and delete such power given by God to the Princes of the earth whereby they might gather and get to themselves the government and rule of the world have in their Councells and Synods Provinciall made ordained and established and decreed divers ordinances and constitutions that no Lay or marryed man should or might exercise or occupie any Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall nor should be any Judge or Registerâ— in any Court commâ—nly called Ecclesiasticall Courâ— lest their â—alse and usurped power which they pretended and went about to have in Christs Church should decay waxe vile and of no reputation as by the sayd Councels and Constitutions Provinciall appeareth which standing and remaining in their effect not abolished by your Graces Lawes did seeme to appeare to make greatly for the sayd usurped power of the sayd Bishop of Rome and to be directly repugnant to your Majesties Title of supreame head of the Church and prerogative Royall your Grace being a Lay-man and albeit the sayd Decrees Ordinances and Constitutions by a Statute made the 25â— yeare of your most noble raigne be utterly abolished frustrate and of none effect yet because the contrary thereunto is not used nor put in practise by â—he Arch-Bishops Bishops Deanes and other Ecclesiasticall persons who have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall but by under and from your royall Majesty it addeth or aâ— the least may give occasion to some evill disposed persoâ—s to thinke and little to regard the proceeding and censures Ecclesiasticall made by your Highnesse and your Vice-gerent Officialls Commissaries Judges and Visitatorsâ— being also Lay and married men to be of little or none effect or force whereby the people gathereth heart and presumption to doe evill and not to have such reverence to your most godly injunctions and proceedings as becommeth them But forasmuch as your Majesty is the onely and undoubtedly supreame head of the Church of England and also of Ireland to whom by Scripture all authority and power is wholly given to heare and determine all causes Ecclesiasticall and to correct all vice and sinne whatsoever and to all such persons as your Majesty shall appoint thereunto that in consideration thereof as well for the instruction of ignorant persons as also to avoyd the occaâ—ion of the opinion aforesayd and setting forth of your prerogative royall and supremacy It may therefore please your Highnesse that it may bee ordained and enacted by authority of this present Parliament that all and singular aswell Lay as those that be married now or hereafter shall be married being Doctors of the Civill Law lawfully create and made in any University which shall be made ordained constituted and deputed to bee any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Officiall Scribe or Register by your Majesty or any of your Heires or Successours to anyâ— Arch-Bishop Bishop Arch-Deacon or other person whatsoever having authority under your Majesty your Heires and Successours to make any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Offâ—ciall or Register may lawfâ—lly execute and exercise all mannâ—r of Jurisdiction commonly called Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction and all Censures and Corrections appertaining oâ— any wise belonging unto the same albeit such person or persons be Lay married or unmarried so that they be Doctors of the Civill Law as is aforesayd any Law Constitution or Ordinance to the contrary notwiâ—hstanding By this Act it is apparent that the end of the former Constitution was trecherously to undermine and abolish the Kings Prerogative Royall in causes Ecclesiasticall and to make the Pope and our Prelates absolute Monarches and our Kings meere Cyphers to execute their Mandates when by the expresse words of this Law with that of 1. Ed. 6. c. 2.26 H. 8. c. 1.1 Eliz. c. â— 5 Eliz. c. 1.8 Eliz. c. 1. and 1. and 2. Phil. and Mâ—ry c. 8. it is most clearely resolved that our Arch-Bishops and Bishops have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall over other Ministers by any divine right as they now vainely if not trayterously pretâ—nd but by from and under our Kings in whose name and right and under whose Seale alone all their Ecclesiasticall processe ought to issue as hath beene elsewhere plentifully manifested it being no lesse than a Premunire by the Statute of 1. Edw. 6. c. 2. â—or any Bishops or Ecclesiasticall Judges to issue out processes in their owne names and under their owne Seales as now our Prelates doe This Law of Premunire was such a curbe to our usurping Prelates that this Arch Prelate Chichely in the last Synod hee held Anno. 1439. without delay or difficulty granted King Henry the sixt a Tenth and promised him large supplyes from the Clergie in all things if he would abrogate those hard Lawes of Premunire where-with the Clergie were very falsely accused and oft taken and ensuared as in unjust sâ—ares whereas in truth those Lawes were the principall safety both of King and people to preserve and free them from the unjust incroachments of Popes and Prelates upon their Liberties Lawes and Estates which made the Pope and them so frequently to sollicite their repeale And by his countenance William Lindwood collected and set out the Provinciall Constitutions of the Arch-Prelates of Canterbury in their Synods in affront of the Kings prerogative Royall and the Lawes of the Realme dedicating them to this Arch-Prelate and entreating him to put them in due Execution being neglected and quite disregarded formerly both by Prelates Judges and people as he complaines in his Epistle Dedicatory to him In briefe when in the Parliament held at London Anno 1414. under King Henry the fifth the Commons reviewed their former Petition in Parliament made to King Henry the fourth but foure yeares before to seize the Bishops and Abbots Temporalities shewing how many Earles Knights and Esquires they would maintaine The Bishops and Abbots whom it touched very neare much â—earingâ— the issueâ— determined to assay all wayes to put by and overthrow this Bill and minding rather to bow than breake they first agreed to offer the King a great summe of money to stay this new moven Demand The cause of this offer seemed to some of the wise Prelates neither decent nor convenient for they well â—oresaw and perfectly knew that if the Commons perceived that they by rewards or by offer of money would resist their request and petition that they stirred and moved with a fury would not onely raile and despise them as corrupters of Princes and enemies of the Publickeâ—Wealth but would so cry and call on the King and the â—emporall Lords that they were like to lose both worke and oyle cost and lining Wherefore they determined to cast all chances which might serve their purpose and in speciall to replenish the Kings braine with some pleasant study so as that hee should neither phantasie nor regard the serious Petition of the importunate Commons Wherefore on a day when the King was present in Parliament this Henry Chichely Arch-Bishop of Canterbury after low
