiction none of all which the King himselfe his Officers Judges or inferiour Courts of Justice can doe being restrained by the objected Acts. Therefore it is altogether irrefragable that the Parliament and Houses are neither within the words or intentions of these Acts nor any wayes limited or restraiâ—ed by them but left as free in these particulars in order to the publike good and safety as if those Acts had never beene made though the King with all other Courts Officers Subjects remaine obliged by them 4. This is evident by examination of the particular Statutes objected The first and principall of all the rest is Magna Charta cap. 29. But the very words of this Law Not We shall not passe upon him nor condemne him but by the lawfull judgement of his Peeres or by the Law of the Land We shall deny nor deferre to no man either Justice or Right compared with the Preface to and first Chapter of it Henry c. know ye that We c. out of meere and free will have given and granted to all Archbishops Bishops Eâ—rles Barons and to all free men of this our Realm of England and by this our present
Charter have confirmed FOR US AND OUR HEIRS FOR EVERMORE these liberties underwritten to have and to hold to them and their Heirs OF US AND OUR HEIRS FOR EVERMORE c. together with the whole tenour and title of this Charter and the two last Chapters of it All those customs and liberties aforesaid which we have granted to be holden within our Realme as much AS APPERTAINETH TO US AND OUR HEIRS WE SHALL OBSERVE And for this our gift and grant of those Liberties c our Subjects have given us the fifteenth part of all their moveables And We have granted to them on the other part that NEITHER WE NOR OUR HEIRS shall procure or doe any thing whereby the Liberties in this Charter contained shall be infringed or broken We confirme and make strong all the same FOR US AND OUR HEIRS PERPETUALLY not the Parliament All these I say infallibly demonstrate that this Statute of Magna Charta did never extend unto the Parliament to restraine its hands or power but onely to the King his Heirs Officers Courts of Justice and particular subjects So that the Parliaments imprisoning of Malignants imposing Taxes for the necessary defence of the Realm and seizing mens goods or imprisoning their persons for non-payment of it is no wayes within the words or intent of Magna Charta as Royallists and Malignants ignorantly clamour but the Kings his Officers Councellours and Cavallâ—ers proceedings of this nature are cleerly most direct violations of this Law And that which puts this past dispute are the severall Statutes of 25. Edward 3. cap. 4. Statute 5. 37. Edward 3. cap. 18. 38 Edward 3. cap. 9. 42. Edward 3. cap. 3. 17. Richard 2. cap. 6. and the Petition of right it self all which expresly resolve that this very objected Law of Magna Charta extends onely to the King himselfe his Privy Councell Iudges Iustices Officers and inferiour Courts of Iustice but not unto the supream Court of Parliament which no man for ought I finde ever yet held to be absolutely obliged by it before the Kings late recesse from Parliament The next Statute is that of 34. Edward 1. cap. 1. No tallage nor aid shall be taken or leavied BY US AND OUR HEIRS not the Parliament in our Realme without the good will and assent of the Archbishops Bishops Earls Barons Knights Burgesses and other free men of the Land which the Statute of 25. Edward 1. thus explains But by the common consent of the Realme The Statute of 14. Edward 3. cap. 21. and Statute 2. cap 1. thus If it be not by common consent of the Prelates Earles Barons and other great men and Commons of our said Realme of England AND THAT IN PARLIAMENT The Statute of 25. Edward the third cap. 8. thus If it be not BY COMMON CONSENT AND GRANT IN PARLIAMENT The Statute of 36. Edward the third cap. 11. thus That no Subsidie nor other charge be set nor granted upon the Woolls by the Merchants nor by NONE OTHER from henceforth WITHOUT THE ASSENT OF THE PARLIAMENT The Statute of 45. Edward 3. cap. 4. thus it is accorded and stablished That no imposition or charge shall be put upon Woolls Woollsels or Leather other then the custome and subsidie granted to the King WITHOUT THE ASSENT OF THE PARLIAMENT and if any be it shall be repealed and holden for none And the Petition of Right 3. Caroli thus By which Statutes and other good Statutes of this Realm your Subjects have inherited this freedom that they should not be compelled to contribute any Taxe Tallage Custome Aidâ— or other like charge not set BY COMMON CONSENT IN PARLIAMENT Now it is as evident as the noonday sunshine that these Acts onely extend to the King his Heirs Councell Officers inferiour Courts and private Subjects onely and that the Parliament is precisely excepted out of the very intent and letter of them all having free power to impose on the Subjects what Aids Taxes Tallages Customes and Subsidies the shall deem meet by the expresse provision of all these Laws concerning the granting and imposing of Subsidies Therefore by the direct resolution of these Acts the Kings his Councellors present contributions assessements and ransoms imposed on the Subjects are illegall against the letter and provision of all these Acts but the Parliaments and Houses lawfull approved and confirmed by them True will Royallists and Malignants answer who have no other evasion left but this If the King were present in Parliament and consenting to these contributions and taxes of the twentieth part there were no doubt of what you alleage but because the King is absent and not only disassents to but prohibits the payment of this or any Parliamentary Assessements by his Proclamations therefore they are illegall and against these Laws 1 To which I answer First that the King by his Oath duty the ancient custom and Law of the land ought of right to be alwayes present with his Parliament as he is now in point of Law and not to depart from it but in cases of urgent necessity with the Houses free consents and then must leave Commissoners or a Deputy to supply his absence This is not onely confessed but proved by a Booke lately printed at Oxford 1642. with the Kings approbation or permission intituled No Parliament without a King pag. 5. to 16. where by sundry presidents in all Kings Reignes it is manifested That Kings were and ought to be present in their Parliaments which I have formerly cleared If then the King contrary to these Presidents his Oath Duty the Laws and Customs of the Realme the practice of all his Progenitors the rules of nature which prohibit the head to separate it selfe from the body and will through the advice of malignant Councellours withdraw himselfe from his Parliament yea from such a Parliament as himselfe by a spceiall Act hath made in some sort perpetuall at the Houses pleasure and raise an Army of Papists Delinquents Malignants and such like against it and that purposely to dissolve it contrary to this very Law of his for its continuance why this illegall torâ—ious act of his paralleld in no age should nullifie the Parliament or any way invalid its Imposicions or Proceedings for their own the Kingdoms Peoples and Religions preservation all now indangered transcends any reasonable mans capacity to apprehend 2 The right and power of granting imposing assenting unto Assâ—ssements Taxes Suosiâ—iâ—s and such like publique charges in Parliament for the publique safety rests wholly in the Commons and Lords not King and is their owne free act alone depending no waies on the Kings assent nor necessarily requiring his personall presence in Parliament This is evident First by the expresse letter of the forecited Acts No Subsidy Tax Ayde Talleage or Custome shall be set granted taken or leavied but by common consent and grant of the Prelates Earles Barons Knights Burgesses and other free men of the Realme in Parliament or without the assent
of the Parliament so that their grant and assent iâ— Parliament not the Kings is the onely thing that makes them legall and binding to the subject Now both Houses have granted ordered and assented to this Assessement exceeding not the twentieth part of mens estates and given order for the leavying of it and that for the Parliaments Kingdomes religions necessary defence and preservation Therefore it is obligatory and legall though the King himselfe consent not or disassent thereto especially as the present condition of things stands even by the very letter of these acts Secondly this is apparent by the letter of all our publique Acts for the granting of Subsidies Ayds Tenths Fifteenes Taxes Customes Tonnage Poundage or any such like impositions in and by Parliament either by the Temporalty or Clergy which Acts runne usually in this manner The Commons of this Realme HAVE GRANTED FOR DEFENCE OF THE SAID REALME and especially for the safegard and custody of the Sea a Subsidy a Subsidie called Tonnage c. The Prelates Earles Barons and all the Commons of the Realme willingly and with one assent HAVE GRANTED the ninth Lambe ninth sheafe and ninth fleece c. And of Cities and Burroughs the ninth part of all their goods and chaâ—â—â—ls c. in aide of the good keeping the Realme as well by Land as by Sea c. We your pâ—ore Commons desire your excellent Majesty willingly to accept and receive these OUR POORE GRANTS hereafter following as GRANTED of free hearts and good wils as the first-fruits of our good wils and hearts c. by the advice and Assent of the Lords spirituall and temporall GIVE GRANT for the defence of your realm and the keeping and safegard of the seas c. one Subsidy called Tonnage c. The Prelates and Clergy c. as a speciall and significant testimony of their loyall affection c. with one affection and uniforme consent HAVE GIVEN GRANTED foure whole and intire Subsidies We your Commons assembled in your high Court of Parliament humbly present your Majesty with the FREE CHEERFULL GIFT of two intire Subsidies c. All Subsidies and Taxes then being the free gift of the Commons Clergy and Pâ—eres in Parliament and that onely for the defence of the Kingdome by sea and land it is infallible that they do may and can oblige themselves and those they represent to pay such publike Taxes to this end without the Kings concurrence Thirdly this is cleare by considering that the Commons and Lords in Parliament have alwaies had 1. And absolute right and power to grant or deny Taxes Subsidies aydes and assistance as they saw occassion 2. To proportion the aydes and Subsidies granted 3. To limit the certaine manner waies and times of paying and levying them and the persons who shall either pay assesse collect receive or disburse them 4. The ends and uses to which they should be imployed when leavied debarring the King oft times when they saw cause of any power at all to receive or dispose of them appointing Collectors and Treasurers of their owne to receive and issue them out againe by the advice and directions of these as themselves prescribed for which I shall give you some few instances of note in lieu of many more that might be remembred Anno 1237. being the 21 yeere of Henry the third The Parliament after many contestations with the King for his fraud oppressions favouring of Aliens c. to the Kingdomes detriment the King by Oath prâ—mâ—sing amendment granted unto him the thirtieth part of all their moveables excepting ready Money Horse and Armour to be imployed for the Common wealth and benefit of the Realme with this condition often annexed that the King should leave the Counsell of Aliens and onely use that of his naturall Subjects And for more security it was ordained that foure Knights of every Shiere and one Clerke of the Kings in every severall Shiere shall upon their oâ—thes collect receive and deliver the said Subsidy either into some Abbey or Castle to be safely reserved there and disposed of for the benefit of the King and Kingdome by the view and counsell of the Earle Warren or others when there should be need Or otherwise if the King fâ—iled in performance of His promises and grants it ought to be faithfully restored and distributed to the Country whence it was collected In the 11. yeere of King Edward the 2. Anno 1318. The Parliament not daring to trust this prodigall mis-counselled King with moneys instead of Subsides granted him an aide of armed men against the Scots London set forth 200. Canturbury 40. Saint Albanes 10. and so all other Burroughs and Cities according to their proportion whereby a great Army was leavied The Parliaments of 14 E. 3. c. 20. 21. Stat. 1. Stat. 2. c. 1. 18. E. 3. Parliament 2 3. forecited at large part 2. p. 8. 9. 31 H. 6. Num. 41. 21 Iac. c. 33. particularly direct how the Subsidies granted shall be disposed of by certaine Nobles and others whom they nominate and appoint Treasurers to receive and issue them to the ends for which they granted them prescribing them an oath to issue none of them to other purposes or in any other maner then they prescribed Yea the Acts of former Parliaments and this present concerning Tonnage Poundage Polemoney and Subsidies frequently do the like Therefore the granting and disposing of those Taxes Aydes Subsidies rests wholly in the Commons and Lords and no waies on the King who commonly desires the Parliament to great them Fourthly this is further evidenced by the Kings usuall answer and assent unto such Bills as these Le Roy remercy ses Loaulx Subjects accept LOUR BENEVOLENCE auxy le vâ—ult taking it wholly as a free grant from them which assent in this case is rather formall then substantiall it being the Commons and Lords owne consent only to Bils of this nature not the Kings that make the Taxes and Impositions binding as the forecited Statutes the Petition of Right 3 Caroli Fortescue and our Lawbookes resolve and I have elsewhere manifested more at large Therefore the want of the Kings assent or disassent to the Parliaments present assâ—ssement for the Kingdomes necessary defence in the present extremity when the King not onely wilfully absents himselfe from but hath raised Armes against the Parliament is not materiall nor simply necessary in point of Law though usually requisite and necessary for formality sake at other seasons to compleat such Acts since Sepenumero Necessitas vincit legem quod necessarium est liciâ—um est as this assessement now is though all formalities be not punctually observed as is resolved in Dormers case Cooke l. 5. f. 40. b. Fiftly it is undeniable that the Knights Citizens Burgesses and Commons in Parliament elected by the suffrages of the severall Counties Cities and Burroughs of England do really and legally represent all the
clause of an Infidell King they refused to have bestowed on them because they judged it shamefull and dishonourable After which Iunicus taking an oath to observe the former Lawes was advanced to the Throne and made King of Aragon about the year 868. Moreover to establish all these Lawes and Constitutions our Ancestors themselves adjoyned the accession of a publike Vnion ordaining that it should be lawfull and just for them to meet all together ET REGI OBSISTERE ARMIS ET VI and to resist the King with armes and force as oft as there should be need to propulse any assault of him or his made against the Lawes which form of assembling together for the common cause of liberty they called a Vnion or Association Neither did they anciently lesse think all their Liberties to be preserved by this Vnion then humane bodies themselvs are by nervs and bones And although it were not prescribed in that Suprarbian Forum yet they thought it deduced from the very beginnings of things and deeply fixed and impressed in the sense of all men and to be established by our common Law as by another Law of Nature and that its force was enough and more then sufficiently known and discerned by use and reason For they said it would be but a thing of little profit for them to have good Lawes enacted and the very Iudiciary Presidentship of a middle Iudge if when there should be need AD EARVM DEFENSIONEM ARMA CAPERE NON LICERET cum jam tunc satis non esset pugnare consilliis it should not be lawfull for them to take up Armes in their defence when as then it would not be sufficient in such a case to fight with Counsells Neither verily did that seem altogether impertinent from the matter for if it should be so all things long ere this had been in the power of Kings themselves Whence our people reputed these two priviledges of the Union obtained from Alphonso the 3. to wit That it shal be lawfull for the Estates of the Realm iâ— the King shall violate the Lawes of the Countrey To create a new King in his place and without the crime of Treason to make confederacies among themselves and with Neighbour Princes To defend their Liberty which King Ferdinand upon the petition of the Castilians refused to revoke because he had taken a solemn Oath to observe them not as new favours or benefits but as things done out of Office c. Therefore in those ancient Rulers of which we treat the Liberty of our Country was hedged about by our Ancestors with three most strong fences namely with the Pretecture of this middle Iudge with the most ample power of the Rici-men or Palatines and with this most fierce force of the Vnion of which the first seemed to be Legal and civill the other domesticall and of greatest moment the last warlike and popular Neither ought it then to be inclosed with a lesser hedge that so we might rejoyce that it hath therby come safe sound to us now But of these garrisons or fences the ancient inventers of them and those who next succeeded them conferred more assistance and labour upon the two last namely the domestick and popular then on that Court presidentship For they would alwayes retain in themselves a power of moderating and governing the most loose reines of the Royall Dignity which they might restrain or enlarge as there was need Theâ—fore they assigned those 12 elders to him elected out of the greatest men by whose Counsels the Kings ought to be hedged in on every side the place of which Elders the Rici-men afterwards possessed who were the chiefe of our Nobles who in times past were second to the Kings in such sort that they might seem to be their Peers and Companions These called that publike union to the ayde of Liberty and out of them were chosen those who should alwayes be the prime and principall conservators of it for thus they called the presidents of the Vnion Finally they sustained on their necks all the Offices and burdens of peace and warre if not with the same power as the Kings yet I may truly say with very little lesse for the Rici-men as long as they flourished relying on the Forces of the Vnion did alwayes hover over the Royall Empire and by the intire power of their offices if the violence or assaults of Kings were unjust did from inordinate reduce them into order and as it were into a circle of Law and Iustice. In which thing verily their grave censorious and domesticall authority had sufficient right and moment with our ancient Kings who were well mannered but if peradventure they could not with their fitting counsels bridle the exulting royall Forces they did constantly repell them from their necks with the force of the raised Vnion Thus and much more this Spanish Author in whom you may read at large the Power and Authority of the Iustice of Arragon of the Generall Assembly of the Estates or Parliaments of that Kingdom of their Rici men Peeres Magistrates Councellors and in Ioannis de Laet. his Descripâ—io Hispaniae cap. 5. cite Ioannis Mari. and De Rebus Hisp. l. 8. c. 1. Gen. hist. of Spain l. 17. p. 618. To which l shall onely adde this most notable custome and ceremony used at the Coronation of the Kings of Arragon recorded q by by Iunius Brutus r Franciscus Hotomanus and others The Arrogonians when as they create and crown their King in the Assembly of the Estates or Parliament of Arragon to put the King in mind that the Lawes the Iustice of Arragon and Assembly of Estates are above him act a kind of Play that he may remember it the better they bring in a man on whom they impose the name of the Iustice of Arragon whom by the common Decree of the people they enact to be greater and more powerfull then the King to whom sitting in an higher place they make the King doe homage and then having created the King upon certain Lawes and conditions they speake unto him in these words which shew the Excellent and singular fortitude of that Nation in bridling their Kings NOS QVI VALEMOS TANTO COME VOS Y PODEMOS MAS QVE VOS VOS ELEGIMOS REY CON EST AS Y EST AS CONDITIONES INTRA VOS Y NOS VN QVE MANDA MAS QVE VOS that is We who are as great as you and are able to doe more then you have chosen you King upon these and these conditions Between you and us there is one greater in command then you to wit the Iustice of Arragon Which Ceremony lest the King should forget it is every three yeares repeated in the Generall Assembly of the States of Arragon which Assembly the King is bound by Law to assemble it being a part of the very Law of Nations which sacred Liberty of Parliaments and Assemblies if any Kings by evill arts restrain or suppresse as violaters of the Law of Nations
forced Mary and her Mother to resigne their rights to the Crowne and crowned Charles King at Alba Regalis When he was crowned the Bishop of Strigonium according to the custome demanded of the people thrice with alowd voyce Whether if were their pleasure that Charles should be crowned King who answered Yes which done he was crowned and soone after murthered by the two Queenes treachery Who were shortly after taken prisoners by Iohn de Hornach governour of Croatiaâ— the Queen Mother Elizabeth drowned Queen Mary kept prisoner and at last released upon oath given not to revenge her Mothers death who contrary to her oath caused Hornach and 32. Nobles more to be beheaded by Sigismond her husband whose kindâ—ed and children thereupon conspired against King Sigismond tooke and detained him prisoner Anno. 1401. till they should proceeds further against him and in the meane time the Nobles of Hungary elected Ladislaus King of Apulia for their King and at last deposed Sigismond for his misgovernment cruelty love of women After Sigismonds death the Nobles and people were divided in the choise of their King one part electing and crowning Vladislaus King of Poland the other party Ladislaus an infant for their King but Vladislaus his party prevailing he was not long after â—laine in a battle against the Turkes and the government of the Realme committed to that Noble Souldier Huniades during the Minority of Ladislaus who at his ripe age was received and declared King by all the Hungarians Ladislaus deceasing the Hungarians elected the Emperour Frederick King who delaying to come and take the election they thereupon chose Mathias King who enjoyed the dignity notwithstanding the Emperours opposition Anno. 1608. Mathias King of Hungary denyed the Protestants in Austria free exercise of their Religion they thereupon were forced to take up Armes and assembling together at Honne made a Protestation and sent to the States of Hungary requiring them to assist them with the succours that were promised by the offensive and defensive league after which they obtained a peace and part of what they demanded Anno 1613. In an Assembly of the Estates of Hungary the differences concerning the defence and Militia in the borders of Hungary against the Turke were ordered and setled And An. 1618. After many slow proceedings they elected Ferdinand of Bohemia for their King of Hungary but with these conditions That he should Religiously observe and cause to be immovably observed all the Liberties Immunities Priviledges Statutes Rights and Customes of the Kingdome with the Conclusions and Treaties of Vienna and all the Articles comprehended therein and all other concluded both before and after the Coronation of the Emperours Majestie in the yeares 1608. and 1609. Which Articles being ratified by the Emperour under his Letters Patents they proceeded to the Coronation according to the accustomed manner Such is the Soveraigne power of the States of Hungary to this very day And in one word so odious were Tyrants anciently to the Slavonians and Hungarians that by a publick Law of their Ancestors he who slew a Tyrannicall King was to succeede him in the Kingdome Bohemia For the Kings and Kingdome of Bohemia M. Paulus Stranskins in his Respublica Boâ—emiae c. 5. 12. informes us out of the Fundamentall Lawes of Bohemiae That the power of the Kings of Bohemia who are Elected by the generall Votes of the States is so farre restrained in that Realme that they can determine nothing concerning the Kingdome or great Affaires of the Realme but in their Parliaments or generall Assemblies of the Estates by the generall consent of the people which are Summoned by the king himselfe and held just like our Parliaments in the kings Regency and during the Interregnum by the Senate of the Realme as often as there is occasion there being this claâ—se in the Writ of Summons That whether all those who are sommoned come at the day or not the king with those who appeare will proceed to decree wâ—at shall be just and bâ—neficall for the Republicke and that those who neglect to appeare shall be bound thereby all Lawes and Acts are therein passed by publicke consent The King cannot alien or morgage any of the Crown Lands nor release not diminish the revenueâ— Liberties of the Realm nor promote any strangers to the custodies of Castles or publicke functions impose no Taxes charges nor altar the ancient manner of the Militia of the Realm nor make warre or peace without the Parliaments advise and consent And before the king is Crowned the Burgrâ—ve and Nobles in the Name of all the Realme demand of him to confirm and ratifie both with his especiall Charter and publick Oath the Ancient and laudable Priviledges Immunities Liberties Rights Laws Customes and Institutions as well private as publicke of all and singular the inhabitants of the Realme and to governe them according to the rule of the Lawes after the example of his predecessors kings of Bohemiâ— Which done he seales and delivers them a speciall Charter takes such a solemne Oath and then is Crowned upon these Conditions The Arch-bishop of Prague after the Letany ended demands of the king kneeling on his knees Wilt thou keepe the holy faith delivered to thee from Catholiok men and observe it in just workes He answering I will He proccedes and saith With thou Governe and defend the Kingdome granted thee from God according to the Iustice of thy Fathers He answeres I will and by Gods Assistance promise that I will doe and performed it by all meanes After this kneeling on his knees the Arch-bishop holding the New Testament open and the Burgrave reading the words first the king takes this Oath in the Bohemian tongue We sweare to God the mother of God and all Saints upon this holy Gospell that we will and ought to keepe immovably to the Barons Knights and Nobles also to those of Prague and the other Cities and to all the Commâ—nalty of the Realme of Bohemia the Institutions Lawes Priviledges Exemptions Liberties and Rights and also the ancient good and laudable customes of the Realme and not to alienate or morgage any thing from the same Kingdome of Bohemia but rather to our power to augment and enlarge it and to â—oe all things which may be good and honourable to that Kingdome So helpe me God touching the booke with two of the fingers of his right hand and all Saints The Kings of Navarre take the like Oath How this Realme hath beene altered from a Principality to a Dukedome and from it againe to a Kingdome having sometimes Kings sometimes Dukes both elected by the free choyse of the Estates to whom they were inferiour in Soveraigne power accountable for their â—â—is-government and removeable from their Throne you may read in the marginall Authors Not to mention the Bohemians deposition of Libussa a Noble Virago who governed then for a season reputing it a dishonour to the Nation to be ruled by a woman and electing Przemysâ—â—s for their Prince
dyed Anno. 1555. Mary the Daughter of king Iames the sixth of Scotland and heire to the Crowne being within age her mother Queene Mary by common consent was made Regent and shee by common consent and councell of the Nobles married to Francis Dolphine of France In the meane time there hapning some troubles and warres about the reformed Religion which many of the Nobles and people there contended for the Queene Mother granting those of the Religion a confirmation of their liberties and Religion by way of Truce for 6 moneths she in the meane time sends for Souldiers out of France wherewith she endeavoured to suppresse Religion with the remaining liberty of the Scots and to subject them to the French Whereupon the Nobles of Scotland who stood for the defence of their Religion and Liberties by a common decree in Parliament deprived the Queene Mother of her Regencie make a league with our Queene Elizabeth being of the reformed Religion and receiving ayde both of men and money from her besieged the Queene Mother in Edenburgh Castle where she dyed of griefe and sicknesse After which they expelled the French and procured free exercise of the Reformed Religion In the meane time Francis dying the Queene sends for Henry Steward out of England where he and his Father had beene Exiles marries and proclaime him king Iuly 29. 1564. which done she excluded the Nobility from â—er Councells and was wholly advised by David Ritzius a Subaâ—dian whom she brought with her out of France and did all things by his Councell wherewith the Nobles being much discontented finding him supping with the Queene in a little Chamber commanded him to rise out of the place which did little become him and drawing him out of the Chamber stabbed him to death Anno. 1565. The Queene soone after was delivered of a sonne and heire Iames the 6. and then admits Iames Hepburne Earle of Bothwell into most intimate familiarity with her setting him over all affaires of the Realm granting nothing to any petitioner almost but by him and her husband Steward being dead whether of a naturall death or poyson is yet in controversie she married Bothwell openly without the Lords and Parliaments consents Hereupon the Nobles tooke up armes against Bothwel and the Queen besâ—eged the Queen till she rendred her selfe prisoner upon this condition that she should abjure and resigne her interest in the Crowne and Kingdome to her infant sonne which they compelled her to performe and appointed Iames Earle of Morton Vice-roy and Protector during the Kings Minority In the meane time the Queene was committed prisoner to the Castle of the Isle of the Lake Leuine where corrupting Duglasse her keeper the Earle of Mortons Nephew and a shipmaster she escaped to the Hamiltâ—ns in safety who having raised Forces to free her waited her comming on the shoare But the Vice-roy scattering these forces soone after the Queene thereupon fled into England Anno. 1568. Where Queene Elizabeth taking her expulsion ill laboured that she might be restored to the Crowne which could not be effected but by Armes or mediation and neither of them without knowledge of the cause Whereupon the Queene sent for the Vice-roy and Councell of Scotland into England to answere the complaints of their Queene against them which they did in a writing composed by Buchanan and afterwards Printed both in Latine and English wherein they shewed the grounds and order of their proceedings against their Queene wherewith the Queene and Councell were satisfied that they had proceeded rightly and orderly yet to keepe both sides in suspence she pronounced no definitive sentence The Vice-roy departing into Scotland was afterwards murthered by the Hamiltons and Matthew Steward Earle of Lenâ—ux made Vice-roy in his steed The Queene in the interim treated with Thomas Howard Duke of Nerthfolke about a match with him and to seise upon the Realm of Scotland whereupon he was committed to the Tower and she restrained after which she was solemnely arraigned and condemned to death by the Parliament of England for conspiring Queene Elizabeths death c and for it beheaded at Fotherringham Castle Feb. 8. 1587 The History of which Queenes life is more at large related by Buchanan and others and her imprisonment and Deposition professedly justified as lawfull by his Treatise De Iure Regni apud Scotos compiled for that purpose to which I shall referre the Reader What thâ— Lords and Realm of Scotland have done within these 5. yeers last past in defence of their Religion Lawes Liberties by holding generall Assemblies Parliaments taking up armes seising the Forts and Ammunition of the Realm and marching into England against the Kings consent and Proclamations is so fresh in memory so fuâ—ly related in the Acts of Oblivion and Pacification made in both Parliaments of England and Scotland ratified by the King himselfe and in particular Histories of this Subject that I shall not spend time to recite particulars but will rather conclude from all the premises with the words of Buchanan The Ancient custome of our Ancestors in punishing their Kings suffers not our forcing of the Queene to renounce her right unto the Crowne to her sonne to seeme a Novelty and the moderation of the punishment shewes it proceeded not from envie for so many Kings punished with death bonds banishment by our Ancestors voluntarily offer themselves in the ancient Monuments of Histories that we neede no forraigne examples to confirme our owne act For the Scottish Nation seeing it was free from the beginning created it selfe Kings upon this very Law that the Empire being conferred on them by the suffrages of the people if the matter required it they might take it away againe by the same suffrages of which law many footsteps have remained even to our age for in the Islands which lye round about us and in many places of the Continent wherein the Ancient language and constitutions have continued this very custome is yet observed in creating Governours likewise the Ceremonies which are used in the Kings inauguration have also an expresse image of this Law out of which it easily appeares that a Kingdome is nothing else but the mutuall stipulation betweene the people and their Kings the same likewise may be most apparently understood out of the inoffensive tenor of the ancient Law preserved from the very beginning of raigning among the Scots even unto our age when as no man in the meane time hath attempted not onely not to abrogate this Law but not so much as to shake it or in any part to diminish it Yea whereas our Ancestors have deprived so many Kings as would bee tedious to name of their Realme condemned them to banishment restrained them in prisons and finally punished them with death yet there was never any mention made of abating the rigor of the Law neither perchance undeservedly since it is not of that kinde of Lawes which are obnoâ—ious to the changes of times but of those ingraven in the mindes of men
not accounted of the family of Christ hath no place in the Arke Yet he who is but a little moved ought no more to doubt whether he ought to aide the afflicted members of the Church then whether he may helpe himselfe since in the Church all are one but rather every one is bound in his place to afford his helpe and assistance to them and so much the more helpe by how much the more riches he hath received from God not so much to be possessed as expended This Church as it is but one so likewise it is universally and intirely committed commended to all Christian Princes severally For because it had beene dangerous to commit the whole Church to any one and to commit the severall parts thereof to particular persons had beene clearely contrary to its unity God hath committed all of it to every of them and its particular parts to any of them Nor yet so as that they should onely defend it but also that they should have a care to propagate it as much as they are able Therefore if the Prince of the Countrey takes care of one part thereof perchance the German or Englâ—sh but yet deserts and neglects the other oppressed part if he be able to relieve it he is judged to have deserted the Church since the spouse of Christ verily is but one which he ought to defend and protect with all his might lest it should be violated or corrupted any where The instauration of this universall Church as private men are bound to promote with bended knees so Magistrates I say are obliged to doe it with their feet hands and all their strength Neither is the Ephesian Church one the Colossian auother and the rest but all these particular Churches are parts of the universall now the universall is the Kingdome of Christ which all private men ought to desire but Kings Princes Magistrates are bound to amplifie dilate defend and propagate every where and against all whomsoever Therefore among the Jewes there was one onely Temple built by Solomon which represented the unity of the Church Now he should be a ridiculous Churchwarden and to be punished who should take care onely to preserve one part safe and sound but suffer the rest to fall to decay likewise all Christian Kings when they are inaugurated receive a sword of purpose to defend the Catholike or universall Church which taking into their hand they point out all the quarters of the world and brandish it towards the East West South and North lest any part thereof should be thought excepted Since then they receive the protection of the Church in this manner without doubt they understand the true not false Church Therefore they ought to doe their endeavour to defend and to restore intirely that Church which they professe to be true and pure Now that thus it was observed by pious Princes examples may teach us In the time of Hezekiah King of Iudah the Kingdome of Israel was long before enthralled to the King of Assyria to wit from the time of King Hoshea therefore if that Church of God onely which is in the Kingdome of Iudah and not also the universall had beene committed to Hezekiah and if the bounds of the Realmes had been to be kept in defending the Church in the same manner as they are in imposing tribute without doubt Hezekiah especially at that season wherein the Assyrians enjoyed the Empire of the world would have contained himselfe But we see that he invited by posts all Israel the subjects I say of the King of Assyria to celebrate the passeover in Ierusalem and moreover that the godly in Israel helped them in pulling downe the high places even in the territories of Ephraim Manasses and the rest So likewise we read that King Iosiah a most godly Prince purged not onely his owne Kingdome but the Realme of Israel likewise then wholly subject to the King of Assyria from the worship of Idols Verily where the glory of God where the Kingdome of Christ are in question no limits no bounds no railes ought to exclude or keepe off the zeale of pious Princes But if peradventure some greater feare hangs over their heads they may remember by the example of these that those who truly feare the Lord can feare no man These examples of pious Princes since the time that the Church which was first circumscribed in Palestina hath beene spread over all the world many Christian Princes have followed Constantine and Licinius were both Emperours he of the East this of the West they were likewise colleagues endued with equall power Now it is known what is commonly spoken That one equall hath no Empire over another equall Yet notwithstanding Constantine made warre with Licinius who being vexed slew the Christians and among them many of the Nobles either for the cause or for the pretext of Religion by force obtaines free profession of Religion for the Christians and finally breaking his faith and reverting to his pristine cruelty he commanded him to be put to death at Thessalonica This I say did Constantine the great whose piety is so much celebrated by the Divines of that age that some of them will have that spoken of him written in the Prophet Esay That Kings should become nursing fathers and Pastors of the Church He being dead the Roman Empire was divided between both his sonnes by equall right no prerogative being annexed to either of them Of them Constans fostered the Orthodox Constantius the elder the Arrians and he verily expelled Athanasius the enemy of the Arrians out of Alexandria Truly if any rules of bounds ought to have beene kept it ought to have beene betweene brethren Yet in the meane time Constans threatned his brother if he restored not Athanasius being ready to doe it by force unlesse Constantius had speedily restored him intirely Now if so be he doubted not to doe this onely for the restoring of one Bishop might he not much more justly doe it where some part of the people is oppressed when they implore assistance when they desire to defend their Religion by the Nobles approbation So likewise Theodosius by the perswasion of Bishop Atticus undertook a warre against Chosroes King of Persia that he might releeve the Christians persecuted for Religion sake although they were truly privat men which surely those most just Princes who enacted so many Lawes and who had so great a care of Law had never done if they had imagined that by this their Act others territories and the Lawes of Nations had beene violated Yea to what end were so many expeditions of Christian Princes into Syria against the Saracens to what end were those Saladinian Dismes so oft imposed to what end so many sociall warres against the Turkes so many Crossadoes indicted against them if it be not lawfull for any Christian Princes even the most remote to free the Church from Tyranny and Christian captives from the yoke of bondage Now with what arguments were they impelled
the Pope by a meere divine right is the sole and supreme Monarch of the whole world and all the Kingdomes in it to dispose of them at his pleasure to whom and when he will without giving any account of his actions That all Emperours and Kings are but his vassals deriving and holding their Crownes from him by base unworthy services worse then villenage that they call and repute them their Popes vassals curs packe-asses with Bels about their neckes and use them like such if they offend the Pope For full proofe whereof out of their own Authours and practise I shall refer them to Doctor Richard Crackenthorps Booke Of the Popes temporall Monarcâ—y chap. 1. p. 1. to 27. worthy any mans reading to Iohn Bodins Commonwealth Lib. 1. cap. 9. Bishop Iewels view of a Seditious Bull and Doctor Iohn Whites Defence of the way to the true Church chap. 10. p. 43. Secondly That the Pope alone without a Councell may lawfully excommunicate censure depose both Emperours Kings and Princes and dispose of their Crownes and Kingdomes unto others That it is meete and necessary he should excommunicate and deprive all Kings who are either Heretickes or Apostates as they repute all protestant Princes or oppressors of the Common-wealth That as soone as such Princes are actually excommunicated or notoriously knowne to be Heretickes or Apostates their Subjects are ipso facto absolved from their governmeâ—t and Oathes of Allegiance whereby they were bound unto them and may yea ought to take up Armes against them to deprive them of their Kingdomes Thirdly That such hereticall tyrannicall oppressing Kings may be killed poysoned or slaine by open force of Armes not onely lawfully but with glory and commendations That this is to be executed by Catholikes and that it is not onely an heroicall but meritorious act worthy the highest Encomiums and a Saint-ship in the Roman Calender These two last propositions you may read abundantly proved by the words of Popish writers and forty examples of severall Emperours Kings and Princes which Popes and Papists have excommunicated deprived violently assaulted and murthered in Doctor Iohn Whites defence of the way to the true Church chap. 6. pag. 14. to 22. and chap. 10. p. 43. 44. in his Sermon at Pauls Crosse March 24. 1615. pag. 11. 12. in Bishop Iewels view of a seditious Bull in Bishop Bilsons true difference of Christian Subjection and unchristian rebellion part 3. throughout Aphorismi Doctrinae Iesuitarum King Iames his Apology against Bellarmine with his Answer to Cardinall Perron and sundry printed Sermons preached on the fifth of November to which I shall referre the Reader What security or protection then of his Majesties royall person Crowne Kingdomes can now be expected from our popish Recusants infected with these trayterous principles and branded with so many ancient moderne nay present Treasons and Rebellions against their Soveraignes let the world and all wise men seriously judge What faire quarter and brotherly assistance the Parliament Protestants Protestant Religion Lawes and Liberties of the Subject are like to receive from this popish Army the late Gunpowder Treason the Spanish Armado the English and French booke of Martyrs the present proceedings in Ireland Yorkeshire and elsewhere will resolve without dispute And what peace and safety the Kingdome may expect in Church of State whiles Popery and Papists have any armed power or being among us Doctor Iohn White hath long since proclaimed at Pauls Crosse and now we feele it by experience in these words Papistry can stand neither with peace nor piety the State therefore that would have these things hath just cause to suppresse it Touching our peace it hath not beene violated in our State these many yeares but by them nor scarce in any Christian State since Charles the Great his time but the Pope and his ministers have had a hand in it All these ill advisers to colour their close designe of re-establishing Popery principally intended can alleadge for arming Papists against Law is That the Parliament hath trayterously invaded the Kings Prerogatives in a high degree claimed a power and jurisdiction above his Majesty in sundry particulars yea usurped to its selfe a more exorbitant unlimited arbitrary authority in making Lawes imposing taxes c. then any Parliaments challenged in former ages to represse which insolences and reduce the Parliament to its due limits his Majesty is now necessitated to raise an Army and pray in ayde of Papists who in former ages have beene more moderate in their Parliaments and are like to prove most cordiall and loyall to his Majesty in this service To answer which pretence more fully though it be for the maine most palpably false yet by way of admission onely I shall suppose it true and with all possible brevity manifest That Parliaments Prelates Peeres Commons in times of Popery have both claimed and exercised farre greater authority over our Kings and their Prerogatives then this or any other Protestant Parliament hath done Wherefore Papists of all others have least cause to taxe the Parliaments proceedings and those ill Counsellors and his Majesty small reason to imploy or trust Papists in this service To descend to some particular heads of complaint involved in this generall First it is objected that the Parliament and some of its Advocates with its approbation affirme that the Parliament being the representative Body of the whole Kingdome is in some respects of greater power and authority then the King who though he be singulis major yet he is universis minor which is contrary to the Oath of Supremacy wherein every Subject doth utterly testifie and declare in his conscience that the Kings highnesse is THE ONELY SUPREAME GOVERNOUR of this Realme c. as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall causes as Temporall and a kinde of unkinging his Majesty no wayes to be indured To which I answer first that if this Doctrine be either Traytorous or Hereticall the Papists were the first broachers of it long agoe For Hen. de Bracton a famous English Lawyer who writ in King Henry the third his reigne lib. 2. cap. 16. f. 34. a. resolves thus But the King hath a SUPERIOUR to wit God Also the Law by which be is made a King likewise HIS COURT namely the EARLES AND BARONS because they are called Comites as being THE KINGS FELLOWES or companions and he who hath a fellow or associate hath a MASTER and therefore if the King shall be without a bridle that is without Law THEY OUGHT TO IMPOSE A BRIDLE ON HIM unlesse they themselves with the King shall be without bridle and then the Subject shall cry out and say O Lord Iesus Christ doe thou binde their jawes with bit and bridle c. A cleare resolution That the Law with the Earles and Barons assembled in Parliament are above the King and ought to bridle him when he exorbitates from the Law which he also seconds in
assembled all together as well Nobles as ignoble and Offa most valiant young man being their Captaine they expelled him from the kingdome which done unanimi omnium consensu by the unanimous consent of all as well Clergy as People they Crowned Offa a King Ceolwulfe King of Mercia An. 820. after one yeares Reigne was for his misâ—â—vernment expulsed by his people abandoning his Crowne and Country for the â—afety of his life Edâ—â—yn King of Mercia and Northumberland for his Misgovernment Tyranny oppression following vaine base wicked Counsellors rejecting the advise of the Wisest and noblest person was by the unanimous consent of all his Subjects removed from all Kingly dignity and deposed in whose place Edgar was elected King An. 957. DEO DICTANTE annuente populo Not to mâ—ntion the story of Archigallo one of our ancient British Kings in times of Paganisme Who giving himselfe to all dissention and strise imagining causes against his Nobles to put them from their goods and dignities setting up ignoble persons in their places and plucking away by sinister wrongfull meanes from the rich their wealth and goods by which he enriched himselfe and impoverished his Subjects was for these his conditions murmured against by his Subjects who of one assent lastly tooke and deprived him of all Kingly honour and dignity when he had Reigned almost five yeares making his Brother Elidurus King of Britaine by one assent in the yeare of the world 4915. Who after five yeares good Reigne feigning himselfe sicke assembled the Barons of the Land and by his discreet words and bearing loving carriage Perswaded them to restore Archigallo to his former honour and regalty and thereupon assembling a Councell of his Britaines at Yorke caused such meanes to be made to the Commons that in conclusion he resigned his Crowne to Archigallo Who being thus restored to his Crowne by joynt consent of the people remembred well the evill life that before time he had led and the punishment hee had suffered for the same Wherefore for eschewing the like danger he changed all his old conditions and became a good and righteous man ministring to the people equity and justice and bare himselfe so nobly towards his Lords and Rulers that he was beloved and dread of all his Subjects and so continued during the terme of his naturall life Nor yet to remember Emerian another old British King who for misordering of his people was deposed by them in the sixth yeare of his reigne and Ydwallo promoted to the Kingdome who taught by Emerian his punishment behaved himselfe justly all the time of his reigne or any more such precedents before the Conquest We finde the Popish Barons Prelates and Commons disavowing King Iohn whom they had formerly elected King for making warre upon them and wasting burning and spoyling the Kingdome like an Enemy and electing Lewis of France for their King to whom they did homage and fealty There are none so ignorant but know that the Popish Prelates Lords and Commons in Parliament Anno 1327. deposed King Edward the second their naturall King for his misgovernment and following and protecting ill Counsellors inforcing him by way of complement to resigne his Crowne threatning else that they would never endure him nor any of his Children as their Soveraigne but disclaiming all homage and fealty would elect some other for King not of his bloud whom themselves should think most fit and able to defend the kingdome After which they elected and crowned his son Edward the third for their King That Anno 1399. King Richard the second for sundry misdemeanours objected against him in 32. Articles in Parliament and breach of his Coronation Oath was judicially deposed by a Popish Parliament by a definitive sentence of deposition given against him which you may read at large in our Historians and Henry the fourth elected and created King in his stead In both which depositions the Popish Prelates were chiefe actors Anno 1462. King Henry the sixth Queene Margaret and Prince Edward their Sonne were by a popish Parliament disinherited of their right to the Crowne and Edward the fourth made King after which King Henry was by another Parliament recrowned and re-established in his kingdome and Edward the fourth declared a Traytor and usurper of the Crowne And not long after Edward taking King Henry prisoner and causing him to be murdered in the Tower another Popish Parliament Anno 1472. abrogated King Henries Lawes and re-established King Edward All this have our Popish Parliaments Prelates Lords and Commons formerly done and that rightly and legally as they then supposed which farre transcends the highest straines of pretended incroachments on his Majesties royalties by the present Parliament Secondly our Popish Parliaments Peeres and Prelates have oft translated the Crown from the right heires setled it on others who had no lawful right or title to it electing and acknowledging them for their onely Soveraigne Lords in which actions the Popish Prelates and Clergy were commonly the Ring-leaders witnesse their electing and crowning of Edward who was illegitimate and putting by Ethelred the right heire after Edgars decease An. 975. Their electing and Crowning Canutus King a meere forrainer in opposition to Edmund the right heire to King Ethelred Anno 1016. Of Harold and Hardiknute both elected and crowned Kings successively without title Edmund and Alfred the right heires being dispossessed and the latter imprisoned aâ—d tortured to death Anno 1036. and 1040. yet after Hardiknutes decease Edward surnamed the Confessor was chosen King by consent of Parliament And the English Nobilities upon the death of King Harold enacted That none of the Danish bloud should any more reigne over them After this Kings death Edgar Etheling who had best title was rejected and Harold elected and crowned King so after William the Conquerors decease Anno 1087. Robert the elder brother was pretermitted and William Rufus the younger brother crowned and established in the Throne After whose death Henry the first his younger brother though not next heire was elected King by the Clergy Nobles and Commons who refused to admit of any King but with capitulations and caveats to their owne liking upon faire promises for reforming bad and rigorous Lawes remission of Taxes exacted on the Subjects and punishment of the chiefe causers of them and a solemne Oath to frame good Lawes and ratifie Saint Edwards Lawes all which he really performed So after the death of Richard the first Iohn Earle of Morton was established and crowned King and his Nephew Arthur the right heire disinherited And he dying his sonne Henry the third was elected and crowned and Lewis made King in his fathers life by the Barons removed The like we finde in the case of K. Henry 4. K. Edw. 4. and Richard the third made Kings by Acts of Parliament by our Popish Prelates and Nobles with the Commons consent upon unlawfull or doubtfull Titles by way of usurpation and the right
hereditary line put by Such a transcendent power and jurisdiction as this to disinherit the right heire and transferre the Crowne to whom they thought meetest neither the present nor any other Protestant Parliaments Peeres or Subjects ever exercised though Popish Parliaments Prelates Lords and Commons have thus frequently done it of which you may reade more in 25 H. 8. c. 22. 26 H. 8. c. 12. 28 H. 8. c. 7. 35 H. 8. c. 1. and other Acts hereafter cited Thirdly the Lords and Commons in times of Popery have sent out Writs and summoned Parliaments in the Kings name and forced the King to call a Parliament without and against his full consent Thus Anno 1214. the Barons petitioned Kings Iohn to confirme Magna Charta and their Liberties tendered to him who having heard them read in great indignation asked Why the Barons did not likewise demand the Kingdome and swore that he would never grant those Liberties whereby himselfe should be made a servant So harsh a thing is it writes Daniel to a power that hath once gotten out into the wide liberty of his will to heare againe of any reducing within his circle not considering how those who inherit Offices succeed in the Obligation of them and that the most certaine meanes to preserve unto a King his kingdome is to possesse them with the same conditions that he hath inherited them The Barons hereupon raise a great Army at Stamford wherein were 2000. Knights besides Esquires constituting Robert Fitz-Walter their Generall intituling him the Marshall of the Army of God and holy Church seize upon the Kings Castles and the Londoners sending them a privie message to joyne with them and deliver up the City to be guided by their discretion thither they repaire and are joyfully received under pact of their indempnity After which they sent Letters to the Earles Barons and Knights throughout England who seemed although fainedly to adhere to the King exhorting them with a commination that as they loved the indemnity of their goods and possessions they should desert a perjured King and that adhering faithfully to them they should with them stand immovably and effectually contend for the Liberties and peace of the kingdome which if they contemned to doe they would with Armes and Banners displayed march against them as publike enemies subvert their Castles burne their houses and edifices and not cease to destroy their Ponds Parkes and Orchards Whereupon all the Lords Knights and people deserting the King who had scarce seven Knights in all left with him confederated themselves to the Barons The King seeing himselfe generally forsaken counterfeits the Seales of the Bishops and writes in their names to all Nations that the English were all turned Apostates and whosoever would come to invade them he by the Popes consent would conferre upon them al their lands and possessions But this devise working no effect in regard of the little credit they gave to and confidence they had in the King the truth being knowne all men detested such wickednesses and forgeries and so the King fell into his owne snares Hereupon the King fearing the Barons would take all his Castles without any obstacle though he conceived an inexorable hatred against them in his heart yet he craftily dissembled that he would make peace with them for the present ut cum furtim surrexisset in dissipata agmina acrius se vindicaret qui in omnes non poterat in singulos desaeviret Wherefore sending William Marshall Earle of Pembroke to them with other credible messengers he certified them that for the good of peace and the exaltation and honour of his kingdome he would gladly grant them the Lawes and Liberties they desired commanding the Lords by the same messengers that they should provide a fit day and place where they might meete and prosecute all these things Who related all these things deceitfully imposed on them without fraud to the Barons at London who appointed the King a day to come and conferre with them in a Meade betweene Stanes and Windsor called Running-meade on the 15. day of Iune Where both parties meeting at the day and conferring the King perceiving his forces too weake for the Barons who were innumerable easily granted their subscribed Lawes and Liberties without difficulty and confirmed them with his Charter Hand Seale Oath Proclamations and other assurances which you shall heare anon This meeting Daniel and others stile a Parliament as well as that at Clarindon and other assemblies in the open field the great Charter being therein first confirmed which Parliament the King by force of Armes was constrained to summon So Anno Dom. 1225. King Henry the third cancelling the Charter of the Forest at Oxford pretending that he was under age when he sealed and granted it at first and so a â—â—llity Hereupon the Barons confederate by Oath and put themselves in Armes at Stamford from whence they sent to the King requiring him to make restitution without delay of the Liberties of the Forests lately cancelled at Oxford otherwise they would compell him thereto with the sword to avoyd which danger he was enforced to summon a Parliament at Northampton where a concord was concluded on all hands Anno 1226. and so the Parliament brake up Anno 1237. Henry the third incensing his Nobility and generally all his Subjects by his entertainment of Forainers by whom he was ruled by marrying his sister Elianor to Simon de Monfort a banished Frenchman and his oppressions contrary to his Oath and promise in Parl. that year put them into a new commotion who thereupon made a harsh Remonstrance of their grievances to him by his brother Richard by means whereof the King was forced to call a Parliament at London Anno 1238. whither the Lords came armed to constraine the King if he refused to the reformation of his courses Anno 1250. King Henry is againe enforced by the Barons and 24 Peeres to call a Parliament at Oxford and at London against his will and to assent to ordinances therein made And Anno 1264. he was likewise constrained to call two other Parliaments at London and to assent to the new Ordinances therein proposed which he did onely to get time and circumvent the Barons Anno Dom. 1310. and 1311. King Edward the second was in a manner constrained at the instant supplication of his Nobles to summon a Parliament and to banish his Minion Pierce Gaveston against his will In the 14. and 15. yeares of this King the Barons raising an Army by force of Armes compelled him to summon a Parliament at Westminster and to passe an Act for the banishment of these two great Favorites the Spensers who miscounselled and seduced him and oppressed his people And in the last yeare of this Kings reigne his Popish Prelates Nobles and Commons taking him prisoner summoned a Parliament in his name much against his will wherein for his misgovernment they enforced him to resigne his