subjects minding of his high goodnesse and great benignity so alwayes to impart the same unto them as justice being duly administred all rigour being excluded and the great and benevolent minds of his said subjects largely and many times approved towards his highnesse and specially in their Convocation and Synode now presently being in the Chapiter house of the Monastery of Westminster by correspondence of gratitude to them to be requiâ—ed of his meere motion benignity and liberality by authority of this his Parliament hath given and granted his liberall and free pardon to his said good and loving spirituall subjects and the said Ministers and to every of them to be had taken and enjoyed to and by them and every of them by vertue of this present Act in manner and forme ensuing that is to wit The Kings Highnesse of his said benignity and high liberality in consideration that the sad Archbishop Bishops and Clergie of the said Province of Canterbury in their said Convocation now being have given and granted to him a subsidie of one hundred thousand pounds of lawfulâ—mony currant in this Realme to be levied and collected by the said Clergy at their proper costs and charges and to be paid in certaine forme specified in their said graunt thereof is fully and resolutely contended and pleased that it be ordained established and enacted by authority of this his said Parliament that the most Reverend Father in God William Archbishop of Canterbury Metropolitan and Primate of all England and all other Bishops and Suffragans Prelates c shall be by authority of this present pardon acquired pardoned released and discharged against his Highnesse his heires successours and executors and every of them of all and all manner offences contempts and trespasses committed or done against all and singular Statute and Statutes of Provisours Provisions and Premunire and every of them and of all forfeitures and titles that may grow to the Kings Highnesse by reason of any of the same Statutes and of all and singular trespasses wrongs deceits misdemeanours forâ—eitures penalties and profits summes of mony paines of death paines coâ—porall and pecuniar as generally of all other things causes quarrels suits judgements and exactions in this present Act hereafter noâ— excepted nor soreprised which may be or can be by his Highnesse in any wise or by any meanes pardoned before and to the tenâ—h day of the moneth of March in the 22. yeare of his most Noble Raigne to every of his said loving subjects Provided alway that this Act of free pardon shall not in any wise extend or be beneficiall to the Reverend Father in God Iohn Archbishop of Dublin now being in the Kings Dominions of Ireland nor shall in any wise extend to pardon discharge or acquit the Bishop Hereford Peter Ligham Iohn Baker Adam Travers Robert Cliffe Rouland Philips and Thomas Pelles Clerkes who it seemes were guilty of some notorious crimes against the King and therefore excepted out of this generall pardon But to returne againe to Warham This Archbishop persecuted and shed the blood of some of our Martyrs and caused the corpes of VVilliam Tracy Esq. for some orthodoxe passages in his Will to be taken out of the grave and burnâ— for an Hereticke by an Order made in Convocation sending a Commission to Doctor Parker Chancellour of Worcester to execute this wicked sentence who accomplished the same King Henry the eighth hearing his Subject to be taken ouâ— of the ground and burnt without his knowledge or due order of Law sent for the Chancellour laid this to his charge as an high offence who excused himselfe by this Archbishops command then newly dead but in conclusion it cost the Chancellour 300â— to puâ—chase his pardon and would have cost the Archbishop more had not his death prevented this danger In fine this Archbishop VVarham and Fisher B. of Rochester gave credit and countenance to the forged visions revelations of Elizabeth Barton afterwards condemned of high Treason for the same as â—â—nding to the reproach perill and destruction of the Kings persâ—n honouâ— fame and dignity and Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop it is likely by his Masters privity proceeded so farre as to write a booke of her counterfeit miracles revelations and holinesse for which she and her complyces were afterwards execuâ—ed as Tiburne as they had justly deserved being attainted of treason by Parliament among which cursed câ—ue Richard Maister Priest Edward Bocking Doctor of Divinity and Henry Deering Munkes of Canterbury Henry Gold Bachelor of Divinity Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury Warham and Hugh Ric. a Frier observant who seduced this silly girle to effect their owne and the Prelates designes the better thereby suffered death as Traytors by hanging drawing and quartering at Tiburne The act of their attainder treasons and execution is at large related by M. Hall in his Chronicle 25. H. 8. f. 218 221 222 223 224. to which I shall referre the Reader Thomas Cranmer next to him in succession was made Archbishop by King Henry the 8. much against his will for in his Discourse with D. Martyn a little before his Martyrdome being charged by him that he had aspired to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury he replyed I protest before you all there was never man came more unwillingly to a Bishopricke than I did to that insomuch that when King Henry did send for mee in Post that I should come over I prolonged my journey by seven weekes at the least â—hinking that â—ee would be forgetfull of mee in the meane time Hee comming to the See tooke the like Oath to the Pope as his predecâ—ssâ—â—rs had done and therefore was deeply charged of perjuâ—y by Martyn for renouncing and swearing against the Popes Supremacie afterward though he answered that the first oath was against the Lawes of God of the Realme the Kings Prerogative and made void by Parliament and so not binding After the nullifying of which oath partly by his meanes but principally by the Lord Croâ—wels whom the King made his Vicegerent Generall in all Ecclesiasticall affaires and causes and superiour to the Archbishop of Canterbury in place and Ecclesiasticall power the Popes Supremacy and usurped jurisdiction was by severall Acts of Parliament quite abolished out of England as prejudiciall and directly opposite to the Kings Prerogative Royall King Henry dying the Archbishop swore to his will by which Queene Mary was to succeed to the Crowne as next heire in case King Edward died without issue King Edward seeing the obstinacie of Qâ—â—enâ— Mary in matters of Religion what a pillar she was like to prove to the Church of Rome and persecutor of the true Professors of the Gospell ordaines by his last VVill that Queene Mary should be put by the Crowne and the Lady Jane succeed him as next Heire to which Testament all the Councell swore and the Archbishop too at last after much adoe Whereupon King Edward and Queene
Faith Theo. But Laymen may choose what faith they will professe and Princes may dispose of their Kingdomes though Priests and Bishops would say nay Phi. Religion they may not dispose without a Councell Theo. Not if God command Phi. How shall they know what God commandeth unlesse they have a Councell Theo. This is childish wrangling I aske if God command whether the Prince shall refuse to obey till the Clergy confirme the same Phi. You may be sure a wise and sober Clergy will not dissent from Gods precepts Theo. What they will doe is out of our matter But in case they doe to which shall the Prince hearken to God or those that beare themselves for Priests Phi. In case they doe so you need not doubt but God must be regarded and not men Theo. And hath the Prince sufficient authority to put that in â—re which God commandeth though the Priests continue their wilfulnes Phi. There is no Councell nor consent of men good against God Theo. Hold you there Then when Châ—istian Princes are instructed and resolved by learned and faithfull teachers what God requireth at their hands what need they care for the backward disposition of such false Prophets as are turned from the truth and preach lyes Phi. In England when her Majesty came to the Crowne it was not so The Bishops that dissented were grave vertuous and honourable Pastors standing in defence of the Catholicke and ancient Faith of their Fathers Theo. You say so wee say no. Phi. Those be but words Theo. You say very right and therefore the more to blame you that in both your bookes doe play on that string with your Rhetoricall and Thrasonicall fluence and never enter any point or proofe that my profiâ— your Reader you presume your selves to have such apparent right and rule over the Faith over the Church over Christian Princes and Realmes that without your consent they shall neither conclude nor consult what religion they will professe Their acts shall be disorders their Lawes injuries their correction tyranny if you mislike them This dominion and jurisdiction over all Kingdomes and Countries if your holy Father and you may have for the speaking you were not wise if you would not claime it but before we beleeve you you must bring some better ground of your Title then such magnificall and majesticall florishes The Prince and the parliament you say had no power to determine or deliberate of those mattersâ— And why so you to wit Bishops did dissent May not the Prince command for truth within her Realme except your consents be first required and had May not her Highnesse serve Christ in making Lawes for Christ without your liking Claime you that interest and prerogative that without you nothing shall be done in matters of Religion by the Lawes of God or by the liberties of this Realme By the Lawes of the Land you have no such priviledge Parliaments have beene kept by the King and his Barons the Clergy wholly excluded yet their Acts and Statutes good And when the Bishops were present their voyces from the Conquest to this day were never negative By Gods Law you have nothing to do with making Lawes for Kingdomes and commonâ—wealths you may teach you may not command Perswasion is your part compulsion is the Princes If Princes imbrace the truth you must obey them If they pursue truth you must abide them By what authority then claime you this Dominion over Princes that their Lawes for Religion shall be void unlesse you consent Phi. They be no Judges of faith Theo. No more are you It is lawfull for any Christian to reject your doctrine if he perceive it to be false though you teach it in your Churches pronounce it in your Councels to be never so true Phi. That proveth not every private mans opinion to be true Theo. Not yet to be false the greater number is not ever a sure warrant for truth And Judges of faith though Princes be not yet are they maintainers establishers and upholders of faith with publike power and positive Lawes which is the point you now withstand Phil. That they may do when a Councell is precedent to guide them Theo. What Councellâ— had Asa the King of Judah when he commanded his peoplâ— to do according to the Law and the Commandment and made a covâ—nant that whosoever would not seeke the Lord God of Israel should be slaine Phi. He had Azariah the prophet Theo. One man is no Councell and he did but encourage and commend the King and that long after hee had established Religion in his Realme What councell had Ezechiah to lead him when he restored the true worship of God throughout his land and was faine to send for the Priests and Levites and to put them in mind of their duties What Councell had Iosiah when ten yeares after his comming to the Crowne he was forced to send for direction to Huldath the Prophetesse not finding a man in Iudah that did or could undertake the charge Phi. These were Kings of the Old Testament and they had the Law of God to guide them Theo. Then since Christian Princes have the same Scriptures which they had and also the Gospell of Christ and Apostolike writings to guide them which they had not why should they not in their Kingdomes retaine the same power which you see the Kings of Judah had and used to their immorâ—all praise and joy Phi. The Christian Emperours ever called Councells before they would attempt any thing in Ecclesiasticall matters Theo. What Councell had Constantine when with his Princely power he publikely received and settled Christian religion throughout the World twenty yeares before the Fathers met at Nice What councels had Iustinian for all those Ecclesiasticall constitutions and orders which hee decreedâ— and I have often repeated What Councels had Charles for the Church Lawes and Chapters which he proposed and enjoyned as well to the Pastors as to the people of his Empire Phi. They had instruction by some godly Bishops that were about them Theo. Conference with some Bishops such as they liked they might have but councells for these causes they had none In 480. years after Christian Religion was established by Christian Laws I mean from Constantine the first to Constantine the seventh there were very neere forty Christian Emperours whose Lawes and Acts for Ecclesiasticall affaires were infinite and yet in all that time they never called but sixe generall Councels and those for the Godhead of the Sonne and the Holy Ghost and for the two distinct natures and wills in Christ. All other points of Christian Doctrine and Discipline they received established and maintained without â—ecumenicall Councels upon the private instruction of such Bishops and clerkes as they favored or trusted Theodosius as I shewed before made his owne choyce what faith he would follow had no man nor meanes to direct him unto truth but
done for them before when the Commons in this Parliament required that all such Lands and revenues which sometime belonged to the Crowne and had beene given away by the King or by his predecessors King Edward or King Richard should be restored againe to the Kings use unto which request the Arch-Bishop and other the Prelaâ—es would in no wise consent Thus by this Arch-Bishop Arundel that Petition of the Commons the â—pirituall Temporalities came to naught Afterwards in an other Parliament Anno 1410. the Commons of the â—ower House exhibited a Bill to the King and Lords of the Upper House containing in effect as followeth To the most excellent Lord our King and to all the Nobles in this present Parliament assembled your faithfull Commons doe â—umbly signifie that our Soveraigne Lord the King might have of the Temporall possessâ—ons Lands and Tenements which are lewdly spent consumed and wasted by the Bishops Abbots and Priors within this Realme so much in value as would suffice to finde and sustaine an 150. Earles 1500. Knights 6200. Esquires and 100. Hospitals more than now be which is more largely and particularly related in Fabian The King as some write mis-liked the motion and therefore commanded that from thenceforth they should not presume to study about any such matters Another thing the Commons then sued to have granted to them but could not obtaine That Clerkes