Crowne deposed him renounced their allegiance to him and set up his sonne King Edward the third in his Throne as you may reade at large in Walsingham Polychronicon Caxton Fabian Grafton Hollinshead Speed Stow Howes Daniel Mr. Fox and others who have written the History of his life In the yeare 1341. the 15. of Edward the third his reigne the Popish Lords Prelates and Commons in Ireland summoned a Parliament there by their owne authority without and against the Kings or Deputies consents wherein they framed divers Questions and Articles against the Kings Ministers there imployed which the Irish Annals record at large refusing to appeare at the Parliament there summoned by the Kings authority and Officers I reade in the Statute of 21 R. 2. c. 12. and our Historians have a touch of it That the Duke of Glocester and the Earles of Arundel and Warwicke assembled forcibly and in great number at Harengy and so came in such manner forcibly to the Kings Palace at Westminster arraied in manner of marre that the King might not then resist them without great perill of his body and destruction of his people so that by coertion and compulsion the said Duke and Earles made the King to summon a Parliament at Westminster the morrow after the Purification of our Lâ—dy the eleventh yeare of his reigne Which Parliament so begunne the said Duke and Earles in such forcible manner continued and in the same did give many and divers judgements as well of death of man as otherwise upon divers of the Kings liege people and did give judgement of forfeitures of lands tenements goods and cattels whereof they be convict of high Treason and also for certaine questions which were demanded by the King touching his estate and regality of certaine of his Iudges then at Notingham the same yeare And for their answers of the same given to the King upon the same questions the same Iustices were forejudged of their lives and judgement given against them of forfaiting their Lands Goods and Chattels and the said Duke and Earles made divers Statutes and Ordinances in that Parliament at their will the summons whereof was made expressely against the right of the Kings Crowne and contrary to the Liberty and Franchese of his person and Royall estate Whereupon it was by this packed over-awed Parliament and Act annulled revoked and holden as none as a thing done without Authority and against the will and liberty of the King and the right of his Crown Yet it continued in full force for 10. yeares space during which time there were 8 Parliaments held which would not repeale it and by the Parliament in 1 H. 4. c. 3 4. this Parliament of 21 R. 2. was repealed with all the circumstances and dependants thereof the Parliament and Statutes of 11 R. 2. Revived and enacted to be firmely holden and kept after the purport and effect of the same as a thing made for the great honour and common profit of this Realme After this in the 23 yeare of King Richard the third when he had yeelded himselfe prisoner to Henry Duke of Lancaster the Duke comming with him to London sent out summons for a Parliament to be holden the last of September in the Kings name sore against his will and enforced him first to resigne his Crowne unto him and afterwards caused him to bee judicially and solemnely deposed by consent of all the States of the Realme in Parliament for certaine abuses in his Government objected against him The whole manner of which resignation deprivation and proceedings you may reade at large in our Histories These Popish Prelates Lords and Commons enforcing their Kings to summon all these Parliaments with others which I pretermit might seeme to have some legall colour from the ancient Law of King Alfred who in an assembly of Parliament Enacted this for a perpetuall Custome That a Parliament should be called together at London TWICE EVERY YEARE OR OFTNER in time of Peace to keepe the people of God from sin that they might live in peace and receive right by certaine usages and holy judgements And from the Statutes of 4 E. 3. c. 4. 36 E. 3. c. 10. backing this ancient Law which enact That for the maintenance of the Lawes and Statutes and redresse of divers mischiefes and grievances which daily happen a Parliament shall be holden EVERY YEARE ONCE and MORE OFTEN IF NEED BE. Now these Lawes would have beene meerely voyd and ineffectual if these Kings who were obliged by their Coronation Oathes to observe them refusing to call a Parliament as often as there was need or at least once every yeare according to the purport of these Lawes might not be constrained by their Nobles Prelates people to summon them in case they peremptorily refused to call them of their owne accords or upon the motion or petition of their Counsell Lords and Commons Whereupon in the Bill newly passed this Session for a Trienniall Parliament for time to come there is speciall provision made how the Parliament shall be summoned and convented by the Lords Commons and great Officers of the Realme themselves without the Kings concurrent assent though by his Writ and in his name in case of his neglect or wilfull refusall to summon one within that time Neither is this a thing unusuall in other parts In the Generall Councell of Nice An. 363. Canon 5. it was decreed That a Councell should be held TWICE EVERY YEARE in every Province to regulate the affaires and abuses of the Church The Councell of Antioch Can. 20. appoints two Councels to be held every yeare in every Province the one the third weeke after Easter the other upon the 15. of October to heare and determine all Ecclesiasticall causes and controversies And in the 1. Councell of Constantinople Can. 3. The Councell of Africke Can. 18. Pope Leo the first in his Decretall Epistles Epist. 4. c. 17. The Counsell of Chalcedon Can. 19. the third Counsell of Toledo under King Reccaredus An. 600. cap. 18. the fourth Counsell of Toledo under King Sisenandus An. 681. The Greeke Synods Collected by Martin Bishop of Bracara cap. 18. the second Counsell of Aurelia Can. 2. the third at the same place Can. 1. and the fourth Can. 37. the second Synod of Towres Can. 1. the fifth Counsell of Aurelia cap. 22. the Counsell at Hereford under King Egfred An. 670. in Beda's Ecclesiast Hist. l. 4. t. 5. Pope Gregory the first in his Decretall Epistles lib. 7. Registri Epist. 110. the sixt Counsell of Constantinople Can. 8. the Counsell of Antricum Can. 7. the Counsell of Maseon Can. 20. Pope Gregory the third his Decretall Epistles The Synod of Suessons under King Childeric the Counsell under King Pepin at the Palace of Vernis An. 755. cap. 4. The Counsell of Paris under Lewis and Lothaire An. 829. l. 3. cap. 11. The Counsell of Melden An. 845. cap. 32. With sundry other Counsells decree that a
lived in the time of Charlemayne under the Reigne of King Lewis called Sanctus when France was in her flourishing Estate and the Princes and Lords were of souple nature ranking with the termes of duty and obedience the Parliaments were ruled and assured at certaine seasons of the yeare For in times of Peace foure Parliaments were holden yearely or three at the least And the same was used under the Reigne of his Sonne Philip the Hardy Third of the name In the time of Philip de Bel. his Sonne King of France and Navarre they were reduced to two Parliaments yearely according to the ancient custome One in Winter and the other in Summer during Peace and but one in Winter during Warre It appeareth neverthelesse by the Registers of the Court that by hinderance of warre against the Rebellious Flemmings there was not any Parliament during some yeares And the King by his Ordinance dated the Munday after Mid-lent An. 1302. set downe in the Register of ancient Orders of Parliament fol. 45. Willed that for the commodity of his Subjects there should be every yeare two Parliaments at Paris and in other Provinces as Andrew Favin Records By which it is apparent that Parliaments in France Spaine and other kingdomes were not arbitrarily called at the Kings free pleasures as seldome as they pleased but frequently summoned every yeare once twice or more at certaine seasons publike Acts of Parliament for the better government of these Realmes redresse of grievances and preservation of the peoples Liberties against all royall encroachments on them In Germany though Diets and Assemblies of the States be commonly made by the Emperours and in their names yet we find that the Princes Electors and Estates have assembled not onely without but against the Emperours consents when they saw good cause and not onely questioned but deposed their Emperours and elected new in their steads of which there are sundry precedents in the lives of Ludovicus pius Henry the 1 4 5 6 7. Frederickes Barbarossa Charles the Grosse Winceslaus Philip Otho the fourth Ludovicus Bavarus and others In this regard therefore of forcing Kings to summon Parliaments so frequent with Popish Prelates Peeres Subjects both in our owne and other Realmes our present Protestant Parliament and all others since the Reformation have beene more moderate and dutifull then those in times of Popery heretofore or then the Popish Rebels in Ireland are now who have lately at Kilkenny held a kinde of Parliament erected new Lawes and Officers of Iustice enacted new Lawes and Ordinances as well Civill and criminall as Martiall and done as much herein without the Kings assent or Commission as our King and Parliament could doe if conjoyned Fourthly Our Popish Barons Prelates and Commons have refused to meete in Parliament when the King hath summoned them by his Writ An. Dom. 1233. King Henry the third summoned his Earles and Barons to appeare at a Parliament at Oxford where the King now resides but they all joyntly sent him an expresse message that they would not come upon his summons for that the Kings person went guarded with Poictovines and other strangers who swayed and miscounselled him as ill Counsellors doe now the King so as they could not there appeare with safety at which message the King grew very angry resolving that they should be once twice and thrice summoned to appeare Whereupon Roger Bacon who usually preached before the King freely told him That if he did not remove from him Peter Bishop of Winchestor and Peter de Rivallis his malignant Counsellors he could never be quiet And Roger Bacon a Clergy man also of a pleasant wit seconding Roberts advise told the King that Petrae and Rupes were most dangerous things at Sea alluding to the Bishops name Petrus de Rupibus The King hereupon comming a little to himselfe and taking that good advise of Schollers which he would not of his Peeres summons another Parliament to be holden at Westminster giving the world to know withall that his purpose was to amend by their advise whatsoever was to be amended But the Barons considering that still there arrived more and more strangers men of warre with Horse and Armes as now alas we see they doe and not trusting the Peictovine Faith as we have now cause to mistrust the perfidious papists and malignant Cavaliers and seeing no footsteps of peace our present condition refused to come at the appointed day sending the King word by solemne Messengers that he should without any delay remove Peter Bishop of Winchester and the other Poictovines out of his Court which if he refuâ—ed they all of them by the common consent of the whole kingdome would drive him with his wicked Counsellors out of the Kingdome and consult about creating a new King These things thus acted the King was much dejected in mind and all his Court too hanging downe their heads and fearing not a little lest the errors of the Sonne should become worse then the Fathers errors whom his Subjects indeavouring to depose from his Royall Throne almost detruded him to that name which was given him by a certaine presage Iohn the Banished Wherefore he could easily have beene drawne to redeeme the love of his naturall Liegemen with the disgrace of a few strangers But the Bishop of Winchester with other his ill Counsellors and Poictovine Cavaliers counselled him to take up Armes against his rebellious Subjects as they stiled them and to give their Castles and Lands to them who would defend him and the kingdome of England from these Traytors The Counsell now given to his Majesty by his ill Counsellours and Cavaliers hereupon the King inclining to the worser part raiseth an Army of Poictovine foraine Souldiers which came to him being sent for out of Flanders from whence the King now hath many old Souldiers and Commanders sent him seiseth a Manour of Guilbert Bassets a Noble man given him by King Iohn calling him Traytor when he demanded it sets downe a day wherein all his Lords he suspected should deliver him sufficient pledges of their loyalty and being at Glocester with his Army whither the Lords refused to come being required the King thereupon as if they were Traytors burnes their Manors destroyes their Parkes and Ponds besiegeth their Castles and without the judgement of his Court and of their Peeres denounceth them exiles and banished men gives their Lands to the Poictovines and adding griefe to griefe wound to wound commanded their bodies to be apprehended where ever they were within the kingdom he likewise sends a defiance to the Earle Marshall whose Lands he had wasted who thereupon understood himselfe discharged of that obligation by which he was tyed to the King and free to make his defence Whereupon he seeing neither Faith nor Oath nor Peace to be kept by the King or his ill Counsellours who contrary to their promise and Oath refused to deliver up his Castle which they promised to render to him
against his well-liking caused him to ratifie them with his Seale and to take his corporall Oath to observe them Which done the Arch-bishop of Canterbury with his Suffragans solemnely denounced a sentence of excommunication against al who should contradict these Articles which they caused to be openly read in Pauls Church London in the presence of the Prelates Lords and Commons of the whole kingdom the King being present Among which Articles they demanded That Magna Charta with other provisions necessary to the Church and Realme should be observed that the King as his Father had commanded should thrust al Strangers out of his Court and kingdome and remove ill Counsellours from him That he would thenceforth order all the affaires of the kingdome by the Counsel of the Clergy and Lords and begin no war nor depart any where out of the kingdome without common consent The King consented to the Articles and banished Piers into Ireland No sooner was the Parliament dissolved but the King neglecting his Fathers solemne adjurations together with his owne Oath never to reduce Piers sends for him back to his Court marrieth him to the Countesse of Glocester his owne sisters daughter sheweth him more favour then ever Resolving with himselfe to retaine this Gaveston mangre all his Earles Barons and for the love of him to put his Crowne and life in perill when time should serve In which whether the King or his Favourite shewed lesse discretion it is not at the first easily determined it being as unsafe for the one with so offensive behavior to affect immoderate shew and use of grace as for the other to the injury of his name and Realme to bestow the same But upon the Queenes complaint to the King of France her Brother of Piers his insolence and prodigality and on the Barons message to the King by common consent That he should banish Piers from his company and observe the effect of the foresaid Articles or else they would certainly rise up against him as a perjured person by a like vow which speech seemed hard to the King because he knew not how to want Piers but yet discerned that more danger would spring up if he obeyed not the Lords Petition Piers rather by the Kings permission then good liking did the third time abjure the Realme with this proviso that if at any time afterward he were taken in England he should be forthwith put to death as a perilous enemy to the Kingdome yet he returning in Christmas to the King at Yorke the Lords spirituall and temporall to preserve the Liberties of the Church the kingdom and remove this Viper elected Tho. Earle of Lancaster for their Generall and sent honorable messengers to the King requesting him to deliver Piersinto their hands or drive him from his company out of England as being perswaded while that King-bane breathed peace could never be maintained in the Realme nor the King abound intreasure nor the Queene enjoy his love But the wilfull King would not condescend Whereupon the Lords thus contemned and deluded presently raise an Army and march with all speed towards Newcastle not to offer injury or molestation to the King writes Walsingham the case and purpose of the preâ—ent Parliaments Army but that they might apprehend Piers himselfe and judge him according to the Laws enacted Which when the King heard he fled together with Piers to Tynemouth and from thence to Scarborough Castle Where Piers was forced to yeeld himselfe upon condition to speake but once more with the king And then carried to Warwick Castle where he had his head strucke off at the command and in the presence of the Earles of Lancaster Warwicke and Hereford as one who had beene a subverter of the Lawes and an open Traytor to the kingdome and that without any judiciall proceedings or triall of his Peeres though an Earle and so deare a Favorite of the Kings Which bred a lasting hatred betweene the King and his Nobles Who being afterwards charged by the King in Parliament with their contempt against him in the spoiles committed by them at Newcastle and wickedly killing Piers they stoutly answered That they had not offended in any point but deserved his royall favour for that they had not gathered force against him but against the publike enemy of the Realme And then obtained an Act of Pardon that no man should be questioned for Gavestons returne or death printed in old Magna Charta Not long after this unfortunate King doting upon the two Spencers as much as ever he did on Gavesâ—on to whom they succeeded not onely in pride rapine oppression and intolerable inâ—olencies but even in height of familiarity and power with the King So as they ruled and lead the King as they pleased in so much that no Earle Baron or Bishop was able to dispatch any thing in Court without their advise and favour which made them generally envied of all because they domineered over all The Lords and Barons hereupon confederated together to live and die for justice and to their power to destroy the Traytors of the Realme especially the two Spencers And meeting together with their forces at Shirborne Thomas of Lancaster being their Captaine they tooke an oath to prosecute their designe to the division of soule and body Then they spoyled these Spencers and their friends goods take their Castles by violence waste their Manors through malice slay their servants utterly omitting the usuall wayes of Law and equity and following the impetuousnesse of their minds they march on to Saint Albons with Ensignes displayed and sent solemne messengers to the King then at London commanding him not onely to rid his Court but kingdome too of the Traytors of the Realme the Spencers condemned in many Articles which they had framed against them by the Commonalty of the Realme if he loved the peace of the Kingdome And they further required the King to grant letters Patents of indempnity to themselves and all such as had bore armes in their company that they should not be punished by the King or any other for their forepast or present transgressions The King denyed both these demands at first as unjust and illegall swearing that he would not violate his Coronation Oath in granting such a pardon to contemptuous Delinquents Whereupon running to their armes they marched up to London entred the City and to avoyd danger the King through the Queenes and others mediation condescended to their desires passing an Act for the Spencers banishment and the Barons indemnities which you may reade in ancient Magna Chartaes Upon this the Barons departed neither merry nor secure despairing of the Kings Benevolence which made them goe alwayes armed and to retire to safe places The King soone after recalling the Spencers reversed the sentence against them as erroneous gathers an Army encounters and defeates the Barons and puts many of them to death by these Spencers procurements who not content with their bloud procured also
but being apprehended and brought backe to the Parliament in the forenoone had sentence to be drawne to Tiburne in the afternoone and there to have his Throate cut which was done accordingly The King seeing these proceedings by advise of his ill Counsellors absented himselfe from his Parliament and sent Michael de la Pole then Lord Chancellor to demand foure fifteenes in his name of the Commons for that without lesse he could not maintaine his estate and outward warre To which the body of the Parliament made answer that without the King were present they would make therein no answer and that unlesse the King would remove him from his Chancellorship they would no further meddle with any Act this Parliament The King upon this sent to the Commons that they should send to Eltham where he then lay 40. of the wisest and best learned of the Commons who in the name of the whole House should declare unto him their minde Upon which message the House were in more feare then before for there went a talke that the King intended to betray divers of them which followed not his minde either that way or at a banquet appointed to be made purposely at London if Nicholas Exton the Mayor of London would have consented thereunto at which time the Duke of Glocester should have beene taken Wherefore the Lords and Commons assembled together agreed with one assent that the Duke of Glocester and Bishop of Ely should in the name of the whole Parliament be sent to the King to Eltham which was done and the King well pleased that they should come When they came into his presence they most humbly saluted him and said Most high and redoubted Soveraigâ—e Lord the Lords and Commons of this your Parliament assembled with most humble subjection unto your most royall Majesty desire your most gracious favour so that they may live in tranquillity and peace under you to the pleasure of God and wealth of the Realme On whose behalfe we also shew unto you that one old statute and landable custome is approved which no man can deny That the King our Soveraigne Lord may once in the yeare lawfully summon his high Court of Parliament and call the Lords and Commons thereunto as to that which is the highest Court of this Realme In which Court all equity and justice must shine even as the Sunne when it is at the highest whereof poore and rich may take refreshing where also must be reformed all the oppressions wrongs exactions and enormities within the Realme and there to consult with the wise men for the maintenance of the Kings estate And if it might be knowne that any persons within the Realme or without intended the contrary there also must be devised how such evill weeds might be destroyed There also must be studyed and soreseene that if any charge doe come upon the King and his Realme how it may be well and honourably supported and sustained Hitherto it is thought by the whole Realme that your Subjects have lovingly demeaned themselves to you in ayding you with substance to the best of their powers and they desire to have knowledge how and by whom these goods be spent One thing resteth yet to declare in their behalfe unto you how that by an old Ordinance they have an Act if the King absent himselfe forty dayes not being sicke but of his owne minde not heeding the charges of his people nor their great paines will not resort to his Parliament they then may lawfully returne home to their houses And now Sir you have beene absent a longer time and yet refuse to come amongst us which greatly is our discomfort And our Parliaments present case To this the King answered by these words Well we doe consider that the people and Commons goe to rise against us wherefore we thinke we can doe no better than to aske ayde of our Cosin the French King and rather submit us to him than to our owne Subjects The Lords answered Sir that Counsell is not best but a way rather to bring you into danger For it is well knowne that the French King is your ancient enemy and your greatest adversary and if he set foot once within your Realme he will rather dispoyle you invade you and depose you from your estate Royall than put any hand to helpe you c. And as that King cannot be poore that hath rich people so cannot he be rich that hath poore Commons And all these inconveniences be come by the evill Counsell which are about you And if you put not your helping hand to the redresse of the premises this Realme of England shall be brought to nought and utter ruine which clearely shou'd be laid to your default and in your evill Counsell Seeing that in the time of your Father this Realme throughout all the world was highly esteemed and nothing ordered after these wayes Wherefore we be sent unto you to exhort you to sequester all such persons as might be the occasion of ruine either of you or else of your Realme By these good perswasions the King was appeased and promised within three dayes after to come to the Parliament and to condescend to their Petitions And according to his appointment he came Where soone after Iohn Fordham Bishop of Durham was discharged of the Treasurourship and the Bishop of Hereford set in his place De la Pole was put from his Chancellourship for dive scrimes frauds briberies and treasons by him committed to the prejudice of the King and his Realme committed to the Tower and fined twenty thousand Markes to the King in relieving of the Commons Divers other Judges knights Delinquents of all sorts were condemned executed others banished and their states confiscated others put out of Offce by this Parliament as you may read in our Histories and in the Statutes at large in which Statutes the mischievous effects of these evill Counsellors to King kingdome and people are at full related whereby the King and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholly undone and destroyed the Lords raising of Forces against them resolved to be lawfull and these traytorous Delinquents made uncapable of any pardâ—n and their raising of Armes against the Parliament and kingdome though with the Kings owne consent and his command declared and enacted to be high Treason These proceedings ratified and assented to in Parliament by the King much against his will wrought an intolerable secret hatred and desire of revenge in his heart against the Lords which for want of power he concealed neare ten yeares space but in the twentyeth yeare of his Reigne being somewhat elevated in his spirit with a rumour that he should be elected Emperour he suddenly apprehended the Duke of Glocester the Earles of Warwicke and Arundell the chiefe sticklers in the premises committing them to severall prisons And to blinde the peoples eyes lest they should rise up in Armes to rescue these Lords the King sent out
a seigned Proclamation which he caused to be proclaimed throughout the Realme that these Lords were apprehended only for new Treasons committed against him for which he would prosecute them in the next Parliament and not for the old trespasses After which he proclaimes those Lords Traytors Which done he summoned a Parliament at Westminster to this Parliament the King commanded to come all such as he had best confidence in omitting the rest and the Knights were not elected by the Commons as custome required they should be but by the Kings pleasure yea he put out divers persons elected and put in other in their places to serve his turne which was one Article objected against him when he was deposed Against the time of this Parliament the King received a guard of 4000. Archers all Cheshire men as if he would have gone in battle against enemies so that divers came armed to the Parliament out of feare These Cheshire men were rude and beastly people and so proud of the Kings favour that they accounted the King to be their fellow and set the Lords at nought though few of them were Gentlemen but taken from the Plough and other Trades After these rusticall people had a while Courted they grew so bold that they would not let neither within the Court nor without to beat and slay the Kings good Subject as the Cavaliers doe now and to take from them their victuals at their pleasure paying little or nothing for them and to ravish their wives and daughters And if any man presumed to complaine to the King of them he was soone rid out of the way no man knew why nor by whom so that in effect they did what they listed In this Parliament the King having made the Speaker and a great part of mercinary proud ambitious men of the Commons House to be of his side to act what he required them he then prevailed likewise with the Upper House first with the Prelates then with the Lords more out of feare of him then any reason by meanes whereof the Commission Charters of pardon and Acts made in Parliament in the 10. and 11. yeares of his Reigne were quite revoked and declared voyd in Law as being done without authority and against the will and liberty of the King and of his Crowne And withall they declared the Iudges opinions for which they were condemned in that Parliament to be good and lawfull and attainted the said imprisoned Lords of high Treason and confiscated their lands The two Earles hereupon were beheaded and the Duke by reason of his popularity sent over to Callice and there by Hall and others smotâ—ered onely for their former actions which done the King adjourned the Parliament to Shrewsbury where he subtilly procured an Act to passe by common consent that the power of the Parliament should remaine in seven or eight persons who after the Parliament dissolved should determine certaine petitions delivered that Parliament and not dispatched By colour whereof Those Committees proceeded to other things generally touching the Parliament and that by the Kings appointment in derogation of the state of the Parliament the discommodity and pernicious example of the whole Realme And by colour and authority hereof the King caused the Parliament Rols to be altered and defaced against the effect of the foresaid grant After which he much vexed and oppressed his people with divers forced Loanes Oathes Impositions and oppressing Projects to raise money seeking to trample them under his feet and destroy the Realme and tooke all the Jewels of the Crown with him into Ireland without the kingdomes consent Which rendered him so odious to his people that Henry Duke of Lancaster landing in England the whole kingdome came flocking to his ayde so that he had an Army of 60000. men in a short time who vowed to prosecute the Kings ill Counsellours Whereupon King Richard returning out of Ireland hearing of the Dukes great Army assembled against him and knowing that they would rather dye than yeeld out of their hatred and feare of him he dismissed his Courtiers hiding obsurely in corners till he was apprehended and by a Parliament summoned in his name though against his will judicially deposed for his misgovernment Among the Articles exhibited against him in Parliament for his evill government for which he was by sentence dethroned these are remarkable First That hee wastfully spent the Treasure of the Realme and had given the possessions of the Crowne to men unworthy by reason whereof daily new charges more and more were laid on the neckes of the poore Commonalty And when divers Lords were appointed by the high Court of Parliament to commune and treate of divers matters concerning the Common-wealth of the same which being busie about those Commissions he with other of his affinity went about to impeach them of high Treason and by force and threatning compelled the Iustices of the Realme at Shrewesbury to condescend to his opinion for the destruction of the said Lords In somuch that hee began to raise warre against John Duke of Lancaster Thomas Earle of Arundell Richard Earle of Warwicke and other Lords contrary to his honour and promise Item He assembled certaine Lancashire and Cheshire men to the intent to make warre on the foresaid Lords and suffered them to rob and pillage without correction or reproofe Item Although the King ftatteringly and with great dissimulation made Proclamation throughout the Realme that the Lords before named were not attached for any crime of Treason but onely for extortions and oppressions done in the Realme yet he laid to them in the Parliament rebellion and manifest Treason Item He hath compelled divers of the said Lords servants and friends by menace and extreame paines to make great fines to their utter undoing And notwithstanding his pardon to them granted yet he made them fine of new Item That he put out divers Sheriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes divers of his owne Minions subverting the Law contrary to his Oath and Honour Item For to serve his purpose he would suffer the Sheriffes of the Shire to remaine above one yeare or two Item He borrowed great sums of money and bound him under his Letters Patents for repayment of the same and yet not one penny paid Item He taxed men at the Will of him and his unhappy Counsell and the same Treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their victuall and viand Item He said That the Lawes of the Realme were in his head and sometime in his brest by reason of which phantasticall opinion he destroyed Noble men and impoverished the Commons Item The Parliament setling and exacting divers notable Statutes for the profit and advancement of the Commonwealth he by his private friends and solicitors caused to be enacted That no Act then enacted should be more prejudiâ—iall to him than it was to any of his Predecessors though with proviso he did often as he listed and not
as the Law meant Item That he at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money besides Plate and Iewels without Law or custome contrary to his Oath taken at his Coronation Item That without the assent of the Nobility he carried the Iewels Plate and Treasure of the kingdome over the Sea into Ireland to the great impoverishing of the Realme And all the good Records for the Common-wealth and against his extortions he privily caused to be imbezeled and conveyed away Item When divers Lords and Iustices were sworne to say the truth for divers things to them committed in charge both for the honour of the Realme and profit of the King the said King so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right Item He most tyrannically and unprincely said that the lives and goods of all his Subjects were in the Princes hands and at his disposing Item He craftily devised certaine privie Oathes contrary to the Law and caused divers of his Subjects first to be sworne to observe the same and after bound them in bonds for the firmer keeping of the same to the great undoing of many honest men Which how parallel they are to the late and present Court Practises and Doctrines of our times let wise men determine The King being thus Judicially dethroned in Parliament Henry the fourth by the same Parliament which continued notwithstanding Richards deposition who summoned it was created King who in the first Parliament of his Raigne reversed and annulled as illegall the Parliament of 21 Richard 2. with all its Acts Circumstances and dependants and revived that of 11 Richard 2. in all points as made for the great honour and common profit of this Realme To these I might adde the Rebellious insurrections of Richard Scroope Arch-bishop of Yorke the Earle of Northumberland and their Complices against King Henry the fourth Anno 1405. to reforme the State and government relieve the Church and Common-weale and Depose King Henry in and by a forced Parliament The insurrection of the Popish Nobles against King Stephen for violating his Oath touching Forests and other immunities of Church and Common-wealth which they would force him to confirme the severall insurrections of Jacke Cade Jacke Straw Wat Tyler and their Popish Vâ—lgar rabble to force their King to call Parliaments to alter and repeale old Lawes enact new displace offensive great Officers promote new onâ—es of their nomination to ratifie what propositions they required and subvert the government of the Realme with the severall Rebellions of the Popish Lincolneshire and Yorke-shire men under Doctor Mackarell a Monke and some men of quality in Henry the eighth his raigne Of the Cornish men Norfolke men Kent and others in Edward the sixth his Rule of the Popish Earles of Northumberland Westmorland and other Northerne Papists in Queene Elizabeths dayes by force of Armes to compell these severall Princes to summon Parliaments to repâ—ale all Lawes against Masse and Popery and for the establishment of the Protestant Religion with other Acts concerning the government of the Common-wealth to enact divers new Lawes and propositions which they demanded to remove great Officers and privie Counsellors from their places and the like All which transcend the Acts and proceedings of this or any other our Protestant Parliaments or subjects being done without any preceding Order or resolution of both Houses representing the whole kingdome and against the generall consent of the people But I shall conclude with one ancient precedent more in one of our best Kings reignes In 25 E. 1. The Lords and Commons in Parliament grievoâ—sly complained and Petitioned to the Kingâ—against divers taxes tallages and prisages wherewith they were oppressed by him to the great impoverishing of the Realme against the violation of Magna Charta the Charter of the Forest the imposition upon Wools and their summons to goe with him into Flanders to which they were not bound by Law The king excusing these taxes by reason of his necessity to maintaine the warres and giving them a dilatory answer the Earle Marshall and Hereford withdrew themselves from Parliament and with their complices commanded the Barons of the Eschequer not to â—evie the eighth penny of the people granted to the King at Saint Edmonds and induced the Citizens of London to joyne with them to recover their Liberties Whereupon the King sending to them for peace they would condescend to no peace but on these termes That the king should confirme Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta with the other Articles to them annexed that he should exact and take â—o â—o aides taxe or tallage from the Clergy or Commons without their commoâ— consent in Parliament and that he should remit all offences to these Earles and their confederates all which the King ratified by his Charter at large by his oath and by a solemne excommunication of the Bishops twice every yeare of all those who should transgresse this Charter of his For which the Laity gave him the ninth and the Clergy the tenth penny of their goods And because this confirmation was made in Scotland the Kings and divers others promised for him that he should confirme it when he came into England which they pressing him to doe in a Parliament at London in the 27. yeare of his reign after some delaies he ratified it with this addition in the close saving the right of our Crowne which when the Lords heard they departed home in great discontent but the King re-summoning them at quindena Pasche granted all things absolutely according to their desire committing the per-ambulation of the Forests throughout England to three Bishops three Earles and three Barons to settle their bounds according to God and justice which not being speedily executed but neglected the King having purchased a dispensation of his oath wherewith he had ratified his foresaid Charter from the Pope hereupon the king holding a Parliament at Stamford the 29. of his reigne the Lords and Barons repaired thither with great store of horses and Arms with a purpose to extort a full execution of the Charter of the Forests hitherto deferred upon which the King considering their earnestnesse and importunity condescended to their will in all things Sixthly Parliaments Lords and Prelates in former times have affirmed that when a Parliament was once met together by lawfull summons it might not be dissolved or discontinued againe at the Kings meere pleasure till all the publike affaires for which it was called were dispatched all grievances redressed and all Petitions exhibited therein fully heard and answered agreeable to the resolution of the great Councels of Basil Constans and divers Popish Writers that a generall Councell once lawfully summoned by the Pope and met cannot be dissolved by him againe at his pleasure without the Councels consent before all the Churches affaires be therein setled Vpon which resolution these Councels continued together and deposed sundry Popes notwithstanding
their Buls to dissolve them to keepe themselves in their chaires This is apparent first by the Ancient Treatise Of the manner of holding Parliaments in England which informes us That the first day of the Parliament publike Proclamations ought to be made in the City or Towne where the Parliament is kept That all those who would deliver Petitions or Bils to the Parliament should deliver them in a certaine time That the Parliament should not depart so long as any Petition made thereto hangeth undiscussed or undecided or at the least to which there is not made a determinate answer the Kings Majesty being desirous of his grace and favour to give the Subject redresse of any injury not to suffer his people to goe unsatisfied Hence departing of the Parliament OUGHT TO BE in such manner First IT OUGHT TO BE demanded yea and publickely proclaimed in the Parliament and within the Pallace of the Parliament whether there be any that hath delivered a Petition to the Parliament and hath not received answer thereto If there be none such it is supposed that every one is satisfyed or else answered unto at the least So far forth as by Law it may be And then all may depart Hence it was that in 21 R. 2. c. 16 17 18 19. Divers Petitions not read nor answered in Parliament by reason of shortnesse of time and not determined sitting the Parliament were by special Acts of Parliament referred to divers Lords and Commons to examine answer and plainely determine all matters contained in the said Petitions as they should thinke best by their good advise and discretion even out of Parliament which they heard and determined accordingly and made binding Acts thereupon as appeares by the Statutes themselves This Doctrine was very well knowne to King Iohn Henry the 3. Edward the 2. Richard the 2. Henry the 6. and Edward the 4. the Parliaments which opposed and deposed most of them sitting and continuing sitting both before and after their deposing sore against their wills as the fore-remembred histories manifest else no doubt they would have broken up all these Parliaments at their pleasure and never permitted such Acts and Judgements to passe against themselves Favorites ill Counsellours pretended Prerogatives had they lawfull power to dissolve them summoned in their names or the Parliaments actually determined by their depositions or resignations as we find they did not and none ever yet held they did King Richard the 2. fearing the losse of his Crowne or some restraints by Lawes in the 11. yeare of his Reigne proposed this question among others to his Judges at Nottingham Castle which for ought I finde was never doubted before Whether the King whensoever pleaseth him might dissolve the Parliament and command his Lords and Commons to depart from thence or not Whereunto it was of one minde answered That he may And if any would proceed in the Parliament against the Kings will he is to be punished as a Traytor For which opinion and others some of these Judges and Lawyers as Tresilian and Blake were condemned of high Treason the next Parliament 11 R. 2. drawn upon a Hurdle to Tyburne and there executed as Traytors to the King and Commonwealth others of them who delivered their opinions rather out of feare of death and bodily tortures than malice were yet condemned as Traytors and banished the kingdome onely their lives were spared True it is that the packed and over-awed Parliament of 21 R. 2. terrifyed by the Kings unruly great Guard of Cheshire Archers forementioned 21 R. 2. c. 12. being specially interrogated by the King how they thought of these answers of the Judges said That they thought they gave their answers duely and faithfully as good and lawfull liege people of the King ought to doe But yet the Parliament of 1 H. 4. â— 3 4. repealed this Parliament of 21 R. 2. with all its circumstances and dependents revived the Parliament of 11 R. 2. with the judgements and proceedings given against these trecherous temporising Judges as a thing made for the great honour and common profit of the Realme Besides the Statutes of King Alfred and Edward the 3. which enact that a Parliament shall be holden once every yeare and oftner if need be for redresse of mischiefes and grievances which daily happen strongly intimate that if a Parliament ought in Law to be called as often as neede is of purpose to redresse the Subjects grievances and mischiefes then it ought not in point of Law to be dissolved till these grievances and mischiefes be redressed else the summoning of it would be to no purpose and bring a great trouble and charge to the whole kingdome without any benefit at all Moreover the King by his Oath is bound to doe equall justice and right to all his Subjects in all his Courts of Justice In Magna Charta c. 29. he makes this Protestation We shall deny nor deferre to no man either Iustice or Right and by sundry other Acts all the Kings Iudges are sworne and commanded to doe even Law and execution of right to all his Subjectes rich or poore without having regard to any person and without letting or delaying to doe right for any Letters Writs or Commandements that shall come to them from the King or any others and shall doe nothing by vertue of them but goe forth to doe the Law and hold their Courts and Processes where the Pleas and matters be depending before them notwithstanding as if no such Letters Writs or Commandements were come unto them The makers therefore of these Oathes and Lawes in dayes of Popery and the Parliaments of 2 E. 3. c. 8. 14 E. 3. c. 14. 1 R. 2. c. 2. 11 R. 2. c. 9. which enact That it shall not be commanded by the great seale or little seale to delay or disturbe common right and though such commandments doe come the Iustices shall not therefore leave to doe right in ANY POINT that Iustice and right be indifferently ministred to every of the Kings Subjects did certainely beleeve that the King neither by his great nor privy seale nor by Writ or Letter could without just or lawfull cause assigned prorogue or adjourne the Terme or sitting of any Courts of Justice much lesse prorogue or dissolve his highest Court and grand Councell of the Realme the Parliament or disable them to fit to redresse the kingdomes and Subjects severall grievances or secure the Realm from danger Which if he might lawfully doe at his pleasure without the Houses joynt assents there would necessarily follow not onely a deferring and deniall but likewise a fayler of Justice in the highest Court of Justice which these Acts disable the King who is so farre inferior to the Law that he cannot so much as delay the smallest proceedings of it in any Court or Session by his supreame power by any meanes whatsoever to effect in his meanest Courts much lesse then in the greatest from whence the subversion of Lawes
may justly it must necessarily be restrained diminished or resumed by the Parliament from whose assent or grant it first proceeded and that onely for the publique weale not prejudice of the people The Emperour Otho the first and our King Richard and second as some imagine voluntary resigned relinquished their Crownes to their immortall honour to prevent the effusion of their Subjects blood by civill warres and settle peace within their Realmes and shall not other Kings then most joyfully part with some Punctilioes of their reall or branches of their supposed Prerogatives for the selfesame ends if their Parliaments see good cause to resume them and of right may doe it Fifthly The King though he be the chiefe and principall yet he is onely one member of the Parliament and kingdome the least because but one person though the highest branch the Lords and Commons not elected by but assigned Counsellors to the King by the kingdome and people being the greatest and most considerable part as representing the intire body of the Kingdome Now common reason Law and experience manifests and Aristotle Polit. l. 1. c. 2. with Marius Salamonius de Principatu l. 1. p. 40 41. conclude that the whole or greatest part in all politique or naturall Bodies is of greater excellency power and jurisdiction than any one particular member Thus in all our Corporations the Court of Aldermen and Common Councell is of greater power than the Mayor alone though the chiefe Officer the Chapter of greater authority than the Deane the Deane and Chapter than the Bishop the whole Bench than the Lord chiefe Iustice the whole Councell than the President the whole Parliament then either of the Houses and by like reason than the King especially since one of the three Estates is lesser than the three Estates together who in Parliament by the fundamentall Constitutions of the Realme are not Subordinate but Coordinate parts of the same great Common-Councell of the kingdome It is Aristotles expresse determination that in an Oligarchie Aristocracie and Democracie whatsoever seemes good to the major part of the Governours of the Common-wealth that is ratified that the whole City Kingdome Family is more excellent and to be preferred before any part or member thereof And that it is unfit the part should be above the whole And in all Courts of Justice Corporations and Elections the major part have alwayes had the greatest sway and constantly over-ruled the lesse though it be but by one casting voyce as is evident to all in the Elections of Knights and Burgesses of and votes in the Parliament in which the King Lords and Commons by the Common Law make up but one intire Corporation since then even in Parliament it selfe the major part over-swayes the rest yea the King himselfe who hath no absolute negative voyce but onely in refusing to passe some kind of Bills not all of which more hereafter doubtlesse the whole or major part of the Parliament which in Law is the whole is above the King the chiefe member of it Which consideration together with the Statutes of 5 R. 2. State 2. c. 4. 6 H. 8. c. 16. Enacting That none elected to be in any Parliament shall depart or absent himselfe from the same Parliament till it be fully ended or proâ—ogued without speciall license of the Speaker of the Commons to be entred of Record in the journall Booke under paine of amercement losse of wages other punishment nor any Member of the Vpper House without that Houses license under paine of inditement imprisonment or fine as appeares by the Bishop of Winchesters case 3 E. 3. 19. Fitz. Coron 161. and Stamford l. 3. c. 1. f. 153. compleatly answers that fond cavill of Malignants and Royalists against this Parliament that the King and many of the other Members have wilfully absented themselves from the House of purpose to dissolve it if they could notwithstanding the late speciall Act made by their joynt consents for its continuance Ergo this unlawfull Action of theirs to effect this pernicious designe must nullifie or at least invalid in their new non-sence Law and Logicke the lawfull proceedings of those worthy faithfull members who continue in it to preserve both Parliament Kingdome Religion Lawes Liberties from ruine and dissolution If these absent Members be the greater number why doe they not come and over-vote the rest in the House in a peaceable legall usuall Parliamentary way rather than challenge them into the field in a military illegall unusuall bloody manner unheard of in former ages If the lesser party then present or absent the major part must over-rule them volens nolens as it hath ever used unlesse they will be wilfuller I cannot say wiser than all their predecessors put together As for his Majesties absence from the Parliament by the pernicious advise of evill Counsellors so much insisted on by Malignants I answer First That it was without any just cause given by the Parliament Secondly It was much against their wills who have oft importuned petitioned and used all possible meanes to procure his returne Thirdly His absence was procured and is yet continued by those alone who most unjustly taxe the Parliament for it and would take advantage of this their owne wrong Fourthly though he be personally absent as a man yet he is still Legally present in Parliament called the Kings presence as he is a King as he is in all other his Courts of Justice where all proceedings are entred Coram Rege though the King never yet sate personally in either of them as he hath oft times done in this Parliament for the continuance whereof he hath passed such an Act as will inseparably tye his royall presence to it though the Cavaliers about him should be force with-draw his person from it not onely as farre as Yorke but the remotest Indies yea he must first cease to be King of England ere he can be legally absent from his Parliament of England This his wilfull personall absence from his greatest Counsell which desires and needs it is as many conceive an Act of the highest injustice that ever any Prince could offer of his Parliament worse than Rehoboams forsaking the counsell of his ancient Sages to follow the hare-brain'd advise of his young Cavaelieres for though he followed not their ancient prudent counsell yet he with-drew not himselfe from them as his Majesty now severs himselfe from his Parliament not only without but against all precedents of his Royall predecessors except King Richard the second who once absented himselfe from his Parliament above forty dayes yet then returned to it upon better advise and the very common custome and Law of the Land which he is obliged by his Coronation Oath and many late Protestations added to it constantly to maintaine This appeares most clearely by the ancient Treatise Of the manner of holding of Parliaments in England both before and since the
Conquest tendered to and approved by the Conquerour himselfe newly Printed 1641. which in the Section Touching the Kings absence from Parliament resolves thus The King is BOUND by all meanes possible TO BE PRESENT AT THE PARLIAMENT unlesse he be detained or let therefrom by bodily sicknesse and then he may keepe his Chamber yet so as he lye not without the Manour or Towne at the least where the Parliament is held and then he ought to send for twelve persons of the greatest and best of them that are summoned to the Parliament that is two Bishops two Earles two Barons two Knights of the shire two Burgesses and two Citizens to looke upon his person to testifie and witnesse his estate and give Authority to the Arch-bishop of the place the Steward of England and chiefe Iustice that they joyntly and severally should begin the Parliament and continue the same in his name See 8 H. 5. c. 1. Cromptons Iurisdiction f. 13. a. 17. b. according herewith expresse mention being made in that Commission of the cause of his absence there which ought to suffice The reason is because there was wâ—nt to be a cry and murmure in the Parliament for the Kings absence because his absence is hurtfull and dangerous to the whole commonalty of the Parliament neither indeed OUGHT OR MAY HE BE ABSENT BUT ONELY IN THE CASE AFORESAID And whereas Malignants clamour that most of the Lords are absent as well as the King and therefore this can be no lawfull Parliament The same Authour will informe them That if the Lords be once summoned to Parliament and then appeare not or absent themselves the King may hold the Parliament with the Commonalty and Commons of the kingdome every of which hath a greater voyce in Parliament then the greatest Earle in England because he represents a whole County Towne or City the other himselfe alone without Bishops Earles or Barons because in times past before there was either Bishop Earle or Baron yet even then Kings kept their Parliaments but on the contrary no Parliament can be kept by the King and Peeres if all the Commons for the Kings misgovernment or such like cause should absent themselves This is the judgement of Master Iohn Vowel too who writes in this manner Yet neverthelesse if the King in due order have summoned all his Lords and Barons and they will not come or if they come they will not yet appeare or if they come and appeare yet will not doe or yeeld to any thing then the Kings with the consent of his Commons may ordaine and establish any acts or Lawes which are as good sufficient and effectuall as if the Lords had given their consents But on the contrary If the Commons be summoned and will not come or comming will not appeare or appearing will not consent to doe any thing illedging some just weighty and great cause the King in these cases cannot with his Lords devise make or establish any Law The reasons are these When Parliaments were first begun and ordained there were no Prelates or Barons of the Parliament and the temporall Lords were very few or none and then the King and his Commons did make a full Parliament which Authority was never hitherto abridged Againe every Baron in Parliament doth represent but his owne person and speaketh in the behalfe of himselfe alone But in the Knights Citizens and Burgesses are represented the Commons of the whole Realme and every of these giveth not consent onely for himselfe but for all those also for whom be is sent And the King with the consent of his Commons had ever a sufficient and full authority to make ordaine and establish good and wholesome Lawes for the Commonwealth of his Realme Wherefore the Lords being lawfully summoned and yet refusing to come sit or consent in Parliament cannot by their folly abridge the King and the Gommons of their lawfull proccedings in Parliament Thus and more Iohn Vowel in his Order and Vsage how to keepe a Parliament Printed Cum Privilegio And Sir Edward Cooke in his Institutes on Magna Charta proves that the Lords and Peeres in many Charters and Acts are included under the name of the Commons and Commonalty of England But we need not retire to this last doubtfull refuge the Honourable faithfull Lords now present though not so many as could be desired are the intire House of Peeres in judgement of Law as those present at the election of Knights of the Shire or Burgesses though the major part be negligently or wilfully absent are the whole Shire or Burrough and the wilfull absence of the residue though the greater number being contrary to Law contrary to the Priviledges of Parliament and their late Protestations tending to the very subversion of Parliaments for which high contempt they and their Posterities too may justly be disabled for ever to sit as members of that House which they have so dishonourably if not treacherously deserted even as well as Knights and Burgesses whose personall attendance is so necessary that if during the Parliament they absent themselves from it about any businesses of their owne without leave of the House or be so sicke or elected Mayors of a Towne or any other judiciall Officers so as they cannot attend the service of the House they may thereupon be lawfully expelled the House and a new Writ expressing the cause of their removall shall issue for a new election of others in their places to make the House compleat as was resolved by the Commons House 38 H. 8. Br. Parliament 7. can no more disable those now present from being a true and lawfull House of Peeres than the multitudes departing from the true Church of God to the faâ—se disprove it to be the true Church of Christ whose true flocke is but little In a word divers Parliaments have beene kept and held and Acts made without Bishops or Abbots heretofore even while they were reputed members of the Lords House and one of the three Estates in Parliament therefore this Parliament which hath taken away Bishops Votes for ever may be lawfully held notwithstanding any Lords or Commons wilfull absence from it in person who yet as long as they are members of the Parliament shall still be adjudged legally present whether they will or no. One puny Judge in the Courts of Westminster may and doth usually give judgement and make binding Orders though the Chiefe Justice and his fellowes be negligently or wilfully absent Much more then may the Lords and Commons now present doe the like in case of the Kings and other Members wilfull absence of purpose to ruine both Parliament and Kingdome against which they are now in armes and have levyed open warre Sixthly it is most apparent both by Scripture the verdict of all Politicians and writers of note the Statutes of our Realmes and Lawyers that kingdomes Subjects and Parliaments were not created by God for the
of the said Scaffold declared and related to all the people how that our Lord the King had taken the said Oath inquiring of THE SAME PEOPLE IF THEY WOULD CONSENT TO HAVE HIM THEIR KING AND LIEGE LORD Who with ONE ACCORD CONSENTED THERETO Which Thomas of Walsingham who relates the whole forme of this Kings Coronation thus describeth Quibus completis Archiepiscopus praecedente eo Marescallo Angliae Henrico Percy convertit se ad omnes plagas Ecclesiae INDICANS POPULO REGIUM JURAMENTUM quaerens SI SE TALI PRINCIPI AC RECTORI SUBJICERE ejus jussionibus obtemperare VELLENT ET RESONSUMESTA PLEBE resono clamore QUOD LUBENTER SIBI PARERE VELLENT Which custome both before and since hath been constantly in this Land observed at the Coronation of our Kings from all these I say it is apparent First that Popish Parliaments Peeres and Subjects have deemed the Crowne of England not meerely successive and hereditary though it hath usually gone by descent but arbitrary and elective when they saw cause many of our Kings comming to the Crowne without just hereditary Title by the Kingdomes Peeres and people free election onely confirmed by subsequent Acts of Parliament which was then reputed a sufficient Right and Title by vertue whereof they then reigned and were obeyed as lawfull Kings and were then and yet so acknowledged to be their right by Election of their Subjects the footsteps whereof doe yet continue in the solemne demanding of the peoples consents at our Kings Inaugurations being seldome or never adjudged an illegall usurpation in any Parliaments whence the statute of 1 E. 4. c. 1. 9 E. 4. f. 2 declares King Henry the 4. 5. and 6. to be successively Kings of England indeed and not of right yet not usurpers because they came in by Parliament Onely Richard the third who treacherously murthered Edward the 5. his Soveraigne and violently usurped his Crowne at first before any Parliament gave it him compelling the Lords and Commons afterwards to Elect him King out of feare after his slaughter in Bosworth field was declared an usurper by Act of Parliament 1 Hen. 7. c. 6. and so adjudged to be by 8 H. 7. f. 1. see 1 E. 4. c. 1 c. 9 E. 4. f. 1 2. and Henry the 7. had the Crown set upon his head in the field by my Lord Stanly as though saith Grafton he had been elected king by the voyce of the people as in ancient times past in divers Realmes it hath been accustomed Secondly that those Kings who have enjoyed the Crown by succession descent or election have still taken it upon the conditions and covenants contained in their Coronation Oathes which if they refused to sweare to the Peeres and people really and bona fide to performe they were not then to be crowned or received as Kings but adjured in the name of God to renounce this dignity And though in point of Law those who enjoy the Crowne by Succession be Kings before their Coronations yet it is still upon those subsequent Conditions both contained in their Coronation Oathes which impose no new but onely ratifie the old conditions in separably annexed to the Crown by the Common Law ever since Edward the Confessors daies and long before as Father Littleton resolves the Office of a King being an Office of the greatest trust of any other which the Common Law binds the King well and lawfully to discharge to doe that which to such Office belongeth to doe as the Oathes of all our Kings to their people really to performe these Articles and Conditions fully demonstrate Thirdly that these Oathes are not meerely arbitrary or voluntary at the Kings pleasure to take or refuse them if he will but necessary and inevitable by the Law and constant usage of the Realm yea of all Christian most Pagan Realms whatsoever which prescribe like Oathes to their Kings From aâ—l which I may firmely conclude that the whole kingdome and Parliament are the Supreame Soveraigne Authority and Paramount the king because they may lawfully and dâ—e usually prescribe such conditions termes and rules of governing the people to him and bind him thus by Oath faithfully to perform the same as long as he shall continue King which Oath our Kings usually tooke or at least faithfully promised to take to their Subjects in ancient times before ever they did or would take an Oath of fealty homage or Allegiance to them as the premises evidence Claus. Rot. 1 R. 2. M. 44. Tenthly Our Parliaments and Kingdome anciently in times of popery and Paganisme have both challenged and exercised a Supreame power over the Crowne of England it selfe to transferre it from the right heire and setle it on whom themselves thought meete to elect for their King and likewise to call their Kings to an account for their mis-government and breach of Oath to the prejudice of their people so farre as to article against them and either by force of Armes or a judiciall sentence in Parliament actually to depose them and set up others in the Throne as the fore-cited presidents of Archigallo Emerian two ancient Brittish Kings of Edwin king of Mercia and others deprived of all honour and kingly dignity by the unanimous consent of their Subjects for their Tyranny Oppression Male-administration vicious lives and others elected and made kings in their places evidence which Acts of theirs they then reputed just and legall I shall cite you onely two presidents of this kind which have meere relation to Parliaments The first is that of King Edward the second who being taken prisoner by his Queen Sonne Nobles for his male-administration the Queen with her sonne by the advice of her Councell summoned an high Court of Parliament at Westminster in the Kings name which began the 16 day of January An. 1325. In which assembly it was declared that this Realm could not continue without an head and governour and therefore first they agreed to draw into Articles the Mis-government of the king that was in prison and all his evill doings which he had done by evill and naughty Counsell And when the said Articles were read and made knowne to all the Lords Nobles and Commons of the Realme they then consulted how the Realme should be governed from thenceforth And after good deliberation and consultation of the foresaid Articles of the Kings evill government they concluded THAT SUCH A MAN WAS NOT WORTHY TO BE A KING NOR TO WE ARE A CROWNE ROYALL And therefore they all agreed that Edward his eldest sonne who was there present and was rightfull heire should be crowned King in stead of his Father SO THAT HE WOULD TAKE ABOUT HIM SAGE TRUE AND GOOD COUNCELL and that from thenceforth the Realm might be better governed then before it had been And it was also agreed that the old king his father should be well and honestly kept as long as he lived according