convict should noâ— thenceforth bee delivered to Bishops Prisons Moreover they demanded to have the Statâ—te either revoked or qualified which had beene enacted without their consent in the Second yeare of this Kings raigne against such as were reputed to be Heretickes or Lollards But the King seemed so highly to favour the Clergie that the Commons were answered plainely that they should not come by their purpose but rather that the said statute should be made more rigorous and sharpe for the punishment of such persons and all this by meanes of this bloodly Arch-Bishop Arundel of whom we have heard sufficient Henry Chichely being elected Arch Bishop by the Monks of Canterbury with the Kings consent immediaâ—ly after Arundels death hee refused to accept of this their Legall election and against the expresse Statutes of the Realme touching Provisions and Premuniâ—es accepted of the See onely by Collaâ—ion from Pope Iohn the 23. in affront both of the King and those Lawes which the Pope endeavored in vaine to get repealed and therefore opposed in point of practise all that he might reserving by a Decree of the Councell of Constance all vacancie to his own dispoâ—all bestowing all the Bishoprickes of England as soon as they were voyd at his own pleasure by the Arch-Bishops connivence in affront of the Lawes and the Kings royall Edicts This Arch-Prelate published throughout his Province Pope Martins Bulls for the extirpation of the Wicklevists and Hussites by force of armes and promised the same Indulgences to those who should take up the Crossado and warre against them as those enjoyed who went to the holy Land to fight against the Sarecens For which good service the same yeare Anno 1429. he received the Title of the Cardinall Presbyter of S. Eusebiusâ—rom â—rom Pope Martin the 5. who also created him his Legate here in England without the Kings privity and contrary to Law But to colour the businesse lest he should seeme to receive that power Legatine without the Kings permission and Licence against the Lawes and Customes of the Realme one Richard Condray was made the Kings procurer that hee might appeale to the next generall Councell from all injuries grievances and prejudices offered or to be offered by the Pope or Court of Rome to the King and the Kingdome Thereâ—ore as soon as it was known that the Arch-Bishop had received this Legatin power without the Kings privity or licence Condray made this appeale to Humfrey Duke of Gloster Lord Protector and others oâ— the Kings privie Councell in writing In which he expressed that no Legate of the Sea Apostolicke ought to come into the Kingdome of the King of England or other his Lands or Dominions but at the vocation petition requisition or intreaty oâ— the King of England for the time being the Roman Pontifex tolerating and consenting thereto as well tacitely as expresly in which appeale notwithstanding if the sayd Arch Bishop not as a Legate but as a Cardinall would say open or propound any thing from the Pope to the King it might be lawfull for him to doe it In which the King would so farre assiâ—t as he mighâ— doe it by the Lawes and Priviledges of his royall Crowne and of his famous Kingdome of England The appeale being read the Arch-Bishop in the presence of the Prelates and Nobles there present confessed and protested That it was not nor is nor should be his intention by his entring into England nor by any things done or to be done by him spoken or to be spoken for to exercise the Legatine power which hee had undertaken without the Kings permission or to derogate in any thing from the rights priviledges liberties or customes of the King or Kingdome or tâ— contradict â—hem but to preserve defend maintaine and roborate all and every of them By this device he deluded both the King Counsell and Lawes how well hee kept this his protestation his subsequent Acts will evidence For immediately after hee made a Synodicall Constitution That no married man or Lay man should exercise any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction or be Iudge or Register in any Ecclesiasticall Court in causes of correction of the soule under paine of incurring the greater excommunication ipso facto if they offered to intermeddle in any of the premises contâ—aâ—y to the Councels prohibition which further makes voyd all citations processe and Acts whatsoever had and made by Laymen in the Cases aforesayd and suspends all Ordinaries from the exercise of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction and ingresse into the Church who should grant any married or Lay man power to exercise any Ecclesiasticall Office or authority under them What the true intent of this Arch-Prelates Constitution was and how farre this Decree intrenched upon the Kings Prerogative Royall appeares by the Statute of 37. H. 8. c. 17. made purposely to repeale this Constitution which I shall here insert In most humble wise shew and declare unto your highnesse your most faithfull humble and obedient Subjects the Lords Spirituall and Temporall aud the Commons of this present Parliament assembled that whereas your Majesty is and hath alwayes justly beene by the Word of God supreame head in Earth of the Church of England and hath full power and authority to correct punish and represse all manner of Heresies errours vices abuses Idolatries hypocrisies and Superstitionsâ— springen and growing within the same and to exercise all manner of Iurisdictions commonly called Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction Neverthelesse the Arch-Bishop of Rome and his adherents minding utterly as much as in him lay to abolish obâ—cure
Obeysance made to the King made a publicke Oration in Parliament beâ—ore the King and Peeres wherein hee shewed the Kings undoubted Title to sundry Provinces and the whole Realme of France with the injustice and nullity of the Salicke Law the onely Obstacle to his Title stirring up the King and Nobles by force of Armes to regaine the same and withall declared that his loving Clergie and subjects of the spiritualty to shew their willingnesse and desire to ayde his Majesty for the recovery of his ancient Right and true Inheritance had in their Convocation granted to his Highnesse such a Summe of money as by Spirituall Persons never was to any Pâ—ince thorough the whole Christian World before those times given or advanced By which device seconded by the Duke of Exeâ—er he diverted and shifted off the Petition of the Commons and engaged the King and Kingdome in a long bloody and costly Warre The King himselfe professing on his death Bed that before the beginning of the same Warres hee was fully perswaded by men both Wise Pious and of great holinesse of life that in prosecuting his just Title he might ought both begin the same Warres and follow them till he brought them to an end justly and rightly and that without all danger of Gods displeasure or perill of soule Such an incendiary of war was this Arch-Embassadour of peace that should be Iohn Stafford preferred to the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells by provision from Pope Martin the fifth contrary to the Lawes enacted against Provisions from Rome immediately after Chichelyes death was in farther affront of the sayd Lawes promoted to the See of Canterbury by Pope Eugenius that prohibited usurpation of Papall Provisions deâ—ended by so many Lawes