irregularities I make no question that they would have joyntly answered as I doubt not but our Parliaments Kingdomes and all other Nations were they at this day to institute their preerected Principalities and Kings would answer to that they had never any imagination to erect such an absolute eternall unlimited uncontrollable irresistable Monarchy and plaine tyranny over them and that they ever intended to reserve the absolute originall Soveraigne Jurisdiction in themselves as their native hereditary priviledge which they never meant to divest themselves of that so by means thereof if their Princes should degenerate into Tyrants they might have a just authority power and remedy residing in them whereby to preserve themselves the Nation Kingdome from utter desolation ruine and vassalage An impregnable evidence that the whole Kingdom and Parliament representing it are the most Soveraign power and above the King himselfe because having the supream Jurisdiction in them at first they never totally transferred it to our Kings but reserved it in themselves which is likewise further confirmed by that notable passage of Philocheus Archilacus in his Somnium Viridarii c. 171. Royall power is instituted three manner of wayes First by the will and pleasure of the people because every people wanting a King of their own not being subject to the Emperour or some other King MAY BY THE LAW OF NATIONS MAKE THEMSELUES A KING 94. Dist. c. Legitima If a Royall Principality be thus instituted as it is in the proper pleasure and power of the people to ordaine that the King shall be either Successive of Elective so it is in their pleasure to ordaine That Kings succeeding hereditarily shall enjoy their power due nnto them either immediately before any Coronation or any other solemnity or that they shall receive this power onely by their Coronation or any other solemnity about him Thereason whereof is Because as every one in the delivery of the gift of his owne goods may impose what covenant or condition he pleaseth and every man is moderator and disposer of his owne estate so in the voluntary institution of a King and Royall Power IT IS LAWFULL FOR THE PEOPLE SUBMITTING THEMSELUES TO PRESCRIBE THE KING AND HIS SUCCESSORS WHAT LAW THEY PLEASE so as it be not unreasonable and unjust and directly against the rights of a Superiour Therefore lawfull to reserve â—he Soveraigne Power in and to themselves and not to transfer it wholly to their Kings 14 There is one cleare Demonstration yet remaining to prove the supreme power of Parliaments above Kings themselves which is this That the Parliament is the highest Court and power to which all Appealâ—s are finally to be made from all other Courts and Iudges whatsoever yea from the Kings own personall resolution in or out of any other his Courts and such a transcendent â— ribunall from whence there is no appeale to any other Court or person no not to the King himselfe but onely to another Parliament If any erroneous Judgement be given in the Kings Bench Exchequer-Chamber Chancery Court of Wards or any other Court within the Realm or in the Parliament in Ireland it is finally to be reversed or determined in Parliament by a Writ of Error or upon a Petition or Bill If any sentence be unjustly given in any Ecclesiasticall Courts or before the Dâ—legates the finall Appeale for redresse must be to the Parliament Illegall sentences in the now exploded extravagant Courts of Star-Chamber or High Commission Injuries done by the King and his privy Councell at the Councell Table are examinable and remediable in this high Court Nay if the King himselfe should sit in person in the Kings Bench or any other Court as sometimes our Kings have done and there give any Judgement it is not so obligatory or finall but that the party against whom Judgement is pronounced may appeale to the Parliament for reliefe as Seneca epist. 100. out of Tully de Repub. Fenestella Hugo Grotius de jure Belli l. 1. c. 4. s. 20. p. 65. record that among the Romanes in certain causes they might appeale from the King to the people But if the Parliament give any Judgement There can be no appeale to any higher Tribunall Court or person no not to the King but onely to the next or some other Parliament as is evident by experience by all Attainders of Treaâ—on by or in Parliament by all inconvenient and unjust Acts passed in Parliament which concerne either King or Subject which cannot be reversed nor repealed though erroneous nor the right heire restored in blood by any Charter from the King but onely by an act of repeale or restitution in another Parliament Now this is an infallible Maxime both in the Common Civill and Canon Law that The Court or person to whom the last appeale is to be made is the Supreamâ—st power as the Kings Bench is above the Common Pleas the Eschequer Chamber above the Kings Bench and the Parliament above them all because a Writ of Error to reverse erroneous judgements given in the Common Pleas lyeth in the Kings Bench Errors in the Kings Bench may be reversed in the Eschequer Chamber and errors in all or either of them may be redressed finally in Parliament from whence there is no further appeale Hence the Canonists conclude a Generall Councell above the Pope the Pope above the Archbishop the Archbishop above the Ordinary because men may Appeale from the Ordinary to the Archbishop from him to the Pope but now with us to the Kings Delegates If there be any difference betweene King or Subject touching any inheritances Priviledges or Prerogatives belonging to the Crowne it selfe or any points of misgovernment yea which is more if there be any suite quarrell or difference betweene our Kings in Act and any other their Competitors for the Crowne it selfe which of them hath best title to it who of them shall enjoy it and how or in what manner it shall be setled the Lords and Commons in Parliament are and ought to be the sole and finalâ— Judges of it Not to give you any instances of this kinde betweene King and Subjects which I have formerly touched nor to relate how our King Iohn condemned to death by a Parliament in France by French Peers for slaying his Nephew Arthur treacherously with his own hands and likewise to lose the crown of England or bow Henry the third K. Edward the first and other our Kings have Appealed to the Parliaments of France and England upon differences betweene the Peeres and Kings of France and them concerning their Lands and Honours in France Or how King Edward the third and Philip of France submitted both their Titles to the Kingdome of France to the determination in a French Parliament where they were both personally present which adjudged the Crowne to Philip. Nor yet to mention how the Parliaments and generall assembly of the estates of France have
by his Bill exhibited to this Parliament averred had divers times at sundry Parliaments in his time holden said that hee would have his intent and pleasure concerning his owne matters whatsoever betide of the residue and if any withstood his will or minde he would by one meanes or other bring him out of his life And further said to him at Lichfield in the one and twentieth yeare of his raigne that he desired no longer for to live then to see his Lords and Commons have him in as great awe and dread as ever they had of any his Progenitors so that it might bee chronicled of him that none passed him of honour and dignity with condition that he were deposed and put from his said dignity the next morrow after So wilfull was hee as to preferre his will before his Crowne or safety In the yeares 1440. and 1441. Richard Duke of Yorke came into the Parliament House and there in a large Oration laid claime and set forth his Title to the Crowne of England which King Henry the sixth had long enjoyed desiring the Parliament to determine the right of the Title betweene them both sides submitting to their resolution as the proper Iudges of this weighty royall controversie After long debate and consideration of the case among the Peeres Prelates and Commons of the Realme it was finally agreed and resolved by them That in as much as Henry the sixth had beene taken as King for 38. yeares and more that he should enjoy the name and title of King and have possession of the Realme during his naturall life And if he either died or resigned or FORFAITED THE SAME for breaking any part of this concord then the said Crowne authority royall should immediately descend to the Duke of Yorke King Edward the 4. his Father if he then lived or else to the next heire of his line And that the said Duke from thenceforth should be Protector and Regent of the Kingdome Provided alway that if the King did closely or apertly study or goe about to breake or alter this agreement or to compasse or imagine the death of the said Duke or his bloud then he TO FORFEIT THE CROWNE and the Duke TO TAKE IT These Articles made by the Parliament betweene them they both subscribed sealed and swore to and then caused them to be enacted Loe here we have these two Kings submitting their Titles to the Crowne and Kingdome it selfe to the Resolution of both houses of Parliament as the Soveraigne Judge betweene them who setled the Crowne in this order under paine of forfeiting it by King Henry if he violated their Decree herein and appointing a Lord Protector over the Kingdome in his full age as Walsingham informes us a Parliament constituted Duke Humfry to bee Protector of him and his Kingdome of England and the Duke of Bedford to bee Regent of France during his minority who exercised all regall power by vertue of that authority which the Parliament derived to them After this in these two Kings reignes the Crowne and its descent were variously setled by Parliament as I have formerly manifested yet so as that which one Parliament setled in this kinde continued firme till it was altered or reversed by another Parliament King Richard the third comming to the Crowne by usurpation to strengthen his Title procured the Lords and Commons to passe an Act of Parliament wherein they declare him to bee their lawfull King both by election and succession entaile the Crowne upon him and the heires of his body lawfully begotten create his Sonne Edward Prince of Wales and declare him heire to succeed him in the royall Crowne and dignity after his decease In which Act of Parliament recited at large by Speed there is this memorable passage That the Court of Parliament is of such Authority and the people of this land of such a nature and disposition as experience teacheth that manifestation or declaration of any Truth or Right made by the three Estates of this Realme Assembled in Parliament and by the Authority of the same makes before all other things most faith and certainty and quieting of mens mindes removeth the occasion of all doubts and seditious language Henry the seventh afterwards slaying this usurping Richard at Boswell-field to avoyd all ambiguities and questions of his Title to the Crowne in his first Parliament procured the Lords and Commons by a speciall Act to settle the inheritance of the Crownes of England and France on him and the heires of his body lawfully begotten perpetually by the grace of God so to endure and on none other and all attainders and Acts against him by Edward the fourth and King Richard this Parliament annihilated After him King Henry the eighth to ratifie his divorce from Queen Katherine caused it to be confirmed and his marriage with her to be utterly dissolved by Act of Parliament and by sundry Acts ratified his subsequent Marriages and setled the descent of the Crowne to his posterity somewhat different from the course of the Common Law which Statutes were afterwards altered and the descent of the Crowne setled by other speciall Bils in Parliament both in Queene Maries and Queene Elizabeths Reignes whose Titles to the Crowne were setled and in some sort created by the Parliament By the notable Sta. of 13. Eli. c. 1. worthy reading for this purpose it is made no lesse then high Treason to affirme That the Queene WITH and BY THE AUTHORITY OF THE PARLIAMENT of England is not able to make Lawes and Statutes of sufficient force and validity to BINDE LIMIT RESTRAINE and governe all PERSONS THEIR RIGHTS AND TITLES THAT IN ANY WISE may or might claime any interest or possibilitie IN OR TO THE CROWNE OF ENGLAND in POSSESSION REMAINDER INHERITANCE SUCCESSION or OTHERWISE HOWSOEVER and all other persons whatsoever King Edward the sixt Queene Elizabeth and other our Princes holding their Crownes by a Parliamentary Title rather then by the course of the Common Law which this Statute affirmes the Parliament hath power to alter even in case of descent of the Crowne It is observable that the Statutes of 25 H. 8. c. 22. 28 H. 8. c. 7. and 35 H. 8. c. 1. doe not onely Nulliâ—ie some of this Kings marriages and ratifie others of them declaring some of his issues legitimate and hereditable to the Crowne others not and appoint the Queene if living to be Protector of the infant King or Queene that should inherit the Crowne or such of the Lords as the King by his last will should designe But likewise prescribe strict Oathes for every Subject to take to maintaine the Succession of the Crowne as it is limited by those Acts which Oathes for any to refuse is made high Treason or to write or speake any thing against the succession of the Crowne as it is therein limited And withall they derive a plenary authority to the King who thereupon acknowledgeth the
great trust and confidence his loving Subjects had in him in putting in his hands wholly the Order and Declaration of the Succession of this Realme by his Letters Patents under his Seale or his last will in writing signed with his hand for lacke of issue lawfully begotten of his body to give limit assigne appoint or dispose the imperiall Crowne of the Realme to what person or persons and for such estate in the same and under such conditions as it should please his Majesty The Parliament therein promising by one common assent to accept take love dread and obey as their Legall Governours and Supreame heads such person or persons onely as the King by authority of those Acts should give the Crowne unto and wholly to sticke to them as true faithfull Subjects Provided that if any of his Children or Heires afterward did usurpe one upon the other in the Crowne of this Realme or claime or challenge the said imperiall Crowne otherwise or in any other course forme degree or condition then the same should be given disposed or limited unto them by the King by vertue of those Acts. Or if any person or persons to whom it should please the King by authority of those Acts to dispose the said Crowne and Dignity of this Realme or the Heires of any of them should at any time hereafter demand challenge or claime the Crowne of this Realme otherwise or in any other course forme degree or condition then the same should be given disposed and limited unto them by the King by vertue and authority of these Acts That then all and singular offenders in any of the premises contrary to these Acts and all their Abettors Maintainers Factours Counsellours and Aiders therein shall bee deemed and adjudged HIGH TRAYTORS TO THE REALME and that every such offence shall be accepted reputed and taken TO BE HIGH TREASON and the offenders therein their ayders c. for every such offence shall suffer such judgement paines of death losses and forfeitures of Lands Goods and Priviledges of sanctuary as in any â—ases of high Treason And over that as well THE KINGS SAID HEIRES AND CHILDREN as EVERY SUCH PERSON PERSONS TO WHOM THE CROWNE SHOULD BE LIMITED AS AFORESAID and every of their Heires for every such offence above specified by them to be committed SHALL LOSE AND FORFEITE AS WELL ALL SUCH RIGHT TITLE AND INTEREST THAT THEY MAY CLAIME OR CHALLENGE IN OR TO THE CROWNE OF THIS REALME AS HEIRES BY DESCENT OR BY REASON OF ANY GIFT OR ACT DONE BY THE KING for his or their advancement by authority of those Acts or by any manner of meanes or pretence whatsoever And the Statute of 35 H. 8. c. 1. which entailed the Crowne upon Queene Mary after Edward the sixt his decease without issue 〈◊〉 this proviso That if thâ— said Lady Mary doe not keepe and performe such conditions as King Henry by 〈◊〉 Patents or last Will in writing 〈…〉 estate in the Imperiall Crowne 〈…〉 Imperiall Crowne shall be and come to the 〈…〉 lawfully begotten in such like manner and forme as 〈…〉 Mary were then dead without any Heires of her body begotten any thing in this Act contained to the contrary notwithstanding And the like provis there is for Queene Elizabeth That if she performe not the like conditions limited as aforesaid to her estate in the Crowne That then the said Imperiall Crowne shall be and come to such person or persons as the King by his Letters patents or last Will shall appoint By all which Acts worthy reading and consideration the Parliaments Supreame power of setling and disposing the descent and inheritance of the Crowne and giving Authority even to the King himselfe to dispose of it upon condition on paine of forfeiture as aforesaid which the King alone had no power at all to doe will easily appeare to the most malignant Spirits In the first Parliament of our late King Iames the first Bill then passed was an acknowledgement and confirmation of his immediate lawfull and undoubted succession and right to the Crowne of England as the next and onely Heire of the blood Royall to whom of right it descended which Dolman the Priest and some Jesuites opposed in Printed seditious Bookes So the Articles of Qu. Maries marriage with K. Philip were appointed and ratified by Parliament And the Imperiall Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction usurped by the Pope and Prelates hath likewise by sundry Statutes beene restored and united to the Crowne and the Title of Supreame head and Supreame Governour in all causes and over all persons Spirituall Ecclesiasticall and Temporall setled upon our Kings and Queenes Who during their minorities have had Guardians and Protectors appointed to them by Parliament to summon Parliaments assent to Bills and execute all Royall Jurisdiction in their names and steads And as the Title and Right to the Crowne of England and the Jurisdiction thereof hath thus from time to time beene decided and setled in and by our Parliaments so hath the Title and jurisdiction of the Crowne of Scotland beene frequently discussed and setled in our Parliaments upon appeales made to them by the Kings of Scotland and their Corrivals to that Crowne Witnesse the famous case and competition for that Crowne long agitated and resolved in Parliament betweene the King of Norway Bailiol and Bruce to omit others in the Reigne of King Edward the first And this King Edwards Title to the Crowne of Scotland declared and resolved by our Parliament here All which are Recorded at large by Thomas Walsingham and Matthew Westminster in the life of King Edward the first and in the Parliament Rolls and Pleas of his Reigne with sundry other instances of this nature frequent in our Historians which for brevity I pretermit It is a cleare case without dispute that if the King should dye without any Heire the Crowne would escheate to the whole Kingdome and Parliament who might dispose of it in such a case to what person they pleased or quite change that forme of Government if they saw good cause no particular kinde of rule being so simply necessary by any divine Right or Law to any State or Kingdome but that as it was at first instituted so it may in such a case be changed by the whole Kingdomes generall consent upon sufficient grounds This appeares by the case of Charles the Grosse who being deposed from the Empire and his Kingdomes for a mad man and dying without any Heire the Kingdomes which before were subject to him Destitute of a right Heire began to fall in sunder on every side and to chuse Kings of themselves of another Family France elected Charles a childe sirnamed Simple for their King and after his simplicity displeased them they Crowned Otho Sonne of Robert Duke of Saxony in his place At the same time the people of Italy meaning to have a King of 〈…〉 not agree on the matter but some chose Beringarius 〈…〉 Kings in
Italy both calling and bearing themselves as 〈◊〉 And the Germanes elected Arnolph Duke of Bavaria for their Emperour Thus Zeno the Emperour dying without any Heire that might succeed him Anastasius a man of great reputation yet of no Noble Family was chosen his Successor by the Senate and Legions The like we reade of divers other Emperours deceasing without Heire of some of our Saxon and British Kings before the Conquest and of other in Castile Aragon other Kingdomes where the Crowne hath beene translated from one Family to another by the Kingdomes consent for want of Heires Duardus Nonius Leo a learned Portugall Lawyer informes us That Ferdinand King of Portugall dying without any lawfull Heire lineall or collaterall as they beleeved the Estate of that Kingdome assembling at Coimbre elected Iohn a bastard for their King upon this very ground specified in their decree of his Election That King Ferdinand dyed without any lawfull issue or kindred UNDE JURE GENTIUM Whence BY THE LAW OF NATIONS they affirmed it to BE LAWFULL FOR THE PEOPLE TO CHUSE A KING OR GOVERNOUR WHOM THEY PLEASED Beleeving therefore that they had returned to that state WHEREIN BY THE LAW OF ALL NATIONS THEY MIGHT CREATE THEM A KING namely the kingdome being voyd without an Heire They said they might lawfully elect Iohn a most valiant man and one who best deserved of the Common-weale to be their King he being begotten of the stocke of the Kings of Portugall Thus this whole Parliament at Coimbre and this Lawyer there and elsewhere affirmes THAT BY THE LAW OF ALL NATIONS if the King in an Hereditary Kingdome die without Heire THE PEOPLE MAY LAWFULLY ELECT WHOM THEY PLEASE FOR THEIR KING as they do in all elective Realmes Which Ioannes Mariana de Rege Regis Instit. l. 1. c. 3 4. doth likewise averre The reason is Because the whole kingdome and people are the originall supreame Soveraigne power by whose common consent and Authority all lawfull Kings kingdomes and Royalties were at first created and instituted and from whom they derived all their regall Iurisdiction And therefore as all Mesnalties Tenancies and Fees by the deaths of their Tenants without heire returne by way of Escheate to those Lords and Sergniories by whom they were originalâ—y created and all politique Corporation Lands as Abbies Prioies Bishopricks Hospitals and the like by the dissolution of those Corporations by death or otherwise returne to the first founders of them as all Rivers run into the Sea out of which they primitively issue So all successive kingdomes by the selfe same reason upon the Kings decease without any lawfull heires to inherit or succeed them must by all Law right equity revert to the dispose and dominion of all the People of the Realme or to the representative Body thereof the Parliament as to the Supreame Lords and Founders of it from and of whom the King himselfe doth hold the Crowne if I may so speake by those regall duties and services expressed in generall in his Coronation Oath which he takes to all his people and if he die his Heire to the Crowne being within age the Parliament and kingdome as the Soveraigne Lord and power may and usually doth appoint a Guardian and Lord Protector over him as I have elsewhere proved till his maturity to discharge his regall Trust and duty to his people in his name and stead Hence Hugo Grotius in his Booke de Iuâ—e Belli Pacis r. 2. c. 9. sect 8 9 10 11. concludes That if an elective King dye or 〈◊〉 King decease without any knowne heire to succeed him the Empire or Soveraignty 〈…〉 in the King as Head returnes unto and remaines in the people as in the intire body which continues the same it was before And therefore in such cases they may either create a new King if they please as in elective kingdomes or divide the kingdome into parts and erect a new Empire as the Romans Germans and Persians did or change the Government the people in this case being Sui juris having the raines of Government in their owne hands as at first before they erected an hereditary Monarchy to order and dispose of the government as they shall thinke meete it being a thing which in its owne nature is not capable of an Occupancy nor seisible by any unlesse the people will voluntartly desert their owne liberty none having authority to usurpe a regency over them in such a case but by their free assents Upon which ground he holds with Cynus and Raynorius That if the Roman Emperour or any other King by like reason be sicke or taken prisoner so as he cannot administer the government the people of Rome may create and appoint him a Vice-roy to governe them the power of the Emperour and the most absolute Monarch being onely a power of Administration for the peoples good and service not of dominion for his owne profit of which none but the people can dispose as Abberius Gentilis proves at large Yea Bishop Bilson himselfe though a great Royalist positively affirmes That if a King or right Heire to any Crowne be borne or becomes a naturall Foole or starke mad or run besides himselfe so that he is not able to governe himselfe much lesse his Realme in these two cases ANY REALME BY PUBLICKE CONSENT and ADVICE MAY CHUSE ANOTHER KING for what should he doe with a Royall Office or by what divine or humane right can he enjoy a Crowne who is utterly unable to manage it Upon this ground King Childerick was deposed by his French and German Subjects generall consents because he was a fool a Sot a Beast unable to govern his Kingdom and Pepin of another race elected and crowned King in his stead which act by Pope Zacharies resolution was adjudged both just and lawfull even in point of conscience before it was put in execution So Charles the third the last Emperour of Pepins race was deposed from the Empire by the Princes Dukes and Governours of the Provinces of Germany and France for that he became foolish and unfit to govern being bereaved of his senses and by common consent Arnolph was elected Emperour in his stead Thus Iustinus the second falling into a frenzie and madnesse so that he had no sense nor understanding of any thing that was done was removed and Tiberius placed in the Empire at his Coronation Iustinus used this notable speech Let not the glory of these Imperiall robes lead thee into errour neither be thou deceived with the glorious shew of such things as are subject unto the senses wherewith I my self now alas beig snared have brought my self foolishly into grievous torments Wherefore in governing the Empire with great moderation and mildnesse of spirit redresse what is amisse and correct what I have lewdly committed And pointing at his ill Counsellors with his finger he said Thou must in no wise be ruled
Pacis l. 2. c. 6. 7. lib. 1. cap. 4. sect 10. where he affirms That a King who aliens and would actually deliver up possession of all or any part of his Realm to another forraign power without the peoples consents may lawfully be resisted with force of Arms by his Subjects concluding with this Sentence out of Seneca with which I shall close up this Discourse Et si parendum in omnibus Patri naturall or politicall IN EO NON PARENDUM QUO EFFICITUR NE PATER SIT This point I have thus copiously debated not out of any the least intention to derogate from his Majesties just Supremacie and Prerogatives royall which I have oft solemnly sworn to maintain to the utmost of my power and shall God willing perform but out of a serious desire to rectifie the generall mistakes of men touching a pretended Prerogative which their fantasies onely not the Law have unduely attributed unto Kings and to vindicate the just Liberties Priviledges and Prerogatives of Parliaments so much decryed declaimed against of late by a company of ignorant Papists Malignants Royalists who know not what the jurisdiction of Parliaments is according to the Protestation the clearing of which points in my weak apprehension is the onely high and ready way to compose our present differences to settle all our distractions which the ignorance the mistakes of the Kings and Parliaments just Prerogatives and Powers next to the treacherous malice of Papists have principally raised among us almost to the ruine of the Kingdom For my part I professe sincerely I love and honour both King and Parliament alike and in the controversies now between them concerning their Jurisdictions stand as a man indifferent to do right to both without prejudice to either and the King being the Principall Member of the Parliament the elevating of its now disdained Power to its due altitude can be no depression but advancement of the Kings Prerogative which shines most perspicuously in Parliaments whiles King and Parliament are united and is most eclipsed onely when they are divided as the precedents in all ages manifest And this I dare confidently averre That there are no such enemies to the Kings Prerogative as those who advancing it beyond due bounds do necessarily draw it into dispute in which it commonly comes off with losse and diminution in the end as in the late cases of Loanes Ship-money and the like It was a notable true Speech of our King Henry the 8. in the 34. yeer of his reign in the case of one George Ferrers a member of the Commons house arrested contrary to their Priviledge of which the King being informed used these words among other to the Speaker and House of Commons We are informed by our Iudges That we at no time stand so highly in our estate Royall as in the time of Parliament wherein we as Head and you as Members are knit together into one Body politick so as whatsoever offence and injury during that time is offered to the meanest of the House is to be judged as done against Our Person and the whole Court of Parliament which Prerogative of the Court is so great as all Acts and Processes coming our of Inferiour Courts must for the time cease and give place to the highest which being so My Vindication of the Parliaments Soveraign Power and Right can be no impeachment nor diminution of the Kings just Authority though many Sycophants and Malignants falsly repute it so If any here object against the premises That the King is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm That Bracton Fleta and our Law Books resolve That the King hath no Peer in His Kingdom for so He should lose His Empire since Peers or Equals have no command over one another much more then ought He not to have a Superiour or mightier for so He should be Inferiour to those who are subject to Him and inferiours cannot be equall to Superiours The King ought not to be under man but under God and the Law If then Iustâ—ce be demanded of Him by way of Petition because no Wâ—it runs against Him though anciently some Writs did if He do not justice this punishment may be sufficient to Him that He may expect God will revenge it Nemo quidem de factis suis praesumat disputare multo fortius contra factum suum venire c. Therefore the King is above the Parliament and whole Kingdom not they above Him I answer First That the meaning of all these Books is That the King is above every one of His Suâ—jects and hath no Peer nor Superiour if they be taken particularly and distâ—ibutively as single men as the words Parem Superiorem in the singular number and the like explain the meaning of the Books to be But if we take them collectively in Parliament as they are one body and represent the whole Kingdom then these very Authors resolve in their forequoted words That they are above the King and may yea ought to restrain and question his actions his Malâ—-Administrations if there be just cause Secondly Bracton explains himself how He is highest and without a Peer to wit In distributing Iustice that is He is the highest Iusticiar in the Kingdom but as low as any in receiving Iustice. Thirdly Even in Parliament it self the King is the Supreme Member and in that regard the Parliament in most publike Acts in all their Petitions or Addresses usuall stiles him Their Soveraign Lord Besides The Parliament it self is ever summoned dissolved by his Writ in his name by his Authority And in passing all Acts and Bills of Grace or such as are not simply necessary for the publike safety and utility of his people He hath an absolute negative voyce and his Royall assent is in some sence simply necessary for the passing of all ordinary lasting binding Laws In which respects he is and may be truely said in some sence To be above the Parliament it self and the only Supreme Governour but yet in the forenamed regards the Parliament really is and may be justly averred to be Paramount him and the Supremest Soveraign Power though not Governour Fourthly The Oath of Supremacy That the King is the only Supreme Governour relates only and at least principally to the Popes forraign Princes Authorities formerly usurped in this Realm as the Title Words scope of the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 1. and the very next words in the Oath it self undenyably manifest And that NO FORRAIGN Power Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Iurisdiction Power SUPERIORITY PREHEMINENCE or Authority Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall within this Realm and therefore I do utterly renounce and forsake ALL FORRAIGN Iurisdictions c. Therefore it refers not at all to Parliaments or their Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority not so much as once thought of by the prescribers of this Oath which had its creation and Authority from
as I am confident no age can Paralell and if not severely vindicated by exemplary punishments of the highest nature upon those ill Counsellors and corrupt Lawyers who contrive and pen them will bring this highest greatest and most honourable Court wherein the whole Kingdom and every Member of it are represented into greater contempt and lesse estimation with all men whether Natives or Forraigners then the basest Court of Pipouders is No King nor Subject ever yet attempted such affronts against the Resolutions of any Judges in inferiour Courts Let no person whatsoever then presume by pen or tongue any longer to arraign or traduce the Resolutions and Ordinances of this highest Tribunall If Kings or Counsellors of State will instruct or excite the Subjects peremptorily to disobey and contemne the Ordinances the Judgements of the Parliament let them never expect the least obedience or submission to any of their own commands which are of lesser credit and Authority which all former Ages have most reverenced and submitted to Fourthly That the Parliament and whole Kingdom being the highest Power or any Member of the Parliament cannot by any publike Acts or Votes of theirs consented to in Parliament become Traytors or guilty of high Treason against the King either by the Common Law or the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. chap 2. of Treasons which running in the singular number If A MAN c. That is any private man or men by their own private authority shall levy warre against the King c. it ought to be judged high Treason extends not to the whole Kingdom or Court of Parliament representing it of which no treason was ever yet presumed the rather because the Parliament by this very act is made the Iudge of all Treasons that are doubtfull and was never yet included within the words or meaning of any Law concerning Treason and therefore cannot be guilty of it Hence the depositions of Archigallo and Emerian two ancient British Kings by the unanimous assent of the Lords and Commons for their rapines oppressions and Tyranny with other forenamed Saxon Kings and of Edward the second Richard the second Henry the sixth Edward the fourth by Acts of Parliament the creating of Richard the third King with the frequent translations of the Crown from the right Heir at Common Law to others who had no good Title by the whole Kingdom or Parliament no lesse then high Treason in private persons was never yet reputed much lesse questioned for or adjudged high Treason in the whole Kingdom or Parliament or any chief active Members in those Parliaments which by the Law are uncapable of Treason for any their judiciall actions and resolutions in such cases being only Tortious and Erroneous reversible by other Acts in Parliament not Trayterous and Rebellious as appears by all the forequoted Statutes and by 13 Eliz. cha 1. which makes it high Treason for any person to affirm That the Queen by Authority of the Parliament of England is not able to make Laws and Statutes of sufficient force to alter limit and binde the Crown of this Realm and the Descent Limitation Inheritance and Government thereof and any mans Title or right thereto And for direct Authorities in this very point Robert Trisylian and Belknap then chief Justices Holt Fulthorp and Burgh Judges Locton King Sergeant and Blake the Kings Counsell in the Parliament of 11 Rich. 2. Were condemned executed and banished the Realm as guilty of high Treason only for affirming under their Hands and Seals That the Duke of Glocester the Earls of Arundel and Warwick were and the other Lords and Commons might be guilty of high Treason for procuring a Commission and other proceedings Voted in Parliament and be punished it as Traytors Which opinion of theirs being afterwards affirmed for Law in a packed Parliament 21 Rich. 1. was the very next Parliament in 1 Hen. 4. c. 2. 3 4. repealed and the judgement given against those Judges for this Trayterous opinion tending to the utter subversion of Parliaments resolved and enacted to be just This Iudge Belknap foresaw and therefore was unwilling to put his Seal to this opinion saying There wanted but a hurdle a horse and halter to carry him where he might suffer the death HE HAD DESERVED For if I had not done this I should have dyed for it and because I have done it I DESERVE DEATH for betraying the Lords Which makes me wonder at a passage in Speed who records it now frequent in Malignants mouthes That the very shop where the Barons originall Treasons were forged was THE PARLIAMENT-HOUSE wherein from time to time they forced on the King Edward the second presumptuous and TREASONOUS ORDINATIONS not only to reform the Kings House and Counsell and to place and displace all great Officers at their pleasure but even claimed a joynt interest in the Regiment of the Kingdom together with the King which William Iâ—ge a Iudge of the Common Law with other like sticklers trayterously perswaded them was according to Law Which grosse slander of the Parliament House would have been capitall at least in former ages and may now indanger the necks of those who speak or write the same of the present Parliament Never did any of our Kings charge any Parliament with high Treason hitherto much lesse indict or wage warre against their Parliaments as Traytors though they have questioned and deposed Kings for offences against and being Enemies or Traytors to the Kingdom Let none then dare affirm That the Houses of Parliament are or can be Traytors now for providing for their own and the Kingdoms safety by a necessary defensive Warre which I shall in the third part fully clear to be neither Treason nor Rebellion against the King in point of Law or Conscience either in the Houses of Parliament or any that bear Arms by their command Fifthly That to conspire or levy warre against the Parliament or Kingdom to dissolve or destroy it or the Members of it is no lesse then High Treason as hath been solemnly adjudged in Parliament 15 E. 2. in the Act entitled Exilium Hugonis le de Spenser in 1 E. 3. the Preface and cap. 1. in 11 Rich. 2. c. 2 3 4. and in the Parliament Roll Printed by Order of both Houses August 27. 1642. And before both these in Glanvil who declares it to be Treason even at the Common Law Si quis machinatus fuerit vel aliquid feoerit in SEDITIONEM REGNI Agreeable to Vlpian and the Saxon Laws which inform us of Treasons against the Common-wealth and Kingdom the case of Cateliâ—â— and others as well as against the King and to the Statute of 13. Eliz. c. 1. which makes it High Treason for any person to stirre up any Forraigners or strangers with force to invade this Realm or Ireland And if it be no lesse then high Treason against the King to slay the Chancellour Treasurer or any of
the Iudges or Iustices of either Bench Eyer Assize or Oyer and Terminer being in their places doing their Offices though by the Kings command as is clear by 25 E. 3. c. 2. and all our Law Books then much more must it be high Treason against the King and Kingdom to warre against the highest Court of Parliament or slay any Member of it for doing their Offices and executing the Houses just Commands If bare mis-Councelling the King to the prejudice of the Kingdom hath so frequently been adjudged high Treason against the King and Realm in severall Parliaments as appears by the forecited Histories of Gaveston the two Spensers Alexander Nevill De la Pole Trysilian and others then what is it to miscouâ—cell and assist him to make an offensive War against his Parliament Kingdom people for to ruine them certainly this must be high Treason against King and Realm in the superlative degree If the Parliament and Kingdom be destroyed or their hearts blood shed their vitall spirits let out by an unnaturall War against them the King himself at least in his royall Capacity as King and his royall posterity too must necessarily be unkinged and overwhelmed in their ruines but if the Kingdom stand and flourish for whose Peace and safety Kings themselves ought not onely to lay down their Crowns but lives as Christ the King of Kings hath resolved and the High Priest too though the King should die or perish as all Kings ever were and will be mortall yet their posterity may enjoy the Crown and reign in honour in prosperity after their death which they cannot do if the Kingdom perish Therefore all those Malignants Papists Delinquents and others who have most unnaturally taken up arms against the Parliament and Kingdom to dissolve and ruine them though by the Kings own illegall Commission or Command are not onely Arch-traytors to the Parliament and Realm alone but likewise to the King himself and his Posterity too in the very judgement of Law whose blood is shed whose Crown and Royalty subverted ruined in the bloodshâ—d ruine destruction of his Parliament Kingdom people As it is in the naturall so likewise in the politicâ— Body a mortall wound in any part of the body kills both body and head the body naturall or politicke cannot die or miscarry but the head must do so likewise therefore this War against the Parliament and Kingdom must in point of Law and Conscience too be a War against the King himself the chief politick head and member of them both from which he cannot legally be severed and high Treason at least against them both as the Parliament the sole Judge of Treasons hath resolved long since in their Declaration of August 18. 1642. in thâ—se positive words The Lords and Commons do declare That all such persons as shall upon any pretence whatsoever assist his Majesty in this war with Horse Arms Plate or Money ARE TRAYTORS TO HIS MAJESTIE THE PARLIAMENT AND THE KINGDOM and shall be brought to condigne punishment for so high an offence which they have since seconded in sundry other Declarations and Impeachments In brief the Gunpowder plot in 3. Iacobi to blow up the Parliament House was then adjudged resolved by the Parliament King and Judges to be high Treason not onely against the King but Parliament and Kingdom too and to blow up or assault the Parliament now in the Kings absence is questionlesse High Treason both against the King Parliament and Kingdom Yea the Statute of 28. H. 8. c. 7. declares those who shall claim the Crown even of right in any oeher manner then is limited by vertue and authority of that Act after the Kings death with all their Counsellors and abettors to be deemed and adjudged HIGH TRAITOURS TO THE REALM not the King and such their offence to be reputed HIGH TREASON and they for it to suffer such pains of death and forfeiture of Lands and Goods as in any cases of high Treason is used onely because it might in common probability ingender a Civil war and Dissentions in the Kingdom to be destruction of the people and their posterities much more then must it be high Treason against the Realm and those High Traitours who now actually wage War against the Parliament the Kingdom and destroy the Subjects and their estates in divers places which they have burned sacked ruined I read in Fabian that Eguiran chief Councellour to Philip the third of France was judged to death and hanged on the Gibbet at Paris for Treason against King Philip and the REALM OF FRANCE as our Powder Traitors were executed for high Treason against the King and Realm of England of late and Gaveston with the Spensers heretofore By the Stat. of 1 E. 3. c. 1. 5. R. 2. c. 6. 11. R. 2. c. 1. 3. 17. R. 2. c. 8. 21. R. 2. c. 2. 4. 20. 3. H. 5. Stat. 2. c. 6. 1. Mariae c. 6. certain offences are declared and made high Treason and the committers of them Traitours and enemies not onely to and against the King but likewise TO AND AGAINST THE REALM and in particular the illegall indicting of some Lords to destroy them as guilty of high Treason for procuring a Commission in Parliament supposed prejudiciall to the King and his Crown in 10 R. 2. c. 1. and the opposing and annulling of that Commission and of some Processe Iudgements Executions made given and affirmed in some of these Parliaments raising forces and leavying war against the Parliament and Members of it to destroy them were then adjudged high Treason both against the King and THE REALM though done by the Kings expresse Commission and command The reason is because the King himselfe and the whole Realm in judgement of Law are ever legally present in and with his Parliament when they sit as I have already proved where ever the Kings person is and his royall legall will of which alone the Law takes notice is ever presumed to concur with his greatest Councâ—ll the Parliament against whose Priviledges safety and protection he neither can nor ought by Law or right to attempt any thing and if any personall Commands or Commissions of the King under his great Seal to do ought against Magna Charta the Subjâ—cts libertyâ— safety property the Parliaments Priviledges the Common or Statute Laws of the Realm all which together with the Kings Coronation Oath and the Prologues of most old Parliaments expresly prohibit the levying of war killing wounding murthering imprisoning disinheriting robbing or plundering of the Subjects without legall triall or conviction as do the Statutes of 2 R 2. c. 7. 1 H. 5. c. 6. 1 H. 5. c. 6. which prescribe exemplary punishments against such Plunderers and Robbers especially the Welchmen issue out to any person or persons whatsoever especially to raise forces or levie war against the Parliament or Subjects they are meerly void in Law and will rather aggravate then extenuate the guilt
of those who obey or execute them as is clearly resolved not onely by 42. Ass. p. 5. 12. Brooke Commissions 15. 16. Cooke l. 5. f. 50. 51. l. 7. f. 36. 37. l. 8. f. 125. to 129. but likewise expresly adjudged and enacted by the Statutes of 15 E. 3. 81. 1. c. 1. 3. 42. E 3. c. 1. 3. 11 R. 2. c. 1. to 6. 21 Iac. c. 3. the Petition of Right 3 Caroli 28. E. 2. Artic. super Chartas c. 2. 4 E. 3. c. 4. 5 E. 3. c. 2. 25 E. 3. c. 1. 15. 34 E. 3. c. 2. and generally by all Statutes concerning Purveyors by the memorable old Statute of 15 E. 3. Stat. 1 If any Minister of the King or any other person of what condition soever be be do or come against any point of the great Charter or other Statutes or the Laws of the Land he shall answer to the Parliament as well as the SUTE OF THE KING as at the sute of the partie AS FAR FORTH WHERE IT WAS DONE BY COMMISSION OR COMMANDMENT OF THE KING as of his own authority And by that parallel good Law recorded by Fabian made in Parliament in the fiâ—st yeer of King Henry the fourth That no Lord nor other person of no degree should after that day lay for his excuse as some then did any constraint or coacting of his Prince in executing of any wrong judgement or other criminous or unlawfull deeds saying That for fear they durst not otherwise do for such excuse after this day SHALL STAND HIM IN NO STEAD And in this Parliament Hall was judged to be drawn from the Tower of London unto Tiburne and there to be hanged and quartered which was accordingly executed onely because he was one of those who secretly murthered the Duke of Glocester at Calice illegally attainted of Treason in the Parliament of 21. R. 2. without due processe of the Law by King Richard the second his command for his good service done in Parliament in 10 11. of this King and likewise the Dukes of Aumarl Surrey Exeter with other Noble-men were deprived of their Dukedoms of most of their Lands Castles Honours for having a finger in this Dukes suffocation and death by King Richards instigation and command and had lost their heads too if the common people had been their Judges who murmured against King Henry for sparing their lives as you may read in Walsingham and Speed If these then who murthered but one good Peer of the Realm by the Kings speciall command for his good service done in former Parliaments after an illegall judgement of high Treason given against him were thus hanged quartered degraded as Traytors by a solemn Judgement in Parliament how severe a censure may they expect who without and before any such conviction or sentence have taken up offensive Arms to murther and destroy the Parliament it self and chiefe Members of it as Traitors and caused them or any of them illegally to be proclaimed Traitors the more colourably to wage War against them All which I would advise His Majesties Captains Cavalliers and ill Counsellors to consider The rather because all levying of War either against the King or against the Kingdom and Parliament now made a matter of high Treason on both sides must and ought to be determined and resolved which of them is high Treason and which not and the paâ—ties guilty of it must and ought to be tried arraigned judged and condemned for it onely in and by the Parliament and in and by no other Court or Iudges as is punctually resolved by the severall Statutes of 11 R. 2. c. 1. 2. 3. 4. 21 R. 2. c. 2. 3. 4. 12. 20. 8 H. 4. c. 10. and the very words of the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. 2. of Treasons especially being a new case If then the Parliament are and must be the onely judges of this question Which of the two parties now in Arms are Traitors and the onely Court wherein all must be tried on this point they may easily judge who are and must be the Traitors in this case and those who by the Kings meer personall command and presence whom they have treacherously withdrawn from his Parliament fight now both against Parliament and King in his legall and regall capacitie when the time of triall comes will be found reall Traytors both to King and Kingdom what ever their own ignorance temporizing Lawyers or hopes of prevailing may now suggest unto them as the Parliament hath already declared them in sundry Remonstrances In the Parliament of 15 E. 2. the two Spensers were by a speciall Act of Parliament adjudged Traitors banished and their lands and goods confiscated for miscounselling this King and advising him to ride with armed Troops of horses and men into Glocestershire to assault the good people there and to levie war within the Realm to the destruction of the Church and people contrary to the form of the great Charter and breach of the peace of the Realm What severe judgement then may those ill Counsellors and Cavalliers deserve who have actually levied war not onely against the County of Glocâ—ster which they have pitifully harrowed and spoiled contrary to all Law sacking Cicester to its utter ruine and leading away the good people thence captives to Oxford in triumph for the most part barefooted through dirt and mire in the cold Winter season chained together in ropes more like to Turkish Gallystaves then English Christian Subjects onely for this new kinde of supposed Treason and Rebellion the defence of their Liberties lives and goods against theeving Cavalliers which they may defend by Law and justifie the killing of all those who shall violently assault them or their houses to rob them of them denying them so much as a draught of cold water to quench their thirst by the way and keeping off all who would give it to them many of them being since dead at Oxford of famine and more then barbarous usage but likewise against most Counties and many Towns of England miserably wasted sacked pillaged and some in cold blood burned by them and the whole Kingdom Parliament yea King himself in his politick Capacitie and raised an Army of Papists against expresse late Acts of Parliament who not onely now set up their long exploded Masse openly in Yorkeshire Reading and other places but which my very soul abhors to think of have lately in a most impious manner Shit upon the English Bible in folio defaced and burnt many Testaments and godly English Books in Iohn Hamonds house a Bookseller in Marleborough when they sacked it in contempt of our Religion setting the chimney on fire with their excessive flames and if reports be credible have since burned divers English Bibles with other good Books in the publike Market place at Reading under the very Gallows in detestation of our Protestant Faith whose utter extirpation is their chief designe Certainly if these ill Councellers or murdering
before till these blacke clouds were dissipated Which his Majesty refusing to grant in so ample manner as was thought meete for their security by a Vote of both Houses when they were full the Militia was committed to divers Noble Lords and others many of whom have since laid downe their Commissions which they at first accepted from the Houses and instead thereof beene active instruments in executing the Commission of Array issued out by his Majesty in direct opposition to the Militia which the Houses by two severall Declarations have since Voted and manifested To be against the Law and Liberty of the Subjects And to prevent the arrivals of Foraine Forces and a civill warre in the bowâ—ls of the kingdom they first put the Tower of London by the Kings consent into a confiding hand trusted by either party then they secured Hull and the Magazine there after this when they were informed his Majesty had seised Newcastle and was raising an Army they possessed themselves of the Navy Portsmouth with other Ports and Forts and sequestred his Revenues the Nerves with which he should support this unnaturall civill warre which by degrees hath now overspread the whole kingdome and threatens inevitable desolation to it if not speedily determined by an honourable safe Accommodation This being the true State and progresse of the Militia the sole question will be Whether all the former circumstances of danger his Majesties refusall to settle the Militia Ports c. by an act in such trusty hands as both King and Parliament might confide in the Parliament by an Ordinance of both Houses onely without the King refusing to joyne with them and wilfully absenting himselfe from the Parliament might not in this case of necessity and extremity for their owne and the kingdomes safety lawfully settle and seise the premises for the present as they have done and whether this be a just ground for the King to begin or continue a desperate civill warre against his Subjects For my part I shall not undertake to justifie all passages on either side in the managing of this businesse it may be there have beene errors at least in both parties which to reconcile as neere as possible I shall premise such propositions on either hand as Neither can in justice deny On the Kings part it is irrefragable First That the Kings of England yea generally all Kings where ever have usually enjoyed the chiefe Ministeriall Ordering of the Militia in such sort as it hath beene setled by their Parliaments for the defence of the kingdome by Land and Sea against Foraine Enemies A Truth acknowledged not onely by Judge Crooke and Hutton in their Arguments against Ship-money but by the Parliament it selfe in their two Declarations against the Commission of Array the Scripture it selfe in sundry places together with Aristotle Polybius Cicero Iacobus Valdesius the Histories of all kingdomes attesting that the originall cause of erecting Kings was and one principall part of their Royall Office is to be their Kingdomes Generals in their Warres and fight their Battailes for them the Kings of Sparta and others yea the ancient Roman Emperours being nothing but their Generalls to manage their Warres and oft elected Emperours by the Roman Legions for their skill in Martiall affaires Secondly That it is not onely expedient but in some respects necessary that this chiefe ministeriall command of the Militia Forts and Navy should constantly continue in the Crowne unlesse it be in some speciall cases as when the King is an Infant or unable or unwilling to discharge this trust or intends to imploy this power against his Subjects to infringe their Liberties and erect a Tyranny instead of a Royalty over them And that it is not meete nor honourable to deprive his Majesty of this part of his Soveraignty as long as he shall faithfully discharge his trust herein but onely to recommend unto him such persons of trust and quality to manage the Militia Forts and Navy under him in these times of war and danger in whose fidelity the Parliament and whole kingdome may confide and so be freed from their just jealousies feares and dangers Thus farre the Houses have already condescended and upon these indifferent termes as they conceive them have oft profered to resigne up all the Ports Forts Ships Magazines and Ammunition they have seised on into his Majesties hands they never desiring nor intending to devest him of this his Soveraigne power over them On the Parliaments part it must necessarily be granted to them by the King First That the whole power which either his Majesty hath or claimes or his Predecessors enjoyed over the Militia Forts Navy Ammunition Revenues of the Crown was originally derived and granted to his Ancestors by the Parliaments and kingdomes free consents And that onely upon trust and confidence for their protâ—ction benefit security as the premises abundantly evidence Secondly that the King hath no other power over the Militia to Array Arme or Muster his Subjects in any case then onely in such manner as the Parliament by speciall Acts hath prescribed as Sir Edward Cooke in his Institutes on Magna Charta f. 528. 529. this Parliament in the two Declarations against the Commission of Array and Judge Crooke and Hutton in their Arguments against Ship-money have largely proved Thirdly That in ancient times in and before Edward the Confessors dayes and since the Heretoches or Lord Lieutenants of every Province and Country who had the chiefe power of the Militia and commanded them as their Generals in the Warres were elected by the Common Councell of the kingdome the Parliament throughout all Provinces of the Realme and in every County by the Freeholders in a full Folkmote or County Court as appeares by the expresse words of King Edwards owne Lawes Recorded in Mr. Lambard Recited and affirmed by Sir Edward Cooke in his Institutes on Magna Charta f. 174 175. Fourthly That the Sheriffe of every County who both then had and now hath full power to raise the Militia and Forces of the County upon any occasion to apprehend Delinquents execute Proces of the Law suppresse Riots and preserve the peace of the County were not elected by the King but by the Free-holders of each County as the Conservators of the Peace and all great Officers of trust then were and the Coroners Foresters and other Officers then and yet are elected by the Free-holders as well as Knights Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament even at this very day This is evident by the expresse words of King Edward the Confessors Lawes Cap. de Heretochiis Recorded by Mr. Lambard Archaion p. 135. and Sir Edward Cooke attesting that the Sheriffes of every County were chosen by the Freeholders in the County Court And by the Articles of deprivation against Richard the second charging this upon him as an illegall encroachment That he put out divers Sheriffes lawfully ELECTED to wit
by the Free-holders and put in their roomes divers of his owne Minions subverting the Law contrary to his Oath and honour In the yeare 1261. The Barons by vertue of an Ordinance of Parliament made at Oxford in the 45 yeare of Henry the third admitted and made Sheriffes of divers Counties in England and named them Guardians and Keepers of those Counties and discharged them whom the King had before admitted After which great tumults and seditions arose throughout the Counties of England about the Sheriffes for the King making new Sheriffes in every County and removing with regall indignation those to whom the custody of the Counties was committed by the Barons and Commons of the Land the Inhabitants of the Counties animated with the assâ—stance and ayded with the Counsell of some great men of the Realme by whom they were instructed with great sagacity Novos râ—pulere viriliter Vicecomites manfully repulsed the new Sheriffes Neither would they answer regard or obey them in any thing Whereat the King being grievously troubled in mind to gaine the peoples devotion fidelity directed his Letters to all the Inhabitants of the several Counties of England moving to piety tending to regaine the Subjects love Wherupon great discord increased betweene the King and his Barons who comming to London with great forces the King finding himselfe too weak ended the matter for the present with a fained Accommodation which soone after was infringed by him and so Conquievit tandem per internuncios ipsa perturbatio SUB SPE PACIS reformandae sine strepitâ—â— guerrae quorundum Procerum ad hoc electorum considerationibus parte utraque concorditer inclinata Sicque Baronum omnis labor atque omne studium praecogitatum diu QUORUNDAM ut putabatur ASTUTIA INTERMIXTA cassatum est ad hoc tempus emarcuit quia semper nocuit differre paratis writes Matthew Westminster Notwithstanding these contests the people still enjoyed the right of electin Sheriffes which is evident by the Statute of Articuli super Chartas in the 28. yeare of King Edward the first c. 8. The King granteth to the people not by way of grace but of Right that they shall have election of their Sheriffe IN EVERY SHIRE where the Shrevalty is not of Fee IF THEY LIST and chap. 13. For as much as the King hath granted the election of the Sheriffes to the COMMONS of the Shire the King will that THEY SHALL CHUSE such Sheriffes that shall not charge them c. And Sir Edward Cooke in his Commentary on Magna Charta f. 174 175. 558 559. 566. proves at large the right of electing Sheriffes to be antiently of late and at this day in many places in the Free-holders and people as in London York Bristoll Glocester Norwich in all great Cities which are Counties and in Middlesex Seeing then the Parliament and Free-holders in antient times had a just right to elect their Generals Captaines Sheriffes who had the sole power of the Militia and Counties in their hands next under the King himselfe and there is no negative Law in being that I can find to exclude them from this power I humbly conceive that their setling the Militia by an Ordinance of Both Houses and electing of Commanders Lieutenants Captaines in each County to execute it and defend the Counties from plundering and destruction without his Majesties consent especially after his refusall to settle it by an Act can be no incroachment at all upon his Prerogative Royall but only a reviving and exercising of the old undoubted rightfull power enjoyed by their Predecessors now necessary to be resumed by them in these times of feare and danger for the kingdomes safety Fifthly The Mayors Bayliffes Sheriffes chiefe Officers of Cities and Townes corporate throughoutâ— the Realme who under the King have the principall command of those Cities Townes Ports and in many places of the Militia and Trained Bands within them are alwayes chosen by the Corporations and Freemen not the King without any derogation to or usurpation on his Prerogative Why then may not those Corporations yea each County too by the like reason and the Parliament which represents them and the whole kingdome without any prejudice or dishonour to his Majesties Authority by an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament without the King dispose of the Militia and these Military Officers for the defence of those Corporations and the Realme too now in times of such apparent danger Sixthly all Military affaires of the kingdome heretofore have usually even of right for their originall determining counselling ann disposing part 〈◊〉 Ordered by the Parliament the executive or ministeriall part onely by the King and so hath beene the use in most other kingdomes To instance in particulars First the denouncing of warre against Foraine enemies hath beene usually concluded and resolved on by the Parliament before it was proclaimed by the King as our Records of Parliament and Histories of warres in the Holy-Land Frâ—â—ce Scotland Ireland abundantly evidence King Henry the fifth by the advise of his Prelates Lords and Commons in Parliament and at their encitement twice denounced and undertooke his victorious warre against France to which Crowne he then laid claime for which end they granted him Subsidies King Edward the 1. in the 21 yeare of his Reigne calling a Parliament at London de Concilio Praelatorum Procerum c. by the advise of his Prelates Lords and Parliament denounced war against the King of France to recover his right and lands there seised Which to effect both the Clergy and Laity granted him large Subsidies In the fifth yeare of King Edward the third the warre against Scotland was concluded and resolved on in and by the Parliament all the Nobles and Commons of England telling the King they would gladly and willingly assist and goe with him in that expedition which they vigorously prosecuted Before this Anno 1227. A peace as well as war was conecâ—uded with the Scots in and by a Parliament at Northampton Anno 1242. King Henry the third summoning a Parliament and demanding ayd of his Subjects to assist him in his warre against the King of France to recover his rights there they gave him a resolute answer that they would grant him no ayde and that he should make no war with France till the Truce were expired which Matthew Paris thus further expresseth The Nobles answered him with great bitternesse of heart that he had conceived this warre and vnyage into France without their advise Et talia effrons impudenter postularat exagitans depauperans fideles suos tam frequenter traâ—ens exactiones in consequentiam quasi a servis ultimae conditionis tantam pecuniam toties extorsit inutiliter dispensandam Contradixerunt igitur Regi in faciem nolentes amplius sic pecunia sua frustratorie spoliari The King hereupon put them off till the next day Romanorum usus vertutis fallaciis and then they should heare his
minde concerning this and other matters The next day he cals them one by one into his privy Chamber Now one then another like a Priest calling penitents to confession and thus those whom he could not all together overcome weakned by being every one apart hee endeavoured more cunningly to enervate with his words and demanding a pecuniary ayde of them he said See what this Abbot hath granted me towards my aide behold what another hath subscribed producing a fained Roll that such and such an Abbot or Peere had subscribed such a summe when in truth not one of them had consented to it neither came it into their thoughts The King therefore with such false copies and ensnaring words cunningly inveagled many Notwithstanding most stood out and would by no meanes recede from the common answer which they had sworne not to recede from under paine of an Anathema To whom the King answered in anger Shall I be perjured I have sworne with an inviolable oath that passing over sea I will with a stretched out arme demand my rights of the King of France which I cannot doe without store of Treasure which must proceed from your liberality else I can by no meanes doe it Neither yet with these or other words could hee entrap any albeit he called every man single to conferre with After this he againe called others which were more familiar with him and so talking to them said What a pernitious example give you to others you who are Earles Barons and valiant Souldiers ought not to tremble as others to wit Prelates of the Church doe You ought to be more covetous to demaund the Kings rights and valiantly to fight against those who wrong me c. with what face then can you relinquish me poore and desolate now being your Lord in such a weighty businesse which concernes the Common-wealth when I am bound by promises to passe the Seas which I ratified with an oath Which when it came to the knowledge of all they answered We admire beyond all that can be spoken into what bottomlesse pit the innumerable summes of money are sunke which thou Lord King hast cunningly gained by divers wardships of great men by various escheates frequent extortions as well from Churches voyd of a Pastour as from the lands of Noblemen free granted Donatives engendring amazement in the hearts of the hearers all which have never brought so much as the least increase to the kingdome Moreover all the Nobles of England doe overmuch admire QUOD SINE EORUM CONSILIO ET CONSENSU that without their counsell or consent you haue undertaken so difficult and perilous a businesse giving credit to those who want faith and contemning the favour of thy naturall Subjects exposest thy selfe to cases of so doubtfull fortune thou dishonestly and impudently not without just perill of thy Soule and wounding of thy Fame breakest the Articles of the truce betweene the King of France and thee which thou hast sworn upon thy Soule indissolubly and unviolably to keepe for three yeares space c. The King hearing these things was exceeding angry swearing by all the Saints that he would be revoked by no terrour nor perswaded by any circumstances of words to retard his begun purpose and taking ship on Quindena Paschae would undauntedly try the fortune of Warre in Foraine parts And so the Parliament dissolving in discontent and secret heart-burning on both sides the Lords and Barons for a perpetuall memory of their Heroicke Answer returned to the King set it downe in a notable Remonstrance too large to transcribe which you may reade in Matthew Paris After this in the yeare 1248. this King summoned a generall Parliament at London wherein hee demaunded an ayde from his Lords and Commons to recover his Right in France who instead of granting it informed him very roundly and fully of his unkingly and base oppressions both of his Subjects and strangers to his owne and the kingdomes dishonour and of his tyranny and rapines At which the King being confounded and ashamed in himselfe promised a serious and speedy Reformation Which because they thought to be but feigned he answered they should shortly see it Whereupon they replyed they would patiently expect it till fifteene dayes after St. Iohn Baptist adjourning the House till then But the King seduced hardned and much exasperated by his bad Counsellers and Courtiers giving then a very high displeasing answer to their demands they all unanimously answered that they would no more unprofitably impoverish themselves to enrich and strengthen the King and kingdomes Enemies and that he had precipitately and indiscreetly and WITHOUT THEIR CONSENT hastned into Poictiers and Gascoygne and engaged himselfe in that warre whence he returned ingloriously with losse of his honour and treasure to his great reproach And so this Parliament dissolving with discontent the King grew very angry with his ill Counsellors for putting him upon these courses which lost the hearts of his Nobles and people who to pacifie his anger and supply his wants advised him to sell all his Plate Utensils and Jewels to the Londoners and then to resume and seise them againe as belonging to the Crowne Anno 1256. The same King Henry summoned a Parliament to assist him in his warres in Apulia but because he had taken upon him that Warre WITHOUT HIS BARONS AND PARLIAMENTS CONSENT they and his owne Brother Richard Earle of Cornwall refused to grant or lend him any ayde And because all the Barons and Commons were not summoned to this Parliament as they ought to be according to the tenor of Magna Charta they refused to doe any thing or grant any aide without the rest of the Peeres were present and so returned home discontented After this Anno 1258. this King summoning a Parliament at London demaunded ayde of them towards his warres in Apulia to which the Parliament gave this resolute answer that they could no wayes supply him in this case without their owne undoing And if he had unadvisedly and unseemingly gotten from the Pope the kingdome of Apulia for the use of his Son Edward he should impute it to his owne simplicity and that he had PRESUMED UNCIRCUMSPECTLY WITHOUT THE CONSENT OF HIS NOBLES TO UNDERTAKE THIS WARRE as a contemner of deliberation and prudence which is wont to forecast the end of things therefore he should bring it to what issue he best could and should take example from his brother Richard who refused the Empire tendred to him c. In the second yeare of King Edward the second he consented to this Act of Parliament That he would begin no warre without common consent in Parliament which he then confirmed with an Oath So An. 25 Edward 1. The Lords and Commons utterly refused to goe with the King to his wars in Flanders though they were summoned to doe it Because this warre was proclaimed without their consents and good likings and they were not bound by their Tenures to
goe unto it petitioning the King to desist from this Warre and at last caused the King in Parliament to release these services And Anno 1205. The Lords and Commons for this very reason refused to go with King Iohn to his warres in France to recover his inheritance there In the sixt yeare of King Richard the second in a Parliament holden at London it was for many dayes together debated whether the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spensâ—r whâ—m the Pope had made Generall of his Forces against the Schismatickes of Flanders giving great indulgences to those who should assist him in person or with Monies in this Warre should undertake that Warre or no and after muâ—h opposition of the Captaines of the kingdome alledging that it was not safe to commit the people of the King and kingdome to an unexpert Priest it was at last resolved in Parliament through the constancy and valour of the Knights and Commons that he should undertake this war and goe Generall of the Army Which office he valiantly managed with good successe being a better Souldier than Preacher And the same yeare in another Parliament at London it was Decreed BY THE PARLIAMENT that because the Scots had broken their Faith with the English Faith should be broken with them Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem And that a select power should be sent into Scotland out of England to wit a thousand Lances and 2000. Archers to curbe their attempts under the conduct of the Lord Thomas of Woodstocke which the Scots being informed of were greatly afraid and in the end of the Parliament sent humble supplicants to it to treat with them about a peace or truce which they desired But the English having had such frequent experience of their falshood would neither treat nor compound with them but reviling their messengers commanded them to returne home wishing them to defend their heads and rights as well as they could Who returning the Northerne Lords undertooke the defence of their Country untill Thomas of Woodstocke should be pâ—epared to ayd them with greater Forces Loe here both Generalls Armies Warres appointed by the Parliament and Subsidies likewise granted to supply them and the making of a peace or truce referred to them it being agreed in a former Treaty that if any dammage or injury should be done by either Nation one to another some speciall Committees should be sent to the Parliament of both kingdomes every yeare who should publikely relate the injuries sustained and receive amends according to the dammage suffered by the judgement of the Lords In the Printed Statutes of 18 Ed. 3. Parliament 2. and in our Historians too I finde this preamble recited almost verbatim the next Parliament the same yeare chap 1. It is to be remembred that at the Parliament hâ—lden at Westminster the munday next after the Utas of the Holy Trinity in the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is of England the 18. and of France the 5. many things were shewed in full Parliament which were attempted by the adversary party against our Soveraigne Lord the King of France against the Truce late taken in Britaine betwixt our Soveraigne Lord the King and him And how that he enforceth himselfe as much as he may to destroy our said Soveraign Lord the King and his Allies Subjects Lands and places and the tongue of England And that was prayed by our said Soveraigne Lord the King of the Prelates great men and Commons THAT THEY WOULD GIVE HIM SUCH COUNSELL and AIDE AS SHOULD BE EXPEDIENT IN SO GREAT NECESSITY And the same Prelates great men and Commons taking good deliberation and advice and openly seeing the subversion of the Land of England and Kings great businesse which God defend if hasty remedy be not provided HAVE COUNSELLED JOYNTLY and SEVERALLY and prayed with great instance our Soveraigne Lord the King that he would make him as strong as he might to passe the Sea in assurance of the ayde of God and his good quarrell effectually at this time TO MAKE AN END OF HIS WARRES BY WAY OF PEACE OR ELSE BY FORCE And that for Letters words nor faire promises he shall not let his passage till he see the effect of his businesse And for this cause the said great men do grant to passe and adventure them with him And the said Commons doe grant to him for the same cause in a certaine forme two Quinzimes of the Commonalty and two Dismes of the Cities and Burroughes to be levyed in manner as the last Quinzime granted to him and not in other manner c. So that the money levyed of the same be dispended in the businesse shewed to them this Parliament BY ADVICE OF THE GREAT MEN THERETO ASSIGNED And that the aydes beyond Trent BE PUT IN DEFENCE OF THE NORTH A pregnant Precedent of the Parliaments interest in concluding Warre and Peace and disposing of the ayde contributed towards warres to such persons and uses as they deeme meete to confide in By these with infinite other precedents the Statute of 1 Iac. c. 2. and the Act of Pacification and oblivion betweene Scotland and England made this very Parliament enacting that no warre shall be levyed or made by any of either Nation against the other without consent of Parliament under paine of High Treason It is evident that the principall right of concluding denouncing Warre or peace resides in the Parliament and that the King without its previous advice and consent ought not to proclaime any open warre since the Subjects estates and persons must support wage it and receive most disadvantage by it a truth not onely implyed but resolved by his Majesties owne royall assent this very Parliament in the Act of Pacification betwixt England and Scotland Neither is this thing unusuall but common in other Kingdomes Livy Polybius Grimston Plutarch Iohn Bodin expresly affirme and confirme by sundry examples That in the Roman State both under their Kings and Emperours the chiefe power of denouncing warre and concluding peace was in the Senate and people And if any of their Emperours Consuls or Generals concluded peace without their consents it did not binde but was meerely voyd unlesse the Senate and people ratified it by a new decree neither might any warre be decreed but in the great assembly of the Senate and people together and by a publike Law And because Caesar had without command of the people made warre in France Cato Uticensis delivered his opinion in the Senate that the Army was to be called home and Caesar for his presumption delivered up to the Enemy So in the States and Kingdomes of the Athenians Aetolians Polonia Sweden Denmarke and Norway no Warre was begunne nor Peace concluded by their Kings but by the authority and preceding decree of their Senates Parliaments and Diets as Bodin proves at large The like Buchanan affirmes of the Kings of Scotland and we have divine authority
and Statutes of the Realme be by him defeated and frustrated at his will to the destruction of the King his Soveraignty Crowne and Regality and of all his Realme in defence whereof in all points they would live and dye Hence the Kings of England have alwayes setled entailed and disposed of the succession and Revenues of the Crowne by speciall Acts of Parliament and consent of the whole Realme because the whole kingdome hath an interest therein without whose concurring assent in Parliament they had no power to dispose thereof as the Statutes of 21 R. 2. c. 9. 7 H. 4. c. 2. 25 H. 8. c. 22. 26 H. 8. c. 13. 28 H. 8. c. 7. 35 H. 8. c. 1. 1 Mar. c. 1. and Parl. 2. c. 1 2. 1 Eliz. c. 3. 13 Eliz. c. 1. 1 Iac. c. 1. Hals Chron. f. 10. 15. 1 H. 4. p. 763. 928. to 932. Doniels hist. p. 122. 138 139. abundantly manifest and Cooke l. 8. the Princes case Upon which ground King Edward the sixt his devise of the Crowne of England to the Lady Iane by his last will in writing without an Act of Parliament contrary to the Statute of 35 H. 8. c. 1. was adjudged voyd though subscribed and sworne to by all the Lords of the privy Counsell and all the Iudges but one and Queene Iane with the Duke of Northumberland and others who proclaimed her as Queen of England by vertue of this devise were condemned and executed as Traytors Whereas auy private Subject may devise and settle his estate as he pleaseth without any speciall Act of Parliament to authorize him Hence in the Parliament Roll of 1 H. 6. Num. 18. The last Will and Testament of deceased Henry the fifth and the Legacies therein bequeathed of 40000. Markes in Goods Chattels Jewels Moneyes for Payment of the Kings debts are ratified by the Lords Commons and Protectors concurring assents by an Act of Parliament as being otherwise invalid to binde the King or Kingdome And Num. 40. Queene Katherines Dower of 40000. Scutes per Annum concluded on by Articles upon her Marriage and by a Parliament held the second of May in the 9. yeare of King Henry the fifth well approved authorized and accepted which Articles that King then swore unto and the three Estates of the Realme of England to wit the Prelates Nobles and Commons of England in that Parliament and every one of them for them their Heires and Successors promised well and truely to observe and fulfill for ever as much as to them and every of them appertained Was after her Husbands death upon her petition by a speciall patent made by this Infant King her Son WITH THE ASSENT OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL and TEMPORALL and COMMONS OF ENGLAND IN THAT PRESENT PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED assigned setled and confirmed out of the Crowne Lands therein specified else it had not beene binding to the Successor King or Realme the Crowne Lands being the Kings but onely in the Kingdomes right whence all our Queenes Dowers and Joyntures have usually been setled and confirmed in and by Parliaments wheras any other man may endow or make his Wife a good Joynture without the Parliaments assent or privity And in 2 E. 3. the Queene Dowagers great Ioynture which tooke up three parts of the Kings Revenues by common consent in a Parliament held at Nottingham was all taken from her because not duely setled by Parliament and too excessive to the Kings and kingdomes prejudice and she put to a pension of 1000. li. per annum during her life And by the Statute of 1 H. 6. c. 5. it is expressely resolved That King Henry the fifth could not alien or pledge the ancient Jewels or Goods of the Crowne to maintaine his Warres without a speciall Act of Parliament and if he did those to whom he pawned or sold them were still accomptable to the Crowne for them and the alienation voyd whence the carrying of the Jewels Treasure and Plate of the kingdome over Sea into Ireland without assent of the Nobility and Parliament was one of the Articles objected against Richard the second in Parliament when he was deposed the Jewels and Crowne Lands being not the Kings in right of property and interest but the kingdomes onely and so all alienations of them without the Parliaments consent voyd and usually resumed by the Parliament witnesse the notable Act of Resumption in 8 H. 6. and 31 H. 6. c. 7. of all the Kings grants of any Honours Castles Townes Villages Manors Lands Rents Reversions Annuities c. from the first yeare of his Reigne till then with divers other precedents of Resumptions in the Margin in King Stevens Rich. 1 2. Hen. 2 3 5. their Reignes These resolutions of our Common and Statute Law are seconded by many forraigne Civilians as Baldus in Proem de Feud n. 32. 33. Aretine in Rubric Lucas de Penna Cod. de omni agro deserto l. Quicunque f. 184 185. Albericus de Rosate Quodcunque praescrip bene a Zenone n. 4. f. 3. 1. 4. Boetius Epan Haeroic quest qu. 3. n. 43. qu. 5. n. 19. 27. 34. Didacus Cavaruvius Practic qu. c. 4. n. 1. Martinus Laudensis de Confaed Tract 1. qu. 13. Ioan. Andreas in cap. dilect de Maior Obed. Franciscus Vargas de Author Pontif Axiom 1. n. 2. Concilium Toletanum 8. Surius Concil Tom. 2. p. 865 866. with sundry others many of whose words you may reade in Doctor Crakenthorps defence of Constantine p. 169. to 175. who affirme That the Emperour or any other King cannot give away any Townes or Territories belonging to their Empire or Kingdomes contrary to their Oathes and Trusts they being the Kingdomes not theirs in right Whence they conclude Constantines pretended Donation of Rome and Italy to the Pope a meere Nullity And Francis the first King of France An. 1525. professed publikely to all the world That it was not in the power of a French King to bind himselfe to the alienation of any Lands Townes or Territories belonging to the Crowne without the consent of the generall Estates of France of his Soveraigne Courts and Officers in whose hands the Authority of the whole Realme remained And therefore â—e refused to consigne the Dutchy of Burgoyne to the Emperour Charles the fifth who had taken him prisoner in the Battle of Pavia or to release his right to any territories belonging to the Crowne of France though he had sworne to do it to procure his Liberty alledging that he had no power to do it without his kingdomes and Parliaments consents It is true our Law-bookes say That the King cannot be seised of Lands to any private Subjects use by way of feofment because it stands not with his honor to be any private mans feoffee because no Subpena lieth to force him to execute it he is a Corporation yet he may have the possession of lands in others right and for their uses as of Wards Ideots Lunaticks
Bishops during the vacation and the like and if he alien these Lands in fee to their prejudice the grant is voyd in Law and shall be repealed as hath beene frequently judged because he possesseth these lands not in his owne but others rights So the King hath his Crowne Lands revenues Forts Ships Ammunition Wards Escheates not in his owne but the Kingdomes right for its defence and benefit and though he cannot stand seised to private mans use yet he may and doth stand seised of the premises to his whole kingdomes use to whom he is but a publike servant not onely in Law but Divinity too 1 Sam. 8. 20. 2 Sam. 5. 12. Isa. 49. 23. Psal. 78. 72 73 74. Rom. 13. 4. 1 Pet. 2. 13. 14. 2 Chron. 9. 8. Secondly All the Ships Ammunition Armes the Parliament hath seised were purchased not with the Kings but Kingdomes monies for the defence and service of the Kingdome as the Subsidy Bils and Acts for Tunnage and Poundage the Kings owne Declaration and Writs for Shipmony attest If then the representative Body of the kingdome to prevent the arrivall of forraine Forces and that civill warre they then foresaw was like to ensue and hath experimentally since fallen out even bâ—yond their feares and overspread the whole kingdome to which it threatens ruine hath seised sequestred the kingdomes Ports Forts Navy Ammunition into trusty hands for the Kings and Kingdomes use to no other end but that they should not be imployed against the King and Parliament by his Majesties Malignant Counsellors and outragious plundering Cavaliers what indifferent sober man can justly tax them for it Queene Elizabeth and the State of England heretofore during the Warres with Spaine inhibited the Haunse townes and other foraine Merchants over whom she had no jurisdiction to transport any materials for Warre through the narrow Seas to Spaine though their usuall Merchandize to those parts and the Sea as they alleadged was free for feare they should be turned against our Kingdome and after notice given made them prise for any of her Subjects to seise on And it is the common policy this day and anciently of all States whatsoever to seise on all provisions of Warre that are passing by way of Merchandize onely towards their enemies though they have no right or propertie in them and to grant letters of Mart to seise them as we have usually done which they plead they may justly doe by the Law of Nature of Nations to prevent their owne destruction Much more then may the Houses of Parliament after the sodaine eruption of that horrid Popish rebellion in Ireland and the feares of a like intestine warre from the Malignant Popish Prelaticall party in England expecting Forces supplies of mony and ammunition from foraine parts seise upon Hull other Ports the Navy and Ammunition the Kingdomes proper goods provided onely for its defence in such times as these when his Majesty refused to put them into such hands as the kingdome and they might justly confide in and the contrary Malignant faction plotted to get possession of them to ruine Lawes Libâ—rties Religion Parliament Kingdome And what mischiefe thinke you would these have long since done to Parliament and Subjects had they first gotten them who have already wrought so much mischiefe without them by the Kings owne encouragement and command Doubtlesse the Parliament being the supreame power now specially met together and intrusted by the Subjects to provide for the kingdomes safety had forfeited not onely their discretion but trust and betrayed both themselves their priviledges the Subjects Liberties Religion Countrey Kingdome and not onely their friends but enemies would have taxed them of infidelity simplicity that I say not desperate folly had they not seised what they did in the season when they did it which though some at first imputed onely to their over-much jealousie yet time hath since sufficiently discovered that it was onely upon substantiall reasons of true Christian Policy Had the Cavaliers and Papists now in armes gotten first possession of them in all probability wee had lost our Liberties Lawes Religion Parliament long ere this and those very persons as wise men conceive were designed to take possession of them at first had they not beene prevented without resistance whom his Majesty now imployes to regaine them by open warres and violence It is knowne to all that his Majesty had no actuall personall possession of Hull nor any extraordinary officer for him there before Sir Iohn Hothâ—m seised it but onely the Maior of the Towne elected by the Townesmen not nominated by the King neither did Sir Iohn enter it by order from the Houses till the King had first commanded the Major and Townesmen whom he had constantly intrusted before to deliver Hull up to the Earle of Newcastle now Generall of the Popish Northerne Army The first breach then of trust and cause of jealousie proceeding from the King himselfe in a very unhappy season where the quarrell first began and who is most blame-worthy let all men judge If I commit my sword in trust to anothers custody for my owne defence and then feare or â—ee that hee or some others will murther me with my owne weapon it is neither injury nor disloyaltie in me for my owne preservation to seise my owne Sword till the danger be past it is madnesse or folly not to doe it there being many ancient and late examples for to warrant it I shall instance in some few By the Common Law of the Land whiles Abbies and Priories remained when we had any Warres with foraine Nations it was lawfull and usuall to seise all the Lands goods possessions of Abbots of Priors aliens of those Countries during the warres though they possessed them onely in right of their Houses lest they should contribute any ayd intelligence assistance to our enemies Yea it anciently hath beene and now is the common custome of our owne and other kingdomes as soone as any breaches and warres begin after Proclamation made to seise and confiscate all the Ships goods and estates of those countries and kingdomes with whom they begin warre as are found within their dominions for the present or shall arrive there afterwards left the enemies should be ayded by them in the Warres preventing Physicke being as lawfull as usefull in politique as naturall bodies which act is warranted by Magna Charta with sundry other Statutes quoted in the Margin And though these seisures were made by the King in his name onely yet it was by authority of Acts of Parliament as the publike Minister of the Realme for the kingdomes securitie and benefit rather then his owne But to come to more punctuall precedents warranted by the supreme Law of Salus Populi the onely reason of the former Anno Dom 12â—4 upon thâ— confirmation of the Great Charter and of the Forest by King Iohn it was agreed granted and enacted in that Parliamentary assembly
to recede from his Oath whereupon they reseised these Castles for their safety About Midsommer the Barons drawing neare to London sent a Letter to the Mayor and Aldermen requiring to know of them Whether they would observe and maintaine the Statutes made at Oxford or not or aide and assist suâ—h persons as intended the breach of the same and sent unto them a Copy of the said Acts with a proviso that if there were any of them that should seeme to be hurtfull to the Realme or Commonweale of the same that they then by discreet persons of the land should be altered and amended Which Copy the Mayor bare unto the King then at the Tower of London with the Queene and other great persons Then the King intending to know the minde of the City asked the Mayor What he thought of those Acts who abashed with that question besought the King That he might commune with his Brethrâ—n the Aldermen and then he wâ—uld declare unto him both his and their opinions But the King said He would heare his advice without more Counsell Then the Mayor boldly said That before times he with his Brethren and commonalty of the City by his commandement were sworne to maintaine all Acts made to the honour of God to the faith of the King and profit of the Realme which Oath by his license and most gracious favour they intended to observe and keepe And moreover to avoid all occasions that might grow of grudge and variance betweene his Grace and the Barons in the City they would avoyd all aliens and strangers out of it as they soone after did if his Grace were so contented With which Answer the King seemed to bee pleased so that the Mayor with his favour departed and he and the Citizens sent answer to the Barons that they condescended to those acts binding themselves thereunto under the publike Seale of London their Liberties alwayes upholded and saved Then the Barons entred the City and shortly after the King with his Queene and other of his Counsaile returned to Westminster Anno 1264. the 48. of Henry the third the King made his peace with the Barons then in Armes upon these termes That ALL THE CASTLES OF THE KING throughout England should be delivered TO THE KEEPING OF THE BARONS the Provisions of Oxford be inviolably observed and all Strangers by â— certaine time avoyded the kingdome except such as by a generall consent should be held faithfull and profitable for the same Whereupon the Barons tooke possession of most of the Castles by agreement or violence where they found resistance as they did in many places And by the CONSENT of THE KING and BARONS Sir Hugh le Spenser was made Chiefe Justice and keeper of the Tower This done at London the Barons departed to Windsor to see the guiding of that Castle where they put out those aliens whom Sir Edward the Kings Sonne had before put in and put other Officers in their places spoyling them of such goods as they had Who complaining thereof to the King he put them off for that season After which they re-seised Dover Castle and made Richard de Gray a valiant and faithfull man Constable of it who searching all passengers that came thither very strictly found great store of Treasure which was to be secretly conveyed to the Poictovines which he seised and it was imployed by the Barons appointment upon the profitable uses of the Realme The yeare following the Commons of London chose Thomas Fitz-Thomas for their Mayor and without consent of the Aldermen sware him at the Guild-hall without presenting him the next day to the King or Barons of the Exchequer For which the King was grievously discontented and being advertised that the Citizens tooke part with the Barons caused his Sonne Edward to take the Castle of Winsor by a traine to which the King and Lords of his party repaired And the other Lords and Knights with great Forces drew towards London but by mediation of friends there was a peace concluded and the differences were referred to the French King and his PARLIAMENT as Andrew Favine records out of Rishanger to end Who giving expresse sentence that all the Acts of Oxenford should from thenceforth be utterly forborne and annulled The Barons discontented with this partiall sentence departed into the Marches of Wales where raising Forces they seised on many Townes and Castles of the Kings and Prince Edward going against them was sore distressed and almost taken Hereupon to end these differences a new Parliament was appointed at Oxford which tooke no effect Because when the King had yeelded the Statutes of Oxford should stand the Queene was as utterly against it whose opposition in this point being knowne to the Londoners the baser sort of people were so enraged that she being to shoot the Bridge from the Tower towards Winsor they with darts stones and villanous words forced her to returne After which the Lords sending a Letter to the King to beseech him not to beleeve the ill reports of some evill Counsellors about him touching their loyalty and honest intentions were answered with two Letters of defiance Upon which ensued the bloody battle of Lewis in Sussex in which the King and his Sonne with 25. Barons and Baronets were taken prisoners twenty thousand of the Commons slaine Richard King of Romans the Kings Brother was likewise taken prisoner in this Battle who a little before comming over into England with some Forces to ayde his Brother the Barons hearing thereof caused all the Ships and Gallies of the Cinqueports and other places to meet together armed to resist him by Sea and sent horse and foot to withstand him by Land if he arrived Which Richard having intelligence of disbanded his Forces and sent word to the Barons that he would take an Oath to observe the Articles and Statutes made at Oxenford whereupon he was permitted to land at Dover with a small Traine whither King Henry went to meeâ— him But the Barons would not suffer this King nor any of his Traine to enter into Dover Castle because he had not taken his Oath to observe the foresaid Statutes nor yet the King of England to goe into it for feare of surprisall because it was the principall Bulwarke of England the Barons then having both it and all the Cinqueports in their Custody to secure the kingdome from danger Neither would they permit King Richard to goe on towards London till he had taken the Oath forementioned After this battle all the prisoners were sent to severall prisons except the two Kings and Prince Edward whom the Barons brought with them to London where a new Grant was made by the King that the said Statutes shoâ—ld stand in strength and if any were thought unreasonable they to be amended by foure Noblemen of the Realme and if they could not agree then the Earle of Angiou and Duke of Burgoin to be Iudges of the matter And this to be firmely holden
liberties therein conteined should be faithfully observed you have not kept but without regard to honour or conscience broken Therefore are you found to be a manifest violater of your faith and Oath Where are the liberties of England so often fairely ingrossed so often granted so often bought I though a woman and with me all the naturall and loyall people of the land appeale you to the Tribunall of that high Iudge above and heaven and earth shall be our witnesse that you have most unjustly dealt with us and the Lord God of revenge avenge and right us The King distrubed at these words asked her If she expected not to obtaine her suite upon favour seeing she was his kinswoman Whereunto she answered How shall I hope for grace when you deny me right Therefore I appeale before the face of Christ against those Councellours also of yours who gaping onely after their own gaine have bewitched and infatuated you I wish none had cause at this very season to make the like appeales As boldly though in fewer words is he reproved by the Master of the Hospitall of Hierusalem in Clarken-well who comming to complaine of an injury committed against their Charter the King told him The Prelates and especially the Templets and Hospitalers had so many Liberties and Charters that their riches made them proud and their pride mad and that those things which were unadvisedly granted were with much discretion to be revoked alleaging that the Pope had 〈◊〉 recalled his owne grants with the clause Non obstante and why should not he cashiere those Charters inconsiderately granted by him and his Predecessors What say your Sir sayd the Prior God forbid so ill a word should proceed out of your mouth so long as you observe justice you may be a King as soone as you violate the same you shall cease to be a King To which the King inconsiderately replied O what meanes this you Englishmen will you cast me downe from the Kingdome as you did my Father and kill me being praecipitated I could instance in diverse like violations of Magâ—a Charta and other good Lawes immediately after their making and ratification with solemnest Oathes and excommunications both in King Eâ—ward the 1. and 2. and Richard the seconds raignes which because elsewhere lightly touched I shall pretermit concluding onely with one president more in one of our best and justest Princes raignes King Edward the third in whose reigne even then when by speciall Acts there was not onely a trieniall Parliament but an annual to be held and sometimes 4. or 5. Parliamentsheld every yeare and Magna Charta usually first confirmed by a new Law in every one of them yet we shall finde not onely frequent complaints of the breaches of it but many new Lawes one after another enacted to prevent and punish the violations of it and yet all to little purpose as those Acts declare and our late yea present times attest and which is very observable when King Edward the 3 d in the first Parliament in the 15. yeare of his Raigne had ordained and established divers good Statutes which he willed and granted FOR HIM HIS HEIRES that they should be FIRMELY KEPT HOLDEN FOR EVER for the ratification of Magna Charta and better observing other good Lawes and enacted That the Chauncellour Treasurer Barons of the Exchequor Iudges and all other great Officers of the Kingdome should then for the present in Parliament and for ever after take a solemne Oath before their admission to their Offices to keepe and maintaine the points of the great Charter and the Charter of the Forrest and all other Statutes without breaking any one point No sooner was that Parliament dissolved but the very same yeare he publikely revoked those Statutes pretending That they were contrary to the Lawes and Customes of the Realme and to his Prerogatives and Rights Royall all which he by his Oath was bound to mâ—intaâ—ne Wherefore willing providently to revoke such things which he so improvidently had done Because saith he marke the dissimulation of Princes even in Parliaments We nevâ—r realy consented to the making of such Statutes but as then it beloved Vs WEE DISSEMBLED IN THE PREMISES by Protestations of râ—vocations if indeed they should proceed to secure the Dangers which By the Denying of the same we feared to come for as much as the said Parliament otherwise had beene without any expâ—dition in discord dissolved and so our earnest busiâ—sse had likely beeâ—e which God prâ—ohibit iâ—ruine And the said pretensed Statute we promised then to be sealed But sithence the Statute did not of our owne free will proceed it seemed to the Eaâ—â—s Barons and other wise men with whâ—m wee have treated thereupon 〈…〉 should be voide and ought not to have the Name nor Strength of a Statute And therefoâ—e by their Counsell and Assâ—nâ— We have Decreed the said Statute to be void and the same in as much as it proceeded of deed we have brought to be anulled And the same we doe onely to the conservation and redintegration of the Rights of our Crowne as wâ— be bound and not that 〈◊〉 should in any wise aggravate or oppresse our Subjects whom wee desire to rule by lenity and gentlenesse And thus his Sâ—ablishing of these Laweâ— for Him and his Heires firmely to be holden and kept for ever was turned into an estate at will determined as soone as granted By which pretence of Dissimulation of a consent to Acts yet no free but sained onely to accomplish his owne ends and of preserving and redintegrating the Rights of the Crowne how easily may any King and how oft have many Kings actually though not Legally invallid and â—ullifie all Acts they have passed for the Subjects benefit as soone as they are made by Parliaments What weake assurances then are Lawes alone to binde Princes hands or secure Subjects Liberties let all wise men judge If then the ignorant vulgar will be deceived with these specious fruitlesse Protestations and the bare grant only of some good Laws already highly violated withâ—out any apparent intention to observe them yet most presume the great Counsell of the Kingdome which in so many printed Declarations hath informed the Subiecâ—â— of the premises to make them cautious and vigilant against all such circumventions wil not be so easily over-reached and find better assurances before they trust too 〈◊〉 Fourthly admit say some His Majesties Protestations and Promises upon tâ—â— hoped accommodation should be reall w ch the sending abroad of his Forces West South North at this very instant of Treating makes most doubt yet the sway of ill Counsellors about him more prevalent with more trusted by him at this present then his grandest Counsell the Parliament the Potencie of the Queene the great merits of her Grace Papists who will not be more modest with the King then they are with God himselfe in challenging rewards ex debito for service done unto him 〈…〉
deliver up the Seale and Iustices Roles unto him who answered that they could by no meanes doe it without the Barons consent and pleasure concurring with the Kings with which answer the King being moved presently without consulting with the Baronage made Walter Merton Chancellour and the Lord Philip Basset Chiefe Justice to him and the Kingdom removing those the Barons had appointed from those and other places Which the Barons hearing of considering that this was contrary to them and their provisions and fearing least if the King should thus presume he would utterly subvert the Statutes of Oxford thereupon they poasted to the King guarded with Armes and power and charged him with the breach of his Oath forcing him at last to come to an agreement with them which the King soone violating the Barons and he raised great Forces met and fought a bloody battle at Lewes in Sussex where after the losse of 20000. men the King and his Son Prince Edward with sundry Lords of his party were taken and brought Prisoners to London where all the Prelates Earles and Barons meeting in Parliament Anno 1265 as Mathew Westminster computes it made new Ordinances for the Government of the Realme appointing among other things that two Earles and one Bishop elected by the Commons should chuse 9. other Persons of which three should still assist the King and by thâ— Counsell of those three and the other nine all things should be ordered as well in the Kings House as in the Kingdome and that the King should have no power at all to doe any thing without their Counsell and assent or at least without the advice of three of them To which Articles the King by reason of menaces to him to elect another King and Prince Edward for feare of perpetuall Imprisonment if they consented not were enforced to assent all the Bishops Earles and Barons consenting to them and setting their Seales to the Instrument wherein these Articles were conteined After which the Earle of Leicester and his two Sons being three of the twelve devided all the Kings Castles and strong holds betweene them and bestowed all the chiefe Offices in the Kings House upon his Capitall enemies which indiscreete disloyall carriage of theirs much offended not only the King and Prince but the Earle of Glocester and other of the Barons so that they fell off from the Earle to the King and Prince and in a battell at Eusham slew the Earle and most of his Partisans after which victory the King calling a Parliament at Winchester utterly repealed and vacated those former Ordinances which had they only demaunded the Nomination of great Officers Counsellours and Judges to the King and not entrenched so far upon his Prerogative as to wrest all his Royall power out of his hands not only over his Kingdom but houshold too I doubt not but they had beene willingly condiscended to by the King and Prince as reasonable and not have occasioned such bloody wars to repeale them by force In K. Edward the second his Reigne the Lords and Commons by an Ordinance of Parliament having banished out of Court and Kingdome Pier Gaveston his viâ—ious favourite and pernicious grand Counsellour in a Parliament held at Warwick nominated and constituted Hugh Spenser the Sonne to be the Kings Chamberlaine and in that Parliament further enacted that certaine Prelates and other Grandees of the Realme should remaine neare the King by turnes at set seasons of the Yeare to counsell the King better without whom no great businesse ought to be done challenging writes Speed by sundry Ordinances madâ— by them in Parliament not onely a power to reforme the Kings House and Councell and TO PLACE AND DISPLACE ALL GREAT OFFICERS AT THEIR PLEASVRE but even a joynt interest in the Regiment of the Kingdome After which the Spensers engrossing the sole Regiment of the King and Kingdome to themselves and excluding those Lords from the King appointed by the Parliament to advise him not suffering the King so much as to speake with them but in their presence they were for this and other offences banished the Land by Act of Parliament This King towards the end of his raigne after the Queenes arrivall with her Army obscuring himselfe and not appearing by advise and consent of the Lords the Duke of Aquitaine was made High Keeper of England and they as to the Custos of the same did sweare him fealty and by them Robert Baldocke Lord Chancellour was removed the Bishop of Norwich made Chancellour of the Realme and the Bishop of Winchester Lord Treasurer without the Kings assent In the 15 Yeare of K. Edward the 3d. chap. 3 4. there was this excellent Law enacted Because the points of the great Charter be blemished in divers manners and lesse well holden then they ought to be to the great perill and slaunder of the King and dammage of the people especially in as much as Clerkes Peeres of the Land and other freemen be arrested and imprisoned and outed of their goods and Cattels which were not appealed nor indighted nor suite of the party against them affirmed It is accorded and assented that henceforth such things shall not be done And if any Minister of the Kings or other person of what condition he be doe or come against any part of the great Charter or other Statutes or the Laws of the Land he shall answer to the Parliament as well as the suite of the King as at the suite of the party where no remedy nor punishment was ordained before this time as farre forth WHERE IT WAS DONE BY COMMISSION OF THE KING as of his owne Authority notwithstanding the Ordinance made before this time at Northampton which by assent of the King the Prelates Earles and Barons and the Commonalty of the Land in this present Parliament is repealed and utterly disanulled And that the Chancellour Treasurer Barons and Chancellour of the Eschequer the Iustices of the one Bench and of the other Iustices assigned in the County Steward and Chamberlaine of the Kings house Keeper of the Privie Seale Treasurer of the Wardrobe Controuler and they that be chiefe deputed to abide nigh the Kings Sonne Duke of Cornewall shall be now sworne in this Parliament and so from henceforth at all times that they shall be put in Office to keepe and maintaine the Priviledges and Franchises of holy Church and the points of the great Charter and the Charter of the Forrest and all other Statutes without breaking any point Item It is assented that if ANY THE OFFICERS AFORESAID or chiefe Clerke to the Common Bench or the Kings Bench by death or other cause be out of his Office that our Soveraigne Lord the King BY THE ACCORD OF HIS GREAT MEN which shall be found most nighest in the County which hee shall take towards him and by good Councell which he shall have about him shall put another convenient into the said Office which shall be sworne after the forme aforesaid And
that in every Parliament at the third day of the same Parliament the King shall take to his hands the Offices of all the Ministers aforesaid and so shall they abide 4 or 5 dayes except the Offices of Iustices of the one place and the other Iustices assigned Barons of the Exchequer so alwayes that they and all other Ministers be put to answer to every complaint And if default be â—ound in any of the said Ministers by complaint or other manner and of that be attainted in the Parliament he shall be punished by judgement of his Peeres out of his Office and other convenient set in his place And upon the same our said Soveraigne Lord the King shall doe to be pronounced to make execution without delay according to the Iudgement of the said Peeres in the Parliament Loe here an expresse Act of Parliament ordained and established by King Edward the third by assent of the Prelates Earles Barons and other great men and of all the Commonalty of the Realm which this King did give and grant for him and his heires firmely to be kept and holden for ever that all great Officers Barons Iudges and Iustices of the Kingdome and chiefe attendants about the King and Prince should not onely take the fore-mentioned Oath but be elected alwayes by the accord of the great Men and good Councell neare and about the King out of Parliament and by the Peeres in Parliament and the King bound to make execution according to their Iudgement This Law as I conceive was never legally repealed by Parliament but onely by this Kings Proclamation by the ill advice and forced consents of some few Lords and Councellours about him upon pretence that he never freely assented to it but by dissimulation onely to obtaine his owne ends that Parliament which else would have miscarried and broken up in discontent had not this Law beene granted in manner aforesaid Which consideration makes me confident that the Parliament being so eager to obtaine this Law would never so soone yeeld wholly to repeale it and so for ought I know it stands yet in force to justifie the present Parliaments claime in this particular In 2 E. 3. c. 8. 14 E. 3. c. 5. 18 E. 3. Stat. 3. 20 E. 3. c. 1 2 3. divers notable Oathes are prescribed to Iudges Iustices and other Officers and that they shall not delay nor forbeare to doe right for the Kings great or little Seale or any letters from him or any other but goe forth to doe the Law notwithstanding them In the Yeare 1375. the 50 of Edward the 3d. his raigne a Parliament commonly called the good Parliament by our Historians being assembled the King required a Subsidie by reason of his warres to which the Commons answered that they could no longer beare such charges considering the manifold most grievous burdens they had from time to time borne before and that they knew full well that the King was rich enough to defend him and his Land if his Land and the Treasure were well guided and governed but it had beene long evill ruled by evill Officers so that the Land could not be plenteous neither with Merchandize chaffer nor riches By reason whereof and of their importunate charges the Commonalty was generally impoverished Moreover the Commons complained upon divers Officers that were the causers of this mis-order whereof the Lord Latimer then Lord Chamberlaine was principall and Dame Alice Piers the Kings Concubine who would usually in most impudent manner come in person into all Courts of Iustice and sitting by the Iudges and Doctors perswade or disswade them to judge against the Law for her owne advantage on that side for which she was engaged to the great scandall and dishonour of the King both in his owne and other Realmes and Sir Richard Scurry Knight by whose Councells and sinister meanes the King was mis-guided and the government of the Land disordered Wherefore they prayed by the mouth of their Speaker Sir Piers de la Mare that the said persons with others might be removed from the King and others to be set in authority about his person as should serve for his honour and for the weale of his Realme Which request of the Commons by meanes of the Noble Prince Edward was accepted so that the said persons with the Duke of Lancaster and others were removed from the King and other Lords by advise of the said Prince and other wise Lords of the Realme PER PARLIAMENTVM PRAEDICTVM writes Walsingham were put in their places such as the Prince and Peers thought fittest Moreover in this Parliament at the Petition of the Commons it was ordained That certaine Bishops Earles and other Lords should from thence forth govern both the King and Kingdom the King being then in his dotage unable to governe himself or the Kingdome because the king was growne old and wanted such Governours This passage is thus expressed in the Parliament Roll of 50. E. 3. numb 10. Also the Commons considering the mischiefes of the Land shewed to the King and Lords of the Parliament that it shall be for the honour of the King and profit of all the Realme which is now grieved in divers manners by many adversities as well by the wars of France Spaine Ireland Guyon and Bretaigne and else-where as likewise by the Officers who have been accustomed to be about the King who are not sufficient at all without other assistance for so great a government wherefore they pray that the Councell of our Lord the King be inforced or made up of the Lords of the Land Prelates and others to the number of 10. or 12. which the King shall please to remaine continually with the King in such manner that no great businesse shall passe or be there decreed without all their assents and advice and that other lesser businesses shall be ordered by the assent of 6 or 4. of them at least according as the case shall require so that at least 6. or 4. of such Counsellours shall be continually resident to councell the King And our Lord the King considâ—ring the said request to be honourable and very profitable to him and to all his Realme hath thereto assented provided alwayes that the Chancellour Treasurer or Keeper of the Privy seale and all other Officers of the King may execute and dispatch the businesses belonging to their Offices without the presence of the said Councellours the which the King hath assigned c. But this Ordinance lasted scarce three moneths for after the Commons had granted a Subsidy of foure pence the pole of all above foureteene yeares old except Beggars Prince Edward dying and the Parliament determining these removed ill-officers got into the Court and their offices againe and by the instance and power of Alice Piers the Speaker De la Mare was adjudged to perpetuall prison in Nottingham Castle an Act without example in former times and which did no good in this where he remained prisoner
they were exceedingly moved with indignation Yet no man durst speake openly of the matter by reason of the malice of those about the king and the irrationall youth of the king himselfe and so the benefits of the king and kingdome were trodden under foote by the countenance of the kings indiscretion and the malice of those inhabiting with him In the ninth yeare of king Richâ—rd the second Michael dâ— la Pâ—le Earle of Suffolke for grosse abuses bribery and Treason was put from his Chauncellourship fined 20000. markes to the king and condemned to dye Haec autem omnâ—a quanquam summe regi placuisse dâ—buerant maximè displicebant adeò fidebâ—t infideli adeo coiuit nebulonem Insomuch that the King and his familiars plotted to murther the Knights of the Parliament who most opposed the subsidie he demaunded and the said Michael together with the Duke of Glocester at a supper in London to which they should be invited thinking by this meanes to obtaine their wills But the Duke and they having timely notice thereof and Richard Exton then Major of Londoâ— freely telling the king when he was called to assent to this villany that he would never give his consent to the death of such innocents though Sir Nicholas Bramber Major thâ— yeare before had thereto assented this wickednesse was pâ—evâ—nted and being made publicke to all the inhabitants in the City and parts adjoyning from thenceforth the hatred of such counsellors and love of the Duke and foresâ—yd knights encreased among all men And the Duke and Knights with greater constancie and courage opposed De la Pole and after many delayes the king full â—ore against his will WAS COMPELLED to give a commission of Oyeâ— terminer to the Duke of Glocestâ—r and â—iâ—hard Earle of Arundell to heare and determine the businesses and complaints against De la Pole and all others which the Knights of the Parliament had accused who gave judgement of death against them and Thomas Arundell Bishop of Ely was mâ—de Chauncellour by the Parliament in De la Poles place and the Bishop of Durham removed from his Lord Treasurership with which he was much enamoted taking much pâ—ines and being at great cost to procure it and 〈◊〉 Gilbert Bishop of Herefoâ—d qui plus liâ— gua quam fide vigebat was suâ—rogaâ—ed in 〈…〉 But this Parliament ending the king immediately received De la Pole whom Walsingham stiles Pâ—rfidiae promptuarium sentiâ—a avaritiae aurâ—ga proditionis archa malitiae odii seminator mendacii fabric tor susurro nequissâ—mus dolo pâ—aestantiss mus artificiosus detractor patâ—iae delâ—toâ— consiliarius nequam meritò perfi us euomens spiritum in terra pâ—regrina together with the Duke of Ireland and Alexander Nâ—vell Archbishop of Yorke into his Court and favour who laboured night and day to incense the King against the Lords and to annull the Acts of this Parliament by which meanes the Kings hatred towards his Nobles and naturall faithfull people increased every day more and more these ill Councellors whispering unto him that he should not be a king in effect but onâ—ly in shâ—dow and that he should enjoy nothing of his owne if the Lords shouâ—d keepe tâ—eir received power The King therefore beleeving them from thenceforth suspected all the Nobles and suffered these ill Councellors and their confederates to wâ—st his revenues and oppressâ— his people Whereupon the next yeare following a Parliament being summoned the Lords and Commons by reason of great and horrible mischeifes and perils which had hapned to the King and the Realme aforetime by reason of evill Councellors and governance about the Kings person by the foresaid Archbishop of Yorke Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland De la Pole Robert Trisilâ—an Lord Chiefe Iustice of England Sir Nicholas Brambre and other their adherents who wasted demished and destroyed the goods treasure and substance of the Crowne oppresâ—sed the people dayly with importable charges neglecting the execution of the good Lawes and Customes of the Realme so that no full right nor justice was done c. whereby the king and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholy undone and destroyed for these causes and the eschewing of such like perills and mischeiefes to the King and Realme for time to come displaced and removed these ill Councellors and at their request a new Chauncellor Treasurer and Privie seale were ordained in Parliament even such as were held good sufficient and lawfull to the honour and profit of the King and his Reaâ—me And by advise and assent oâ— the Lords and Commons in Parliament in ayde of good governance of the Realme for the due executi us of good Lawes and the reliefe of the Kings and his peoples â—tates in time to come a speciall Câ—mmission under the great Seale of England confirmâ—d by the Statute of 10. R. 2. c. 1. was granted to both Archbishops the Dukes of Yorke and Glocester the Kings Vnclâ—s thâ— Bishops of Worcester and Exetor the Abbot of Waltham the Earle of Arundle the Lord Cobham and others to be of the Kings GREAT CONTINVALL COVNSELL for one yeare then next following to survey and examine with his sayd Chauncellor Treasurâ—r and Keeper â—f the Privie â—â—ale as well the estate and government of his house as of all his Courts and places as of all his Realme and of all his Officers and Ministers of whatsoever estate as well within the house as without to inquire and take information of all rents revenues profits due to him in any manâ—er within the Realme or without and of all manner of gifts granâ—s alienaâ—ions or confirmations made by him of any Land Tenements Rents Anuities Profiâ—s Revenues Wards Marriages and infinite other particulars specified in the Act and of all kinde of oppressions offenses and dammages whatsoevâ—r donâ— to tâ—e King or his people and them finally to heare and determine And that no man should councell the king to repeale this Commission though it tooke no effect under paine of forfaiting all his goods and imprisonment during the kings pleasure No sooner was this Parliament dissolved but this unhappie seduced King by the instigation and advise of his former ill Councellors endeavours to nullifie this Commission as derogatory to his royall power and sending for his Iudges and Councell at Law to Notâ—ingham Castle caused them to subâ—cribe to sundry Articles tending to the Totall subversion of Parliaments causing the Duke of Glocâ—ster and other Lords who procured this Commission to be indighted of high Treason to which Inditements the Iudges being over-awed with feare set their hands and seales for which illegall proceedings destructive to Parliaments by 11. R. 2. c. 1 to 7. these ill pernicious Councellours and Iudges were attainted and condemned of High Treason put from their Offices their Lands confiscated many of them executed the residue banished and above 20. other Knights Gentlemen and Clergie men who mis-councelled the King imprisoned condemned and banished the Court as