and Statutes being no whit abated through the Popes industry and the Prelates Treachery and ambition who would rather incurre the danger of these Lawes and dis-savour of their Princes then want a far Bishopricke though they paid Popes dearely for it This Arch-Prelate in the first Synod held under him at London Anno. 1444. confederating with the rest of the Clergie when a Subsidie was demanded of them petitioned that the Statutes of Provisors and the Writs or Actions of Praemunire which by the crafty and malicious interpretation of the Lawyers as they â—alsely â—urmised were turned to the destruction of the Clergie and disturbance of Ecclesiasticall Discipline might be either wholly abrogated or their rigour moderatedâ— and that Lay-men for suing Clergie-men falsly in Temporal Courts might have some severe punishment inflicted on them by a Law But this their motion vanishing into smoake and the Judges restraining their extravagant proceedings in Ecclesiasticall Courts by Prohibitions and bringing them within the compasse of the Statutes against Provisions and in the danger of Premunire's which did much terrifie them hereupon the Arch-Bishop and Prelates in their next Synod at London An. 1446. presented a new Petition to the King in the Name of the whole Clergie of England wherein they grievously complained of the Lay-Judges who were ever very troublesome and despightfull to Clerkes desiring that the Statutes of Provision and Praemunire might be more equally expounded in favour of the Prelates by the Parliamen than it was by the Lawyers and that they might be restrained from granting Prohibitions to and exercisingâ— any Jurisdiction over Spirituall Judges But this Petition proved ineffectuall it being provided by Statute that no spirituall Law shall have place contrary to a Common Law or Act of Parliament And this were not as the Lord Audley Chancellour of England once told Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester in the Parliament House who thought it strange that Bishops authorized by the King could fall in a Praemunire the Bishops would enter in with the King and by meanes of his Supremacie order the Lairy as they listed but wee will provide quoth he that the Praemunire shall ever hang over your heads and so we Laymen shall bee sure to enjoy our inheritance by the Common Lawes and Acts of Parliament After this the Pope exacted of the Clergie of England a Tenth of all their Revenues and sent Nuncioes to the Arch-Bishop with Bulls to collect it But the King hearing of this secret fraud commanded the Arch-Bishop not to obey the Pope herein who yet was so farre a servant to the Pope and enemie to the King that during all his Archiepiscopall Raigne the Pope made Bishops by Provision against the Lawes of the Realme Iohn Kemp the next Arch-Bishop elected lawfully by the Monkes of Canterbury with the Kings consent refused to take his Arch-Bishoprike from the King but waving his Election received it by Provision from the Pope who sent over sixe severall Bulls to this end the first to the Arch-Bishop himselfe the second to the Chapter of Canterbury the third to his Provinciall Suffragans the fourth to the Clergie of the City and Diocesse of Canterbury the fifth to the people of the same the sixth to the Vassals of the Arch-Bishop by which Bulls the Pope increased much hiâ— Revenues And â—o obliege this Arch-Prelate the faster to him the Popâ— by another Bull created him Cardinall of Saint Ruffine But this Arch-Bishop dying within one yeare and an halfe after his Consecration could doe him but little service Thomas Burgchier immediaâ—ely succeeding him by the speciall favour of King Henry the sixth this ingratefull Prelate made a Cardinall by the Pope some â—ew yeeres after An. 1461. crowned and consecrated Edward the fourth at Westminster to be King in his stead during King Henry his life and in a full Synod procured the Clergie to grant him a Tenth Afterwards in a Synod at London An. 1463. heâ— granted him another Subsidie and obtained a Grant from King Edward under his Seale that the Prelates should bridle the malice of those by whom their rights were violated as well by old Ecclesiasticall Lawes as by those new Lawes they should make both in all causes belonging to the Ecclesiasticall Court as also in the Tythe of great Trees of twenty yeares growth or more without the feare or penalty of the Statutes of Provisors or of the Writs or Actions of Premunire or of any Prohibition and that they might proceede therein without any consultation obtained And that if any of the Kings Judges or other secular Judges should by any Writs or Processe hinder or deterre any Arch-Bishop Bishop or Arch-deacon or their Vicars Officialls Commissaries or other Ecclesiasticall Judges That then upon the monition of the sayd Arch-Bishop Bishop c. so hindered or scared the sayd Judge should appeare in the Chancery at such day as the said Arch-Bishop or Ecclesiasticall Judge should appoint on paine of two hundred pound to answere to the King for this his contempt and that his Processe against the Ecclesiasticall Judge should by Royall Authority bee rescinded and pronounced to be voyd and frustrate In his time there were many Pilgrimages made both by King Edward the Queene
and gracious Lady and Queene much false and erroneous Doctrine hath beene taught preached and written partly by divers naturall borne subjects of this Realme and partly being brought in hither from sundry other forraine Countries hath beene sowne and spread a broad within the same by reason wherof as well the spiritualiâ—y as the temporality of your Highnesse Realmes and Dominions have swerved from the obedience of the See Apostolicke and declined from the unity of Christs Church and so have continued untill such time as your Majesty being first raised up by God and set in the seat royall over us then by his divine gracious providence knit in marriage with the most Noble and Vertuous Prince the King our Soveraigne Lord your husband the Popes holinesse and the See Apostolike sent hither unto your Majesties as unto persons undefiled and by Gods goodnesse preserved from the common infection aforesaid to the whole Realm the most reverend father in God the Lord Cardinall Poole Legate de Latere to call us home againe into the right way from whence we have all this long while wandred and strayed abroad and we aâ—â—er sundry long and grievous plagues and calamities seeing by the goodnesse of Godâ— our owne errours have acknowledged the same unto the said most reverend Father and by him have beene and are the rather at the contemplation of your Majesties received and embraced into the unity and bosome of Christs Church and upon our humble submission and promise made for a declaration of our repentance to repeale and abrogate such Acts and Statures as had beene made in Parliament since the said 20. yeare of the said King Henry the 8. against the supremacie of the See Apoâ—stolike as in our submission exhibited to the said most reverend Father in God by your Majesties appeareth The tenor whereof ensueth Wee the Lords spirituall and temporall and the Commons assembled in this present Parliament representing the whole body of the Realme of England and the Dominions of the same in the name of our selves particularly and also of the said body universally in this our supplication directed to your Majesties with most humble