the Statutes at large in 11. 21. R. 2. and our Historianâ— in those yeares more copiously manifest In 12. R. 2. c. 2. There was this notable Law enacted which Sir Edward Cooke affirmes is worthy to be writ in Letters of gold and worthier to be put in due execution For the Universall wealth of all the Realme it is enacted that the Chauncellor Treasurer Keeper of the Privie Seale Steward of the Kings house the Kings Chamberlaine Clarke of the Rolls the Iustices of the one Bench and other Barons of the Exchequor and all other that shall be called to ordaine name or make Iustices of peace which whether the Lord Keeper alone can make or unmake without consent of all these or put out of Commission without just cause and conviction now commonly practised is a considerable Question upon this and other statutes Sheriffes Escheators Customers Controllers OR ANY OTHER OFFICER or Minister of the King shall be firmely sworne that they shall not ordaine name or make Iustices of peace Sheriffe Escheator Customer Controller or other Officer or Minister of the King for any gift or brocage favour or affection nor that none which puâ—sueth by him or by other privily or apertly to be in any manner Office shall be put in the same Office or in any other But that they make ALL SVCH OFFICERS and Ministers OF THE BEST MOST LAWFVLL MEN SVFFICIENT to their estimation and knowledge Which most excellent Law with others of like nature still in force were it duly executed there would not be so many corrupt Officers of all these sorts in the kingdome as now swarme in every place From which Act I shall onely make these 2. Inferences First that if so great a care ought to be had in the choyce of these under-Officers then certainely farre more of the grand Officers and Iudges of the kingdome Secondly that if it be no disparagement to the Kings honour or prerogative for these greâ—t Officers of the Realm to ordain name and make Iustices of peace Sheriffes and other under Officers of the King wiâ—hout the kings privitie as oft times they doe then by the same or greater reason it can be no diminotion of his honour or prerogative Royall for the Parliament which is best able to judge of mens abilities and honesties to have power onely to nominate or recommend to the King such as they know to be the best most lawfull and sufficient men for the highest state Offices and places of Iudicature when they becomevoyd Not to trouble you with any more Presidents in this Kings Raigne recorded in Story I shall close them up with one or two more upon record In the Parliament of 3. R. 2. The Câ—ancellor having declared the causes of Summons and among others the great stâ—aights the King was in for want of money so that he had at that time nothing in his Treasury but was greaâ—ly endebted c. He pâ—ayed the Parliament â—o advise how and after what manner he mâ—ght be relieved not onely for his owne safety but for the safetie of them all and of the Râ—alme To which the Commons after they were advised of theâ—r said Charge returned this Answer to the King in Parliament by their Speaker in name of the whole Commons That the said Commons are of opinion that if their Liege Soveraigne had beene well and 〈◊〉 governed in his Expences spent 〈◊〉 the Realme and elsewhere he now had had no neede of their aid by charging the 〈…〉 whom they imagined to be now more poore and indigent then ever they were before Wherefore they pray That the Prelates and other Lords of the Kings continuall Councell who have a long time travelled in the said affaires BE VTTERLY DISCHARGED to their great ease and in discâ—arge of the King from their custodies and that No such Counsellors should be retained about â—he King in regaâ—d that our Lord the King is now of good discretion and â—f a goodly Stature having respect to his Age which is now neare the age of his noble Grandfather at the time of his Coronation who had no other Counsellors at the beginning of his raigne but ONELY the Five accustomed Principall Officers of HIS REALME They further pray that In this Parliament these Five Principall Officers may bee Elected and Chosen out of the most Sufficient Men within the Realme who may be tractable and who may best know and execute their Offices that is to say The Chancellor Treasurer Keeper of the Privie Seale Chiefe Chamberlaine and Steward of the Kings House and that these so chosen of whose Names and persons the Commons will be ascâ—rtained this Parliament for their greater comfort and aide to execute the businesse of the King shall have it therein declared that they Shall not be Removed before the next Parliament unlâ—sse it be by reason of Death Sicknesse or other necessary cause And they likewise pray for remedy of default â—f the saâ—d Government if there be any on that party that a sufficient and generall Commission may be made the best that may be devised to certaine Prelates Lords and others of the most sufficient lawfull and wise men of the Realme of England diligently to Survey and examine in all the Courts and places of the King as well within his owne house as elsewhere the estate of the said House and al expences and receits whatsoever made by any of the Ministers or any Officers of thâ— Realme and of othâ—r his Seignoriâ—s and Lands as well on this side as â—eyond the Sâ— as from the Kings Coronâ—tion till this prâ—sâ—nt so thâ—t if there be aâ—y default bee found by the said Examination in any mâ—nner by negligence of Officers or othâ—rwise â—he said Commissioners shall certifie them to our Lâ—râ— the King to have them amended and corrected to the endâ— that our Loâ—d the King may be honourably governed within his Realm as bâ—longeâ—h to a King to be governed and may be able with his owne râ—veneues to support the charge of his Expences and to defend the Realme on every part and defray the other charges above named Which Petition and Commission the King accordingly granted In the Parliament of 13. R 2. An. 1389. Iohâ— Duke of Lancaster By ASSENT of all the Estates of Parliament was created Duke of Aquitaine for his life by King Richard his Nephew the words of whose Patent Printed at large in Master Seldens Titles of Honour runne thus De ASSENSU Praelatorum Ducum Magâ—â—tum alioâ—um Proâ—erum Communitatis Regni nostri Angliae in instanti Parliamento nostro apud West monasterium convâ—cato existentiuâ— teâ— praedelectissimum Patrium no strumin DVCEM AQVITANIAE cum Tituâ—o Stilo ac nominâ— honore eidem debitis praefiâ—imâ—â— ac inde praesentiali er per â—ppositio 〈◊〉 Cappae 〈◊〉 capiâ—i ac traditionem Virgae aureae iâ—vestimus c. toto tempoâ—e viâ—ae tuae possidâ—ndum c. Giving him power thereby To Coine what Gold
and 14. The Bishop of Durham late Chancellour of England to Henry the 5. deceased and the Bishop of London Chancellour of the Dutchy of Normandy severally shew that upon King Henry the 5. his decease they delivered up their severall Seales after their homage and fealty first made to King Henry 6. in the presence of divers honourable persons whom they name particularly desiring the Lords to attest their surrender of the said Seales at the time and place specified which they did and thereupon they pray that a speciall act and entry thereof may be made in the Parliament Rolls for their indemnity which is granted and entred accordingly Numb 15. It was enacted and provided by the said Lord Commissioner Lords and Commons that in as much as the Inheritance of the Kingdomes and crownes of France England and Ireland were now lawfully descended to the King which title was not expressed in the Inscriptions of the Kings Seales whereby great perill might accrue to the King if the said inscriptions were not reformed according to his Title of Inheritance that therfore in all the Kings Seales as well in England as in Ireland Guyen and Wales this new stile should be engraven Henricus Dei Gratia Rex Franciae Angliae Dominus Hiberniae according to the effect of his inheritances blotting out of them whatever was before in them superfluous or contrary to the said stile and that command should be given to all the keepers of the said Seales of the King to reforme them without delay according to the forme and effect of the new Seale aforesaid Numb 16 Duke Humfrey the Kings Commissary and the other spirituall and temporall Lords being sate in Parliament certaine Knights sent by the Speaker and whole House of Commons came before them and in the name and behalfe of the said Commonalty requested the said Duke that by the advise of the said Spirituall and Temporall Lords for the good government of the Realme of England he would be pleased to certifie the said Commons to their greater consolation what persons it would please the King to cause to be ordained for the Offices of Chancellor and Treasure of England and Keeper of his Privie Seale Vpon which request so made due consideration being had and full advise taken and the sufficiency of those persons considered which deceased King Henry the Kings Father now had in his descretion assigned to those Offices as fitting enough the King following his Fathers example and advise by the assent of the said Lord Duke his Commissary and of all and every one of the Lords spirituall and temporall hath nominated and ordained anew the Reverend Father Thomas Bishop of Durham to the Office of his Chancellour of England William Kinwolmaâ—sh Clerk to the Office of Treasurer of England and Mr. Iohn Stafford to the Office of the Keeper of the Privie Seale And hereupon the King our Lord willeth By THE ASSENT AND ADVISE aforesaid that 〈◊〉 well to the said Chancellor of England as to the said Treasurer of England and to the said Keeper of his Privie Seale for the exercise of the said Offices severall letters patents should be made in this forme Henâ—icus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hâ—berniae omnibus ad quos presentes liteâ—ae pervenerint 〈◊〉 Sciatis quod De AVISAMENTO ET ASSENSV TOTIVS CONSILII NOSTRI IN PRAESENTI PARLIAMENTO NOSTRO EXISTENTES constituimus venerabilem patrem Thomam Episcopum Dunelmensem CANCELLARIVM nostrum ANGLIAE dantâ—s concedentes DE AVISAMENTO ET ASSENSV PRAEDICTIS eidem Cancellario nostro omnes omnimodas auctoritatem potestatem adomnia ea fingula quae ad officium cancellarii Angliae de jure sive consuetudine pertinent seu quovis tempore pertinere consueverunt c. The like Patents verbatim are in the same role mutatis mutandis made to the said Treasurer of England and Keeper of the Privy Seale After which the said Duke by advice and assent of the Lords spirituall and temporall sent the Archbishop of Canterbury the Bishops of Winchester and Worâ—ester the Duke of Excester the Earle of Warwicke the Lords of Ferrers and Talbot to the Commons then being in the Commons House and notified to the Commonalty by the said Lords these Officers to be nominated and ordained to the foresaid offices in forme aforesaid Vpon which notice so given THE SAID COMMONS WERE WEL CONTENTED with the nomination and ordination of the foresaid Officers so made rendring many thanks for this cause to our Lord the King and all the said Lords as was reported by the said Lords in the behalfe of the Commons in the said Parliament Numb 17. The liberties Annuities and Offices granted by King Henry the 5. and his Ancestors to Souldiers in forraigne parts are confirmed by Parliament and their grants ordered to be sealed with the Kings new Seales without paying any Fine Numb 18. Henry the 5. his last Will and the legacies therein given are confirmed by the Kings Letters Patents with the assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament Numb 19. A subsidy is granted to be imployed for the defence of the Realme of England to which end the Lord Protectour promiseth it shall be diligently imployed Numb 22. and 23. The King by assent of all the Lords spiritual and temporall wills and grants that his deare Vncle the Duke of Gloucester shall have and enjoy the Office of the Chamberlaine of England and of the Constableship of the Castle of Gloucester from the death of the Kings father so long as it shall please the King with all the fees profits and wages thereunto belonging in the same manner as they were granted to him by his Father Numb 24. The 27. day of this Parliament the tender age of the King being considered that he could not personally attend in these dayes the defence and protection of his Kingdome of England and the English Church the same King fully confident of the circumspection and industry of his most deare Vncles John Duke of Bedford and Humfrey Duke of Gloucester By ASSENT AND ADVICE OF THE LORDS as well Spirituall as Temporall and LIKEWISE OF THE COMMONS in this present parliament hath ordained and constituted his said Vncle Duke of Bedford now being in forraigne parts PROTECTOR and DEFENDER OF HIS KINGDOME and of the Church of England and PRINCIPALL COVNSELLOR of our Lord the King and that he shall both be and called Protector and Defendor of the Kingdome and the Principall Councellor of the King himselfe after he shall come into England and repaire into the Kings presence from thenceforth as long as he shall stay in the Kingdome and it shall please the King And further our Lord the King BY THE FORES AID ASSENT and ADVICE hath ordained and appointed in the absence of his said Vncle the Duke of Bedford his foresaid Vncle the Duke of Gloucester now being in the Realme of England PROTECTOR of his said Realme and Church of England
manner as the Noble Duke of Exceter was before appointed and designed to execute which charge he was sent for out of France the yeare following In the three and thirtieth yeare of this Kings reigne Richard Duke of York was made Protector of the Realme the Earle of Salisbury was appointed to be Chancellor and had the great seale delivered to him and the Earle of Warwick was elected to the Captainship of Calice and the territories of the same in and BY THE PARLIAMENT by which the Rule and Regiment of the whole Realme consisted onely in the heads and orders of the Duke and Chancellor and all the warlike affaires and businesse rested principally in the Earle of Warwick From which Offices the Duke and Earle of Salisbury being after displaced by â—mulation envie and jealousie of the Dukes of Somerset Buckingham and the Queene a bloody civill warre thereupon enfued after which Anno 39. H. 6. this Duke by a solemne award made in Parliament between Henry the sixth and him was againe made PROTECTOR AND REGENT OF THE KINGDOM By the Statutes of 25. H. 8. c. 22. 28. H. 8. c. 7. and 35. H. 8. c. 1. it is evident that the power and Right of nominating a Protector and Regent during the Kings minoritie belongs to the Parliament and Kingdome which by these Acts authorized Henry the eighth by his last Will in writing or Commission under hiâ— seale to nominate a Lord Protector in case he died during the 〈◊〉 of his heire to the Crowne and the Duke of Somerset was made Lord Protector of the King and Realme during King Edward the sixth his nonage BY PARLIAMENT And not to trouble you with any more examples of this kinde Mr. Lambard in his Archaion p. 135. Cowell in his Interpreter title Parliament Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossarium tit Cancellarius out of Matthew Westminster An. 1260. 1265. Francis Thin and Holinshed vol. 3. col 1073. to 1080. 1275. to 1286. and Sir Edward Cook in his Institutes on Magna Charta f. 174 175. 558. 559. 566. acknowledge and manifest That the Lord Chancellour Treasurer Privy Seale Lord chiefe Iustice Privy Counsellors Heretochs Sheriffs with other Officers of the Kingdome of England and Constables of Castles were usually elected by the Parliament to whom OF ANCIENT RIGHT THEIR ELECTION BELONGED who being commonly stiled Lord Chancellour Treasurer and chiefe Iustice c. OF ENGLAND not of the King were of right elected by the representative Body of the Realme of England to whom they were accomptable for their misdemeanors Seeing then it is most apparent by the premises that the Parliaments of England have so frequently challenged and enioyed this right and power of electing nominating recommending approving all publike Officers of the Kingdome in most former ages when they saw iust cause and never denuded themselves wholly of this their interest by any negative Act of Parliament that can be produced I humbly conceive it can be no offence at all in them considering our present dangers and the manifold mischiefes of the Kingdome hath of late yeeres sustained by evill Counsellors Chancellors Treasurers â—udges Sheriffs with other corrupt publike Officers to make but a modest claime by way of petition of this their undoubted ancient right nor any dishonour for his Maiesty nor disparagement to his Royall Prerogative to condiscend to their request herein it being both an honour and benefit to the King to be furnished with such faithfull Counsellors Officers Iudges who shall cordially promote the publike good maintaine the Lawes and subiects Liberties and doe equall iustice unto all his people according to their oathes and duties unfaithfull and corrupt officers being dangerous and dishonourable as well to the King as Kingdom as all now see and feele by wofull experience In few words If the Chancellors Iudges and other Officers power to nominate three persons to be Sheriffe in every County annually of which his Majesty by law is bound to pricke on â—lse the election is void as all the Iudges of England long since resolved and their authority to appoint Iustices of the Peace Escheators with other under Officers in each shire be no impeachment at all of the Kings prerogative as none ever reputed it or if both Houses ancient priviledge to make publike Bills for the publike weale without the Kings appointment and when they have voted them for lawes to tender them to the King for his royall assent be no diminution to his Soveraignty then by the selfe-same reason the Parliaments nomination or recommendation of Counsellors State-officers and Iudges to his Maiesty with a liberty to disallow of them if there be iust cause assigned can be no encroachment on nor iniury at all to his Maiesties Royalties it being all one in effect to recommend new Lawes to the King for his royall assent when there is need as to nominate meet Officers Counsellors Iudges to him to see these Lawes put in due execution when enacted So that upon the whole matter the finall result will be That the Parliaments claime of this their ancient right is no iust ground at all on his Maiesties part to sever himselfe from his Parliament or to be offended with them much lesse to raise or continue a bloody warre against them That the King hath no absolute Negative voyce in the passing of Bills of Common Right and Iustice for the publike good THe fourth great Objection or Complaint of the King Malignants Royallists against the Parliament is That they deny the King a negative Voyce in Parliament affirming in some Declarations That the King by his Coronation Oath and duty is bound to give his royall assent to such publike Bills of Right and Iustice as both howses have voted necessary for the common wealth or safety of the Realme and ought not to reject them Which is say they an absolute deniall of his royall Prerogative not ever questioned or doubted of in former ages To this I answer first in generall That in most proceedings and transactions of Parliament the King hath no casting nor absolute negative voyce at all as namely in reversing erronious Iudgments given in inferiour Courts damning illegall Pattents Monopolies Impositions Exactions redressing removing all publike grievances or particular wrongs complained of censuring or judging Delinquents of all sorts punishing the Members of either house for offences against the Houses declaring what is Law in cases of difficulty referred to the Parliament of which there are sundry presidents In these and such like particulars the King hath no swaying negative voice at all but the houses may proceed and give Iudgement not only without the Kings personall presence or assent as the highest Court of Iustice but even against his personall Negative vote or dissassent in case he be present as infinite examples of present and former times experimentally manifest beyond all contradiction Nay not only the Parliament but Kings Bench Common Pleas Chancery and every
and for the common profit of the Realme of England our Soveraigne Lord the king hath ordained c. for the quietnesse of his said people the Statutes and Ordinances following c. cap. 2. with 2. H. 4. c. 1. Our soveraign Lord the king greatly desiring the tranquility and quietnes of his people willeth and straitly commandeth that the peace within his Realme of England be surely observed kept so that all his lawful subjects may from henceforth safely and peaceably goe come and dwell after the Law and usage of the Realme and that Iustice and right be indifferently ministred to every of his said subjects as well to the poore as to the rich in his Courts 1. H. 4. Henry by the Grace of God c. to the honour of God and reverence of holy Church for to nourish peace unity concord of all parties within the Realm of England and for the reliefe and recovery of the said Realm which now late hath been mischievously put to great ruine mischief and desolation of the assent c. hath made and established c. 6. H. 4. c. 1. For the grievous complaints made to our Soveraigne Lord the king by his Commons of the Parliament of the horrible mischiefes and damnable custome which is introduced of new c. Our soveraign Lord the King to the honor of God as well to eschew the dammage of this Realme as the perils of their soules which are to be advanced to any Archbishopricks or Bishopricks c. hath ordained Divers such recitalls are frequent in most of our statutes in all Kings raignes viz. 37. E. 3. c. 2 3 4 5. 3. R. 2. c. 3. 5. R. 2. Stat. 1. 2. 6. R. 2. Stat. 1. 7. R. 2. 8. R. 2. For the common profit of the said Realme and especially for the good and just government and due execution of the common Law it is ordained c. 10. R. 2. Prologue c. 1. 11. R. 2. c. 1. 12. R. 2. 13. R. 2. Prologue c. 3 5 6. 14. R. 2. 21. R. 2. 1. H. 4. 5. c. 7. 1. H. 6. 8. H. 6. Prologue c. 25. 10. H. 6. c. 3. 12. H. 6. c. 12. 39. H. 6. Prologue 1. R. 3. c. 2. 6. 8. 3. H. 7. c. 5 6. 11. H. 7. c. 18. But I shall conclude with some more punctuall ones 18. E. 3. stat c. 1 2. To nourish love peace and concord between holy Church and the Realme and to appease and cease the great hurt and perils impertable losses and grievances that have been done and happened in times past and shall happen hereafter if the thing from henceforth be suffered to passe c. for which causes and dispensing whereof the ancient lawes usages customes and franchises of the Realm have been and be greatly appaired blemished and confounded the Crown of the king minished and his person falsly defrauded the treasure and riches of his Realme carried away the inhabitants and subjects of the Realme impovirished troubled c. the King at his Parliament c. having regard to the quietnesse of his people which he chiefly desireth to sustaine in tranquility and peacâ— to governe according to the Lawes Vsages and Franchises of this Land as HE IS BOVND BY HIS OATH MADE AT HIS CORONATION following the wayes of his Progenitors which for their time made certaine good Ordinances and provisions against the said grievances c. by the assent c. hath approved accepted and confirmed c. 2. R. 2. c. 7. Because the King hath perceived as well by many complaints made to him as by the perfect knowledge of the thing c. the King desiring soveraignly the peace and quietnesse of his Realme and his good Lawes and Customes of the same and the Rights of his Crowne to be maintained and kept in all points and the offenders duly to be chastised and punished AS HE IS SWORN AT HIS CORONATION by the assent of all the Lords c. hath defended c. And moreover it is ordained and established c. 3 R. 2. Rot. Parl. Num. 38. 40. The Commons desiring a grant of new power to Iustices of Peace to enquire into extortions the Bishops conceiving it might extend to them made their protestation against this new grant yet protested that if it were restrained only to what was law already they would condiscend to it but not if it gave any new or further power The King answers that notwithstanding their protestation or any words conâ—eined therein he would not forbeare to passe this new grant and that BY HIS OATH AT HIS CORONATION HE WAS OBLIGED TO DO IT And 6 H. 6. c. 5. We for as much as by reason of our Regality WE BE BOVNDEN TO THE SAFEGVARD OF OVR REALM round about willing in this behalfe convenient hasty remedy to be adhibite have assigned c. By these with infinite such like recitalls in our ancient and late statutes in the Kings owne Proclamations Commissions yea and in writs of law wherein wee find these expressions Nos qui singulis de regno nostro in EXHIBITIONE IVSTITIAE SVMVS DEBITORES plaenam celerem justitiam exhiberi facias Nos volentes quoscunque legios nostros in curiis nostris c. justitiam sibi c. nullatenus differri Ad justitiam inde reddendam cum omni celeritate procedatis Nos oppressiones duritias damna excessus gravamina praedictae nolentes relinquere impunita volent esque SALVATIONI QVIETI POPVLI NOSTRI hac parte PROSPICERE VT TENEMVR eidm celeris justitiae complementum debitum festinum iustitiae complementum fieri facies Nos huiusmodi praeindicio precavere volentes prout ASTRINGIMVR IVRAMENTI VINGVLO Quiaâ— iudicia in curia nostra cito reddita in suis roboribus manuteneri volumus defendi prout AD HOC IVRAMENTI VINCVLO ASTRINGIMVR TENEMVR c It is most apparent that the Kings of England both by their oath duty and common right even in point of justice and conscience are bound to assent to all publike Acts as are really necesâ—ary for the peace safety ease weale benefit prevention of mischiefs and redresse of greivances of all or any of their subjects without any tergiversation or unnecessary delayes when they are passed and tendered to them by both Houses and that in such acts as these they have no absolute Negative voice at all but ought to give their speedy free and full consents thereto unlesse they can give satisfactory reasons to the contrary Sixthly All our ancient Kings of England as the premises with all publike usefull statutes enacted in their reigne evidence have alwayes usually given their free and full consents in Parliament to such publike acts as these without deniall or protraction conceiving they were bound by oath and duty so to doe and if they ever denyed their royall assents to any Petitions or Bills of the Lords and Commons of this nature they alwayes gave such good
at their owne free cost untill they had driven out all the enemies in it before them subdued the Land and setled their brethren of the other Tribes peaceably in it And shall not Englishmen of Estates doe the like for their Brethren now in these times of need when money the sinewes of Warre is almost quite shrunke up by reason of former Disbursements and want of Trade We read That the very Heathen Kings of Canaan when they came and fought in Taanach by the waters of Megiddo against the Israelites THEY TOOKE NO GAINE OF MONEY for their paines Such was their Noble generosity which Deborah registers in her Song for their eternall Glory And we heare of divers Lords and Gentlemen in the Kings Army which serve against their Country gratis yea furnish out sundry Horse and Foote of their proper cost of few or none such there who receive any Pay And shall these be more free generous active in serving fighting against God Religion Lawes Liberties Parliament and their Country than those of like Ranke and quality on the Parliaments party are in warring for them O let not such an ignoble unchristian Report be ever once justly told in Gath or published in the streets of Askelon lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoyce lest the sonnes and daughters of the uncircumcised triumph I know there are some Heroicke Worthies in the Parliaments Armies of whom I may truely sing with Deborah My heart is toward the Governours of Israel that offered themselves willingly among the people and who like Zebulon and Nepthali have freely jeoparded their lives unto the death in the high places of the field Blessed be their Endeavours and their Names for ever Honourable I shall now onely wish that others would imitate their laudable examples that so our long-lingring warres may be speedily and happily determined in a blessed pure pious secure honourable lasting Peace They are Tormentors not Chirurgions Executioners not true Souldiers who desire endeavour not speedily to close up and heale their dearest Countries bleeding festring wounds for which I have prepared this Treatise as a Soveraigne Balme to incarne and cicatrize them not ulcerate or inflame them It was the Prophets Patheticke expostulation The harvest is past the Summer is ended and we are not healed Is there no balme in Gilead Is there no Physitian there why then is not the health of the Daughter of my people recovered It may be Englands and Irelands expostulation now The Lord put it into the hearts of our great Physitians the King Parliament and Grandees of both Armies that they may now at last with bleeding melting hearts and spirits speedily poure forth such effectuall healing Balmes into these two dying Kingdomes deadly wounds as may effectually cure and restore them to more perfect health and vigor than they ever formerly enjoyed that so they may lose nothing but their putrid blood their proud dead flesh their filthy sanies and corrupt humours by their unnaturall stabs already received Towards the advancement of which much desired cure if these my undigested rude Collections interrupted with sundry inevitable interloping Distractions which may justly excuse their many defects may adde any contribution or satisfie any seduced or scrupulous Consciences touching this present Warre I shall deeme my labours highly recompensed And so recommending them to Gods blessing and thy charitable acceptation I shall detaine thee with no further Prologue Farewell THE SOVERAIGNE POWER OF PARLIAMENTS KINGDOMES PROVING 1 st That the Parliaments present necessary Defensive Warre is Iust and Lawfull both in point of Law and Conscience and no Treason nor Rebellion HAving in the two former Parts of this Discourse dissipated foure chiefe Complaints against the Parliaments proceedings I come now in order in point of time and sequell to the 5 th Grand Objection of the King Royalists and Papists against the Parliament To wit That they have traiterously taken up Armes and levied warre against the King himselfe in his Kingdome and would have taken away his life at Keinton battell which is no lesse than Rebellion and High Treason by the Statute of 25. E. 3. c. 2. with other obsolete Acts and by the Common Law Which Objection though last in time is yet of greatest weight and difficulty now most cryed up and insisted on of all the rest in many of his Majesties late Proclamations Declarations and in Anti-Parliamentary Pamphlets To give a punctuall Answere to this capitall Complaint not out of any desire to foment but cease this most unnaturall bloody warre which threatens utter desolation to us if proceeded in or not determined with a just honourable secure lasting peace now lately rejected by his Majesties party I say First that it is apparent to all the world who are not willfully or maliciously blinded That this Majesty first began this warre not onely by his endeavors to bring up the Northerne Army to force the Parliament confessed by the flight lâ—tters examinations of those who were chiefe Actors in it but by raising sundry forces under colour of a guard before the Parliament levied any Secondly that the Parliament in raising their forces had no intention at all to offer the least violence to his Majesties person Crowne dignity nor to draw any English blood but onely to defend themselves and the Kingdome against his Majesties Malignant invasive plundring Forces to rescue his Majestie out of the hands the power of those ill Councellers and Malignants who withdrew him from his Parliament to bring him backe with honour peace safety to his great Councell their Generall and Army Marching with a Petition to this purpose and to bring those Delinquents to condigne punishment who most contemptuously deserted the Houses contrary to Order Law the Priviledges of Parliament their owne Protestation taken in both Houses sheltring themselves under the power of his Majesties presence and Forces from the justice of the Houses and apprehension of their Officers contrary to all presidents in former ages in High affront of the priviledges honour power of the Parliament and Fundamentall knowne Lawe of the Realme Since which time his Majestie having contrary to his former Proclamations and frequent Printed solemne Declarations entertained not onely divers Irish Popish Rebels but likewise English and Outlandish Papists in his Army and given Commissions to sundry Arch-Popish Recusants to Aâ—me themselves and raise Forces against the Parliament and Kingdom now in the field in all the Northerne parts Wales and other places and that under the Popes owne consecrated Banner as many report in defiance of our Protestant Religion designed by the Popish Party both at home and abroad to no lesse then utter extirpation in England as well as in Ireland if not in Scotland too as some of them openly professe the Parliament are hereupon necessitated to augment and recrute their forces as for the precedent ends at first so now more especially for the necessary defence of the Protestant
onely the beating but killing of such persons who assault their Masters persons goods or houses as is expresly resolved by the Statute of 21. E. 1. De malefactoribus in Parcis By 24. H. 8. cap. 5. Fitzherbert Corone 192. 194. 246. 258. 261. 330. 21. H. 7 39. Trespas 246. Stamford lib. 1. cap. 5. 6. 7. 22. Ass. 46. 11. H. 6. 16. a. 14. H. 6 24. b. 35. H. 6. 1. a. 9. E. 4. 48. b. 12. E. 4. 6. a. 12. H. 8. 2. b. Brooke Coron 63. Trâ—spas 217. Therefore they may justly defend themselves resist oppose apprehend and kill his Majesties Cavalliers notwithstanding any Commissions and make a defensive Warre against them when as they assault their persons houses goods or habitations without any Treason Rebellion or Crime all against the King or Law Thirdly It is past dispute That the Sheriffes Iustices of Peace Mayors Constables and all other Officers of the Realme may and ought by our Lawes and Statutes to raise the power of the Counties and places where they live and command all persons to arme themselves to assist them upon their Command when they see just cause which commands they are all bound to obey under paine of imprisonment and fines for their contemptuous disobediene herein to suppresse and withstand all publicke breaches of the Peace Riots Routs Robberies â—raies Tumults Forcible Entries and to apprehend disarme imprison and bring to condigne punishment all Peace-breakers Riotors Trespassers Robbers Plunderers Quarrellers Murtherers and Forces met together to doe any unlawfull Hostile act though by the Kings owne precept and in case they make resistance of their power they may lawfully kill and slay them without crime or guilt if they cannot otherwise suppresse or apprehend them yea the Sheriffes and all other Officers may lawfully raise and arme the power of the County to apprehend Delinquents by lawfull Warrants from the Parliament or Processe out of other inferiour Courts of Iustice when they contemptuously stand out against their Iustice and will not render themselves to a Legall triall in which service all are bound by Law to assist these Officers who may lawfully slay such contemptuous Offenders in case they cannot otherwise apprehend them All which is Enacted and Resolved by 19. E. 3. cap. 38. 3. Ed. 1. cap. 5. 2. R. 2. cap. 6. 5. R. 2. cap. 5. 6. 7. R. 2. cap. 6. 17. R. 2. cap. 8. 13. H. 4. cap 7. 1. H. 5. cap. 6. 2. H. 5. cap. 6. 8. 19. H. 7. cap. 13. 3. E. 6. cap. 5. 1. Mar. cap. 12. 31. H. 6. cap. 2. 19. E. 2. Fitz Execution 247. 8. H. 4. 19. a. 22. Ass. 55. 3. H. 7. fol. 1. 10. 5. H. 7. fol. 4. Register f. 59. 60. 61. Fitz. Coron 261. 288. 289. 328. 346. Stamford lib. 1. cap. 5. 6. Cooke lib. 5. fol. 92. 9. 3. with sundry other Bookes and Acts of Parliament and Walsingham Hist. Angliae pag. 283. 284. Yea the Statute of 13. Ed. 1. cap. 38. recites That such resistance of Processe out of any the Kings Courts much more then out of the Highest Court of Parliament redounds much to the dishonour of the King and his Crowne and that such resisters shall be imprisoned and fined because they are desturbers of the Kings Peace and of his Realme And the expired Statute of 31. H. 6. cap. 2. Enacted That if any Duke Marquesse Earle Viscount or Baron complained of for any great Riots Extortions Oppressioâ—s or any offence by them done against the Peace and Lawes to any of the Kings Liege people should refuse to obey the Processe of â—he Kings Court under his Great or privie Seale to him directed to answer his said offenes either by refusing to receive the said Processe or despiting it or withdrawing hâ—mselfe for that cause and not appearing after Proclamation made by the Sheriffe in â—he County at the day prescribed by the Proclamation that then hee should for this his contempt forfeit and lose all his Offices Fees Annuities and other possessions that he or any man to his use hâ—th of the gift or grant of the King or any of his Progenitors made to him or any of his Ancestors And in case he appeares not upon the second Proclamation on the day therein to him limited that then he shall lose and forfeit his Estate and place in Parliament and also All the Lands and Tenements Whâ—ch he hath or any other to his use for terme of his life and all other persons having no Lands not appearing after Proclamation were to be put out of the Kings Protection by this Act. Such a heinous offence was it then repuâ—ed to disobey the Processe of Chancery and other inferiour Courts of Iustice even in thâ— greatest Peeres how much greater crime then is and must it be contemptuously to disobey the Summons Processe and Officers of the Parliament it selfe the supremest Court of Judicature especially in those who are Members of it and stand engaged by their Protestations trusts and Places in it to maintaine its honour power and priviledges to the uttermost which many of them now exceedingly vilifie and trample under feete and therefore deserve a severer censure then this statute inflicts even such as the Act of 21. R. 2. c. 6. prescribed to those Nobles unjustly fore judged in that Parliament That their issues males now begotten shall not come to the Parliaments nor to the Councells of the King nor his heires nor be of the Kings Counsell nor of his heires Therefore it is undubitable that the Sherifes Iustices of Peace Majors Constables Leivtenantes Captaines and other Officers in every County through the Realme may by their owne Authority much more by an Ordinance and Act of association of both houses raise all the power of the County all the people by vertue of such commands may lawfully meete together in Armes to suppresse the riots burglaries rapines plunders butcheries spoyling robberies and armed violence of his Majesties Cavaleers and apprehend imprison slay arraigne execute them as common enemies to the kingdomes peace and welfare even by the knowne Common Law and Statutes of the Realme and feise Delinquents notwithstanding any royall Commission or personal commands they may or can produce Fourthly it is most certaine that every Subject by the very Common Law of the Realm yea Law of Nature as he is a member of the State and Church of England is bound both in duty and conscience when there is necessary occasion to Array and Arme himselfe to resist the invasions and assaults of oâ—en enemies of the Realme especially of Forraigners as is cleare by infinite * Presidents cited by the Kings owne Councell and recited by Iudge Crooke in his Argument concerning Ship-money in both the Houses two Remonstrances and Declarations against the Commission of Array and the Answer of the first of them in the Kings name all newly Printed to which I shall referre the Reader for fuller Satisfaction and by the expresse statutes of 1 E. 3. c.
Armes against his loyall Subjects and assault their persons to murther them and spoyle their goods if they by common consent in Parliament especially shall forcibly resist disarme or restraine his person till his fury be appeased and his judgement rectified by better councells shall this be Treason Rebellion or Disloyaltie God forbid I thinke none but mad men can or will averre it It was a great doubt in Law till the statute of 33. H. 8. c. 20. setled it If a party that had committed any high Treasons when he was of perfect memory after accusation examination and confession thereof beâ—came madde or lunaticke where he should bâ— tried and condemned for it during this distemper And some from that very act and 21. H. 7. 31. 36. Ass 27. 12. H. 3. For faiture 33 and Dower 183. Fitz. Nat. Br. 202. D. Stamford Pleas 16. b. and Cooke l. 4. f. 124. Beverlyes case which resolve that a Lunaticke or Non Compos cannot be guilty of murther feloney or petite Treason because having no understanding and knowing not what he doth he can have no fellonius intention conceive that a reall mad-man cannot be guilty of high Treason though Sir Edward Cooke in Bevâ—rlies case be of a contrary opinion if he should assault or kill his king And I suppose few will deeme Walter Terrils casuall killing of King William Rufus with the glance of his arrow from a tree shot at a Deere high Treason neither was it then reputed so or he prosecuted as a Traytor for it because he had no malicious intention as most thinke against the King or any thought to hurt him But I conceive it out of question if a king in a distracted furious passion without just cause shall invade his subjects persons in an open hostile manner to destroy them it neither is nor can be Treason nor Rebellion in them if in their owne necessary defence alone they shall either casually wound or slay him contrary to their loyall intentions and those Statutes and Law-bookes which judge it high Treason for any one maliciously and trayterously to imagine compasse or conspire the death of the King will not at all extend to such a case of meere just defence since a conspiracie or imagination to compasse or procure the Kings death can neither be justly imagined nor presumed in those who are but meerely defensive no more then in other common cases of one mans killing another in his owne inevitable defence without any precedent malice in which a Pardon by Law is granted of course however questionlesse it is no Treason nor murther at all to slay any of the kings souldiers and 〈◊〉 who are no kings in such a defensive warre Sixthly suppose the King should be captivated or violently led away by any forraign or domesticke enemies to him and the kingdome and carried along with them in the field to countenance their warres and invasions upon his loyallest Subjects by illegall warrants or Commissions fraudulently procured or extorted from him If the Parliament and Kingdome in such a case should raise an Army to rescue the King out of their hands and to that end encountring the enemies should casually wound the King whiles they out of loyalty sought onely to rescue him I would demaund of any Lawyer or Divine whether this Act should be deemed Treason Rebellion or Disloyalty in the Parliament or army Or which of the two Armies should in point of Law or Conscience be reputed Rebells or Traytors in this case those that come onely to rescue the King and so fight really for him indeed though against him in shew and wound him in the rescue Or those who in shew onely fought for him that they might still detaine him captive to their wills Doubtlesse there is no Lawyer nor Theologue but would presently resolve in such a case that the Parliaments Army which fought onely to rescue the King were the loyall Subjects and the Malignants army who held him captive with them the onely Rebels and traytors and that the casuall wounding of him proceeding not out of any malicious intention but love and loyalty to redeeme him from captivity were no trespasse nor offence at all being quite besides their thoughts and for a direct president It was the very case of King Henry the third who together with his sonne Prince Edward being taken Prisoner by the Earle of Leycester in the battle of Lewis and the Earle afterwards carrying him about in his Company in nature of a Prisoner to countenance his actions to the great discontent of the Prince the Earle of Glocester and other Nobles hereupon the Prince and they raising an Army encountred the Earle and his Forces in a battle at Evesham where the King was personally present slew the Earle Routed his Army and rescued the king in this cruell battell the king himselfe being wouded unawares with a Iavelin by those who rescued him was almost slaine and lost much of his blood yet in a Parliament soone after sommoned at Winchester Anno 1266. the Earle and his Army were dis-inherited as Traytors and Rebels but those who rescued them though with danger to his person rewarded as his loyall subjects And is not this the present case A company of malignant ill Councellors Delinquents Prelates Papists have withdrawne his Majestie from his Parliament raised an Army of Papists Forraigners Delinquents and Male-contents to ruin the Parliament Kingdome Religion Lawes Liberties to countenance this their designe they detaine his Majestie with them and engage him all they can on their side the Parliament out of no disloyall intention but onely to rescue his Majesties person out of their hands to apprehend delinquents preserve the Kingdome from spoyle and defend their Priviledges Persons Liberties estates religion from unjust invasion have raised a defensive Army which encountred these Forces at Edgehill where they say the King was present slew the Lord Generall Earle of Lindsey with many others and as they never intended so they offered no kind of hurt or violence at all to his Majesties person then or since and now full sore against their wils Petitions endeavours for peace they are necessitated to continue this offensive warre for their owne and the Kingdomes necessary preservation The sole question is Whether this Act this Defensive Warre of the Parliament and their Forces be high Treason or Rebellion and who are the Traytors and Rebells in this case Certainly if I understand any Law or Reason the Parliament and their Forces are and must be innocent from these crimes and their opposite Popish Malignant Cavaleers the onely Rebels and Traytors as this Parliament the onely proper Judge of Treasons hath already voted and declared them in point of Law Seventhly it is Littletoâ—s and other Law-bookes expresse resolutions That if a man grant to another the Office of a Parkership of a Parke for life the estate which he hath is upon condition in Law though not expressed that he shall well
blinde King who could not lead them to the warres in person And Ethodius the 2 d king of Scotland being dull of wit given to avarice and nothing meete to governe the Realme thereupon the Nobles tooke upon them the governmeÌ„t appointing Rulers in every Province so continued them all his reigne leaving him nothing but the bare title of a King not depriving him thereof out of the respect they gave to the family of Fergusius but yet taking away all his regall power And not to multiply cases or examples of this nature Andrew Favine in his Theatre of Honour out of the Chronicle of Lauresheâ—m and Aâ—monius in his 4 th Booke of the History of France relates a notable resolution given by the Parliament Estates of France in this very point In the yeare 803. Lewes the Deâ—onnaire king of France holding his Parliament in May there came thither from strange Provinces two Brethren kings of Vuilses who with frank free good will submitted themselves to the judgement of the said â—arliament to which of them the kingdome should belong The elder of these two brethren was named Miligastus and the yonger Celeaâ—raeus Now albeit the custome of the said kingdome adjudged the Crowne to the eldest according to the right of 〈◊〉 allowed and practised by the Law of Nature and of later memory in the person of the last dead King Liubus father to the two contendants yet notwithstanding in regard that the Subjects by universall consent of the kingdome had rejected the elder brother FOR HIS COWARDISE AND EVILL GOVERNMENT cum secundam ritum ejus gentis commissum sibi Regnum parum digne administraret and had given the Crown to the younger brother FOR HIS VALOVR DISCREETE CARRIAGE after full hearing of both parties BY SENTENCE of PARLIAMENT the Kingdome was adjudged to the younger Brother statâ—â—t ut junior frater delatam sibi à Populo suo potâ—statem haberet c and thereupon the eldest did him homage with oath of Alleigance in the said Parliament and submitted to this sentence And upon this very ground in some of our ancient British and Saxons Kings Reignes when the right heire to the Crowne was an infant unable to defend his kingdome and people against invading enemies the Crowne hath commonly descended to the Vncle or next heire of full age who was able to protect them and repulse their enemies till the right heire accomplished his compleat age as I have elsewhere manifested If then a Kingdome by generall consent may elect a new King to defend and preserve it in case of invasion and eminent danger of ruine by forraigne enemies when their present King either cannot or will not doe his duty in protecting them from their enemies and exposeth them for a prey to their devastations as these examples and authorities conclude they may though I will not positively determine so Then certainely by equall semblable and greater reason subjects may lawfully take up necessary defensive Armes against their Kings when they shall not onely desert but actually invade and wage warre against them destroy and wast them in an open Hostile manner and handle them as cruelly as the worst of enemies such a wilfull unnaturall Hostile invasion being farre worse than any cowardly or bare desertion of theÌ„ when they are invaded by a forraign enemy And if Kings in case of â—otâ—ishnesse or Lunacy may be lawfully deposed from their kingdomes by common consent of their Realmes when they are altogether unfit or unable to governe as Bishop Bilson asserts and I have manifested elsewhere then much more may they be lawfully resisted by force without guilt of Treason or Rebellion when they wilfully and maliciously contrary to their oath and duty cast off their Royall governments the protection of their subjects and wage open warre against them to enslave or ruine them If a Father shall violently and unjustly assault his sonne a husband his wife a master his servant a Major or other inferior Officer a Citizen to murther maime or ruine them They may in such a case by the Law of Nature God man resist repulse them in their owne defence without any crime at all as dayly practise experimentally manifests yea they may sweare the peace against them and have a Writ de securitate Pacis in such cases Therefore by the selfefame reason they may resist the King and his Army in like cases there being no more humane nor divine Law against resistance in the one case than in the other Finally it is the resolution of Iohn Bodin and others who deny the lawfulnesse of Subjects taking up Armes against their Soveraigne Prince or offering violence to his person though he become a Tyrant That if a Soveraigne Prince or King by lawfull election or succession turnâ— a Tyrant he may lawfully at his Subjects request be invaded resisted condâ—mâ—ed or slaine by a forraigne Prince For as of all Noble acts none is more honourable or glorious then by way of fact to defend the honour goods and lâ—ves of such as are unjustly oppressed by the power of the more mighty especially the gate of Iustice being shut against them thus did Moses seeing his brother the Israelite beaten and wronged by the Egyptian and no meanes to have redresse of his wrongs So it is a most faire and magnificall thing for a Prince to take up Armes to releive a whole Nation and people unjustly oppressed by the cruelty of a Tyrant as did the great Hercuâ—es who travelling over a great part of the world with wonderfull power and valour destroyed many most horrible monsters that is to say Tyrants and so delivered people for which he was numbred among the gods his posterity for many worlds of yeares after holding most great Kingdomes And other imitators of his vertue as Dio Timoilion Aratus Harmodius Aristogiton with other such honourable Princes bearing Titles of chastisers and correctors of Tyrants And for that onely cause Tamerlain Emperour of the Tartars denounced warre unto Bajazet King of the Turkes who then besieged Constantinople saying That he was comming to chastise his Tyrannie and to deliver the afflicted people and vanquishing him in battle routed his Army and taking the Tyrant prisoner he kept him in chains in an Iron Cage till he dyed Neither in this case is it materiall that such a vertuous Prince being a stranger proceede against a Tyrant by open forcâ— or fiercenesse or else by way of justice True it is that a valient and worthy Prince having the Tyrant in his power shall gaine more honour by bringing him unto his tryall to chastise him as a murtherer a manqueller and a robber rather than to use the Law of Armes against him Wherefore let us resolve on this that it is lawfull for any stranger Prince to kill a Tyrant that is to say a man of all men infamed and notorious for the oppression murder and slaughter of his subjects and people And in this sort
dispositio râ—rum a Domino sit collata potestas And using likewise these memorable Speeches in those blind daies against the Pope and his usurped Supremacy with liberty Vt quid ad noâ—se extendit Romanorum insatiata cupiditas Quid Episcopis Apostolicis Militiae nostrae Ecce successores Constantini non Petri non imitantur Petrum in meriâ—is vel operibus nec assimulandi sunt in Potestate Proh pudor marcidi ribaldi qui de armis vel liâ—eralitate minime norunt jam toti mundo propter excommunicationes suas volunt dominari ignobiles usurarij Simoniales O quantum dissimuâ—es Petro qui sibi Petri usurpant partem c. I conceive this Excommunication rather justifies then disproves the lawfulnesse of this their taking up of armes and the warre insuing it being but for their owne just defence when the King afterwards with fire sword and bloody barbarous Forraigne Forces wasted his Realme in a most inhumane tyrannicall maner Factus de Rege Tyâ—annus imo in bestialem prorumpens feritatem c. which necessitated the Barons for their own preservation and the Kingdoms devoted by this unnaturall Prince to Vassallage and utter desolation to elect Lewâ—s of France for their King Who together with the Peeres and Estates of France assembled at Lions concerning this Election resolved it to be just and lawfull and the Barons Defensive Warres against and rejection of King Iohn for his Tyranny and oppressions to be just and honourable since they did but flee to these extraordinary remedies and seeke for justice abroad when they were denied it by him that should give it them in as orâ—inary way at home chosing as King in place of a Tyrant as Matthew Paris with the generall History of France written by Iohn de Serres and Englished by Edward Grimston mâ—re largely manifest Secondly the Lawfulnesse and justnesse of the Bâ—rons Warres in Defence of Magna Chartâ— with other their Hereditary Rights and Liberties appeares most evidently by the resolution of all those Parliaments summoned by King Herry the 3d. Edward the 1 â— 2. 3. Richard the 2 d and other our succeeding Kings which have many times even by force of Armes or Menaces and sometimes by faire termes caused these Kings by new Acts of Parliament of ratifie Magna Charta the Chartâ—r of the Forest with other Fundamentall Liberties thus forcibly extorted from King Iâ—hn at first and constrained them to confirme hem with their Oathes and solâ—mne publicke Excommunications to be published by the Bishops in their Diocesse twice every yeare oft solemnly vowing and protesting both in and out of Parliament to defend these Lawes and Liberties with their estates armes lives blood which their ancâ—stâ—rs had purchased with their blood as I have manifested in the two first parts of this Discourse All which they would no doubt have forborne had they deemed it high Treason or Rebellion in point of Law to take up armes against their Kings in defence oâ— these Lawes and Privileges neither would our Kings and Parliaments in times of Peace have so frequently confirmed these Lawes and Immunities as just and necessary for the peoples welfare had they reputed their former purchases and confirmations by warre and armes no lesse then Treason or Rebellion And if it were neither Treason nor Rebellion in the judgements of our Ancestors and those Parliaments which procured and ratified Magna Charta to take up armes in defence thereof much lesse can it be Treason or Rebellion in the Parliament and Subjects now by Votes by Ordinances of both Houses with force of armes to preservâ— not only these their hereditarie Charters Lawes Priviledges but their very Lives Estates yea the Privileges and being of Parliaments themselves which are now invaded endangered What opinion the world had of the lawfulnesse of most of the Barons Warres in King Henry the 3d. his Raigne against this troublesome perfidious King in defence of their Lawes Liberties Estates appeares first by the Dialogue betweene Agnellus a Frier minorite one of King Henry his Counsell purposely sent to the Earle Marshall then in armes against the King and this Martiall Earle in the Abbey of Morgan Anno 1233. I will first relate the true state of that Warre and then their Dialogue concerning it King Henry by the ill counsell of Peter Bishop of Winchester removed all his English Officers Counsellors and Servants from his Court and put Poictovines and Forraigners in their places being ruled wholly by them withall he puts the English Garisons out of all his Castles and substitutes Forraigners in them which dayly arived both with Horse and armes in great multitudes and much opprested the people calling them Traitors so that the power and wealth of the Realme was wholly under their Command The Earle Marshall seeing the Noble and Ignoble thus oppressed and the rights of the Kingdome like utterly to be lost provoked with a zeale of Iustice associating to himselfe other Noble men goes boldly to the King reproves him in the hearing of many For calling in those Poictovines by evill Counsell to the oppression of the Kingdome and of his naturall Subjects and like wise of Lawes and Liberâ—ies Humbly beseeching him hastily to correct these excesses which threatned the imminent subversion both of His Crowne and Kingdome which if he refused to doe he and the other Nobles of the Realme would withdraw themselves from his Counsell as long as he harboured those Strangeâ—s To which Peter of Winchester replyed That the King might lawfully call in what strangers he would for the Defence of his Kingdome and Crowne and likewise so many and such as might compell his proud and rebellious Subjects to due Obedience Whereupon the Earle Marshall and other Nobles departing discontented from the Court when they could get no other answer promised firmely one to another That for this cause which concerned them all they would manfully fight evâ—n to the separation of Soule and Body After which they seeing more Strangers arrive with Horse and armes every day sent word to the King That hee should foorthwith remove Bishop Peter and all his Strangers from his Court which if he refused they all would BY THE COMMON CONSENT OF THE WHOLE REALM 〈◊〉 him with his wicked Counsellours out of the Realm and consult of chusing them a new King After these and some other like passage the King raysing an Army besiegeth one of the Earles Castles and not being able to winne it and ashamed to raise his Seige without gaining it he sent certaine Bishops to the Earle and requested him that since he had besieged his Castle and hee could not with Honour depart without winning it which he could not doe by force that the Earle to save his Honour would cause it to be surrended to him upon this condition That hee would restore it certainely to him within 15. dayes and that by advise of the Bishops hâ— would amend â—all thing amisse in his Kingdome for performance of
Spensers and other ill Counsellors about this king in the last yeare of his raigne though the King himself were in their Company and taken prisoner by the Forces raised against them for the necessary preservation reliefe and safety of the Queene Prince Nobles Kingdome to be no high Treason nor offence at all namely the statute of 1. E. 3. c. 1. 2. 3. which I shall recite at large Whereas Hugh Spenser the Father and Hugh Spenser the Sonne late at the suite of Thomas then Earle of Lancaster and Leycester and Steward of England by the common assent and vote of the Peers and Commons of the Realme and by the assent of King Edward Father to our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is AS TRAITORS ENEMIES OF THE KING OF THE REALME were Exled disinherited and banished out of the Realme for ever And afterward the same Hugh by evill Councell which the king had about him without the assent of the Peeres and Commons of the Realme came againe into the Realme and they with other proâ—â—cured the said king to pursue the said Earle of Lancaster and other great men and people of the Realme in which pursuite the said Earle of Lancaster and other great men and people of the Realme were willingly dead and disinherited and some outlawed banished and disinherited and some disinherited and imprisoned and some ransommed and disherited and after such mischiefe the said Hugh and Hugh Master Robâ—rt Baldocke and Edmoâ—d Earle of Arundell usurped to them the Royall power so that the king nothing did nor would doe but as the said Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Earle of Arundell did councell him were it never so great wrong during which usurpation by duresse and force against the Will of the Commons they purchased Lands as well by fines levied in the Court of the said Edward as otherwise and whereas after the death of the said Earle of Lancaster and other great men our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is and Dame Isabel Queene of England his Mother by the Kings will and Common Councell of the Realme went over to Francâ— to treate of peace betweene the two Realmes of England and France upon certaine debates then moved The said Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Earle of Arundell continuing in their mischiefe encouraged the king against our Soveraigne Lord the king that now is his sonne and the said Queene his wife and by royall power which they had to them encroached as afore is said procured so much grievance by the assent of the said King Edward to our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is and the Queene his mother being in so great jeopardy of themselves in a strange Country and seeing the Destruction Dammage Oppressions and Distractions which were notoriously done in the Realme of England upon holy Church Prelates Earles Barons and other great men and the Commonalty by the said Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Earle of Arundell by the encroaching of the said royall power to them to take as good Councell therein as they might And seeing they might not remedie the same unlesse they came into England with an Army of men of warre and by the Grace of God with such puissance and with the helpe of great men and Commons of the Realme they have vanquished and destroyed the sayd Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Wherefore our Soveraigne Lord King Edward that now is at his Parliament holden at Westminster at the time of his Coronation the morrow after Candlemas in the first yeare of his reigne upon certaine Petitions and requests made unto him in the said Parliament upon such Articles above rehearsed by the common councell of the Prelates Earles Barons and other great men and by the Commonalty of the Realme there being by his Commandment hath provided ordained and stablished in forme following First that no great man or other of what estate dignity or condition he be that came with the said king that now is and with the Queene his mother into the Realme of England and none other dwelling in England who came with the said king that now is and with the Queene In ayde of them to pursue their said enemies in which pursuite the King his Fatâ—er was taken and put in ward and yet remaineth in ward shall not be molested impeached or gâ—ieved in person or goods in the kings Court or other Court for the puâ—suite of the said king taking and with holding of his body nor pursuâ—te of any other nor taking of their persons goods nor death of any man or any other things perpetrate or committed in the said pursuite from the day the said king and Queene did arme till the day of the Coronation of the same king and it is not the kings minde that such offenders that committed my trespasse or other offence out of the pursuites should goe quit or have advantage of this statute but they shall be at their answere for the same at the Law Item that the repeale of the said Exile which was made by Dures and force be adnulled for evermore and the said Exile made by award of the Peeres and Commons by the kings assent as before is said shall stand in his strength in all points after the tenure of every particular therein contained Item that the Executors of the Testament of all those that were of the same quarrell dead shall have actions and recover the Goods and Chattels of them being of the said quarrell whose executors they be as they of the same quarrell should c. Certainely here was an higher pursuite and levying warre against the King and his evill Councellors then any yet attempted by this Parliament and a warre rather offensive then defensive in which the king himself was both taken and dâ—tâ—ined Prisoâ—â—r and then forced to resigne his Crowne to his sonne yet this is here justified as a necessary just and lawfull warre by an Act of Parliament never yet repealed and all that bare Armes against the king and his ill Councellors yea they who pursued apprehended and imprisoned the king himselfe are as to this particular discharged by the king and whole Parliament from all manner of guilt or punishment or prosecution whatsoever against them Which consideration makâ—s me somewhat confident that this King and the Parliament held in the 25. yeare of his Raigne ch 2. Which declares it high Treason to levie warre against the King in his Realmâ— did never intend it of a necessary defensive warre against a seduced King and his evill Councellors especially by the Votes of both Houses of Parliament who doubtlesse would never passe any Act to make themselves or their Posteritie in succeeding Parliaments Traytors for taking up meere necessary defensive Armes for their owne and the Kingdomes preservation for that had beene diametraâ—ly contrary to this statute made in the very first yeare and Parliament of this King and would have lâ—yd an aspertion of High Treason upon the king himself the Queene his