suit that it may by your graces intercession and meanes be exhibited to the most reverend Father in God the Lord Cardinall Poole Legate sent specially hither from our most holy Father Pope Iulius the third and the See Apostolike of Rome do declare our selves very sory and repentant of the Schisme and disobedience committed in this Realme and dominions aforesaid against the said See Apostolike either by making agreeing or executing any Lawes ordinances or Commandements against the supremacy of the said See or otherwise doing or speaking that might impugne the same offering our selves and promising by this our supplication that for a token and knowledge of our said repentance we are and shall be alwayes ready under and with the Authorities of your Majesties to the uttermost of our powers to doe what shall lye in us for the abrogation and repealing of the said Lawes and Ordinances in this present Parliament as well for our selves as for the whole body whom wee represent whereupon wee most humbly desire your Majesties as personages undefiled in the offence of this body towards the said See which neverthelesse God by his providence hath made subject to you so to set forth this our most humble suit that wee may obtaine from the See Apostolike by the said most reverend Father as well particularly as generally absolution release and discharge from all danger of such censures and senâ—enâ—â—s as by the Lawes of the Church wee are fallen into and that wee may aâ— children repentant be received into the bosome and unity of Christs Church so as this noble Realme with allâ— the members thereof may in this unity and perfect obedience to the See Apostolike and Popes for the time being serve God and your Majesties to the furtherance and advancement of his honouâ— and glory wee are at the intercession of your Majesties by the authority of our holy Father Pope Iulius the third and of the See Apostolicke assoyled discharged and delivered from excommunication interdictions and other censures Ecclesiasticall which have hanged over our heads for our said defaults since the time of the said schisme mentioned in our said supplication The which time the said Lord Legate and wee do all declare recognise and meane by this Act to be onely since the 20. yeare oâ— the raigne of your most Noble Father King Henry the 8. It may now like your Majesties that for the accomplishment of our promise made in thâ— said supplication that is to repeale all Lawes and Statutes made contrary to the said supremacie and See Apostolike during the said schisme which is to be understood since the 20. yeare of the raigne of the said late King Henry the 8. and so the Lord Legate doth accept and recognise the same After which they repeale in this Act also the Statutes against the Popes supremacie and profit And declare that the title or stile of supemacie or supreme head of the Church of England and of Ireland or either of them never was nor could be justly or lawfully attributed or acknowledged to any King or Soveraigne Governour of this Realme nor in any wise could or might rightfully justly or lawfully by any King or Soveraigne Governour of this Realme be claymed challenged or used And withall they commend Queene Mary for omitting this stile though sâ—â—â—led by Act of Parliament And to colour this disloyalty and prejudice to the Crown they adde this srivolous clause to the end of this Act And forasmuch as we your Majesties humble obedient subjects the Lords spirituall and temporall and Commons in this present Parliament assembled neither by the making or delivering of either the supplications aforâ—said nor by any clause Articles or Sentence thereof or of any other Clause Aâ—ticle or Sentence of this or any other Statuâ—e or the preambles of the same made or agreed upon in this Session of this prâ—sâ—nt Parliament by any manner of interpretation construction implication or otherwise intend to derogate impaire or diminish any of the prerogatives liberâ—ies franchesies preheminences or jurisdictions of your Crowne imperiall of this Realme and other the Dominions to the same belonging Wee do most humbly beseech your Majesties that it may be declared and ordained and be it â—nacâ—ed and declared by authority of this present Parliament that neither the making exhibiting or inferring in this present Statute or in the preambles of the same of the supplicaâ—ions or promise aforesaid or either of them nor any other things words sentences clauses Articles in the preambles or body of the Acts aforesaid shall be construed understood or expounded to derogate diminish or take away any the liberties priviledges prerogatives preheminences authorities or jurisdictions or any part or parcell thereof which were in your Imperiall Crowne of this Realme or did belong to your said Imperiall Crowne the 20.
againe whereupon the King threatned to make him recant in another manner and to turne him out of his Bishoprick but the then Duke of Buckingham and the other Prelates procured his peace and translated him from Rochester where he then sate Bishop to Glocester In which Diocesse proceeding in his former courses he turned Communion Tables rayled them Altarwise set up an Altar or two in his owne private Chappell with Tapers on them one of which Altars many say he dedicated to the Virgin Mary besides he set up diverse Crucifixes and Images in the Cathedrall at Glocester and elsewhere and after the Popish manner consecrated diverse Altar-cloathes pulpit Clothes which other vestments for the Cathedrall whereon Crucifixes were embroydred to the great scandall of the people And as if this were not sufficient to proclaime his Popery to the world he hath bestowed much cost in repairing the High-crosse at Windsor where he was a Prebend On one side whereof there is a large statue of Christ in colours after the Popish Garbs in forraigne partsâ— hanging on the Crosse with this Latine inscription over it Iesus Nazarenus Rex Iudaeorum in great guilded Letters On the other side the picture of Christ rising out of the Sepulcher with his body halfe in and halfe out of it And to manifest that hee is not ashamed of this scandalous worke it is thereupon ingraven That this was done at the cost of Godfry Bishop of Glocester one of the Pâ—â—bends there Besides he suspended one Master Ridler minister of Little Deane some 8 miles from Glocester upon the complaint of some Papists whom he favouâ—s of which there are many in that parish for preaching Thâ—â— a Pâ—pist living and dying a papist in all points could not be saved enjâ—yâ—ing him to make a publike Recantation of this his scandalous and erroneous doctrine as he termed it though caught by all Orthodox Protestant Divines in the Cathedrall Church of Glâ—cestâ—r in a Sermon there to be preached Febr. 2. 1636. which this minister not retractiâ—g in his Sermon according to the Bâ—shops expectation he thereupon dreâ— up a Recantation himselfe enjoyning Master Ridler to pâ—blish it in the open Caâ—hedâ—â—ll on Matâ—hias day followingâ— which hee refusing was thereupon suspended and his suspension openly read in the Cathedrall March the 5. 