in the Kings name spake thus to them My Lords our Lord the King hearing that you were lately assembled at Harenggye Parke in an unusuall manner would not rush upon you as he mâ—ght have easily done had he not had care of you and those who were with you because no man can doubt if he had raised an Army he would have had many more men than you and perchance much â— lood of men had beene spilt which the King doth most of all abhorre and therefore assuming to himselfe patience and mildnesse he hath made choyce to convent you peaceably and to tell him the reason why you have assâ—mbled so many men To which the Lords answered That THEY HAD MET TOGETHER FOR THE GOOD OF THE KING AND KINGDOME AND THAT THEY MIGHT PVLL AWAY THOSE TRAITORS FROM HIM WHICH HE CONTINVALLY DET AINED WITH HIM Tâ—e Traytors they appealed were the foresaid ill Councellors and Nicholas Brambre the false London Knight and to prove this appeale of them true casting down their gloves they said they would prosecute it by Duell The King answered This shall not be done now but in the next Parliament which we appoint to be the morrow after the Purification of the blessed Virgin to which as well you as they comming shall receive satisfaction in all things according to Law The Lords for their owne safety kept together till the Parliament and in the meane time dâ—feated the Forces of the Duke of Ireland raised privately by the Kings Command to surprise them The Parliament comming on in the 11. yeare of Richard the second these ill councellors were therein by speciall Acts attainted condemned of High Treason and some of them executed and these defensive Armes of the Lords for their owne and the Kingdomes safety adjudged and declared to be no Treason but a thing done to the honour of God and Salvation of the King and his Realme witnesse the expresse words of the Printed Act of 11 R. 2. c. 1. which I shall transcribe Our Soveraigne Lord the King amongst other Petitions and requests to him made by the Commons of his said Realme in the said Parliament hath received one Petition in the forme following The Commons prayed that whereas the last Parliament for cause of the great and horrible mischiefes and perills which another time were fallen BY EVILL GOVERNANCE WHICH WAS ABOVT THE KINGS PERSON by all his time before by Alexander late Archbishop of Yorke Robert de Veere late Duke of Ireland Michael de la Pole late Earle of Suffolk Rober Trisilian late Iustice and Nicholas Brambre Knight with other their adherents and others Whereby the King and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholly undone and destroyed and for this cause and to eschew such perils and mischiefes for the time to come a certaine statute was made in the same Parliament with a Commission to diverse Lords for the weale honour and safeguard of the King his regalty and of all the Realme the tenour of which Commission hereafter followeth Richard c. as in the Act. And thereupon the said Alexander Robert Mighill Robert and Nicholas and their said adherents seeing that their said evill governance should be perceived and they by the same cause more likely to be punished by good justice to be done and also their evill deedes and purposes before used to be disturbed by the sayd Lords assigned by commission as afore made conspired purposed divers horrible Treasons and evils against the King and the said Lords so assigned and against all the other Lords and Commons which were assenting to the making of the said Ordinance and Commission in destruction of the king his Regalty and all his Realme Whereupon Thomas Duke of Glocester the kings Vncle Richard Earle of Arundle and Thomas Earle of Warwicke perceiving the evill purpose of the sayd Traytors did assemble themselves in forcible manner for the safety of their persons to shew and declare the said Treasons and evill purposes and thereof to set remedie as God would and came to the Kings presence affirming against the said 5. Traytors appealed of High Treason by them done to the King and to his Realme upon which appeale the king our Soveraigne Lord adjourned the said parties till this present Parliament and did take them into his safe protection as in the record made upon the same appeale fully appeareth And afterwards in greâ—t Rebellion and against the said protection the said Traytors with their said adherents and others aforesaid continuing their evill purpose some of them assembled a great power by letters and Commission from the King himselfe as Walsingham and others write to have destroyed the said Duke and Earles appellants and other the kings lawfull leige people and to accomplish their Treasons and evill purposes aforesaid Whereupon the said Duke of Glocester Henry Earle of Darby the sayd Earles of Arundell and Warwicke and Thomas Earle Marshall Seeing the open Destruction of the King and all his Realme if the said evill purposed Traitors and their adherents were not disturbed which might not otherwise have beene done but with strong hand for the weale and safeguard of the King our Soveraigne Lord and of all his Realme did assemble them forcibly and rode and pursued till they had disturbed the said power gathered by the said Traytors and their adherents aforesaid which five Traytors be attainted this present Parliament of the Treasons and evills aforesaid at the suite and appeale of the said Duke of Glocester Earles of Darby Arundle Warwicke and Marshall That it would please our redoubled Soveraigne Lord the King to accept approve and affirme in this present Parliament all that was done in the last as afore and as much as hath beene done since the last Parliament by force of the statute Ordinance or Commission aforesaid and also All that the said Duke of Glocâ—ster Earles of Arunâ—ell and Warwicke did and that the same Duke and Earles and the said Earles of Derby and Marshall or any of them did Or any other of their company or of their ayde or of their adherents or of any of them or touching the Assemblies Ridings Appeales and Pursuites aforesaid â— As a thing made to the Honour of God Salvation of the King maintenance of his Crowne and also of the Salvation of all his Realme therefore doubtlesse no Treason Rebellion nor any offence in point of Law and also to Or 〈◊〉 and Stâ—blâ—sh that ' the said Duke of Glâ—câ—ster Earles of Darby Arundell Wâ—rwicke and Marshall nor none of them nor none of such as have beene of their returne or company force ayde or councell or any of them in the things aforesaid nor none other person for any thing aforesaid shall be impeached molested or grieved at the suite of the king nor of the party nor in other manner because of any assembly riding beating levying of Penons or of Banners discomfiture death of a man imprisonment of any person taking leading away or detinue of any horses
or of any other beasts taking or carriage of goods harnesse armour cattle and other movable goods breaking of houses or of other possessions or goods assault battery robberies thefts comming or tarrying with force and armes or armed in the Kings presence at the Parliament or Councell or else where Raysing of people or exciting the people to rise forcibly against the peace by letters commissions or any other deeds or of any other thing that may be surmised by them or any of them or ought or purposed to have beene done from the beginning of the world touching any of the said matters before the end of this present Parliament by any imagination interpretation or other colour but shall bee quit and discharged for ever except that the King be answered of all the goods and cattels that were to them which be attainted in this present Parliament or to any of them and which goods and things were taken by any person the first day of Ianuary last past or after hitherto We considering the matter of the said Petition to be true and the request of the said Commons in this party to be to the honour of God and the profit of us and our Realme of the assent of the Prelates Dukes Earles Barrors and all others of this present Parliament doe garnt the requests of the said Commons in all points after the forme of the said Petition And moreover of the assent aforesayd we will and grant for the greater quietnesse of our said Realme though that the said Duke or Earles appellants or any other of their company retinue force ayde councell or adherents or any of them have taken led away or withholden any of our Iusticers or any other of our ministers in disturbance of execution of the Law of our Realme of England or in other manner or that they have taken any manner of person as Traitors to Us or to our Realme or other person and the same have voluntarily suffered to goe at large or escape beyond the sea from the 14 th day of Novemb. last past till the end of this present Parliament that they nor any of them be for this cause impeached molested nor grieved any manner of way at the suite of us our heires nor none other party but thereof they shall be quit and discharged for ever nor that they nor any of them be in any wise molested grieved nor impeached at the suite of us our heires or other party for any thing done at any time for to a taine to their purpose against the said appealers or any of them or against any other person for this cause nor for any other thing or deed to affirme the same purposes till the end of this present Parliament but thereof shall be acquitted This Act with others made the same Parliament continued inviolable without dispute for 10. yeers space during w ch there were 8. more Parliaments held w ch approved in but it 21 R. 2. the King having violently seised upon the Duke of Glocester the Earles of Warwicke and Arundell and packed a Parliament to his minde by not summoning any Lords thereto but those of his party by causing divers Knights and Burgesses of his own nomination never chosen by the people to be returned in divers places and overawing the rest with a guard or 4000. Cheshire Archers caused these Lords to be illegally attainted of Treason upon fained pretences out of this old grudge and the Acts of this Parliament to be reversed yet not this Act as I conceive which is part of it being specially saved by 21. R. 2. c. 13. But however by the statute of 1 H. 4. c. 3. 4. the Parliament of 21. was wholly repealed reversed revoked voyded undone and anulled for ever with all the Acts circumstances and dependants thereof and this Parliament of 11. R. 2. Enacted to be firmely holden and kept after the purport and effect of the same as a thing made for the great Honour and common profit of the Realme and ch 5. It is ordained and assented that the Lords and other which were forejudged in the Parliament holden the said 21. yeare or by Authority of the same which now be in life and the heires of the Lords and others that be dead shall be wholly restitute and restored to their names all manner of inheritaments and possessions reversions fees reversions offices liberties and franchises as intirely as the said Lords and others which be in life or the Lords and other which be dead ancestors of the heires or the feoffâ—es of the said Lords or other aforesaid or other feoffees to their use were at the time of the judgement given against them the said 21 yeare by entrie without other suite thereof to be made or livery to be had of the same And all the goods and chattels which were the said Lords or the other persons aforesaid so forejudged whereof the king is not answered and be in the hands of the Sheriffes Escheators or other Officers Ministers or any other and concealed by them the king wills and granteth that the same Lords and other which now be in life and the Executors and administrators of them that be dead shall have thereof delivery and restitution and that the Sheriffes Escheators Officers and Ministers so occupying the said goods and chattels by such concealment bee punished for the same concealement So that by the expresse resolution of these two severall Parliaments these Lords and Commons taking up defensive Armes and making war against those wicked Councellours of this King which sought their ruine and endeavoured the destruction of the Realme though they had the kings presence and commissions to countenance all their actions and proceedings of this nature and the Lords wanted the Ordinances of both houses to authorize this their arming and war was solemnely declared and adjudged to be no Treason nor Rebellion at all nor levying of warre against the king within the statute of 25. E. 3. but contrarywise a thing done to the honour of God the Salvation of the King for if the Kingdome perish or miscarry the king as king must needs perish with it the maintenance of his Crowne supported onely by the maintenance of the kingdomes welfare and the Salvation and common profit of all the Realm and this being one of the first solemne judgements if not the very first given in Parliament after the making of the statute of 25 E. 3. which hath relation to its clause of levying war must certainely be the best exposition of that Law which the Paâ—liament onely ought to interpret as is evident by the statute of 21. R. 2 c. 3. It is ordained and stablished that every man which c. or he thâ— raiseth the people and riseth against the King to make warre within his Realme and of hâ—t be duly attainted and judged in the Parliament shall be judged as a Traytor of High Treason against the Crowne and other forecited Acts and if this were no Treason nor
Rebellion nor Trespasse in the Barons against the king or kingdome but a warre for the honour of God the salvation of the king the maintenance of his Crowne the safety and common profit of â—ll the Realme much more must our Parliaments present defensive warre against his Majesties 〈◊〉 Councellors Papists Malignants Delinquents and men of desperate fortunes risen up in Armes against the Parliament Lawes Religion Liberties the whole Kingdomes peace and welfare be so too being backed with the very same and farre better greater authority and more publike reasons then their warre was in which the safety of Religion was no great ingredient nor the preservation of a Parliament from a forced dissolution though established and perpetuated by a publike Law King Henry the 4 th taking up Armes against King Richard and causing him to be Articled against and judicially deposed in and by Parliament for his Male-administration It was Enacted by the Statute of 1. Hen. 4. cap. 2. That no Lord Spirituall nor Temporall nor other of what estate or condition that he be which came with King Henry into the Realme of England nor none other persons whatsoever they be then dwelling within the same Realme and which came to this King in aide of him to pursue them which were against the Kings good intent and the COMMON PROFIT OF THE REALME in which pursuite Richard late King of England the second after the Conquest was pursued taken and put in Ward and yet remaineth in Ward be impeached grieved nor vexed in person nor in goods in the Kings Court nor in none other Court for the pursuites of the said King taking and with-holding of his body nor for the pursuits of any other taking of persons and cattells or of the death of a man or any other thing done in the said pursuite from the day of the said King that now is arived till the day of the Coronarion of Our said Soveraigne Lord Henry And the intent of the King is not that offendors which committed Trespasses or other offences out of the said pursuits without speciall warrant should be ayded nor have any advantage of this Statute but that they be thereof answerable at the Law If those then who in this offensive Warre assisted Henry the 4 th to apprehend and depose this perfidious oppressing tyrannicall king seduced by evill Counsellors and his owne innate dis-affection to his naturall people deserved such an immunity of persons and goods from all kinds of penalties because though it tended to this ill kings deposition yet in their intentions it was really for the common profit of the Realme as this Act defines it No doubt this present defensive Warre alone against Papists Delinquents and evill Counsellors who have miserably wasted spoiled sacked many places of the Realme and fired others in a most barbarous maner contrary to the Law of Armes and Nations and labour to subvert Religion Laws Liberties Parliaments and make the Realm a common Prey without any ill intention against his Majesties Person or lawfull Royall Authority deserves a greater immunity and can in no reasonable mans judgement be interpreted any Treason or Rebellion against the king or his Crowne in Law or Conscience In the 33. yeare of king Henry the 6 th a weake Prince wholly guiâ—ed by the Queene and Duke of Somerset who ruled all things at their wills under whose Government the greatest part of France was lost all things went to ruine both abroad and at home and the Queene much against the Lords and Peoples mindes preferring the Duke of Sommerset to the Captain ship of Calice the Commons and Nobility were greatly offended thereat saying That he had lost Normandy and so would he doe Calice Hereupon the Duke of Yorke the Earles of Warwicke and Salisbury with other their adherents raised an Army in the Marches of Wales and Marched with it towards London to suppresse the Duke of Sommerset with his Faction and reforme the Governement The king being credibly informed hereof assembled his Host and marching towards the Duke of Yorke and his Forces was encountred by them at Saint Albanes notwithstanding the kings Proclamation to keepe the Peace where in a set Battell the Duke of Somerset with divers Earles and 8000. others were slaine on the kings part by the Duke of Yorke and his companions and the king in a manner defeated The Duke after this Victory obtained remembring that he had oftentimes declared and published abroad The onely cause of this War to be THE ADVANCEMENT OF THE PVBLIKE WEALE and TO SET THE REALME IN A MORE COMMODIOVS STATE and BETTER CONDITION Vsing all lenity mercy and bounteousnesse would not once touch or apprehend the body of King Henry whom he might have slaine and utterly destroyed considering that hee had him in his Ward and Governance but with great honour and due reverence conveyed him to London and so to Westminster where a Parliament being summoned and assembled soone after It was therein Enacted That no person should either judge or report any point of untruth of the Duke of Yorke the Earles of Salisbury and Warwicke For comming in Warlike manner against the King at Saint Albanes Considering that their attempt and enterprise Was onely to see the Kings Person in Safeguard and Sure-keeping and to put and Alien from Him the publike Oppressors of the Common wealth by whose misgovernance his life might be in hazard and his Authority hang on a very small Thred After this the Duke anâ— these Earles raised another Army for like purpose and their owne defence in the 37 and 38 yeares of H. 6. for which they were afterwards by a packed Parliament at Coventree by their Enemies procurement Attainted of high Treason and their Lands and Goods confiscated But in the Parliament of 39. H. 6. cap. 1. The said attainder Parliament with all Acts and Statutes therein made were wholly Reversed Repealed annulled as being made by the excitation and procurement of seditious ill disposed Persons for the accomplishment of their owne Rancor and Covetousnesse that they might injoy the Lands Offices Possessions and Goods of the lawfull Lords and liege People of the King and that they might finally destroy the said lawfull Lords and Liege People and their Issues and Heires forever as now the Kings ill â—ounseilors and hungry Cavalleers seek to destroy the Kings faithfull Liege Lords and People that they may gaine their Lands and Estates witnesse the late intercepted Letter of Sir Iohn Bâ—ooks giving advise to this purpose to his Majestie and this Assembly was declared to be no lawful Parliament but a devillish Counsell which desired more the destruction then advancement of the Publike weale and the Duke Earles with their assistants were restored and declared to be Faithful and Lawful Lords and Faithful liege People of the Realme of England who alwaies had great and Fathfull Love to the Preferrement and Surety of the Kings Person according to their Duty If then these two Parliaments acquitted
the Carthaginians against the Mercenaries least the Carthaginians being oppressed the Romans should be able to doe all things Thus Livie of the diverse conceits of men upon the war of the Romans and Perseus that some favored him some them but there was a third part the best and most prudent who would have neither part to becomâ— more powerfull the other oppressed for so themselves should be in the best condition alwayes protecting them from the injuries of the other And these things ingâ—niously Marcus Cato for the Rhodians who thorow hatred to the Romans by their good will at least or wishes had favoured Perseus They would not that we should have conquered the King but also many other people and many Nations and partly not for reproach sake but because they feared that if there were no man whom we stood in awe of we might doe what we list and every one of us if any thinke any thing to be attempted against his owne estate doth even with his strength contrarily endeavour that it be not attempted against him This the Embassador of Persius had thus discussed before the Rhodians that they ought to endeavour that the right and power of all things be not devolved to one people Cato adds that their will ought not to be punished so much because it ought to be discerned more certainely Caesar doth not contradict who thus disputes of raising of warre against King Ariâ—vistus that he ought to be punished before he became great or should doe any evill even because he had a thought to doe them hurt Neither ought this to be understood of the naked thought and bare will but of that which hath assumed the Act declared in another place that King was now fearefull to the Romans in France and his Armes threatned danger Caesar therfore wisely and justly thought that there was no further delay to be made but that he might restraine Armes with Armes The Switzers lately very wisely that they will favour neither the French nor Emperor but would keepe a league with them both until their Armies should not be hurtful to the Helvetiâ—â— Common-wealth But I conclude the defence is just which prevents dangers already meditated of already prepared and also not thought upon but very likely possible yet neither this last simply or would I call it just to endeavour this war as soone as ever any should be made too potent which I doe not affirme For what if any Princes power should be increased by successions by elections wilt thou trouble him with warre because his power may be dangerous to thee Another thing therefore must be added concerning Iustice. We will adde to others who what they have thought of a just war attend CHAP. XV. of Honest Defence IT remaines to speake of honest defence which is undertaken without any feare of danger to us sought for no want of our owne for no profit but onely for other mens sakes and it resteth upon this foundation that as Marcus Tullius saith nature hath ordained among men affinity and love and good will and the bond of good will and that the law of nations is placed in the society of men which therefore is called by Cicero also Civill Thus Verilie the Stoickes would have the City of the whole world to be one and all men to be commoners and townesmen and like one Heard feeding together in a Common ground All this that thou beholdest wherein heavenly and earthly things are contained is one and we are members of one great body and the world it selfe is one body But Nature hath made uâ— allyed seeing she hath begotten us of the same and in the same also endewed us with mutuall love and hath made us â—ociable And this our societie is most like the joyning of stones in a wall which would fall if the stones did not withstand and uphold one another as Seneca excellently and which as Gellius consisteth upholden as it were with a mutuall contrariety and support This is the desagreeing concord of things as Horace speakes and we also beforeâ— And now thou hearest that all the world is one body and all men are members of this one body and thou hearest the world to be an house and to be a City which heare againe for they are beautifull The world is the greatest house of things thus Vâ—rro Man is a sociable creature and being 〈◊〉 for the good of all lookes upon the world as one house thus Seneca 〈…〉 〈◊〉 the world it a Common-wealth having one forme of 〈…〉 one Law Philo there is one Commonwealth of all and a common 〈…〉 Tertullian Minutius and also in Aristotle There is one great City what an haâ—â—ony is here of wise men Adde touching Society that of Cicero Society in the largest extent which though it be often sayd we must repeate more often is of men towards men more inward of those that are of the same Countrey neâ—rer of those that are of the sane City and in another place We are so borne that there may be a câ—rtaine Societie betweene all but greater as any one is nearer Citizens are better than strangers kindred â—haâ— Forriners And thus doth Augustine note there sociâ—tiâ—s the first of the houshold the second of the City the third of the world and saith all the Nations in the world are joyned together by humane societie But what is this society and conjunction Among the good there is as it were a necessary benevolence which spring of friendship is constituted of nature but that same goodnesse belongs also to the multitude for vertue is not inhumane nor cruell nor proud which will not looke upon all people writeth Cicero and Ambrose the law of nature bindes us to all charity that one should beare with another as members of one body and so also Baldus we are borne for our own and for strangers by the bond of Charity those that say care ought to be had of Citizens deny it of strangers these men take away community and society of mankinde Also Cicero which Lactantius both citeth and hath approved And the same Cicero It is a filthy opinion of them who referre all things to themselves filthy indeede for man is borne for society and it is his duty to helpe others and not live to himselfe onely and for this cause Cicero condemned the Philosophers because while they lacked one kinde of justice and as another holy man writes fulfilled indeede the greatest part of equity not to hurt any they offended against the other because they forsooke the society of life and so forsooke this part of justice to profit when thou canst Dost thou not see how the world it selfe the most beautifull of all workes doth binde it selfe with love we are bound by the Law of nature so sayes the interpreter of the Law to be profitable every way and the same
subsequently seconded therewith after a possession got by force or conquest Now that the kings personall presence cannot justifie the unjust actions or protect the persons of those that assist him in any unlawfull action contrary to the Lawes of God or the Realme is a truth so evident that it needes no proofe it being no part of the kings Royall prerogative or Office but diametrally repugnant to it either to doe injury himselfe or to authorize or protect others in committing it as I have elsewhere proved at large Therefore it can administer no patronage nor defence at all to those who accompany his person in the unjust invasions of his Subjects nor dis-able them to defend or repulse their unjust assaults and rapines For suppose a King should so farre degenerate and dishonour himselfe as personally to accompany a packe of theeves who should rob his subjects on the high way break up their houses in the night or practise Piracie on the Sea or commit Rapes or murthers on his people every where I thinke no man so voyd of Reason Law Conscience but would readily grant that the Subjects in all these cases might lawfully defend themselves by force against these Robbers Theeves Murtherers notwithstanding the Kings presence or association with them whose personall Prerogatives and immunity from assaults or violence being incommunicable underivable to any other and peculiar to himself alone he can transferre no such protection to others who accompany him in their injurious practises and that these Acts of theirs are direct fellonie and murther for which they might be justly apprehended condemned executed though thus countenanced by the Kings owne presence And if this be truth as our Law-bookes resolve and the Scripture to in places forecited the kings presence can no more deprive the subjects of their necessary just defence against his Popish Forces assaults nor justifie their proceedings or the present unjust offensive warre then in the former cases there being the selfe-same reason in both warres being in truth but greater and more detestable Murders and Robberies when they are unjust as Cyprian Augustine with others rightly define Thirdly personall unâ—ust assaults and violence even of Kings themselves may in some cases lawfully be resisted by subjects This Doctor Ferne himselfe acknowledgeth Sect. 2. p. 9. Personall defence is lawfull against the sudden much more then against the premeditated and illegall assaults of such Messengers of the King yea OF THE PRINCE HIMSELFE THVS FARRE to ward his blowes to hold his hands and the like not to endanger his person not to returne blowes no for though it be naturall to defend â— mans selfe yet the whole common-wealth is concerned in his person the king therefore himselfe much more in his Cavalliers may thus farre at least safely be resisted in point of conscience And that he may be so indeed is manifest by two pregnant Scripture examples The first is that of King Saul 1 Sam 14. 38. to 46. where Ionathan and his Armour-bearer routing the Philistimes whole Army violated his Father Sauls command of which he was wholy ignorant in taking a little honey one the end of his sticke in the pursuite hereupon king Saul most rashly and unjustly vowed twice one after another to put him to death whereupon the people much discontented with this injustice were so farre from submitting to the Kings pleasure in it that they presently said to the king shall Ionathan dye who hath wrought so great Salvation in Israel God forbid As the Lord liveth there shall not one haire of his head fall to the ground So the people RESCVED IONATHAN that he dyed not though he were not onely King Sauls Subject but Sonne too Indeede it appeares not in the Text that Saul offered any violence to Ionathans person or the people to Sauls and it may be the peoples peremptory vow and unanimous resolution to defend Ionathan from this unjust sentence of death against him made Saul desist from his vowed bloody intendment but the word rescued with other circumstances in the story seeme to intimate that Ionathan was in hold to be put to death and that the people forcibly rescued him out of the executioners hands However certainely their vow and speeches declare that if Saul himselfe or any other by his command had assaulted Ionathan to take away his life they would have forcibly resiâ—ted them and preserved his life though with losse of their owne beleeving they might lawfully doe it else they would not have made this resolute vow nor could they have performed it had Saul wilfully proceeded but by a forcible rescue and resistance of his personall violence The other is that of king Vzziah 2 Chron. 27. 1â— to 22. who presumptuously going into the Temple against Gods Law to burne incense on the Altar Azariah the high Priest and with him fourescore Priests of the Lord that were valiant men went in after him and WITHSâ—OOD or resisted Vzziah the king and said unto him It appertaineth not unto thee Vzziah to burne incense unto the Lord but to the Priests the sonnes of Aaron that are consecratâ—d to burne incense goe out of the Sanctuary for thou hast trespassed neither shall it be for thine honour from the Lord God Then Vzziah was wroth and had a censor in his hand to burne incense and whiles he was wroth with the Priests the Leprosie rose up in his forehead And Azariah and all the Priests looked upon him and behold he was Leprous in his forehead AND THEY THRVST HIM OVT FROM THENCE yea himselfe hasted also to goe out because the Lord had smitten him If then these Priests thus actually resisted king Vzziah in this sinfull Act thrusting him perforce out of the Temple when he would but offer incense much more might they would they have done it had he violently assaulted their persons If any king shall unjustly assault the persons of any private Subjects men or women to violate their lives or chastities over which they have no power I make no doubt that they may and ought to bee resisted repulsed even in point of conscience but not slaine though many kings have lost their lives upon such occasions as Rodoaldus the 8. king of Lumbardy Anno 659. being taken in the very act of adultery by the adulteresses husband was slaine by him without delay and how kings attempting to murther private Subjects unjustly have themselves beene sometimes wounded and casually slaine is so rise in stories that I shall forbeare examples concluding this with the words of t Iosephus who expressely writes That the king of the Israelites by Gods expresse Law Deut. 17. was to doe nothing without the consent of the high Priest and Senate nor to multiply money and horses over much which might easily make him a contemner of the Lawes and if he addicted himselfe to these things more than was fitting HE WAS TO BE RESISTED least he became more powerfull then was expedient for their affaires To these
13. 4. But if thou doe that which is evill be afraid for he beareth not the sword in vaine for he is the minister of God a revenger to execute wrath upon them that doe evill So that the genuine sence of the place is and must be this Stand not in an evill matter for the king hath an absolute power to doe whatsoever he pleaseth in way of justice to punish thee if thou continue obstinate in thy evill courses to pardon thee if thou confesse submit and crave pardon for them Ergo the king and his Cavalleeres have an absolute power to murther plunder destroy his Subjects subvert Religion and he and his Forces must not herein be resisted is an ill consequent from such good premises The third is this Where the word of a King is there is power and who may say unto him what dost thou that is expostulate with censure him for doing justly as Iob 34. 17. 18. 19. expound it Ergo the king or his Forces may not be resisted in any case they might rather conclude Therefore neither Kingdome nor Parliament nor any Subject or person whatsoever ought to demand of the king to what end or why he hath raised Forces and Armed Papists against the Parliament and Protestant Religion These Court-Doctors might as truely conclude from hence If the king should command us to say Masse in his Chappell or our Parishes to adorne Images to turne professed Masse-priests c. to vent any Erronious Popish Doctrines to pervert the Scriptures to support Tyrannie and lawlesse cruelty we must and will as some of us doe cheerefully obey for where the word of a King is there is power and we may not say unto him what dost thou If a King should violently ravish matrons defloure virgins unnaturally abuse youth cut all his Subjects throates fire their houses sacke their Cities subvert their liberties and as Bellarmine puts the case of the Popes absolute irresistible authority send millions of soules to hell yet no man under paine of damnation may or ought to demande of him Domine cur ita facis Sir what doe you But was this the holy Ghosts meaning thinke you in this place If so then Nathan was much to blame for reprehending king Davids Adultery Azariah and the 40. Priests who withstood King Vzziah when he would have offered incensâ— on the incense Altar and thrust him out of the Temple telling him it pertaineth not to thee Vzziah to burne incense to the Lord c. Were no lesse then Traytors Iohn Baptist was much over-seene to tell King Herod It is not lawfull for thee to have thy brothers wife The Prophet who sharpely reprehended Amaziah for his Idolatry and new altar 2 Chron 25. 15. 16. was justly checked by the king Elâ—iah was to be rebuked for telling Ahab so plainely of his faults and sending such a harsh message to King Abaziah Elisha much to be shent for using such harsh language to King Iehoram 2 Kings 3. 13. 14. yea Samuel and Hanani deserved the strappado for telling King Saul and Asa That they had done foolishly â— Sam. 13 3. 2 Chron. 15. 9. The meaning therefore of this Text so much mistaken unlesse we will censure all these Prophets and have Kings not onely irresistible but irreprehensible for their wickednesse is onely this No man may presume to question the kings just actions warranted by his lawfull royall power this text being parallel with Rom. 13. 1. 2. 3. 4 What then Ergo None must question or resist his or his Cavalleers unjust violence and proceedings not the Parliament the supremest Iudicature and Soveraigne Power in the Kingdome is a ridiculous consequence yet this is all this Text doth contribute to their present dying bad cause The 5. is that usually objected Text of Psal. 105. 14 15. Touch not mine annointed Ergo the King and his Cavaleers must not be so much as touched nor â—esisted I wonder they did not as well argue Ergo none must henceforth kisse his Majesties hand siâ—ce it cannot be done without touching him neither must his Barber trim him nor his Bedchamberâ— men attire him for feare of high Treason in touching him And the Cavaleers must not henceforth be arrested for their debts apprehended for their robberies and murthers neither must the Chyrurgiâ—n dresse their wounds or pock-soars or otherwise touch them so dangerous is it to touch them not out of fear of infection but for fear of transgressing this sacred Text scarce meant of such unhallowed God-dammeeâ— Such conclusions had been more literall and genuine then the first But to answer this long since exploded triviall Objection not named by Dr Ferne though revived by others since him I say first that this Text concernes not kings at all but the true anoynted Saints of God their Subjects whom kings have been alwayes apt to oppresse and persecute witnesse Psal. 2. â— c. Act 4. 26. 27. Act. 12. 1 2 3 with all sacred and Ecclesiasticall Histories ancient or moderne This is most apparent first because these words were spoken by God to Kings themselves as the Text is expresse Psal 105 14 15. 1 Chron. 16. 20. 21. He suffered no man to do them wrong but reproved even KINGS for their sakâ—s saying even to king themselves namely to king Pharaoh an king Abimelech Gen. 12. 10. to 20. Chap. 20. and 26 1. to 17. 29 Touch not mine Anointed and do my Prophets no harm Therefore not meant of kings Secondly because these words were spoken directly and immediately of Abraham Isaac Iacob their wives and families as it is evident by Verse 6. the whole series of the Psalme which is Historicall the forecited Teâ—ts of Genesis to which the words relate the punctuall confession of Augustine and all other Expositors on this Psalm Now neither they nor their wives nor their children clearly were actuall much lesse anointed Kings For first they lived long before the government of kings was erected among the Israelites of whom Saul was the first 2. They had no kingdom nor territories of their own when these words were uttered but were strangers in the Land going from one Nation and Kingdom to another sojourning obscurely like Pilgrims and Strangers upon earth in Egypt and Gerar under King Pharaoh Abimelech and other Princes not as kings but subjects and priâ—ate men as Verse 12. 13. Gen. 12. and 20. and 26 Chap. 36. 7. Chap. 37. 1. Deut. 23. 7. Hebr. 11. 13. resolve Thirdly They were but very few men in number Verse 12. Genesis 34. 30. they were Masters onely of their own small families and that under forraign Kings therfore doubtlesse no kings at all Fourthly this was spoken of these Patriarchs Wives and Families as well as of themselves and they certainly were no kings unlesse you will have kingdoms consisting onely of kings and no subjects at all Verse 12. 14. Gen. 12. 15. to 20. Chap. 20. 2. to 17. Chap. 26. 11. Chap. 34. 30.
Chap. 35. 6. Fifthly the Scripture no where calls them kings much lesse the Text which terms them expresly Prophets Touch not mine Anointed and do MY PROPHETS not properly so taken but largely that is My servants my chosen people as Verse 6. expounds it no harm The later Clause Do my Prophets no harm being an exact interpretation of the former Touch not mine Anointed that is My Prophets and Servants so far forth as to do them harm For in a common sence no doubt they might be touched without offence to God or them by way of imbracement assistance and the like Sixtly Though there were kings in Abrahams dayes or before as is evident by Gen. 14. 1 2 c. yet there were no anointed kings nor were kings ever called Gods anointed till Sauls dayes who was the first anointed King I read of 1 Sam. 10. 1. and the first king ever stiled The Lords Anointed 1 Sam. 12. 3 5. whereas Priests were anointed long before Exodus 30. 30. Chap. 40. 13 15. Therefore Anointed in the Text cannot be meant of kings or of persons actually anointed but onely of those Saints of God who were metaphâ—rically and spiritually anointed having the gifts and graces of Gods Spirit Psal. 28 8 9. Hab. 3. 13. 2. Cor. 1. 21. 1 Iohn 2. 27. Eze. 16. 9. Isay 20. 27. This Text then being not meant of kings which are actually but of Christians onely spiritualy anointed in regard of which anointing as I have elsewhere largely manifested they are in Scripture not onely stiled Christians which in plain English is annoynted Acts 11. 26. c. 26. 26. 1 Pet. 4. 16. but Christ in the abstract 1 Cor. 12. 12. Ephes. 4. 12 13. the Members Body Flesh and Bones of Christ. 1 Cor. 12. 12 7. Ephes. 1. 22. 23. c. 5. 29 30 31. Col. 1. 24. Yea Kings and Priests unto God the Father Exod. 19. 6. 1 Pet. 2. 5. Revel 1. 6. c. 5. 10. c. 20. 6. for whom God hath prepared a heavenly Kingdom wherein they shall reign with Christ for ever with an everlasting Crown of glory too Matth. 5. 3. c. 25. 34. Luke 6. 20. c. 12. 32. c. 22. 29. 30. Col. 1. 13. 2 Thess. 2. 12. 1 Corinth 9. 25. 2 Tim. 2. 12. c. 4. 8. Heb. 12. 28. 2 Pet. 5. 4. 2 Pet. 1. 11. Iam. 2. 5. Revel 22. 5. The proper argument then that can be thence deduced by our Opposites is but this Nonsequitur Kings themselves must not touch Gods spiritually annointed Saints and servants to do them harm Ergo if Kings do violently and unjustly make warre upon them not onely to harm but plunder murther destroy them utterly extirpate that Religion they professe and are bound to maintain they are obliged in point of conscience under pain of damnation not to resist Whereas the conclusion should be directly contrary Therefore they may lawfully with good conscience resist them to the uttermost in such cases For since God hath thus directly enjoyned Kings Not to touch or do them harm if Kings will wilfully violate this injunction they may with safe conscience by forcâ— of Arms withstand repulse their unjust violence and hinder Kings or their instruments from doing them that iniury which God himself prohibits else they should be accessories to their kings iniustice and authors of their own wrongs according to these received Maximes Quinon pohibet malum quod potest jubet Qui potest obviare perturbare perversos non facit nihilest aliud quam favere eorum impietati Nec caret scrupulo societatis occultae qui manifesto facinori desinit obviare Qui definit obviare cum potest consentit used by Ambrose Hierome Augustine Isiodor Anastatius and Gratian who recites applies them to defensive wars And if our Opposites who pervert this Text by translating it from Subjects and Saints to Kings may in their erronious sence safely argue thence That if subiects take up Arms against their Princes contrary to this Text their Princes may by vertue of this precept iustly resist them with force and repulse their iniuries then by the true genuine sence thereof being meant of Subiects Saints not Kings if Kings will violently assault and make war upon Saints their Subiects to harm them they may with as good reason and conscience defend themselves against their Kings and ill Instruments as their Kings protect themselves in this sort against them and that by authoritie of this Text by our Opposites own argumentation Thirdly admit this Scripture meant of Kings yet what strâ—ngth is there in it to priviledge them from iust necessary resistance If any it must rest in the word annointed but this will afford kings no such corporall priviledges as many fancie neither from lawfull resistance nor deposition nor sentence of death it self which I shall undeniably evidence to refute a commonly received errour For first it is apparent that the anointed here meant are such onely who are spiritually annointed either with the externall profession and ceremonies of Gods true religion or with the internall graces of the Spirit for neither Abraham Isaac Iacob nor their families nor any kings or Priests in their dayes for ought we finde were corporally annointed Besides the annointing here intended is that which is common to Priests and Prophets as Touch not mine annointed and do my Prophets no harm infallibly proves rather then that which is peculiar to kings Whence I thus argue That annoinâ—ing which is common to subiects as well as kings and cannot secure any subiects who in the genuinesence of the Text are Gods annointed from iust resistance corporall violence legall censures or death cannot in or of it self alone secure kings from any of these no further then it secures subiects for the annoiting being the same in both must have the self-same operation and immunities in both But this anointing in subiects can neither exempt their persons from necessary iust resistance if they unlawfully assault or war upon their Superiours equalls inferiours nor free them from arrests imprisonments arraignments deprivations or capitall censures if they offend and demerit them as we all know by Scripture and experience Therefore it can transfer no such corporall immunities or exemptions from all or any of these to kings but onely exempt them from unlawfull violence and injuries in point of right so far forth as it doth other Subjects In a word this annointing being common to all Christians can give no speciall Prerogative to Kings but onely such as are common to all Subiects as they are Christians Secondly admit it be mean of an actuall externall anoynting yet that of it self affords Kings no greater priviledge then the inward unction of which it is a type neither can it priviledge them from just resistance or just corporall censures of all sorts First it cannot priviledge them from the iust assaults invasions resistance corporall punishments of other forraign kings Princes States Subiects not subordinate to them who upon any iust cause
his Souldiers and Abishaies minds who would have slain him without any scruple of conscience that the reasons he spared him were First because he was Gods Annointed that is specially designed and made King of Israel by Gods own election which no kings at this day are so this reason extends not so fully to them as to Saul Secondly Because he was his Father and Lord too and so it would have been deemed somewhat an unnaturall act in him Thirdly because it had â—avoured onely of private self-revenge and ambitious aspiring to the Crown before due time which became not David the quarrell being then not publike but particular betwixt him and David onely who was next to succeed him after his death Fourthly because by this his lenity he would convince reclaim Saul froÌ„ his bloody pursuit and cleare his innocency to the world Fifthly to evidence his dependence upon God and his speciall promise that he should enjoy the Crown after Saul by divine appointment and therefore he would not seem to usurp it by taking Sauls life violently away Most of which considerations faile in cases of publike defence and the present controversie Thirdly that Saul himselfe as well as Davids Souldiers conceived that David might with safe conscience have slain as well as spared him witnesse his words 1 Sam. 24. 17 18 19 Thou art more righteous then I for thou hast rewarded me good whereas I have rewarded thee evill And thou hast shewed me this day how thou hast dealt well with me for as much as when the Lord had delivered me into thine hand THOV KILLEDST ME NOT. For if a man finde his enemy WIL HE LET HIM GO WEL AWAY Wherefore the Lord reward thee good for that thou hast done unto me this day c. And in 1. Sam. 26. 21. Then said Saul I have sinned returne my sonne David for I will no more do thee harm because my sovle was precious in thine eyes this day behold I have played the fool exceedingly c. But the former answers are so satisfactory that I shall not pray in ayd from these much lesse from that evasion of Dr. Fern who makes this and all other Davids demeanors in standing out against Saul EXTRAORDINARY for he was annointed and designed by the Lord to succeed Saul and therefore he might also use all extraordinary wayes of safeguarding his person which like wise insinuaâ—es that this his scruple of conscience in sparing Sauls life was but extraordinary the rather because all his Souldiers and Abishai would have slain Saul without any such scruple and Saul himselfe conceived that any man else but David would have done it and so by consequence affirms that this his sparing of Saul is no wayes oblâ—gatory to other subjects but that they may lawfully in Davids case kill their Soveraigns But Davids resistance of Saul by a guard of men being only that ordinary way which all subjects in all ages have used in such cases and that which nature teacheth not onely men but all living creatures generally to use for their own defence and this evasion derogating exceedingly from the personall safety of Princes yea and exposing them to such perils as they have cause to con the Dr. small thanks for such a bad invention I shall reject it as the extraordinary fansie of the Dr. other loyalists void both of truth and loyalty The 7. Obiection out of the Old Testament is this 1 Sam. 8. 11. Samuel tells the people how they should be oppressed under kings yet all that violence and injustice that should be done unto them is no just cause of resistance for they have NO REMEDY LEFT THEM BVT CRYING TO THE LORD v. 18. And ye shall cry out in that day because of the King which ye shall have chosen you and the Lord will not hear you in that day To this I answer 1. that by the Doctors own confession this text of Samuel much urged by some of his fellows to prove an absolute divine Prerogative in Kings is quite contrary to their suggestion and meant onely of the oppression violence and inâ—uâ— not lawfull power of Kings which should cause them thus to cry out to God This truth we have clearly gained by this obiection for which some Royallists will renounce their champion 2. It is but a meer fallacie and absurdity not warranted by the Text which saith not that they shall onely cry out or that they shall use no remedy or resistance but crying out which had been materiall but barely ye shall cry out in that day c. Ergo they must and should onely crie out and not resist at all is a grosse Non-sequitur which Argument because much cryed up I shall demonstrate the palpable absurdity of it by many parallell instances First Every Christian is bound to pray for Kings and Magistrates 1 Tim. 2. 1 2. Ergo they must onely pray and not fight for them nor yeeld tribute or obedience to them Kings and their Subjects too are bound to crie out and pray to God against forraign enemies that come to war against them as Moses did against Pharaoh and his Host David against his enemies Hezekiah against Sennacherib and his Hoste Asa against his enemies Abijah and the men of Iudah against Ieroboam and the Israelites their enemies and as all Christians usually do against their enemies Yea I make no doubt but the Doctor and other Court-Chaplains inform his Majesty and the Cavalleers that they must cry to God against the Parliamenteers and Roundheads now in Arms to resist them Ergo they must onely pray but in no wise resist or fight against them All men must pray to God for their daily bread Ergo they must onely pray and not labour for it Sick persons must pray to God to restore their health Ergo they must take no Physick but onely pray All men are expresly commanded to crie and call upon God in the day of trouble Ergo they must use no meanes but prayer to free themselves from trouble pretty Logick Reason Divinity fitter for deriâ—ion then any serious Answer This is all this Text concludes and that grosly mistaken Speech of Saint Ambrose Christians weapons are Prayers and Tears of which anon in its due place In one word prayer no more excludes resistance then resistance prayer both of them may and sometimes when defence is necessary as now ought to concurre so that our Court Doctors may as well argue as some Prelates not long since did in word and deed Ministers ought to pray and Gods House is an Oratory for prayer Ergo they must not Preach atleast very seldom nor make his House an Auditory for Preaching Or as rationally reason from this Text That Subjects must cry out to God against their kings oppressions Ergo they must not petition their Kings much lesse complain to their Parliament for relief as conclude from thence Ergo they may in no case resist
Kingdom quite rent away from the very house of David yea a new King and kingdom erected by the People by Gods and his Prophets speciall direction and approbation for King Solomons Idolatry Who is such a stranger to the sacred Story but hath oft-times read how God anoynted Iehu King of purpose to extirpate and cut off the whole house of K. Ahab his Lard for his and Iezabels Idolatry and blood-shed in slaying the Prophets and unjustly executing Naboth for his Vineyard in performance whereof he sâ—ew his Soveraign King Ioram Ahaziah King of Iudah Queen Iezabel all Ahabs posterity his great men his Nobles and all the Priests and Worshippers of Baal till he left none remaining according to the word of the Lord which he spake by his servant Elijah a Kings c. 9. 10. For which good service the Lord said unto Iehu Because THOV HAST DONE WELL in executing that which is right in mine eyes and hast done unto the house of Ahab according to all that was IN MINE HEART thy children of the â— generation shall sit on the Thron of Israel This fact therefore of his thus specially commanded approved rewarded by God himself must needs be just and lawfull not Treason not Rebellion in Iehu unlesse the Opposites will charge God to be the author approver and rewarder oâ—fin of Treason Neither will it serve their turns to Reply that this was an extraordinary example not to be imitated without such a speciall commission from heaven as Iehu had and no man can now a dayes expect For since God hath frequently injoyned all grosse incorrigible Idolaters especially those who are nearest and dearest to and most potent to seduce us to be put to death without any pitty or exception of Kings whose examples are most pernicious and apt to corrupt the whole Nation as the presidents of the Idolatâ—ous kings of Israel and Iudah abundantly evidence if Kings become open professed Idolaters though private persons may not murther them and their families as Iehu yet the representative body or greater part of their Kingdoms as many Pious Divines affirm may lawfully convent depose if not judge them capitally for it and Gods putting zeal and courage into their hearts or exciting them by his faithfull Ministers to such a proceeding is a sufficient Divine Commission to satisfie Conscience if no sinister private ends but meer zeal of Gods glory and detestation of Idolatry be the onely Motives to such their proceedings Thus we read God stirred up Baachâ— exalted out of the dust and made him a Prince over the house of Israel who slew king Nadab and smote all the house of Jeroboam till he left him not any that breathed because of the sins of Ieroboam which he sinned and which he made Israel sin by his provocation where with he provoked the Lord God of Israel to anger who going on after in Ieroboams sins God threatens to â—ut off all his house and make it like the house of Ieroboam which was actually executed by Zimri who slew his Soveraign King Elah son to Baacha With all the house of Baacha and left not one that pissed against the wall neither of his kinsfolks nor of his friends according to the word of the Lord which he spake against Baacha by Iehu the Prophet Which act of Zimri though a just judgement in regard of God on the family of Baacha for their Idolatry was notwithstanding reputed Treason in Zimri because he did it not out of Conscience or zeal against Idolatry being and continuing an Idolater himself but onely out of ambition to usurp the Crown without the peeples consent whereupon all the people made Omri King and then going all to the Royall Palace set it on fire and burnt Omri in it both for his sins Idolatries and Treason which he wrought We read expresly that after the time that Amaziah did turn away from following the Lord they for this conspired a conspiracie against him in Ierusalem and he fled to Lachish but they sent to Lachish after him and slew him there and they brought him upon horses and buried him with his fathers in the City of Iudah Then all the people of Iudah took Uzziah who was 16 years old and MADE HIM KING in the room of his father Amaziah and he did that which was right in the sight of the Lord. So Zachariah Shallum Pekahiah Pekah four evill Kings of Iudah successivly acquiring the Crown by murther and reigning evilly in Gods sight were all slain by Gods just judgement on them of one another and Hoshea In few words God himself ever annexed this condition to the Kings of Israel and Iudah that they should serve and fear him obey his Laws keep his Covenant otherwise if they did wickedly forsake him or commit idolatry he would destroy forsake and cast them and their seed off from being Kings When therefore they apparently violated the condition the whole State and people as Gods Instruments lawfully might and sometimes did by Gods speciall direction remov depose and sometimes put them even to death for their grosse iniquities and idolatries and when they did it not it was not as many think for want of lawfull Soveraign Authority remaining in the whole State and people as I shall fully manifest in the Appendix but out of a defect of zeal out of a generall complying with their Kings in their abominable idolatries and sins which brought War Captivity ruine both on their Kings their Posteritie the whole Nation and Kingdoms of Iudah and Israel as the Sacred Story plentifully relates All which considered this objection proves not onely false but fatall to the Obiectors cause who might with more discretion have forborn then forced such an answer to it which I hope and desire no private persons will abuse to iustifie any disloyalty sedition Treason Rebellion or taking up of Arms against their lawfull Princes though never so evill without the publike consent and authority of the representative bodies or major part of their severall Realms byassed with no sinister nor private respects but ayming onely at Gods glory and the publike weale security peace of Church and State Thus much in answer to the principall Objections out of the Old Testament The ninth and most materiall Obiection on which our Opposites principally relie is that noted Text in the new Testament Rom. 13. 1 2. Let every soul be subject unto the higher Powers for there is no Power but of God the Powers that be are Ordained of God Whosoever therefore resisteth the Power resisteth the Ordinance of God and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation From whence Dr. Fern concludes 1. That the King is the Supreme or Highest Power here intended 2. That all persons under the Highest Power are expressely forbidden to resist 3. That in those dayes there was a standing and continuall great Senate which not long before had the Supreme Power in the Roman State and might challenge
the soule of which the conscience is a chief-overruling part This then being altogether irrefragable gives our Antagonists with Dr. Fern an etern all overthrow and unavoidably demonstrates the resistance of the Higher Powers here prescribed to be only of iust lawfull powers in their lâ—st commands or punishments which we must neither corporally verbally nor so much as mentally resist but readily submit too with our very soules as well as bodies not of Tyrants or ungodly Rulers uniust oppressions Forces proceedings to subvert Religion Lawes Liberties which all our Opposites all Divines whatsoever grant we are bound in conscience passively to resist and disobey yea with our Tongues to reprehend and our Souls and spirits to oppose detest abhorre hate in the very highest degree of opposition notwithstanding this inhibition And therefore by like reason are no wayes prohibited but authorized by it even forcibly to resist to our utmost power have we meanes and opportunity so to doe as the Parliament now hath That power and procâ—edings which Christians may lawfully with good conscience yea and are bound to resist with all their souls minds tongues they justly may and must likewise resist with all their corporall might and strength especially if they have good opportunity publike encouragements and meanes to do it as Deut. 6. 12. 1 Pet. 5. 9. Iude 3. 4. Phil. 1. 27 28. 1 Cor. 16. 13. compared together and with the premised Scriptures fully evidence But Christians may lawfully with good conscience yea must resist with all their souls minds tongues the fore-named violent proceedings of kings Oppressors ill Counsellors and Cavaleers and no wayes submit unto them with their souls minds tongues lest thereby they should approve and be partakers with promoters of their execrable deâ—ignes therefore they may and must with safe conscience resist them with all their corporall might and strength having now opportunity a Parliamentary publike command and sufficient meanes to execute it And thus have I now at last not onely most clearly wrested this sword out of the hands of our great opposite Goliahs but likewise cut off their heads and so routed all their forces with it as I trust they shall never be able to make head againe Yet before I wholly take my leave of this Text to gratifie our Prelaticall Clergy I shall for a parting blow adde this one observation more That all our Popish Clermen heretofore and many of them till this day notwithstanding the universality of this Text Let every soule be subject to the higher Powers c. not only Pretended themselves to be of right exempted from the jurisdiction censures taxes of Emperours Kings and all Civill Magistrates Which priviledges some of our late Prelates began to revive as the late cases of Mr. Shervill the Maior of Arundel and some others evidence censured for punishing drunken Priests but likewise held it lawfull to censure excommunicate depose even Emperours and Kings themselves and interdict their Kingdomes witnesse not only the Popes excommunications of many Emperours and Kings by apparant usurpation and injury but of sundry Prelates excomunications of their own Soveraigns as of right and putting them to open penances as K. Suintilla Sancho Ramir in Spain and others elswhere of which you may read divers presidents in my Appendix The History of St. Ambrose his excommunicating the Emperour Theodosius for the bloody murther of those of Thessalonica is so commonly known that I need not spend time to recite it nor yet the excommunications and censures of our King Iohn or Henry the 2. and 3. Suano King of Denmark as Saxo-Grammaticus records was not onely sharply reprehended but excommunicated in a most bold and solemn manner by one of his Bishops for his uncleannesse and murthering some eminent persons of whom he was jealous whiles they were at their devotions in the Câ—urch This Bishop instead of meeting this King when he came to enter into the Church with accustomed veneration clad in his Pontisicalibus with his Crosier Staffe kept him from entring so much as within the Court thereof calling him not by the name of a King which he suppressed but a shedder of mans blood and not content to chide him he fixed the point of his Staffe in his brest preferring the publike scandall of Religion before private society not being ignorant that the Offices of familiarity were one thing the rights of Priesthood another thing that the wickednesses of Lords as well as servants ought to be revenged nor are Noble-mens crimes to be more partially censured then ignoble ones And not content thus to repulse him he added an execration therunto and denounced a sentence of damnation against him in his presence so as he left it doubtfull whether he repulsed him more valiantly with his hand or voyce Hereupon the King considering this Act to proceed from zeale and publike seveâ—ity against wickednesse and being confounded with the blush of his guilty conscience forbad any to resist his violence and patiently underwent heard both his repulse and reprehention After which this King laying aside his royall Robes put on old course apparell desiring rather to testifie his sorrow by the deformity of his habit then his contempt by the splendor of it And struck with so sad a sentence of the Bishop he would not indure to carry about the ornaments of Royall Magnificence but casting away the ensignes of Regall Majesty he put on sack-cloth the badge of peniâ—ence putting off his power likewise together with his vestment and of a sacrilegious Tyrant became a faithfull reverencer of holy things For returning bare-foot to the Church-porch he cast himselfe prostrate in the entrance thereof and humbly kissed the ground suppressing the griefe which is wont most sharply to be inflicted from contempt with shamefac'â—nesse and moderation redeeming the fault of his bloody reigne with shame and penitence After which confessing his fault and craving pardon with teares of the Bishop he was absolved and then putting on his Royall Robes admitted into the Church and brought up to the Altar to the exceeding joy of the people who applauding the kings humiliation and modesty plus poenitentia pium quam imperio scelestum euasisse coâ—fessus A memorable story of a zealous stout Prelate and of a penitent submissive wild Prince I shall only adde to this some few domestick presidents of our Welch Kings Teudur king of Brecknock for his periury and murther of Elgistill another King of that Countrey was solemnly excommunicated by Gurcan the 10. Bishop of Landaffe and his Clergy in a Synod assembled for this purpose by uncovering the Altars casting the Crosses and Reliques on the ground and depriving him of all Christian communion Whereupon Teudur unable to undergoe this malediction and rigorous iustice with a contrite heart and many teares powred forth craved pardon of his crimes and submitted himselfe to the penance imposed on him according to his quality and greatnesse King Clotri slaying Iuguallaun