1636. This strange Recantation was marked in the front wâ—th the Jesuits badge â—HSâ— and began thus In the name of God Amen In which he stiles the Church of Rome the Catholike Church avers that wee did separate from her only in point of policy for which he cites a Staâ—ute in King Henry the 8. his raigne as if there had beene no further separation from her sinâ—e not in point of Dâ—ctrines and in substance determines that the Church of Rome and our Châ—rch are both one for we have both the samâ— Hierarchy and governement the same Liturgy Holy dayes Fasts Ceremonies Sacraments c. So as those who affiâ—mâ— that Papists are damned do but through the sides of the Church of Rome give a deadly blow to the Church of England deny that we are saved More such good Romish stuffe is expressed in this Râ—canâ—ation over-tedioâ—s to recite Since this when the New Canons were compiled in the late pretended Synod this Bishop at first refâ—sed to subscribe them only as most conceive because some of them made literally against Popery whereupon he was suspended from his Bishoprick for a season Since this some Citizens and a Minister of Glocester have exhibited a Petition against him in Parliament to prove him among other things to be a Papist or popishly affected he hath beene a great encouâ—ager of Revells Mâ—ygames Morrices and dauncing meetings on the Lords day both by his presence at exhortations to and rewards for them causing one Master Workeman a Reverend minister of Glocester to be questioned suspended and censured in the high Commission only for preaching against those prophane Sports and Images in the very words of our Homilies He hath beene a great setter forwards of all late Popish Innovations and an open favourer of Papists so that when the Petitions against him come to be fully heard as they have beene in part I doubt his name and person will but ill accord However if he prove himselfe a Gâ—od man at the best he will fall out to be like his brethren an Ill-Bâ—shop I have now run cuâ—â—orily over our Bishops disloyall seditions extravagant actions in particular I shall give you but two instances more of their Acts in their Convocaâ—ion in generall in affront of our Parliaments and Lawes the one ancient the other moderne and so conclude with our English Prelates The first is this In King Edward the second his reigne Hugh Spencer the Father and Son who seduced and abused the King Kingdome were banished the Realme by Act of Parliament for ever as Traytors and enemies of the King and of his Realme the Bishops consenting peâ—swading the K. to condescend thereunto Yet after this An. 1319. Hugh Sâ—encâ—r the Younger and his Father Petitioned the King against the award in Parliament whereby they were formerly banished and disinherited without consent of the Prelates desiring it might be reversed the King delivered this Petition to the then Archbyshop of Canterbury Walter Raynolds and his Suffragans assembled in their Provinciall Councell requiâ—ing to have their advise and opinion â—herein The Prelates upon deliberation had to humour the King declared that in their opinion the said award as touching the disinheriting and banâ—shâ—ng â—he Spensers Faâ—hâ—r and Son was erroneous and not rightly decreed and for themselves they deemed that they neither did or could think it reason to consent thereto though Walsingham writes expressely that they perswadâ—d the King to consent to this banishment and theâ—efore they required that it might be repealed whereupon the King disanulled the same which afterwards occasioned much bloodshed civill warres and cost Hugh Spencer the Elder his head and the King his Crowne and Life in Conclusion The later is yet Fâ—esh in memory to wit the Canons c. Oath and Subsidies lately made and granted by our Present Prelates An. 1640. in their pretended Synod held and continued against Law in affront of the Parliament then dissolved What strange kind of meâ—â—â—ll these Canons and Oath c. were compounded of appeares by the perusall of them in the printed Booke and how culpable our Prelates were in casting mounting and discharging them upon the inferiour ministers and people in contempt of our Lawes and Liberties their late impeachment at the Barre in the Lords house by the house of Commons will best demonstrate the true Copy whereof here ensueth August the 4. 1641. The Impeachment against the Bishops sent up by Serjeant Wilde delivered at the Bar in the Lords house verbally by Order of the House MY Lords the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons house of Parliament being sensible of the great Infelicities and Troubles which the
with violence branded her in the fore-head with an hot Iron and then banished her into Ireland After which shee returning into England Odo apprehends her the second time and cuts off her sinewes at the â—ocke bone The King being therewith much exasperated spoyled all the Monkes of all their goods banished Dunstan the chiefe of the Monkes inâ—o Flanders who together with Cynesius the Bishop on the day of this Kings Coronation entred most audaciously into his Bed-chamber and by violence dragged him both out of his Bed and Bed-chamber where they pretended hee was sporting with his Concubine and threatned Odo with severe punishments who was taken away by death soone after and so delivered from all feare of the Kings displeasure This Odo together with his Monkes wrought so with the Subjects before his death that the Mercians with the Northumbrians did utterly cast off the yoake of obedience to Edwin and by an unanimous consent made choyce of his Brother Edgar for their King Deo dictante populo annuente God himselfe to wit by the mouth of Odo and the other Prelates and Monks dictating it and the people thereunto consenting writes Matthew Westminster Arch-bishop Parker and Bishop Godwin in the life of Dunstan Arch-Bishop of Canterbury after Odo record That during the time of Dunstan his Banishment into France King Edwin by the Rebellion of his Subjects at the instigation as is likely of our Monkes Prelates and their favourers was deprived both of his life and Kingdome Whereupon Edgar that succeeded him warned by his Brothers example was content to curry savour with them and Dunstan creating him first Bishop of Worcester next of London and finally of Canterbury A good reward for this his Treason Dunstan comming to the Arch-Bishopricke in this manner not long after caused King Edward to be slaine by his Souldiers for refusing to ayde the Bishop of Rochester against his Brother Agelredus who besieged that City and the Bishop The Monkes of that time impute thâ—s trecherous Act to Queene Alsdrith his Mother in Law and Gods Divine Judgement to excuse their Patron Dunstan After his Murther as Iohn Capgrave and Speed record this holy Arch-Bishop Dunstan would have advanced Edgith his sister to the Crowne and invested her against Etheldred the lawfull Heire had she not by the late experience of Edwards fall utterly refused that Titleâ— which neither belonged to hâ—â— Right nor was safe for her Person to undertake Whereupon Dunstan and the Monkes perceiving that Queene Elfrida Alferus Duke of Mercia and many Nobles combined for young Etheldred the right Heiâ—e disavowing Prince Edward surnamed the Martyr as illegitimate did with all their might oppose Etheldred holding their states dangerous and their new-gotten footing unsure if in the Nonage of the King Elfrida his Mother and other their Opposites should rule all under him as was probable For Elfrida hated Dunstan because hee desired to hinder King Edgar from maâ—rying her after he was contracted to her rushing impudently into the Kings