sence and reason that any man or Nation should so absolutely irresistably inslave themselves and their Posterities to the very lusts and exorbitancies of Tyrants and such a thing as no man no Nation in their right sences were they at this day to erect a most absolute Monarchie would condescend to then clearly the Apostle here confirming onely the Ordinances of men and giving no Kings nor Rulers any other or greater power then men had formerly granted them for that hâ—d been to alter not approve their humane Ordinances I shall infallibly thence inferre That whole States and Subjects may with safe conscience resist the unjust violence of their Kings in the foresaid cases because they never gave them any authority irresistably to act them nor yet devested themselves much lesse their posterity whom they could not eternally inslave of the right the power of resisting them in such cases whom they might justly resist before whiles they were private men and as to which illegall proceedings they continue private persons still since they have no legall power given them by the people to authorize any such exorbitances Fourthly The subjection here enjoyned is not passive but active witnesse ver 15. For so is the will of God that by WELL DOING to wit by your actuall cheerfull submission to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake c. you put to silence the ignorance of foolish men as free and not using your liberty c. If then this Text be meant of active not passive obedience then it can be intended onely of lawfull Kings of Magistrates in their just commands whom we must actually obey not of Tyrants and Oppressours in their unjust wicked proceedings whom we are bound in such cases actually to disobey as our Antagonists grant and I have largely evidenced elsewhere Wherefore it directly commands resistance not subjection in such cases since actuall disobedience to unjust commands is actuall resisting of them And that these Texts prescribing resistance tacitely should apparantly prohibit it under pain of Treason Rebellion Damnation is a Paradox to me Fifthly This Text doth no way prove that false conceit of most who hence conclude That all Kings are the Supream Powers and above their Parliaments and whole Kingdoms even by Divine institution There is no such thing nor shadow of it in the Text. For first This Text calls Kings not a Divine but Humane Ordinance If then Kings be the Supreamest Power and above their Parliaments Kingdoms it is not by any Divine Right but by Humane Ordination onely as the Text resolves Secondly This Text prescribes not any Divine Law to all or any particular States nor gives any other Divine or Civill Authority to Kings and Magistrates in any State then what they had before for if it should give Kings greater Authority and Prerogatives then their people at first allotted them it should alter and invade the settled Government of all States contrary to the Apostles scope which was to leave them as they were or should be settled by the peoples joynt consent It doth not say That all Kings in all Kingdoms are or ought to be Supreame or let them be so henceforth no such inference appears therein It speaks not what Kings ought to be in point of Power but onely takes them as they are according to that of Rom. 13. 2. The Powers that ARE c. to wit that are even now every where in being not which ought to be or shall be whence he saith Submit to the King as supreame that is where by the Ordinance of man the King is made supreame not where Kings are not the supreamest Power as they were not among the ancient Lacedemonians Indians Carthaginians Gothes Aragonians and in most other Kingdoms as I have elsewhere proved To argue therefore We must submit to Kings where the people have made them supreame Ergo All Kings every where are and ought to be supreame Iure divino as our Antagonists hence inferre is a grosse absurdity Thirdly This Text doth not say That the King is the supreame soveraigne Power as most mistake but supreame Governour as the next words or Governours c. expound it and the very Oath of Supremacie 1. Eliz. Cap. 1. which gives our Kings this Title Supreame Governour within these his Realms Now Kings may be properly called Supreame Magistrates or Governours in their Realms in respect of the actuall administration of government and justice all Magistrates deriving their Commissions immediately from them and doing justice for and under them and yet not be the Soveraign Power as the Romane Emperours the Kings of Sparta Arragon and others the German Emperours the Dukes of Venice in that State and the Prince of Orange in the Nether-lands were and are the Supreame Magistrates Governours but not the Supreame Soveraigne Powers their whole States Senates Parliaments being the Supreamest Powers and above them which being Courts of State of Justice and a compound body of many members not alwayes constantly sitting may properly be stiled The Supreame Courts and Powers but not the Supreame Magistrate or Governour As the Pope holds himself the Supreame Head and Governour of the Militant Church and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury stiles himself the Primate and Metropolitane of all England and so other Prelates in their Provinces yet they are not the Soveraigne Ecclesiasticall Power for the King at least Generall Councells or Nationall Synods which are not properly tearmed Governours but Powers are Paramount them and may lawfully censure or depose them as I have elsewhere manifested To argue therefore that Kings are the highest Soveraign Power because they are the highest particular Governours and Magistrates in their Realms as our Antagonists do is a meer Fallacie and Inconsequent since I have proved our own and most other Kings not to be the highest Powers though they be the Supreamest Governours Fourthly This Text speaks not at all of the Romane Emperour neither is it meant of him as Doctour Ferne with others mistake who is never in Scripture stiled a King being a Title extreamly odious to the Romanes and for ever banished their State with an Oath of execration by an ancient Law in memory whereof they instituted a speciall annuall Feast on the 23. of February called Regifugium the hatred of which Title continued such that Tully and Augustine write Regem Romae posthac nec Dii nec Homines esse patiantur And Caesar himself being saluted King by the multitude perceiving it was very distastfull to the States answered CAESAREM SE NON REGEM ESSE which Title of Caesar not King the Scripture ever useth to expresse the Emperour by witnesse Matth. 22. 17 21. Mark 12. 14 16 17. Luke 2. 1. chap. 20. 22 24 25. chap. 23. 2. John 19. 12 15. Acts 11. 28. chap 17. 7. chap. 25. 8 10 11 12 21. chap. 26. 32. chap. 27. 24. chap. 28. 19. Phil. 4. 22. Which Texts do clearly manifest that no Title was
ever used by the Apostles Evangelists Jewes to expresse the Emperour by but that of Caesar not this of King Therefore Peters Text speaking onely of the King not Caesar cannot be intended of the Romane Emperour as ignorant Doctors blindly fancie Fifthly This Epistle of Peter the Apostle of the Iews was written onely to the dispersed Iews thorowout Pontus Galatia Cappadocia Asia and Bythinia 1 Pet. 1. 1. over whom Herod at that time reigned as King by the Romane Senates and Emperours appointment who had then conquered the Iews and made them a tributarie Province as is evident by Matth. 27. 17 21. Mark 12. 14 16 17. Luke 20. 22 24 25. chap. 23. 2. Acts 17. 7. chap. 25. 8 10 11 12 21. chap. 27. 24. chap. 12. 1. to 24. compared together and by Iosepâ—us the Century writers Baronius Sigonius and others The King then here mentioned to be supreame was Herod or King Agrippa or some other immediate King of the Iews who was their supreame Governour not absolutely but under the Romane Senate and Emperours and made so by their appointment whence called in the Text an Ordinance of man not God Now this King of the Jews as is evident by Pauls Appeal to Caesar from Festus and King Agrippa as to the Soveraign Tribunall Acts 25. and 26. by Iosephus Pâ—ilo Iudâ—us de legatione ad Caium and the consent of all Historians was not the absolute Soveraigne Power but subordinate to the Romane Emperour and Senate who both created and bad power to controll remove and censure him for his misdemeanours yet Peter calls him here Supreame because the Highest Governour under them as we stile our Kings Supreame Governours under Christ. Therefore having a Superiour Governour and Power over him to which he was accountable and subordinate Supreame in the Text cannot be meant of a King absolutely Supreame having no Power Superiour to him but God but onely relatively Supreame in respect of under Governours there actually residing whose Supremacie being forcibly gained onely by conquest not free consent and the ancient native Kings of the Iews being inferiour to their whole Senates and Congregations and to do all by their advice as Iosephus Antiq. Iud. lib. 4. cap. 8. 2. Sam. 18. 3 4. Jer. 38. 45. 1. Chron. 13. 1. to 6. attest will no way advantage our Opposites nor advance the Prerogative of Kings since it extends onely to the King of the Jews that then was who was not simply Supream but a Subject Prince subordinate to the Romane State and Empire and one appointed by a Conquerour not freely chosen and assented to by the people So as all the Argument which can hence be extracted for the absolute Soveraigntie and irresistibility of Kings over their whole Kingdomes and Parliaments is but this The King of the Iews was in Peters time the Supreame Magistrate over that Nation by the Romane Senates and Emperours appointment to whom yet he was subordinate and accountable the Romanes having conquered the Iewes by force and imposing this government upon them without their consents Therefore the Kings of England and all other Kings are absolute Soveraigne Monarches Superiour to their whole Parliaments and Kingdomes collectively considered and may not in point of conscience be forcibly resisted by them though they endeavour to subvert Religion Laws Liberties How little coherence there is in this Argument the silliest childe may at first discern From these Scriptures I descend to Reasons deduced from them against resistance which I shall contract into three ArgumentS The first is this Kings are the Fathers Heads Lords Shepherds of the Common-wealth Ergo They ought not to be resisted in any their exorbitant proceedings it being unlawfull unseemly â—or a Son to resist his Father the Members the Head the Vassals their Lord the Flock their Shepherd To this I answer1 First They are Fathers Shepherds Lords Heads onely in an improper allegoricall not genuine sence therefore nothing can thence be properly inferred They are and ought to be such in respect of their loving and carefull affection towards their Subjects not in regard of their Soveraigne Power over them Therefore when their Tyrannie makes them not such in regard of care and affection to their people their people cease to be such in regard of filiall naturall and sheep-like submission When these Shepherds turn Wolves these Fathers Step-fathers the Subjects as to this cease to be their Sheep their Children in point of Obedience and Submission Secondly If we consider the Common-weal and Kingdom collectively Kings are rather their Kingdoms children then Parents because created by them their publike servants ministers for whose benefit they are imployed and receive wages not their Soveraigne Lords their subordinate Heads to be directed and advised by them not Tyrannically to over-rule them at their pleasure Therefore Paramount and able in such cases to resist them Thirdly Parishioners may no doubt lawfully resist the false Doctrinâ—s and open assâ—ults of their Ministers though they be their Spirituall Shepherds Citizens the violent oppressions of their Maiors though they be their Politique Heads Servants the unjust assâ—ults of their Masters though their lawfull Lords who may not misuse their very Villaines by Law And if Parents will violently assault their naturall children Husbands their Wives Masters their Servants to murther them without cause they may by Law resist repulse them with open force Fourthly A Son who is a Judge may lawfully resist imprison condemne his naturall Father A Servant his Lord A Parishioner his Pastour a Citizen his Major a meer Gentleman the greatest Peer or Lord as experience proves because they do it in another capacity as Judges and Ministers of publike Justice to which all are subject The Parliament then in this sence as they are the representative Body of the Realm not private Subjects and their Armies by their authority may as they are the highest Soveraign Power and Judicature resist the King and his Forces though he be their Father Head Shepherd Lord as they are private men Fifthly This is but the common exploded Argument of the Popish Clergy To prove themselves superiour to Kings and exempt from all secular Iurisdiction because they are spirituall Fathers Pâ—â—stors Heads to Kings who ought to obey not judge and censure them as Archbish. Stratford and others argue But this plea is no ways available to exempt Clergy men from secular Jurisdiction from actuall resistance of parties assaulted nor yet from imprisonment censures and capitall executions by Kings and Civill Magistrates in case of capitall Crimes Therefore by like reason it can not exempt Kings from the resistance censures of their Parliaments Kingdoms in case of tyrannicall invasions We deride this Argument in Papists as absurd as in sufficient to prove the exemption of Clergy men I wonder therefore why it is now urged to as little purpose against resistance of Tyrants and oppressing Kings and
it should please the King that Mounseur de Guyen because he is the most suffiâ—ient person of the realme shall goe to the same Tâ—eaty And the King said that he liked it well if it pleased the said Lord de Guyâ—n and thereupon Mounseur de Guyen said that he would with a very good will travell and doe any thing which might turne to the honour and profit of the King and of his realme In the Parliament of the 14 H. 6. Num. 10. The Kings grant of the câ—stody of the Town and Castle of Calice the Towne of Risbanke the Castles of Hamures Marke Oye Stangate Bavelingham and of the Castle and Dominion of Guynes in Picardy to be made to Humfrey Dâ—ke of Glocester his unkle in the presence of the Lords spirituall and temporall then being in the present Parliament was on the 29 day of October read before them which being understood and maâ—ure deliberation taken thereupon the severall reasons of the said Lord being heard it was at last by their assent and consent agreed and ordered that the said Duke should have the custody of the said Towne Castles and premises to the end of nine yeeres then next ensuing which Charter was subscribed by all the Lords there present In the Parliament of 31 H. 6. Num. 41. procustodia Maris it was enacted For as much as the King considering that as well divers His Clergy men of this his realm inhabiting nigh the coast of the Sea and others His Subjects using the Trade of Merchandises have been oftentimes grievously imprisoned distressed put to great sufferances and ransomes and their Ships Vessels and Merchandises of great value taken upon the Sea by his enemies and also Merchant strangers being under his leageance amity safegard or safe conduct upon the Sea have been robbed and spoyled against the forme and contents of such truces and safe conducts signed His Highnesse willing and intending sufficiently to proviâ—e for the remedy of such inconveniences and to eschew and avoyd all such 〈◊〉 and dispoylers HATH BY THE ADVICE AND ASSENT OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL in his high Court of Parliament assâ—mbled deâ—iâ—ed certaine great Lords of this reâ—lme that is to say Richard Earle of Salisbury Iohn Earle of Shrewsbury Iohn Earle of Worcester Iames Earle of Wiltshire and Iohn Lord Sturton with great Navies of Ships and people defensible in great number purveyed of abiliments of warre to intend with all diligence to their possibility the safeguard and keeping of the Sea For which cause the subsidies of Tonnage and Poundage granted to the King for his naturall life this Parliament that they might be applied to such uses and intent as they be granted the King BY THE ADVICE AND ASSENT OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL AND COMMONS IN THIS PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED AND BY AUTHORITY OF THE SAME were granted to the said Earles and Lord Sturton and the survivers of them for three whole yeeres with power for them to appoint Collectors to receive and collect them in every Port without rendering any account so as they kept the covenants and endentures made between the King and them for the safegard of the Seas with a proviso that this Act during the three yeeres should not be prejudiciall to the custome of the Towne or Castle of Calice or Rishbanke for the payment of the wages and arreares of the Souldiers there And over that if the goods of any of the Kings liege-people or any of his friends be found in any Vessell of the Kings enemies without any safe conduct that then the said Earles and the Lord Sturton shall take and depart it among them and their retinue without any impeachment according to the Statute thereupon made In the Parliament of 33 H. 6. Num. 27. the said Lords were discharged of the custody of the Sea by the Parliament in these words For as much as the Earles of Salisbury Shrewsbury and Worcester and the Lord Sturton besought the Kings Highnesse in this present Parliament that it might like his Highnes and Excellency of his Noble grace to have them clearely discharged of the keeping of the Sea the King therefore and for other causes moving his Highnesse BY THE ADVICE OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL IN THE SAID PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED the 30 day of Iuly the 23 day of the same Parliament admitted their desire and would that the said Earles and Lord Sturton or any other THAT HAD THE KEEPING OF THE SEA BY AN ACT MADE IN THE LAST PARLIAMENT begun and holden at Redding and ended at Westminster be 〈◊〉 the 30 day of July fully discharged of the keeping of the same and that IT SHOULD BEENA CTED OF RECORD In the Parliament of 39 H. 6. Num. 32. The King BY THE ADVICE OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL AND COMMONS IN THIS PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED AND BY AUTHORITY THEREOF ordained and established that his dearest cosin Richard Duke of Yorke rightfull heire to the Countries of England and France and of the Lordship and Land of Ireland have and take upon him the power and labour to ride into the parts of England and Wales where great rebellions murders riots spoylings executions and oppressions be used committed and attempted to represse subdue and appease them And also to resist the enemies of France and Scotland within the realme And further granted ordained and established by the said advice and authority that every Sheriffe with the power and might of his Sheriwicke and every Major Bailiffe Officer Minister and Subject of the said realme of England and of Wales shall attend upon his said cousin for the said intent as the case shall require and to the same intent be ready at the command of his said cousin and the same obey and performe in like case as they ought to doe at his commandement after the course of the Lawes of England and in Wales after the customâ—s there c. And to cite no more presidents in so cleare a case in the Parliament of 21 Iacobi ch 33. The Temporalty having granted three intire Subsidies and three Fifteenes and tenths to King Iames towards the maintenance of the warres that might then suddenly insue upon the breach with Spaine and more particularly for the defence of the realme of England the securing of Ireland the assurance of the states of the united Provinces with the Kings friends and allies and for the setâ—ing forth of the Navy-royall did by that Act for the better disbursing of the said 〈◊〉 and mannaging that warre according to the Parliaments true intention by that very Act wherein they gave the Subsidies did especially appoint eight Aldermen and other persons of London Treasurers to receive and issue the said moneys and appointed ten Lords and Knights particularly named in the Act to be of the Kinge Councell for the warre by whose warrant under five of their hands at least all the moneys they granted were to be issued and exported for and towards the uses expressed in the Act to such
Kingdom Subjects both by Sea and Land and putting them out of His regall Protection His raising of an Aâ—my of English Irish Scottish French and Germane Papists to maintain and settle the Protestant Religion among us which they have plotted totally to extirpat as appears by their proceedings in Ireland England and the late plot discovered among the Archbishops Papers and the like are warranted which questions I doubt would put them to a non-plus and silence them for eternitie yet to satisfie their importunitie and stop their clamorous mouthes I shall furnish them in brief with some Presidents in point in all States and Kingdoms of note informer in latter times and in our own Realm too In all the civill warres between Kings and Subjects in the Romane and Germane Empires France Spain Aragon Castile Hungary Bohemia Poland Denmark Scotland and other Kingdoms mentioned in the Appendix They shall finde that the generall Assemblies of these States Lords Commons without their Emperors or Kings assents did both raise Forces impose Taxes yea and seise on the Imperiall and Royall Revenues of the Crown to support their wars against their Tyrannicall oppressing Princes In Flaunders heretofore and the Low-Countries of Late yeers thâ—y have constantly done the like as their Excises long since imposed and yet on foot by common consent without the King of the Spains good liking to preserve their Liberties Religion Estates from the Spanish Tyranny witnesse which every one willingly at the very first imposition and ever since hath readily submitted to being for the publike preservation The like hath been done in former ages and within these five yeers in the Realm of Scotland the same is now practised even without a Parliament by the Popish Rebels both in Ireland and England who have laid Taxes upon all Ireland and all the Romanists in England for the maintenance of this present Rebellion and yet neither King nor his Counsell nor Royallists nor Malignants for ought I can read or hear have ever so much as once written or spoken one syllable against it when as many large Declarations Proclamations Inhibitions in His Majestieâ—s Name and at least fortie severall Pamphlets have been published by Malignants against this Assessement of the Parliament and the Levying or paying thereof strictly prohibited under pain of high Treason such a grand difference is there now put by the Royall Court-partie to the amazement of all intelligent men between the Irish Rebels now the Kings best Subjects as it seems who may do what they please without censure or restraint and the English now un-Parliamented Parliament though perpetuated by an Act of Parliament who may do nothing for their own or the Kingdoms safety but it must be high Treason at the least O temporâ ô mores Quis talia fando tempâ—ret a lachrymis Adde to this That the Lords Iustices and Councell in Ireland the twenty nine of Iune 1643 have without authoritiâ— of Parliament or King for their present necessary defence against the Popish Rebels there imposed an Excise upon most commodities in that Realm here lately Printed which no man can deem Illegall in this case of absolute necessitie But to come close home unto our selves who is there that knows ought in historie and policie but must needs acknowledgâ— That the Brittains and Saxons warres of this Realm against their oppressing Kings Archigallo Emerian Vortigâ—rne Sigebert Osred Ethelred Bâ—ornard Leowâ—lfe Edwine whom thâ—y deposed for their Tyranny and mis-Government That our Barons long-lasting bloody warres against King Iohn Henry the third Edward the second Richard the second and others fore-mentioned were maintained by publike Assessements and Contributions made by common consent even without a Parliament and with the Revenues and Rents of the very Crown which they seised on as well as the Castles and Forts This being a true rule in Law Qui sintit commodum sentirâ— debet onus All the Kingdom had the benefit of regaining preserving establishing their Fundamentall Charters Laws Liberties by those warres therefore they deemed it just that all should bear a share in the charge and burthen by voluntary Assessements without King or Parliament During the absence of King Edward the third in France The Lords and Commons in Parliament for the defence of the Realm by Sea and Land against forraign Enemiâ—s granted an ayde of the ninth Sheaf Lamb and Fleece besides many thousand Sacks of Wâ—oll and the ninth part of other mens Estates in Towns and Corporations and disposed both of the Money and Militia of the Realm for its defence as you heard before The like did they during the Minorities of King Henry the third King Richard the second and King Henry the sixth as the premises evidence without those Kings personall assents Anno Dom. 1259. Richard King of Romans coming with a great Navy and Army of Germans and forraigners to ayd his Brother King Henry the third against the Barons thereupon the Barons sent out a â—leet to encounter them by Sea and prepared a strong Army of Horse and Foot by Land that if they prevailed against them at Sea which they fearâ—d not yet they might valiantly and constantly entertain and repulse them on the shore and dry Land which the King of Romans being informed off disbanded his forces and came over privatâ—ly with three Knights onely attending him This was done without the Kings assent and yet at publike charge When King Richard the first was taken prisoner by the Emperour in his return from the holy Land by Authority of the Kings Mother and the Kings Iustices alone without a Parliament it was decreed that the fourth part of all that yeers Rents and of all the moveables as well of the Clergy as of the Laity and all the Wooâ—â—des of the Abbots of the Order of the Cistersians and of Semphringham and all the Gold and Silvâ—r Chalices and Treasure of all Churches should be paid in toward the freeing and ransome of the King which was done accordingly If such a taxe might be imposed by the Queen Mother and Justices onely without a Parliament for ransoming the King alone from imprisonment may not a taxe of the twentieth part onely of mens estates be much more justly imposed on the Subjects by an Ordinance of both Houses in Parliament without the King for the defence and perservation both of the Parliament and Kingdom to when hostily invaded by the King In few words the King and his Councell yea his very Commanders without his speciall Commission or advice have in many Countries imposed large monethly weekly Contributions and Assessements on the People beyond their abilities and estates yea upon the very Speaker and Members of the Commons and Lords House notwithstanding their Priviledges of Parliament which they say they will maintain to the utter impoverishing and ruining of the Country yea they have burned sacked plundered many whole Towns Cities Counties and spoiled thousands of all they have contrary to their very
ingenti consensu Populus Romanus Tarquinium REGNARE JUSSIT The People of Rome with great consent commanded Tarquin to reigne But he dying Servius having a strong Guard to defend him primus injussupopuli voluntate Patrum Regnavit was the first that reigned without the command of the people by the Senates consent yet doubting his title for want of the peoples votes and young Tarquin his Competitour giving out speeches se injussupopuli regnare that he reigned without the peoples command he thereupon so courted the Commons by dividing the Lands he had taken from the enemies among them that at last he appealed to the people Vellent nolerintve se regnare whether they would or would not have him reigne tantique consensu quanto haud quisquam alius ante rex est declaratus But Tarquin the Proud affecting the Kingdome flew Servius and Non Comitits habitis non per suffragium populi non auctoribus Patribus without the Election of the people or Senate usurped the Crowne neque enim ad jus regni quicquam praeter vim habebat ut qui neque populi jussu neque Patribus auctoribus regnaret writes Livy Whereupon reposing no hope in the love of the people he endeavoured to defend his usurped Soveraignty by force to which purpose he of himselfe without the Senate or Counsell tooke upon him the conusance of Capitall offences and by colour hereof not onely to slay banish and plunder those whom hee suspected or hated but even those from whom hee could expect nothing but prey Then he lesseneth the number of the Senate to diminish their esteeme and power and at last to subvert it Hee was the first of Kings who dissolved the Custome used by all his Predecessours De omnibus Senatum consulendi of consulting with the Senate about all affaires and administred the Common-wealth by his domesticke Counsels making Warre Peace Truces Leagues with whom he would injussu populi Senatus without the peoples and Senates command which Tyrannicall Usurpations of his with his ravishing of Lucretia caused Brutus and the incensed Romanes to rise up in Armes against him deprive him of His Crowne banish him his Wife and Children utterly to abolish the Kingly Government by a Decree and to take a solemne Oath lest afterward they might bee overcome by Royall intreaties or Gifts That they would never suffer any King to Reigne in Rome Which act of Brutus and the People is highly magnified by Livie and Tully This done the people created two annuall Consuls who had the Power but not the name and continuance of Kings Annuum imperium consulare factum est Brutus the first Consull was slaine whilest hee was Consull and Valerius his Companion being suspected by the People to affect the Kingdome because hee demanded no new Companion Valerius heereupon calls the people together layes downe his Fasces the badges of his Soveraignty before them which was a gratefull spectacle to the people confessionemque factam Populi quam Consulis Majestatem vimque majorem esse and a confession made that the People had greater Soveraignty and Power then the Consul who yet had regall Jurisdiction And then there were Lawes enacted of appealing from the Consul or Magistrate to the people and that hee should lose both his head and goods who should but consult to usurp the Kingdome In briefe it is clearly agreed by Dioxysius Halicarnasseus Polibius Livy Alexander ab Alexandro Bodin and most who have written of the Roman Republike that the Soveraigne Authority among the Romans during their Kings Consuls Dictators and other Magistrates was originally vested not in the Kings Senate Consuls or other Magistrates but in the whole body of the Senate and People the People had the chiefe Soveraigne Power of enacting and confirming Lawes the Senates Decrees and Lawes being of no validity unlesse the People ratified them of creating and electing Kings Dictators Tribunes and all other great publike Officers of denouncing warre and making Peace these Tribunes and Dictators might restrain curb imprison censure depose the Roman Consuls who had Regall Power yea the Roman Kings Senators and highest Officers and to them the last appeale from King Senate or other Magistrate might be made as to the highest Tribunall they having power likewise to change or annull the very frame of their publike Government which they oft times did as these Authors prove at large to whom for brevity I referre the Reader Yea after the Roman Empire the greatest largest Soveraignty in the world was erected the Supream Power still rested in the Senate and People not in the Emperors themselves which Bodin grants and proves This is clearly evident by these ensuing particulars First the Senate and People had sole right and lawfull power both to elect and confirme their Emperors and to decree them new Honours Titles Triumphs which power of election though some Emperors in a sort usurped by adopting their Successors and the Roman Souldiers too by presuming sometimes to elect Emperours without the Senate yet these adoptions and elections were not held valid unlesse the Senate approved and confirmed them who usually elected all their Emperors as of right according to that of the Panegyrist Imperaturum omnibus ex omnibus elegi debere Plinius Panegyr Trajano dictus and Jacobus Valdesius c. 18. This appeares by the election and confirmation of most Emperors from Octavins to Leo the first and more particularly by the Senates and Peoples election and confirmation of Nerva Pâ—rtinax Severus Gordianus Maximius Pâ—pienus Clodius Bâ—lbinus Philip Decius Treboâ—ianus Galienus Claudius the second Taâ—itus Probus Iovinianus Aurelius and others This right of the Senate was so cleare that after the death of Aurelianâ—â— the Army sent word to the Senate that as reason was they should chuse and name an Emperor and that they would obey hâ—â— After six months space during which time the Empire was governed by the Senate the Senate made choice of Tacitus who earnestly râ—fused the same as first but in the â—nd accepted thereof to the great joy of the Senate and Roman people After whose decâ—ase Prâ—bus being chosen Emperor by the Legions and Army he presently wrote a letter to the Senate eâ—ousing himselfe for having accepted the Empire without their knowledge anâ— confirmation whereupon the Senate confirmed his election with many blessings gave him â—he name of Augustus Father of the Countrey made him High Priâ—st and gavâ— him Tribunall Power and Authority Secondly This is manifest by the confessions and Actions of the best Roman Emperours Volateranus writes of Trajan the best heathen Emperor that Rome enjoyed that he used to call the Senate Father but himselfe their Minister or Servant of their labour And that standing he did reverence to the Consuls sitting quia SE ILLIS INFERIOREM EX LEGIBUS esse REPERIRET because he found by the Lawes he was inferior to them Whence Dion Niciphorus and Speed record of him that when he invested any Praetor or Commander in giving him the
people in the due subjection To thâ—s the Pope answered and wrote back to Pipin that he was best worthy and most profitable for the Realme to be admitted for King that ruled well the Commonalty by justice and prudence and the enemies thereof defended and subdued by his policie and manhood Aventine relates his answer more largely in these words I finde saith Zachary in the Story of Divine Scripture that the people fell away from their wretchlesse and lascivious king that despised the counsell of the wise men of the Realme and created a sufficient man one of themselves King God himselfe allowing their doings All Power and Rule belongs to God Princes are his Ministers in their Kingdomes And Rulers are therefore chosen for the people that they should follow the will of God the chiefe Ruler in all thingâ— and not do what they lifeâ— He is a true King that guideth the people committed to his charge according to the Prescript and Line of Gods Law all that he hath as power glory riches favour and dignitie HE RECEIVETH OF THE PEOPLE and the people MAY WHEN THE CAVSE REQVIRETH FORSAKE THEIR KING It is therefore LAVFVLL for the Franks and Germanes refusing this unkindly Monster Childericke to chuse some such as shall be able in warre and peace by his wisdome to protect and keep in safetie their Wives Children Parents Goods and Lives Which answer of the Pope recited and approved in our owne King Edward the Confessors Lawes and Childerickes deposition likewise Chap. 17. being declared to the Lords Barons and Commons of the Realme whom this Pope likewise wholly absolved from their allegiance to Childericke soone after they of one assent and minde proceeded and deposed and put downe their King and Governour Childericke being a Sott a foole abeast and one unfit to governe and closed him in a Monastery after he had reigned ten yeares in the Kings room by name onely which done they unanimously elected and crowned Pipin for their King By meanes whereof the Royall Line of Moroveus after 17 discents ended and the Crown was translated to Pipins blood Which act in point of policie is determined lawfull by Polybius who Writes That the reason why some Kingdomes became hereditary was onely this because their first Kings being vertuous and worthy men they were perswaded their Children would prove like them but if at any time they degenerat and prove otherwise and the posteritie of the first Kings displease the subjects they thenceforth make the Kingdome elective chusing Kings not according to their strength of body and mindes attempting great things but according to the difference of their will and reason manifested by their actions And by Aristotle who informes us That in Kingdomes confirmed in succession of blood this is to be numbred among the causes of their ruine that the Kingdomes descend to many contemptible and slothfull persons who although they obtaine no tyrannicall but Royall dignitie yet they live lustfully and proudly and so the Kingdome easily falls to ground and becomes a tyrannie the people being unwilling that such should rule over them and so either wholly alter the forme of government or make choice of a fitter King for the necessary preservation of the State yea this election in poiâ—t of Policie and Divinity too is justified and proved lawfull by Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotos by Iohn Mariana de Rege Regis Instit. l. 1. c. 3 5. by Pope Zachary in his forecited Epistle by King Edward the Confessor in his Laws c. 17. by a generall Councell of all the Peers and Prelates of France Convocato enim Principum et Senatorum Concilio de COMMVNI SENSV ET VOLVNTATE OMNIVN Childericum solo nomine Regem à regni fastigio deponunt c. ac OMNIBVS GAVDENâ—IBVS ET VOLENTIBVS Pipinum super Francos REGNARE FACIVNT writes Antoninus and in a word our Bishop Bilson himselfe an Anti-Puritane and great Royalist affirmes That if the King be a naturall foole distracted and altogether unable to governe as Childericke was any Realme by publicke consent and advice may choose another to govern them of which more before Pipin deceasing Charlemain and Charles the great his sons reigned joyntly over the Frenchmen by their joyous admittance Having now two Kings instead of one Lewes sirnamed the godly sonne of Charles the great a pious yet unfortunate Prince by meanes of his sonne Lothair was first imprisoned and then by a Councell and Parliament held at Compaygne by authority of the spirituall and temporall Lords and of that Parliament discharged of all rule and dominion as well of the Empire as of the Realme of France after that shorne a Monke and thrust into the Monastery of Saint Marke where he was strictly guarded and when some of the Nobles and people afterwards desired Lothair to release and restore him to his former dignity he answered them That the deposing of him was done by the whole Authority of the Land wherefore if he should be againe restored it must be by the same Authority and not by him onely After which by the Lords assents hee was restored Lewes and Charles after Lewes Balbus their fathers death were joynt Kings of France and being very young by a Parliament held at Meaux Lewes the Emperour their Vncle was declared to be more apt to rule the Kingdome of France then these Infants or Barnard their Guardian and these Children held by some illegitimate Whereupon by the greater number of voyces an Ambassadour was sent to the Emperour to come and take upon him the Rule of middle France which he comming to doe his Nephewes friends compounded with him and then caused these Infants to be câ—owned and proclaimed Kings Charles the simple at his Fathers death Anno 895. being too yong to take upon him the charge of the Realme the Lords of France put him under good and convenient guiding and of assent they chose Eudo a man of great fame and worth to be King of the Land for the terme of his life and to guide the Land till Charles should come to his lawfull age whom they put under Eudo his tuition making him King in his stead who was crowned of Walter then Archbishop of Senys After which when Eudo knew he should dye he called before him the Lords and Nobles of France charging them by solemne Oath that after his death they should immediately crowne Charles for their King whom he had brought up with diligence in learning and all Princely vertues being then of age to governe Charles comming to the Crowne the Danes miserably wasted â—is Kingdomes Whereupon his Nobles and people assembled themselves in sundry companies and wâ—nt to the King shewing their misery and blaming his fearfulnesse and negligence that he no more for him resisted the Danes cruelty Whereupon he out of feare belike lest they should chuse another King to protect them compounded with Rollo chiefe Commander of the Danes giving him all Normandy
grievously discontented removed divers from their offices and put many of the richest and head men of the citie to death upon surmised causes without proofs of justice For which causes and many other oppressions the Lords againe assembled their people intending to subdue the king and to set his brother in his place or to cause him otherwise to rule the Commonwealth To which end all the Lords met at a Towne called Stampes where they continued their Councell fifteene dayes and then marched to Paris sending four severall letters unto the citie one to the Bishops and spirituall men the second to the Consulls and headmen the third to the Vniversitie the fourth to the Commonnalty signifying That neither they nor any of their company were come thither as enemies to the Citie or to warre against it or the Commonwealth of the Land but for the increase and augmentation thereof to the uttermost of their powers VVhereupon these foure parties sent certaine Orators for them to the Lords who after long communication with them had returned to the citie with this report First the Lords would that the inhabitants of the City should consider the conditions of the King which yearly oppressed his Subjects with taxes and other grievous servages Secondly how he despised the noble bloud of his Realme and drew to him villaines and men of no reputation by whose counsell onely all the Common-weale of the Land was guided and ruled Thirdly how hee ruled his Subjects by force and will without administration of justice and himself in all Counsels and Parliaments is Iudge of all causes and calleth himselfe Counsels and Parliaments more for this singular weale then for the Common-weale of his Realme Fourthly how he enhaunsed men of low birth to great honours and caused Noblemen to be obedient unto them intending to bring the said ignoble men to be equall with the Princes of the Land Fifthly how the Lawes be delayed and bolstered by such as stand in his favour wherethrough at this day Law is will and will is Law and no man almost in any surety of life or goods insomuch that daily many have been banished and put to death for unlawfull causes and also to any Noble-man at this day no power or roome of honour belongeth so that to the wild Beasts in the Forrests appertaineth more Liberty and surety then to the more party of the Kings subjects Sixthly The great taxes and summes of money which daily be levied of the Commons be not spent in the Kings honourable needs and for the Commonweale of the Realme but are spent vainly and riotously and bribed out of the Kings Coffers for which enormities and misgovernance with many other the said Lords were come thither in defensible wayes for the safeguard of their owne persons as to the head and principall City of the Realme for to have aide and Counsell to reforme the foresaid evills not intending any harme to the Kings person or yet to remove him from his regality or Kingly Majestie but to induce and advertize him to that which should be for his honour and the weale of his Realme and to live in wealth and honour as his Noble Progenitors lived before him For which causes and considerations the said Lords as the Kings true Subjects and friends to the Commonwealth of the Land and of that City desired to enter there to refresh them and their people and to pay truly for all things they should take without doing harme or violence to any person All which requests and matters of the Lords shewed to the Inhabitants of the City by fauour of some friends they there had it was with the more partie well accepted and thought convenient they should be received into the Citie but by meanes of the Earle of Davoise it was respited till they had further knowledge of the Kings pleasure who comming out of Normandie into Paris after diuers Skirmishes the King and Lords fell to a Treaty of peace whereupon Commissioners on both sides assembled and communed together by sundry times two dayes In which season new strength of Souldiers came to the King out of Normandâ— The Treatie hanging long and a longer Truce being proclaimed the souldiers fell to robbing and other unlawfull acts and at last through obstinacy on both parties all offers were refused and the day of the Truces expiration approached without hope of accord whereupon provisions for warre were made on both sides Then begun gâ—udges and murmures betweene the kings souldiers and the citizens of Paris and shortly after newes came to the king that the Castle and Citie of Roan was yeelded up to the Duke of Burbon VVhereupon the King considering what great advantage the Lords had of him both by strength and favour of the Commons which daily drew unto them by sundry companies in avoiding of more danger concluded a peace which being proclaimed thorowout all France the King and Lords met to whom the King shewed great semblance of kindenesse specially to his brother Charles Duke of Normandy wherein appeared great dissimulation Lewes being of such conditions That what he might not overcome with strength he would win with dissimulation and treachery Not long after the King warred upon Charles his brother the Duke of Burgundy and Brittaine and a Treaty of peace being propounded betweene them Charles answered That if a perfect concord should be established between the King and him it should be authorized by the whole consent and counsell of the Barons of the Realme VVith which the King being content at Turon in the moneth of April aâ—d tenth yeare of his reigne assembled a counsell of his Lords spiâ—tuall and temporall in the which the demands of Charles and offers of the king were shewed And after the said Counceâ—l had at length reasoned the said demands and offers it was finally determined That the Dutchy of Normâ—ndy was so appropriated unto the King of France and to his heires that in â—o wise it might be dissevered from the Crowne but that a perfect unitie might be had betweene the King and his brother the King should be instanced to give yearly to his brother in recompence of the said Dutchy 12000 pounds of Turon money with certain land to be assigned with the name of a Duke and 40000 annâ—all rent of like money during his naturall life for such portion as he claimed to be his right within the Realme To all which the king agreed and to pardon the Duke of offences against his Majestie and all such Lordships as he had wonne from him in Britaine to restore which offers Charles refusing was the yeare following contented with the Dutchy of Guyan onely and so the warre of Normandy ceased After Lewes his death most of his speciall and dearest beloved Servants and ill Councellours whom he specially recommended to his sonne Charles the ninth on his death-bed came to disgracefull ends Oliver Damman was beheaded for Treason and Iohn Doyacon for trespasse and hatred unto the common people by his desert was
better to let the curious reade them in the Originalls themselves Amongst all losses that of Liberty toucheth neerest but Francis having learned to withstand all adversity with a constant resolution said I will dye a Prisoner rather then make any breach in my Realm for my deliverance whereof I neither WIL NOR CAN alienate any part without the consent of the Soveraign Courts and Officers in whose hands remains the authority of the whole Realm We preferre the generall good before the private interest of Kings persons If the Emperour will treat with me let him demand reasonable things which lye in my power then shall he finde me ready to joyne with him and to favour his greatnesse The Emperour seeing the King constant in this resolution in the end yeelded to his delivery upon these termes That within six weekes after his delivery he should consigne the Dutchy of Burgongue to the Emperour with all the dependancies as well of the Dutchie as of the County the which should hereafter be sequestred from the Soveraigntie of the Realme of France That he should resigne to the Emperour all his rights pretended to the Estates of Naples Milan Genoa anâ— Ast That he should quit the Soveraignty of Flaunders and Arthois c. Hereupon the King being enlarged and arrived at Bayonne he was required to ratifie the Accord which he had promised to doe when hee came to a free place but he delayed it with many excuses giving the Emperour to understand that before he proceeded to such an act it was necessary that he should pacifiâ— his Subjects who were discontented with bonds which tended to the diminution of the Crowne of France c. After which the Pope and the Venetians sending Messengers unto him he complained of the Emperour that he had wronged him in that he had forced him to make impossible promises and that he would be revenged if â—ver occasion were offered and that he had often told him that it was not in the power of a French King to binde himselfe to the alienation of any thing depending of the Crowne without the consent of the Generall Estates that the Lawes of Christians did not allow that he which was taken in Warre should be detained in perpetuall prison which was a punishment proper to Malefactors and not for such 〈◊〉 had bin beaten by the cruelâ—y of fortune that all men knew that Bonds made by constraint in prison were of no value and that the capitulation being of no force the faith likewise which was but accessary and the confirmation of the same could not be bound that by the oath which he had taken at Râ—emes at his Coronation he was bound according to the custome of other Kings of France not to alienate the patrimony of the Crowne and therefore for these reasons he was no lesse free then ready to abate the Emperors pride The Emperor growing jealous of the Kings delayes for ratification thereof sent one unto him to be certified of his intent who found him very unwilling to leave Burgundy which being very prejudicall to the Crowne of France he said was not in his power to observe and that hee could not alien the Bourguinans without their assents in an assembly of the Estates of the Country which he intended to call shortly to know their minds By which it is most apparent that the Kings of France have no power at all to dispose of their Crown lands or alienate them to others as other Subjects may doe because they hold them onely in the right of their Crowne for their Kingdomes use and service the true proprieters of them Upon which very ground Philip Augustus King of France Anno 1216. in a solemne Assembly of the States at Lyons told Walo the Popes Legate who came to prohibit his Sonne Lewes to goe to receive the Crowne of England because King Iohn had resigned it to the Pope That no King or Prince can give away his Kingdom without the consent of his Barons who are bound to defend the Kingdome and if the Pope decreed to defend this errour he should give a most pernitious Example to all kingdomes domes Whereupon all the Nobles of France began to cry out with one mouth That they would stand for this Article unto death That no King or Prince by his sole pleasure could give his Kingdome to another or make it tributary whereby the Nobles of the Realme should be made servants And the next day Lewes his Advocate alledged that King Iohn for his homicides and many of her enormities was justly rejected by his Barons that Hee should not reigne over them That he could not give the Crowne of England to any one without the assent of his Barons and that when he had resigned it he presantly ceased to be a King and the Kingdome became void without a King and being so vacant could not be disposed of without the Barons who had lawfully elected Lewes for their King who in pursuance of this his Title which the Estates of France held just sailed into England took possession of the Kingdome received homage of all the Barons and Citizens of London who joyfully received him taking an Oath upon the Evangelists to restore them their good Lawes together with their lost Inheritances Henry the 2. of France being casually slaine by the Earle of Montgommery in running at the Tilt left the Crowne to Francis the 2. being but about 16. yeares of age the Queen Mother with his wives Vncles the Duke of Guise and the Cardinall of Loraigne hereupon usurped the Government of his person and Realme dispossessed the chiefe Officers of the Crowne kept backe the Princes of the Blood from Court the true and lawfull Governours of the State during the Kings minority and plotted the meanes to raise their race to the Royall Throne by displacing all great Officers substituting others of their owne faction and endeavouring to extirpate the Protestant party whom they feared as most opposite to their treacherous designes They doe and undoe place and displace in Parliament and Priviâ— Councell like absolute Kings they revoke all alienations for life or yeares made by the deceased King in recompence of any services except sales they caused divers Protestants to be put to dâ—ath imprisoned pillaged Wherewith the princes Officers and people being generally discontented to redresse the present and prevent all future disasters that might ensue require a generall Parliament as the Soveraigne cure for such diseases whereby the Queen Mother might be put from her usurped Regency and those of Guise excluded from the Kings person who to please the king perswade him that their opposites sought only to bridle and make him a Ward and that he should hold them enemies to his Authority and GVILTY OF HIGH TREASON THAT TALK OF A PARLIAMENT The King of Spaine to crosse them by Letters to the King his Brother-in-law declares himselfe for the good affection he bare to him Tutor and Protector of him his Realme and affaires against those
that would change the Government of the Estate as if the King were not capable of the Government Pleasant people which reject so much the word of lawfull tutelage and yet usurped it against the Lawes and Orders of the Realme holding it onely by tyranny After this they cast many slanders on the Protestants put Anne du Burge and other Councellours of Parliament to death pistoll Anthony Minard president of the Parliament publish sundry Edicts against those of the reformed Religion promise great recompences to those that discover their assemblies fill their prisons with them imploy ayre fire and water to ruine them and kept the king from hearing his Subjects complaints The princes were kept backe the greatest of the Realme out of credit threatned and secretly pursued to death the convocation of the Estates refused the parliaments corrupted the Judges for the most part at the Guisians devotion and the publike treasure offices and benefices given to whom they pleased This their violent government against the lawes and orders of the Realme purchased them wonderfull hatred and caused many which could no longer endure these oppressions to consult VPON SOME IVST DEFENCE to the end they might preserve the just and ancient Government of the Realme They demand advice TOVCHING LAW AND CONSCIENCE OF MANY LEARNED LAWYERS AND DIVINES who resolved THAT THEY MIGHT LAWFVLLY OPPOSE THEMSELVES against the government which the house of Guise had usurped AND AT NEED TAKE ARMES TO REPVLSE THEIR VIOLECE so as the Princes who in the case are born Magistrates or some one of them would undertake it being required by the Estates of the Realme or by the sounder part of them They who first thought of this Act of consequence had severall considerations Some moved with a true zeale to serve God the King and Realme thought they could not doe a greater worke of pietie then to abolish Tyrannie rescue the State and to finde some meanes to ease them of the Religion There were others desirous of change and some were thrust on with hatred for the wrongs which the house of Guisâ— had done them their kinsmen and friends yet all had one designe to suppresse this unlawfull government In these consultations it was held necessary to seize on the Duke of Guise and the Cardinall his brother being advowed by one chiefe member of the State and then to require an assembly of the Three Estates to the end they might yeeld an account of their Government provide for the King and Realm After which they make the Prince of Conde acquainted with this their designe engage him in this quarrel which being discovered produced a long bloody civill war against the Protestants under this and the two succeeding Kings in which warre those that died departed this world with this singular content to have couragiously sacrificed their lives for their countries libertie So the generally History of France in which and in Richard Dinothus you may read at large both the History and the lawfulnesse of this defensive warre overtedious to transcribe Francis dying the Crowne descended to Charles the ninth being but eleven yeares of age and a Parliament of the Estates being assembled on the three and twentieth days of December 1560. The Queene Mother was thereby allowed and confirmed Regent during the Kings minority In severall Parliaments contradictory Acts are made some restraining others granting the free exercise of the Reformed Religion thorowout the Realme The Guisian Popish faction being the strongest party most powerfull at Court and intimatest with the King notwithstanding all Acts for the Protestants immunitie and libertie of conscience impose divers illegall restraints upon them commit many outrages and massacres on them for which they could have no redresse whereupon for their own defence and preservation after many fruitlesse Petitions delusory promises they take up Arms whereupon many bloody civill wars ensue Many propositions and overtures of Peace were made by the Guisian royall party not one of them reall but all to get advantages and over-reach the Protestants against whom they had the most mischievous designes in agitation when they seemed most earnestly to desire Peace Four or five severall conclusions of Peace were solemnly made and ratified betweene them but no sooner made and proclaimed but presently violated of the King and Popish party by massacres and new treacherous Plots to extirpate the Protestant party so that every accommodation proved but a seminary of a new and more bloody warre almost to the utter ruine of France In the yeare 1592. when a publicke peace was made and all differences to outward appearance buried in eternall oblivion the King contrary to his faith and oath caused the Admirall of France the Protestants chiefe pillar as he departed from the Councell to dinner to be shot with a Harguebuze which carried away the forefinger of his right hand and wounded him in the left arme The king to colour this treachery sweares with an execration to the King of Navarre and others who complained of this outrage to take such exemplary punishment on the offendors as the Admirall and his friends should have cause to rest satisfied commands them to be pursued appoints three of the Parliament to make information against them protests after this again and again to be exceeding sorry that this act touched his honour that he will be revenged for it so as the memory thereof should remaine for ever writes to the governours of the Provinces chiefe Townes and Magistrates That he would take such order as the Authors of so wicked an act should be knowne and punished And to his Ambassdours to forraigne Princes That they should make it knowne to all the world that this outrage did displease him And for the Admirals safetie he commands the Captaines of his Guards to give him as many of his Guard as he pleased to suffer no Papist to enter his lodging and adviseth all the Gentlemen Protestants then in Paris to lodge about the Admirals lodging But all this Court Holy-water was onely to keep every Bird within his owne nest and a Pitfall to entrap the chiefe of the Protestants For the same day after dinner the King and Queene Mother the Duke of Guise and others take counsell to murther the Admirall and all the chiefe Protestants the night ensuing not onely in Paris but thorowout all France whiles they were sleeping in their beds Which most tyrannicall barbarous Tragedie was accordingly acted the Admirall slain in his lodging and his head cut off carryed to the King and Queen Mother who causing it to be embalmed sent it to the Pope and Cardinall of Lorrain for an assurance of the death of their most capitall enemy all the Protestants Noblemen and Gentlemen lodging in the Admiralls Qâ—arter undergoe the like Butchery the Streets of Paris are strewed with Carkases the pavements market places and river dyed with Protestant blood about ten thousand of them being thus treacherously massacred in their beds at such a season when
pretended fit onely for the Clergies determination not the Commons or three Estates as a means to ingender a schisme and offend the Pope and after much debate prevail and suppresse it In fine after many debates the three Estates brake up without any great â—edresse of their grievances or full answer to their Petitions which was defaced hereupon the Parliament at Paris the seven and twentieth day of March 1615. decreed under the Kings good pleasure That the Princes Dukes Peers and Officers of the Crowne having place and deliberate voyce therein being then in the Citie should be invited to come into the Court there with the Chancellour and all the Chambers assembled to advise upon the propositions which should be made for the kings service the ease of his subjects and good of his estate and to draw up a Remonstrance to this effect Some Court Parasites presently acquaint the King and Queen Mother with this Decree as if it were an apparent enterprize against the Kings Authoritie and did touch the Queens Regency which they would controll and objections are made against it in Councell whereupon the Parliament are sent for to the Court severall times and ordered to revoke this Decree they excuse and justifie it then draw up a Remonstrance to the king consisting of many Heads wherein among others they â—ffirme That the Parliament of Paris was borne with the State of France and holds place in Councell with Princes and Barons which in all ages was near to the Kings person That it had alwayes dealt in publike affairs that some Kings which had not liked of the Remonstrances of the Parliament at Paris did afterwards witnesse their griefe That Popes Emperours Kings and Princes had voluntarily submitted their controversies to the judgement of the Parliament of Paris c. To which I shall adde some passages out of Andrew Favine in his Theater of Honour touching the dignitie power and honour of the Parliaments of France In the Register of the Acts of Parliament beginning 1368. there is one dated the twenty seventh of Iune 1369. for matter of murder and assassinate committed on the person of Master Emery Doll Councellor of the said Parliament whereby it was approved That it was a crime of High Treason to kill a Councellor of Parliament And in Anno 1475. on the eleventh day of November Mounseir the Chancellor came to advertise the Court for going to hear the confession of the Constable of Saint Paul to whom for his rebellions and disobediences king Lewes the eleventh directed his Processe And the said Parliament declared That there was not a Lord in the Kingdome so great except the King and Mounsiour le Daulphine but ought to come and appear at the said Parliament in person when it was ordained for him And this is witnessed by a Lyon abasing his tail between his Legs exalted over the gate and entrance of the great Chamber by the Parquet des Huisiers thereof So that by this illustrious and Soveraigne Parliament are ordered and determined the principall affairs of the kingdom And in Anno 1482. the second day of Aprill king Lewâ—â— the eleventh sent unto the Parliament the Oath which he took at his sacring exhorting the said Parliament to performe good justice according as the King had promised to doe by his said Oath which he purposed to keep and the Oath is there Registred downe The Parliaments of France are Oaks with exalted Heads under whose Branches the people are covered from the very strongest violencies which constraineth them to yeeld obedience to their Prince But when Princes by bad councell misprize the authoritie of them whereof they ought to be zealous defenders as being exalted to the Royall dignity to rule and governe their Subjects by justice they cut off the right hand from the left If they refuse the holy Remonstrances of their Parliaments under color that they are not to meddle with affairs of State but onely with the Act of justice and lend a deaf ear when they are advertised of evill Government it is an assured Pronostick forewarning of the entire decadence of the Kingdome Strange and forraigne Princes have sought and submitted themselves to the judgement of their Parliament evâ—n in their affairs of greatest importance The Chronicle of Laureshime under the year 803. followed by the Monk Aimonius in the fourth Book of his History of France reporteth that king Lewes the Debonnaire holding his Parliament in May there came thither from strange Provinces two Brethren kings of Vvilses who with frank and free good will submitted themselves to the judgement of the said Parliament to which of them the Kingdom should belong Now albeit the custom of the said kingdom adjudged the Crown to the eldest according to the right of Prerogative allowed and practised by the Law of Nature and of late memory in the person of the last dead king Liubus father commune to these two contendants yet notwithstanding in regard of the subjects universall consent of the Kingdom who for the cowardise and want of government in the Elder had given the Crowne to the Younger for valliancie and discreet carriage by sentence the Kingdom was adjudged to him and the Eldest did him homage with Oath of allegiance in the said Parliament Under the third Ligne in the reign of Philip Augustus Pope Innocent the third and the Emperour Otho the fourth being in variance for the forme and tearms of the Oath of fidelity with the said Emperour should make to the Pope they referred it to the judgement of king Philip in his Parliament furnished with Peers Otho made some exception concerning the forme and terms of the Oath And not being able to agree of themselves both parties submitted to the judgement of king Philip Augustus and of his Court of Parliament furnished with Peeres So that by order given at Melum in Iuly 1204. the form of the said Oath was prescribed and registred in the Parliament Register at request of the said parties and sent unto Otho to render it to the said Pope Innocent who sent this assurance and Certificate to the said Parliament for Registring it being performed Innocentius Episcopus servus servorum Dei charissimo filio nostro Philippo Francorum Regi charissimo salutem Apostolicam benedictionem absque dubitatione noveritis quod secundum formam a vobis Curiae Regni vestri paribus praescriptam habetur apud nos jusjur andum charissimi Filii nostri Othonis Romanorum Regis illustris aurea Bulla munitum nobis Ecclesiae praestitum Ego Otho Romanorum Rex semper Augustus tibi Domino meo Innocentio Papae Ecclesiae Romanae spondeo polliâ—eor juro quod omnes possessiones honores jura Romanae Ecclesiae pro posse meo bona fide protegam ipsam ad eas retinendas bona fide jâ—vabo Quas autem nondum recuperavit adjutor ero ad recuperandum recuperatarum secundum posse meum ero â—ine fraude defensor quaecunque and
person should in that respect be preferred before the Vncle Hereupon Queen Violant and Blanche widow to Fernand were so much discontented with the Decree of the Estates disinheriting the eldest brothers sonnes as taking the young children with them they departed out of Castile to Don Pedro King of Arragon where Don Sancho caused his Nephews to be imprisoned whom king Alphonso labouring under hand to get releasâ—d Don Sancho advertised hereof made a league with the Moores of Granado against his Father and by assent of his confederates took upon him the Title of Regency of the Kingdome of Castile and other his Fathers dominions refusing the Title of King during his Fathers life time who was forced to pawn his royall Crown and Iewels to Iacob Abin Ioseph a Moore King of Morocco who aided him willingly against Don Sancho After which in an Assembly of the States at Cordova with the advise of the Noble men and knights of Castile thereupon sent by a Decree pronounced by the mouth of Don Manuel in the name of the whole Nobility Alphonso was deprived of all his Realmes for murthering his brother Don Frederick and burning Don Rues unjustly without any forme of justice or orderly proceedings the breach of the rights and priviledges of the Nobility and the excessive wasting of the treasure of the Realme Vpon this there arose bloody Warrâ—s between the Father and sonne and in the yeere 1282. Alphonso was so vexed with his sonnes proceedings that hee pronounced in the presence of many men of ranke both Clergie and Laity in the City of Sevill The curse of God and his upon Don Sancho a sonne said he disobedient rebellious and a paricide declaring him uncapable and unworthy to reign depriving him of his successions inheritance and discharging the subjects as much as in him lay from all oath and homage which they had done unto him But these were but words which Don Sancho did not much esteem enioying his Fathers kingdomes after his decease in Title as he did before in act and dying king of Custile his hâ—ires succeeded him in that Realme as lawfull heires thereunto Don Pedro the third king of Arragon about the yeare 1283. had many controversies with his Nobles and knights who complained much of his sower disposition and tyrannous manner of Government insulting over the greatest yea against his own blood contrary to all Law and nature Wherefore being ill intreated by him in their freedomes whereof the Townes and Commonalties of his Countries did also complain the Nobility Knights and Gentry for preservation of their Liberties made a Vnion together among themselves and with the people promising and swearing to lâ—t the King and his sonne Don Alphonso who was his Lieutenant Generall understand that if they did not contain themselves within the limits of the Lawes of the Country they would withdraw themselves from their obedience and declare themselves enemies and pursue them by armes that should seek to break them The king hereupon called the Estates to Tarrasone and afterwards to Saragossa where he intreated promised and did all what he could to break this Vnion but he was forced to yeeld and granted to the Arragonians the priviledge they call Generall whereby their Liberties which had been somewhat restrained were again restored the ancient manners of the Country and customes of their ancestours put in practise And moreover there were Laws made for their Kings which they should be bound to obey and for that they were in a mutiny in some places by reason of certain Impositions laid upon salt the traffique thereof was made free by the Estates And the king refusing the judgment of the Iustice Maior of Arragon deposing Pedro Martines Artassone who then exercised it from his Office the Estates soon after at an assembly at Zutaria fortified it with stronger Laws deeming the Iustice of Arragon to be a lawfull Iudge whom the King himself could not displace even in Cases commenced against the King who being cited and not appearing there were Decrees made against him in many instances In the end the King confirmed the Decrees of the Iustice Maior and whatsoever should be concluded by the Estates the Deputies and Councellors having given their suffrages I read in Hieronimus Blanca that about the year 1212. the Arragonians taking it ill that their Liberties gotten with their blood should so many wayes be subverted as then they were by King Pedro the first raised up the Name and forces of a Vnion that with one force and the consent of all one minde as it were being made out of all they might more easily propulse so great injuries but what was then done hereupon is not recorded But the two memorable Priviledges of the Vnion under King Alphonso the third are said to spring from thence Don Alphonso king of Aragon succeeding Pedro Anno 1286. he was admonished by the Estates Ambassadours to come speedily to the Assembly at Saragossa where having sworn and promised the observation of the Customs Rights and Priviledges of the Countrey and received the Oath of fealty from the Deputies he might lawfully take upon him the Title of the King of Aragon the which they said he might not use before this Act and Ceremony according to the ancient customs of Aragon Vpon these summons he came to the Assembly of the Estates to Saragossa took the Oath aforesaid after which he was Crowned Which done there grew in this assembly a great contention touching the reformation of the mannors of Courtiers and the ordering of the Kings house the Noblemen and Deputies of the Estates of Aragon maintaining that the conusance thereof was incident to their charge the King and his houshold servants on the other side denied that there was either Law or custom which tyed the King or his followers to any such subjection In the end it was concluded that the reformation of the Court should be made by twelve of the principall Families the like number of Knights four Deputies of Saragossa and one of either of the other Cities the which should give their voices in that case This Vnâ—on of Aragon obtained likewise a Decree that the King should have certain Councellors chosen to wit four of the chief Nobility four Knights of noble and ancient races four of his houshold servants two Knights for the Realm of Valencia two Citizens of Saragossa and one of either of the other Cities whom they particularly name with a condition that whilest the King should remain in Aragon Ribagorca or Valencia two of those Noblemen two of his servants two Knights of Aragon one of Valencia and the four Deputies of the Realm of Aragon should follow and reside in his Court AS COVNCELLORS APPOINTED BY THE VNION who protested by solemn Deputies sent to the King to that end that if he did not receive observe and maintain those orders THEY WOVLD SEIZE VPON ALL HIS REVENVES and on all the fees Offices and dignities of such Noblemen as should contradict them Thus were
dishonourable peace with the Moors to release the Tribute which they payed him formerly and after much mediaâ—â—on he concluded a Peace thorowout all the Realm with his discontented Subjects This Prince thinking to raign more securely had taken a course of extream severity shewing himself cruell and treacherous to his Nobility whereby he was feared but withall he lost the love and respect of his subjects so as he was no sooner freed from one danger but he fell into another worse then the first his Nobles holding this for a Maxime That a Tyrant being offended will at some time revenge himself and therefore they must not trust him upon any reconciliation who to pacifie the troubles which had grown by his own errour had made no difficulty to sacrifice upon the peoples spleen his own Mignions degrading and in the end murthering condemning them as Traitors after their death yea the Princes of his own blood taking their goods estates and depriving the lawfull Heirs seeking to reign over free men and generous Spirits as over beasts entreating them as base and effeminate slaves who might not speak their opinions freely in matters of State and Government of which they were held dead members and without feeling Whereupon D. Manuel and other Nobles as men endued with understanding reason and not forgetting the nature of Alphonso who was proud a contemner of all laws and treacherous they proceeded so farre as to withdraw themselves from his subjection by protestation and publike act and entred into a league with the King of Portugall incensing him to take up Arms for their defence Where upon King Alphonso having some feeling that cruelty was too violent remedy for men that were Nobly borne he sought by all milde and courreous meanes to divide them and to draw some of them to his service which he effected and so more easily conquered and reduced their companions An. 1337. was founded the Town of Alegria of Dulanci in the Province of Alava and many Villages thereabout the which obtained from the King the priviledges and Lawes of the Realm whereby the inhabitants should govern themselves with libertie to chuse their own Iudges Don Pedro the first king of Castile surnamed the cruell most tyrannically murthering and poysoning divers of his Nobles and subjects without cause banishing others quitting Blanch his espoused wife within three dayes after his marriage to enjoy the unchaste love of Doxna Maria de Paedilla by whom hee was inchanted which much troubled the whole Court divorcing himselfe without colour by the advice onely of two Bishops without the Popes assent from Blanch and marrying Jane of Castro in her life time Hanging up divers Burgesses of Toledo causlesly for taking the Queens part too openly and among others a Goldsmiths sonne who offred to be hanged to save his fathers life causing his own brother Don Frederick and divers Nobles else to be suddenly slain Anno 1358. poysoning and murdering likewise divers Noble Ladies among others Don Leonora his own Aunt after which Anno 1360. he murthering two more of his own brethren executing divers Clergy men and Knights of Castile banishing the Archbishop of Toledo putting divers Jews as Samuel Levy his High Treasurer with his whole family to death to gain their Estates and causing his own Queen Blanch to be poysoned after she had long been kept prisoner by him Anno 136â— Hereupon his cruelties rapines and murders growing excessive and the Popes Legat denouncing him an utter Enemy to God and man Henry Earle of Transtamara his brother with other Fugitives getting ayde from the King of Navarre entred Castile with an Army where by the Nobles importunity he tooke upon him the title of King of Castile and Leon which done the whole Kingdom long oppressed with D. Pedro his Tyranny immediately revolted from him so that in few dayes Henry found himselfe King of a mighty great Kingdom almost without striking stroke the people striving who should first receive him such was their hatred to the Tyrant Pedro who being doubtfull what to doe fled with two and twenty Ships out of his Realme to Bayon craving ayde of the English to revest him in his Kingdom mean time king Henry assembling the Estates at Burgon they granted him the tenth penny of all the Merchandize they should â—ell in the Realm to maintaine the warres against Pedro who getting ayde from the English upon conditions accompanied with the valiant Black Prince of Wales entred with a great Army into Spain where the Prince writing to Henry voluntarily to resign the Crown to Pedro his Brother to avoyd the effusion of Christian blood he made answer That he could not hearken to any accord with him who had against the law of nature taken delight to murther so many of the blood Royall and other great personages of Castile who had not respect of the Lawes of the Countrey and much lesse of God falsifying his Oathes and promises having no other rule in his actions but his Tyrannous passions Whereupon battell being joyned Henry was conquered and Pedro restored But hee discontenting the English and others who had reseated him in his Kingdome by his insolency and Tyranny and the Biscaniers refusing to be under the command of strangers whom they would never consent to be put in possession of their Countrey and with all falling to his former cruelties and courses contrary to the advice of his friends and Astrologers he so estranged the hearts of all from him that the English returning and Henry receiving new forces from the French entred Castile suddenly and conquered the Tyrant who being betrayed into Kâ—ng Henry his hands as hee was taking his flight by night King Henry stabbed him with dagger in the face and at last getting him under him slew him with his dagger for his excesse and tyranny Anno 1368. and raigned quietly in his steed I might prosecute and draw down the Histories of all the Spanish Kings and Kingdomes from his dayes till this present which are full fraught with presidents of this nature â—o prove all the Kings of Spaine inferiour to their Kingdomes Assemblies of the Estates Lawes resistible deprivable for their Tyrannyes but because those who desire satisfaction in this kinde may read the Histories themselves more largely in the generall History of Spaine in Ioannis Pistorius his Hispanie Illustratae where all their chiefe Historians are collected into severall volumnes and in Meteranus and Grimstons Histories of the Netherlands I shall for brevity sake pretermit them altogether concluding with one or two briefe observations more touching the Gothish and Arragonian Kings in Spain which will give great light and confirmation to the premises First for the Antient Kings of the Gothes in Spain Aimoinius and Hugo Grotius out of him confesse that they received the Kingdom from the people revocable by them at any time and that the people might depose them as often as they displeased them and therefore their acts might be rescinded and nulled by the people who
pro libitu suo imperata facere cogeret Compertum etiam nobis est Regem ad diem praestitutam duorum immanium carnificum more suorum satelliâ—um ne scilicet res innotesceret vestitorum operam conduxisse in â—um finem si intolerabilibus ipsius edictis voluntati non assentiremus ut tum in corpora fortunas nostras impetum faceret forte non alâ—ud quà m in Suecia Dynastis Episcopis praelatis nobilitati civitatibus factum est covivium nobis adornaret Quapropter justissimo qui etiam in fortissimos viros cadere potest metu compulsi sumus ut de tantis malis à nobis avertendis cogitationem aliquam susciperemus atque ita nostra corpora vitam possessiones quod jure naturae facere tenemur defâ—nderemus Compulsi igitur sumus ut nostra juramenta homagia auxilia militaria per literas illi renunciaremus id quod etiam reipsa à nobis jam factam est cum plane confideremus neminem fore qui impiis tyrannicis ipsius delictis consideratis vitio hoc vertere nobis posset Nos enim status consiliarios regni Danici coram Deo hominibus obligatos agnoscimus ut communi patriae in extremis hisâ—e periculis angustiis consolationem aliquam offeraâ—nus Siquidem miserorum ejus regni inquilinorum aeterna ratione corporum bonorum pernicies matronarumque virginum dedecus contumelia potissimum ab eo quaeritur à quo illa omnia meritò averti à nobis debebant Neque ignotum est propter similia aut saepè etiam leviora quà m nos proh dolor perpessi sumus facinora tyrannica saepenumero Caesares Romanos Reges Vngariae Bahemiae Angliae Scotiae ex suis imperiis regnis dejectos nonnullos principes ex ditionibus suis haereditariis expulsos esse sicuti id tam ex veteribus historiis quà m â—x nostrae aetatis exemplis satis certo nobis innotuit Et nisi gravissimis hisce quae hactenus commemoravimus oneribus impelleremur pigeret taederet nos talem aliquam cogitatiâ—nem in nostrum animum inducere multo minus reipsae eam exequâ— sed potius sicuti patri avo ipsius ita ipsi quoque libenter addicti fuissemus Etiamsi verò ab electione externi alicujus Christiani Regis aut Domiâ—i cujus potentia defensione regnum nostrum gubernaretur non plane fuimus alieni tamen confiderato diuturno Christiano regimine regiis virtutibus clementia bonitate justitia quibus illustriss princeps Dominus D. Fridericus verus haeres Norwegiae Dux Sleswici Helsatiae Stormariae Dietmarsiae Comes Oldenburgi Delmenhorsti erga Subditos suos statim à gubernationis suis exordio pie laudabiliter usus est eum potissimum unanimi consensu regem Dominum nostrum supra totam Daniâ—m elegimus eum nimirum cogitaremus cum ex inclyta regum Daniae prosapia originem ducere praeterea regis filium natum esse aetque ita jure prae omnibus aliis principibus hunc honorem ipsi praesertim cum patrimonium quoque ex regno paterno suae Colsitudini debitum ne nunc qâ—ilâ—m accepisset deberi Rogamus igitur unumquemque cujuscunque conditionis aut ordinis sit si forâ—è supr dictus Rex Christiernus aut alius quispiam nomine ipsius vel Scriptis vel alio modo nos insimulet quod contra datam fidem juramanta hac in partè egerimus ut illi antequam vlteriorem nostram defensionem audiat fidem non habeat sed potius nostras hasce difficultates corporis vitae pericula impias viduariem pupillarum â— ppressiones matronarum virginum violationes cum clementi christiana benevola humana commiseratione cognoscat nos qui honorem existimationem nostram uâ— pios nobiles deceâ— erga regem illaesam ad huc conservavimus excusatoâ— habeat Sâ—mulque aliis quaque omnibus singulis ob causas jam suprà dictas alias complures quas adhuc in honorem nominis regiiusque ad ulteriores nostras apologias reticemus benignè nos excuset Si etiam rex coram legitimo aliquo judice nos accusandos esse câ—â—suerit hoc ipso scripto nos ad legitimam justam causae hujus cognitionem decisionem offerimus pollicemâ—r etiam nos iis quae hoc modo jure decernentur sancientur prompto animo parituros esse Nequs dubitamus si vel sanctitas Pontificia vel Rom. Caesarea Majestas Iudicium Camerae vel alii quoque Christiani Reges Electores Principes Comites Barones Nobiles vel inclytae liberae Imperii civitates petitionis hujus nostrae aequitatem ipsius impiam Tyrannicam nostri oppressionem cognoverint quin factum hoc nostrum ad quod extrema necessitas nos compulit nequaquam â—int improbaturi Pro quo ipso singulis proratione ordinis conditionis suae nostra studia officia gratitudlnem omni tempore praestandam deferimus pollicemur Swethland NOt to mention the Kings and Kingdom of Norway long since incorporated into Denmarke whose lives and Catalogue you may reade in Munster Ioannis Magnus Crantzius and others in which Realme not one King anciently died of age or diseases in above one hundred yeers but of violent deaths there being this custom That whosoever slew a tyrant King was thereby made a King The Kings of Swethland have alwayes been elected upon certaine conditions and subordinate to the power and censures of their whole States and Parliament in such sort as the Kings of Hungary Bohemia Poland and Denmarke have beene and oft times this Kingdome hath beene annexed to the Realme of Denmarke and subject to the Danish Kings as they saw occasion The names and lives of the Swedish Kings before and since their conversion to Christianity you may reade at large in Munster Ioannis Magnus Crantzius Olaus Magnus and others I shall give you a taste onely of some of them out of those Authors Halsten and Animander his successor were thrust out of their Thrones and Realms by their Subjects After whose death the Swedes elected one King of their owne Nation the Gothes another not enduring a forraign Prince to reigne over them King Bugerius slaying his brother Ericus who had imprisoned him at a banquet his Nobles deâ—esting this his treacherous act rose up in Armes against him expelled him the Realme and beheaded his Queen and Magnus his son electing Magnus the son of Ericus for their King Magnus the seventh betrothed his son Aquin to a kinswoman of the Earle of Holstain upon this condition That unlesse Aquin should receive her a Virgin all the Nobles of the Realme should be freed from their Oath of Allegeance to him The Virgin sailing into Swethland was taken prisoner by Waldamer King of Denmarke who betrothed his daughter Margaret to Aquin whereâ—pon the Nobles of Sweden denied to yeeld any more
to seeke some other mighty and mercifull Prince to helpe to defend these Countries and to take them into his protection and the rather for that these Countries have endured such oppressions received such wrongs and have been forsaken and abandoned by their Prince for the space of twenty years and more duduring the which the Inhabitants have beene intreated not as subjects but as enemies their naturall Prince and Lord seeking to ruine them by armes Moreover after the death of Don Iohn having sent the Baron of Selles who undâ—r colour propounding some meanes of an accord declared sufficiently That the king would not avow the Pacification made a Gant which Don Iohn notwithstanding had sworne to maintaine setting downe more hard conditions Yet for that we would discharge our selves of our duties wee have not omitted to make humble suite by writing imploying moreover the favour of the greatest Princes of Christendome seeking by all meanes without intermission to reconcile our selves unto the King having also of late kept our deputies long at Cologne hoping there by the intercession of his imperiall Majestie and some Princes Electors to have obtained an assured peace with some moderate tolleration of Religion the which doth chiefly concerne God and mens consciences as the estate of the affairs of the Countrey did then require But in the end we found it by experience that nothing was to be obtained from the King by the Conference at Cologne and that it was practised and did onely serve to disunite and divide the Provinces that they might with the more facility vanquish and subdue first one and then another and execute upon them their first designes The which hath since plainly appeared by a certain proscription which the King hath caused to be published whereby we and all the Inhabitants of the united Provinces and Officers that hold their partie are proclaimed Rebels and to have forfeited lives and goods Promising moreover a great summe of money to him that should murther the said Prince and all to make the poore Inhabitants odious to hinder their Navigation and Traffique and to bring them into extreme despaire So as despairing of all meanes of reconciliation and destitute of all other succours and ayde we have according to the Law of nature for the defence of us and other Inhabitants the Rights priviledges ancient customes and libertie of the Countrey and the lives and honours of us our wives children and posterity to the end they fall not into the slavery of the Spanyards leaving upon just cause the King of Spaine beene forced to seeke out some other meanes such as for the greater safety and preservation of our Rights Priviledges and liberties we have thought most fit and convenient We therefore give all men to understand That having duely considered all these things and being prest by extreme necessitie We have by a generall resolution and consent declared and doe declare by these presents the King of Spaine ipso jure to be fallen from the Seigniory Principalitie jurisdiction and inheritance of these Countries And that we are resolved never to acknowledge him any more in any matter concerning the Prince jurisdictions or demeanes of these Netherlands nor to use hereafter neither yet to suffer any other to use his Name as Soveraigne Lord thereof According to the which we declare all Officers private Noblemen Vassels and other inhabitants of these Countries of what condition or qualitie soever to be from henceforth discharged of the Oath which they have made in any manner whatsoever unto the King of Spaine as Lord of these countries or of that wherby they may be bound unto him And for the above named reasons the most part of the said united Provinces by a common accord and consent of their Members have submitted themselves under the command government of the high and mighty Prince the Duke of Aniou and Alanson c. upon certain conditions contracted and accorded with his Highnesse and that the Archduke of Austria Mathias hath resigned into our hands the goverment generall of these Countries the which hath been accepted by us We enjoyn and command ali Iudges Officers and all others to whom it shall appertain That hereafter they forbeare to use any more the name titles great seal or signet of the K. of Spain and instead therof whilst that the Duke of Anjou for his urgent affaires concerning the good and welfare of the Country shall be yet absent for as much as shall concern the Provinces which have contracted with his Highnesse and touching the rest by way of provision they shall use the title and name of the chiefe and Counsell of the Country And untill that the said heads and Counsellors shall be named called and really established in the exercise of their charges and offices they shall use our name except Holland and Zeeland where they shall use as they have formerly done the name of the Prince of Orange and of the Estates of the said Provinces untill that the said Councell shall be in force and then they shall govern themselves as it is agreed touching the instructions given for the said Counsell and the accords made with his Highnesse And instead of the Kings seales they shall hereafter use our Great Seale counter Seale and Signet in matters concerning the government generall for the which the Councell of the Country according to their instructions shall have authority And in matters concerning the policie administration of Iustice and other private acts of every Province the Provinciall Concels and others shall respectively use the name and Seale of the said Province where the matter shall be in question and no other upon pain of nullity of the said Letters or Dispatches which shall be other wise made or sealed And to the end these things may bee the better observed and effected we have enjoyned and commanded and do enjoyn and command by these presents That all the King of Spaines Seales which are at this present within these united Provinces shall be dilivered into the States hands or to him that shall have commission and authority from them upon pain of arbitrary punishment Moreover We ordain and command that from henceforth the name and armes of the King of Spain shall not be put not stampt in any coynes of these united Provinces but there shall be such a figure set upon them as shall be appointed for the coyning of new peeces of Gold and Silver In the like sort we enjoyn and command the president and Lords of the privie Councel and all other Chancellors presidents Provinciall Counsuls and all Presidents and chiefe Masters of accounts and others of all chambers of accounts being respectively in these countries and also all other Iudges and Officers as holding them discharged of the oath which they have made unto the King of Spain according to the tenor of their Commissions that they shall take a new oath in the hands of the Estates of the Province where they are or to their Deputies by
the which they shall swear to be faithfull to us against the King of Spain and his adherents according to the form set down by us and there shall be given to the said Councellors Masters of accounts Iudges and Officers remaining in the Provinces which have contracted with the Duke of Anjou in our name an act of continuance in their Offices containing in stead of a new commissions a cessation or disannulling of their former and that by way of provision untill his comming And to Councellors Masters of accounts Iudges and Officers being resident in Provinces which have not contracted with his Highnesse a new Commission shall be given under our name and Seale if the petitioners were not found faulty to be of bad behaviour to have done against the priviledges of the Countrey or to have committed some other disorder We also command the President and them of the privie Councell the Chancellour and Councell of Brabant the Governour Chancellour and Councell of Gueldres and the Countie of Zutphen the President and councell in Flanders the President and councell in Holland the Governour President and Councell in Friseland the President and Councell at Vtricht the Bayliff at Tournay and Tournesis the Receivors or chiefe Officer of Beoostercheldt and Bewesterscheldt Zeeland the scout of Macklyn and all other Iudges and Officers whom it shall concerne their Lieutenants and every of them presently without any delay to publish this our Decree in all places of their jurisdictions and wheresoever they are accustomed to make proclamations to the end that no man may pretend any cause of ignorance And that they may keep and observe and cause to be kept and observed inviolably this our Decree without any favour support or dissimulation for wee have so thought it fit and convenient for the good of the Countrey For the effecting whereof we give to every one whom it shall concerne full power and authority and speciall Commission In witnesse whereof we have caused our seale to be hereunto annexed Given at the Hage in out assembly the 26 of â—uly 1581. Vnderneath was written By the ordinance and decree of the said Estates and signed â— Tan Asseliers According unto this declaration of the Estates there was a new forme of an Oath drawn in manner of an abjuration of the King of Spaine and promise of duty and obedience which every one should owe unto the said Estates by the publike Officers and Magistrates of every Town and Province as followeth I sweare That hereafter I shall not serve nor yeeld obedience to Philip King of Spaine nor acknowledge him for my Prince and Lord whom I doe renownce by these presents and doe hold my selfe freed from all Oaths and bonds by the which I might bee formerly tyed unto him whereof finding my selfe presently delivered I sweare a new and binde my selfe to the united Provinces and namely to them of Brabant Gueldre Holland Zeeland and their allies and to the soveraign Magistrates that are appointed to bee faithfull and loyall unto them to yeeld them all obedience aide and comfort with all my power and meanes against the King of Spaine and his adherents and against all the enemies of the Countrey Promising as a good vassall of the Countrey to carry my self faithfully and loyally with shew of all obedience to my superiors So help me the Almighty God This decree being thus proclaimed all the seales counter-seals and secret signets of the King of Spaine were broken and cancelled with solemnity by all the consuls of the said Provinces and others new made by order of the generall Estates for that which concerned the Government and the affairs of the generality And as for matters of justice and policie they used the seales names and titles of private governours and Provinciall consuls From that time there was no coynes of gold silver or copper made with the name or titles of the King of Spaine but upon stamps which the Estates had caused to be made in every Povince All governours superintendents Presidents Chancellours Councellours and others Officers were discharged and absolved from their precedent oathes and did sweare fidelity to the generall Estates against the King of Spaine and his adherents according to the forme above mentioned to whom an act was sent for the continuation of the Commissions Ninthly it is evident from the premises That is Emperours and Kings shall degenerate into Tyrants violate their Oathes and Covenants made unto the people invade their Lawes Liberties persons with armed violence and instead of protecting make warre upon them that the Nobles Magistrates Estates Parliaments and people in such cases may without any guilt of Treason Rebellion Sedition not only disobey but Lawfully resist them with force of Armes both in point of Lawe conscience are obliged under paiâ—e of treachery and perfidiousnesse to their Countrey thus to resist and in cases of incorrigibility for the publike weale and preservation may justly if they see it necessary depose them from their Royall Dignities as Enemies or Traytors to their Kingdoms and people The reason is Because no Kingdome or Nation under Heaven ever elected or voluntarily submitted themselves unto any Emperour or King whatsoever for ought can be proved or imagined but upon this tacit condition that they should justly governe defend and protect them for their good not tyrranize over pillage murther oppresse or make warre upon them at their pleasures contrary to the Lawes of God nature nations Nor yet actually obliged themselves under paine of Treason Rebellion death or damnation not forcilly to reobsist or deprive their Princes in any wise though they with open violence should set themselves to subvert their Religion Lawes Liberties and Republike to which unreasonable condition no Natian certainty would have consented had it been propounded to them by their Kings at first as Grotius well observes This point of greatest difficulty and concerment I have largely debated and confirmed already in the third part of this Discourse where all contrary Objections against it are refuted Yet because it still seemes a feditious unchristian Paradox to many Malignants and Royallists I shall satifie it with such new Authorities of all sorts which may happily convince if not convert them from their inveterate wilfull error My first Authority of this kinde is that passage of Sozomon an ancient Ecclesiasticall Historian Eccles. Hist. l 6. ch 2. recited and approved by Nicephorus Callistus Eccles hist. l. 10. ch 34. where he thus writes of the death of Iulian the Emperor who turned both a Tyrant Apostate and Persecutor of the Christians reputed to be staine by a Christian Souldier of his own Army for his Tyranny and impiety Whereas Libanius writes in this manner Hee seemes to say that the stâ—ayer of Iulian the transgressor was a Christian which peradventure was true Neither is it incredible that some one of the Souldiers who marched under his colours had considered these things thus in his minde That not only the Heathens but likewise ALL
stretch out an helping hand to an afflicted people and a prostrated Commonweale But thou must do it in such sort that thou mayest not looke after thine owne profit but the good of humane society altogether For since Justice wholly lookes abroad injustice onely regards it selfe thou shalt at last doe this justly if thou shalt have no regard of thine owne profits Briefely if a Prince violently passeth over the fixed limits of piety and justice a neighbour may piously and justly leape over his limits not that he should invade anothers but that he should bid him be content with his owne yea he shall be impious and unjust if he neglect it If a Prince exercise tyranny over the people he may no lesse or lesse slackly assist them than him if the people should move sedition yea he ought to doe it the more readily by how much it is more miserable that many suffer than one If Porsena reduce Tarquin the proud to Rome much more justly may Constantine sent for by the people and Senate of Rome expell Maxentius the Tyrant out of the City Finally if a man may become a Wolfe to a man nothing truely forbids but that a man may be a God to a man as it is in the Proverbe Therefore antiquity hath enrolled Hercules among the number of the gods because he punished and tamed Procrustes Busyris and other Tyrants the pests of mankinde and monsters of the world in every place So also the Roman Empire as long as it stood free was often called The Patrocinie against the Robberies of Tyrants because the Senate was the haven and refuge of Kings People Nations So Constantine sent for by the Romans against Maxentius the Tyrant had God the Captaine of his Army whose expedition the Universall Church exalted with powerfull prayses when yet Maxentius had the same authority in the West as Constantine in the East Likewise Charles the Great undertooke a Warre against the Lombardes being called by the Nobles of Italy to their aide when as yet the Kingdome of the Lombards was long before established and he could claime no right to himselfe over them Likewise when Charles the Bald King of France had by Tyranny taken away the President of that Country which lyeth betweene Seine and Liger Duke Lambert and Iamesius and the other Nobles of France had fled to Lewis King of Germany Charles his Brother by another mother to crave aide against Charles and his mother Iudith a most wicked Woman He in a most ample Assembly of the Germane Princes heard these suppliants by whose unanimous Counsell a warre was publickely decreed against Charles for to restore the exiles Finally as there have beene some Tyrants in every place so likewise among all Historians there are every where examples extant of tyranny revenged and people defended by neighbour Princes which the Princes now at this day ought to imitate in curbing the tyrants both of bodies and Soules of the Republicke and of the Church of Christ unlesse they themselves will be named Tyrants by a most deserved right And that we may at last conclude this Treatise in one word piety commands the Law of God to be observed and the Church to be defended justice that Tyrants and the subverters of Law and the Republike should be curbed charity that the oppressed should be releeved and have a helping hand extended But those who take away these things take away piety justice charity from among men and desire them to be altogether extinguished So he If this then be an irrefragable verity that forraine States and Princes are so farre obliged to assist and relieve those of the same Religion and all others whose liberties rights priviledges are forcibly invaded which our Parliament and State by their assistance of the Netherlands and other Protestant States both in Quaene Elizabeths King Iames and King Charles his reigne approved and justified both by words Acts of Parliament and reall performances then certainly those of the self-same Church Nation Kingdom and fellow Subjects under the self-same Prince betweene whom there is a farre nearer relation much stricter obligation and more strong ingagements ought mutually to aide and assist each other to the uttermost of their abilities when their Religion Lawes Liberties be violently invaded their dearest native Countrey wasted sacked plundered burned ruined in a hostile warre-like manner with open force of Armes either by the King himselfe or a prevailing Malignant Popish faction who have surreptitiously possessed themselves both of his person and affections which they have gotten into their owne over-ruling power How much then it now concernes every reall Protestant within this Realme of England and all other his Majesties Dominions to unite all their common forces together unannimously to protect defend maintaine and propagate our established reformed Religion fundamentall Lawes Liberties the very Priviledges of Parliaments their estates liberties lives the peace welfare and common good of their dearest native Countrey and our three united Realmes against all Popish Malignant forces now in armes to invade eclipse impaire subvert sacke ruine them and how monstrously unnaturally unchristianly and detestably impious treacherous perâ—idious all those English Irish and Scottish Protestants proclaime themselves to the present and future age who now trayterously joyne their forces with the Malignant Popish party or prove uncordiall false treacherous and perfidious to their Religion Liberties Countrey and the Parliment who have not onely waged imployed but confided in them and contribute their uttermost endeavours to betray enslave undermine and to sacke burne and totally overturne them as many we finde have done to their eternall infamy I here referre to every mans judgement and conscience seriously to determine Certainly such unnaturall monsters such trayterous Judasses such execrable infamous Apostates as these can expect no other reall remuneration of this their treachery and perfidiousnesse but the ruine of their credits the detestation of their persons memories the confiscation of their estates the extirpation of their families the execrations of all good men the severest judgements of God and utter confusion with horrors of conscience tormenting them constantly day and night whiles they continue languishing under all these miseries here and the sharpest torments the very largest punishments the hottest flames in hell for ever hereafter and those Antichristian Papists who now are and have beene so faithfull active zealous couragious industrious liberall bountifull if not prodigall to prosecute their owne interests designes to maintaine and propagate their false erroneous detestable Religion superstitions idolatries both in England and Ireland with the effusion of their bloud expence and forfeiture of all their estates and never yet deserted or became treacherous to their false execrable cause or Religion in the least degree shall all joyntly rise up in judgement against them both here and hereafter to their sempiternall infamy reproach and most just condemnation O consider this all yee who now so much forget neglect betray both your God your Christ Religion Lawes
contradiction of which we have sundry presidents not onely in profane but Sacred story Physicians in points of Physick Lawyers of Law Divines of Divinity Souldiers of Warre Pilots of Navâ—gation and so all Artists in their severall Arts not only instruct but over-sway their princes without finall contradiction This being a known received Mâ—xime in Law Vnicuique in sua arte peritest credendum And shall not then the Grand Counsell of the Realme in all publike State-affaires and Bills of Consequence muâ—h more over-rule the king then his privie Counsell Especially since in the Statutes of 1. H. 4. c. 6. 4. H. 4. c. 1. it is enacted to the end that the King may not be deceived in his Grants and Gifts annuall or in fee or in any offices by him to be made given or granted HE WIL by the assent of the Lords spirituall and temporall and at the request of the Commons BE COVNSELLED BY THE WISE MEN OF HIS COVNSEL IN THINGS TOVCHING THE ESTATE OF HIM AND HIS REALME and that he will make no such gifts nor grants saving to such persons as the same deserveth and as best shall seem to the King AND HIS COVNSELL And sith it is THE DESIRE OF ALL THE ESTATES OF THE REALM that nothing should be so demanded of the King he wills that all those that make any such demand contrary to this statute shall be punished by advise of him and his Counsell and that â—ee that maketh such demand shall never have the thing so demanded A Law now meet to be put in execution Thirteenthly If the king should have an absolute Negative Voyce in refusing such publike Bills as are necessary and expedient for the common good and safety of his people It would rest in the meere power and pleasure of a willfull or misadvised king seduced by evill Counsellours to deprive the kingdome of the principall use benefit and privilidges of Parliament the making of good and wholsome laws for the good government of the Realm the removall or prevention of emergent grievances or dangers and execution of publike Iustice on Delinquents to the great perill preiudice if not ruine of the Realm And our Annuall or Trienniall Parliaments should serve then to no other purpose but to supply the king with subsidies or keep the Wool sacks Benches from growing mouldy whilst the Lords and Commons sate upon them rather-like so many Cyphers without a â—iguâ—e then a Court of Parliament if the Lawes of the Realme were in the Kings hand or breast alone as Richard the 2. sometimes said they were an Article objected against him at his deposing contrary to that approved resolution of Aristotle whatsoever seâ—ms good to the major part of the Governours of the Common-wealth that is established for a law which holds good in the Kingdome of Aragon at this day where the King in making publike Lawes hath no absolute negative Voyce nor yet in summoning of Parliaments which are constantly held at their set times every yeare or two at furthest whether the king will or not Fourteenthly God himself the King of kings and Lord of Lord held this a principall part of his soveraign divine prerogative to give his people from heaven when they needed and required it right Iudgments and Lawes of truth good statutes Commandements for their good and welfare Neh. 9. 14. Exod. c. 19. and 20. and 21. Deut. 4. 8. to 41. and chap. 5. throughout Neither doth will or can he deny any Iust or necessary suite prayer or petition that his poor servants and creatures though but dust and ashes ioyntly or severally put up unto him but most willingly grants without the least deniall or unnecessary delay what ever good and needfull things they require at his hands And can or dare kings then claim a greater an higher prerogative over their kingdomes subiectâ— then God himselfe the King of kings doth overh is creatures or arrogate to themselves an absolute Negative voice where God himselfe whose servants and vicegerents only kings are neither hath nor will have any but utterly disclaimes it God forbid that any such arrogant thought should ever enter into the hearts of any Christian kings who being in truth but servants to not absolute Lords over their kingdomes in whom the soveraign legislative power and authority resides must and ought by the Lawes of God and man rather condescend to their parliaments and kingdomes iust requests in assenting to necessary wholsome iust Lawes then their parliaments and kingdomes quietly submit to their uniust disassents unto them to the publike preiudice as is cleare by 2. Sam. 8. 4. to the end Act. 13. 36. Finally our Ancestors were so farre from beleeving that our kings havean absolute negative voyce in such Bills as these that they have not only constrained our kings by threates yea force of Armes to summon and continue Parliaments but likewise compelled them to give their Royall Assents to Magna Charta Charta de Foresta Confirmatio Chartarum Articuli super Chartas with sundry other publike statutes of Right and Iustice for the common good and subiects safety and to ratifie them with their hands seales Oaths Proclamations the Bishops solemne excommunications yea and the Popes leaden Bulls against their will and liking as I have plentifully manifested in the former part Which forced assents have beene held good in Law to binde these kings and their successors with this distinction where the Lawes to which this assent was forced are convenient necessary or essentiall for the kingdomes welfare the subiects iust Liberty and such as the king by duty and oath is bound to assent to there if they compell the king to give his assent in case of wilfull deniall the assent is binding and shall not be avoided by Duresse because the King doth no more then he is obliged by Law Oath and Duty to condiscend to Upon which ground a Tenant inforced to attorne to a grant of a reversion by imprisonment upon a Quid juris clamat shall never avoid this attornmâ—nt by Duresse nor an Obligation made by one taken in execution for payment of a just debt nor the just judgment of a Iudge given by menaces shall not be avoyded This is cleere by Magna Charta and other Lawes gotten at first by Duresse and Menaces from our Kings and yet firme and binding when even thus assented to because just and necessary as King Henry 3. An 12 22. confessed Who when the Barons demanded of him the confirmation of the great Charter and their Liberties according to his Oath upon the conclusion of the peace with Lewis William Brewer one of the Kings Counsell answering that the Liberties they demanded must not be observed because they were violently extorted and words hereupon growing between the Barons and him and the Arch-bishop of Canterbury kindling at it the young King prudently closed up the whole strife with this speech All of us have sworne to
the Ammonites coâ—selled and overruled him out of overmuch suspition to abuse Davids messengers sent to him in love And in the 1 Kings 22. 47. There was then no King in Edom a Deputy was King the kingdom appointing a Deputy then to rule them in stead of a king and giving him royall authority And in the 2 Kings 8. 22. 2 Chron. 21. 8. In the dayes of Ioram Edom revolted from under the hand of Iudah which had conquered it and MADE A KING OVER THEMSELVES and though Ioram smote the Edomites who encompassed him yet they revolted from under the hand of Iudah till this day The electing and constituting of a king being in their own power See Gen. 23. 3. to 20. and c. 34. 20. to 25. to like purpose These being all Pagan Kings and States I come to the Israelites themselves wherein for my more orderly proceeding and refutation of the many grosse erronious Assertions of * Court Doctors and Royallists touching the estate and Soveraignty of their Kings whom they would make the world beleeve to be absolute Monarchs subject to no Laws to derive all their royall authority from God alone and no wayes from the people to be meerly hereditary and elective to be above all their people irresistible in their Tyrannicall wicked proceedings and no wayes subject to their Realms and Congregations overruling controll much lesse to their defensive oppositition or deprivation I shall digest the whole History of their Kings and Kingdoms Iurisdictions and power into these ensuing propositions which I shall clearly make good out of Scripture as I propound them in their order First That the originall Creation and Institution of the Israelites Kings and Kingdoms proceeded onely from the power and authority of the people and that solely by Divine permission rather then instituâ—ion This is most apparent by Deuter. 11. 14 15. When thou art come unto the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee and shall possesse it and dwell therein and shalt say I WILL SET A KING OVER ME like as ALL THE NATIONS THAT ARE ABOVT ME THOV SHALT in any wise SET HIM KING OVER THEE whom the Lord thy God shall chuse one from among thy brethren SHALT THOV SET OVER THEE THOV MAIST NOT SET A STRANGER OVER THEE which is not thy Brother Where God himself by way of prophesie of what afterwards should come to passe expresly declares first that the primary motion of changing the government of the Iewâ— from Iudges and an Aristocracy into a Kingdom should proceed from the peoples inclination as the words and shalt say I will set a King over me c. import Secondly that the authority to change the Government into a Regality to creat and make a King resided in and the authority of the King proceeded meerly from the people as the words I will set a King over me Thou shalt set him over thee four times recited in two Verses manifest beyond dispute Thirdly that all Nations about them who had Kings had the like power to create and make their kings as the words Like as all the Nations that are about me witnesse All which is evicently confirmed by Iosephus Antiqu. Iudaeorum l. 4. c. 8. by Carolus Sigoâ—ius de Repub. Hebraeorum l. 7. c. 3. Bertram Cunaeus Schikardus and divers Commentators on this Text The History of the change of their State into a Kingdom and of their Iudges into kingsâ— added to this Prophesie and precept will leave no place for any scruple We read in the 1 Sam. 8. that the people growing weary of Samuels government who judged them by reason of the ill government of his sonnes who tooke Bribes and perverted judgement thereupon ALL THE ELDERS OF ISRAEL GATHERED THEMSELVES TOGETHER and came to Samuel unto Ramah and said unto him Behold thou art old and thy sons walk not in thy wayes now MAKE VS A KING TO IVDGE VS LIKE ALL THE NATIONS But the thing displeased Samuel when they said Give us a King to judge us and Samuel prayed unto the Lord And the Lord said unto Samuel HEARKEN VNTO THE VOYCE OF THE PEOPLE IN ALL THAT THEY SAY VNTO THEE for they have not rejected thee but they have rejected me that I should not reign over them According to all the works that they have done since the day that I brought them out of Egypt even unto this day wherewith they have forsaken me and served other gods so do they also unto thee Now therefore hearken to their voyce howbeit yet protest solemnly unto them and shew them the manner of the King that shall reign over them And Samuel told all the words of the Lord unto the people that asked of him a King and he said This will be not ought to be the manner of the King that shall reign over you he will take your sons and appoint them for himself c. and ye shall be his servants and ye shall crie out in that day because of YOVR KING WHICH YE SHALL HAVE CHOSEN YOV and the Lord will not â—ear you in that day Neverthelesse the people refused to obey the voyce of Samuel and they said Nay BVT WE WILL HAVE A KING OVER VS that we also may be like all the Nations and that our King may judge us aud go out before us and fight our battels And Samuel heard all the words of the people and rehearsed them in the ears of the Lord And the Lord said unto Samuel Hearken unto their voyce and make them a King After which when God had appointed Saul to be their King Samuel called the people together unto the Lord in Mizpeh and recapitulating the great deliverances God had done for them added And ye have this day rejected your God who himself saved you out of all your adversities and tribulations and ye have said unto him Nay BVT SET A KING OVER VS c. And Samuel said unto all the people See ye him whom the Lord hath chosen that there is none like him among all the people And all the people shouted and said God save the King After which he expostulated again with them thus And when ye saw that Nahash King of the Children of Ammon came against you ye said unto me Nay BVT A KING SHALL REIGN OVER VS when the Lord was your King Now therefore behold the KING WHOM YE HAVE CHOSEN AND WHOM YE HAVE DESIRED c. that ye may perceive and see that your WICKEDNESSE is great which ye have done in the sight of the Lord IN ASKING YOV A KING And all the people said unto Samuel Pray for thy servants unto the Lord thy God that we die not for we have added unto all our sins this evill TO ASK A KING Which compared with Hos. 13. 10 11. I will be thy King where is any other that may save thee in all thy Cities and thy Iudges of whom thou saidst GIVE ME A KING AND PRINCES I gave thee a King in mine anger and tooke him away in my wrath
with Acts 13. 21. And afterward THEY DESIRED A KING and God gave them Saul the son of Cis by the space of forty years All these concurring sacred Texts will infallibly demonstrate that this change of the Iudges into Kings and the originall creation of their Kings and kingdoms proceeded only from the importunity and authority of the people who would not be gainsaid herein not from Gods institution or Samuels approbation who censured and disavowed this their motion though they at last condescended to it all which is elegantly related confirmed by Iosephus Antique Iudaeorum l. 6. c. 4 5 6 7. By all this it is apparent that the congregation and people of the Iews had the Soveraign power in themselves as well as other Nations because the authoritie to alter the whole frame of their former Aristocraticall Government into a Monarchy resided in them though they were taxed forchanging it in Samuels dayes who had so justly so uprightly judged them Secondly it is apparent that the Iudges and kings of the Israelites were not properly hereditary but oft elective by the people and though God did sometimes immediately nominate the persons of those that should reign over them as is apparent by Saul David Ieroboam Iehu others yet the people did constantly confirm make them kings and gave them their royall authority none being made kings by Divine appointment but such as they willingly accepted approved confirmed for their kings Gods previous designation being but a preparative to their voluntary free not restrained or limited election The first king among the Israelites though but over part of them was Abimelech the son of Ierubbaal who was made king by the peoples election Iudges 9. 1 to 7. who having perswaded those of Sechem to elect him for their king thereupon ALL THE MEN of Sechem gathered together and ALL THE HOVSE of Millo went and MADE ABIMELECH KING whence Iotham thus upbraided them and him Verse 14. to 19 Then said all the trees unto the Bramble come thou and reign over us And the Bramble said unto the trees If in truth ye annoint me king over you thèn come and put your trust in my shadow c. Now therefore if ye have done truly and sincerely in that YE HAVE MADE Abimelech KING c And that ye have risen up against my fathers house this day and have MADE Abimelech king c. We read Iudg. 8 21 23. that after Gideon had slain Zebab and Zalmunna with the Midianites The men of Israel said unto Gideon Rule thou over us both thou and thy sons and thy sons son also for thou hast delivered us from the hand of Midiaâ— And Gideon said unto them I will not rule over you neither shall my son rule over you the Lord shall rule over you Where we clearly see the power and right to elect a Ruler and to limit the government to him and his Issue for three Generations only to reside in the peoples free election So Iudges 10. 17 18. and Chap. 11. 1. to 12. When the Children of Ammon were gathered together and encamped against Gilead the people and Princes of Gilead said one to another What man is he that will begin to fight against the children of Ammon he shall be Head over all the Inhabitants of Gilead And the Elders of Gilead went to fetch Iephthah out of the Land of Tob and said unto him Come and be our Captain that we may fight with the Children of Ammon and be our Head over all the inhabitants of Gilead Vpon promise of which dignitie he went with them to Gilead and THE PEOPLE MADE HIM HEAD AND CAPTAIN OVER THEM That the election and making of their Kings belonged of right to all the people is past dispute being so resolved by God himself Deuter. 17. 14 15. When thou art come into the land c. and shalt say I WILL SET A KING OVER ME like as all the Nations that are about me THOV shalt in any wise SET HIM KING OVER THEE whom the Lord thy God shall choose one from among thy Brethren shalt THOV SET OVER THEE THOV MAIST NOT SET A STRANGER OVER THEE Where the power of creating and electing the King is left wholly to the peoples free choice with these generall restrictions that he should be one of their brethren not a stranger and particularly qualified as is there expressed And though God did sometime design and nominate their Kings yet he left the power of approbation and ratification of them free to the people as is apparent by 1 Sa. 8. 18. And ye shall crie in that day because of the King WHICH YE SHALL HAVE CHOSEN you Hence Saul their first King though nominated and designed by God and Samuel was yet approved confirmed and made King by the People Who shouted and said God save the King when Samuel presented him to them 1 Sam. 10. 24. But the children of Belial despising and bringing him no presents Verse 27. after Saul had conquered the Ammonites who besieged Iabesh Gilead The people said unto Samuel who is he that said Shall Saul Râ—ign over us bring the men that we may put them to death Then Saul said There shall not a man be put to death this day for this day the Lord haâ—h wrought salvation in Israel Then said Samuel to the people Come let us go to Gilgal and renew the Kingdom there And ALL THE PEOPLE went to Gilgal and there THEY MADE SAVL KING before the Lord in Gilgal Where Samuel useth this speech to the people concerning Saul Now therefore behold THE KING WHOM YE HAVE CHOSEN and whom Ye have desired the Lordhath set a King over you so that the choice and election of him was as well theirs as Gods And Verse 25. he calls him Your King because chosen and made by as well as for the people Saul being slain by his owne hands the Crown descended not to his sonne by way of descent but David succeeded him by Gods designation and the Peoples election too by whose authority he was made and crowned king being formerly annointed by Samuel to succeed Saul This is irrefragable by the 2 Sam. 2. 4. Where David going up to Hebron by Gods direction the men of Iudah came and there They Annointed David King over the House of Iudah After which 2 Samuel 5. 1. to 5. ALL THE TRIBES OF ISRAEL came to David to Hebron and spake saying Behold we are thy bone and thy flesh Also in time past when Saul was King over us thou wast he that leddest out and broughtest in Israel And the Lord said to thee Thou shalt feed my people Israel and thou shalt be a Captain over Israel So AL THE ELDERS of Israel came to the King at Hebron and King David made a League or Covenant with them before the Lord and THEY ANNOINTED DAVID KING OVER ISRAEL And in the 1 Chron. 12. 23. to 40. Wee have a particular recitall of the numbers of the bands that were ready armed to