Bed-Chamber the first Night hee lay with her demanding of the King who it was he had in Bed with him who answering that it was his Queene and Consort Dunstan replyed that he could not marry her without offending God and breaking the institution of the Roman Church because of the spirituall Kindred that was betweene them he being her God-father often warning the King to be divorced from her which he refused Wherefore Dunstan and the Pâ—elates considering that Edward was altogether wrought in their mould they abetted his Title to the Crowne though a Bastard as one lawfully borne and begot in the Nuptiall Bed of Queene Ethelfleda Their Claimes thus banded among the Sâ—atesmen began to be diversly affected among the Commons and had put the Game to the Hazard if the wisedome of Dunstan had not seene â—he Chase For a Councell being assembled to argue their Rights the Arch-bishop came in with his Banner and Crosse and not staying for further debate de Iure did de facto present King Edward for their lawfull King and the Assembly consisting of Clergie men perswading peace drew the approbation of the rest and so was hee admitted and proclaimed their Soveraigne and after Crowned at Kingston by Dunstan and the true Heire put by for the time by this Arch-Traytor Dunstan and his Clergie till about three yeares after Edward was murthered by the procurement of Queene Elfrida and Etheldred Crowned King by Dunstan much against his will This King Dunstan and his Monkes continued to opposeâ— For Etheldred conceiving a just indignation against the Bishop of Rochester for his obstinacie and contumacious carriage towards him thereupon besieged his Citie Whereupon Dunstan commanded the King to desist from his purpose lest hee should provoke Saint Andrew the Patron of that City which the King refusing to doe without the Bishops submission and unlesse hee would likewise pay him an hundred poundsâ— Dunstan wondring thereat sent this Message to the King Because thou hast preferred Silver before God Money before an Apostle and Covetousnesse before me violent mischiefes shall come upon thee which the Lord â—ath spoken Such an Arch-Traytor and proud imperious Prelate was this Arch-Bishop Dunstan And if â—his Saint was such what thinke you may his Successors prove who were not so holy as to be Canonized This Dunstan before hee became Arch bishop of Canterbury caused King Etheldred to pâ—eferre him before all his Nobles and to â—ay up all his richest Royall Household-stuffe Charters Records with all his Wealth and Treasures in his Monasterie and finally to commit his very Kingdome Body and Soule to him so that all things were in Dunstans power the King not daring to doe any thing either in publike Affaires of the Kingdome or in his owne private Negotiations without Dunstans advice so that he alone exercised Royall Authority in every place In and by which he wholly imployed his endeavours how to enrich those Monasteries with Lands and Revenues which himselfe had founded or the Danes wasted wasting the Kings Treasury and appropriating the Crowne Lands to this purpose Which when King Edwyn comming to the Crowne sought to resume Dunstan much displeased herewith sharpely reprehended him then affronted him and at last cauâ—ed him to be murthered as is before remembred And for all this good service he was not onely made an Arch-Prelate but a Saint Siricius his next Successor but one consilio infausto by an unhappie if noâ— perfidious Traytorly advice perswaded King Etheldred in the thirteenth yeare of his Raigne to buy his Peace of the Danes at ten thousand pound annuall Rent to the ignominie and almost utter destruction of â—he whole Kingdome Which evill writes Henry Huntingdon hath continued to this very day and will longer endure unlesse Gods mercy helpe us For now wee pay that to our Kings out of Custome which was payd to the Danes out of unspeakeable feares Yea we aâ— this day have â—ared
on Saint Stephens day by William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the most part of the Nobility being present and swearing Fealty unto him as to their true and lawfull Soveraigne Howbeit there were diverse of the wiser sort of estates which regarding their former Oath to bee true unto the Empresse Maude could have beene contented that the Empresse should have governed till her Sonne had come to lawfull age notwithstanding they held their peace as yet and consented unto Stephen But the breach of their Oathes was worthily punished afterward insomuch that as well the Bishops as the other Nobles either dyed an evill death or were afflicted with divers kinds of calamities and mischances and that even here in this life Yet there were some of them namely the Bishop of Salisbury which protested that they were free from their Oath of Allegeance made to the sayd Empresse because that without the consent of the Lords of this Land she was marryed out of the Realme Whereas they tooke their Oath to receive her for Queene upon that condition That without their assent she should not marry with any person out of this Realme Moreover as some writers thinke the Bishops tooke it they should do God good service in providing for the wealth of the Realme and the advancement of the Church by their Perjurie For whereas the late deceased King Henry the first used himselfe not altogether for their purpose they thought That if they might set up and create a King chiefely by their especiall meanes and authority he would follow their counsell better and refoâ—me such things as they judged to be amisse So He. But this trecherous Act of them in dis-inheriting Maude wherein the Bishop of Wiâ—â—hester was a chiefe Actor yet afterwards joyned with Maude for a season and then fell off againe what Civill Warres Tumults Battailes evill effects and blood-shed it occasioned here in England to the prejudice of the whole Realme 〈◊〉 all our Chronicles and Historians in the life of King Stephen testifie at large Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his immediate Successour being summoned by the Pope to appeare at the Councell of Rhemes the King at the instigation of Henry Bishop of Winchester his Brother the Popes Legat and Arch-Bishops opposite prohibited him to passe beyond Sea to stay him at home But he thinking it safer to offend the King then the Pope resolved to goe and though all the Ports were stopped and layd for him yet over the Seas hee got The King thereupon seized all his goods and Temporalties and banished him the Realme he like a tall fellow thereupon interdicted the King with the whole Realme and taking advantage of the time which was very troublesome came home and lived in Norfolke till by the intercession of the Bishops he was restored to his Bishopricke After which growing into great favour with the King in a Convocation summoned at London 1152. the King would have constrained the Clergie to make Eustace his sonne King which they refusing and delaying to doe having a command from the Pope to the contrary pretending that his Father King Stephen was an Usurper and perjured Intruder the King and his sonne cauâ—ed the doores to bee shut upon the Clergie where they were assembled thinking by force and threatning to compell them thereto before they departed The greater number seemed to yeeld but the Arch-Bishop stealing secretly out of the place tooke his Barge and rowing downe the Thames got beyond Sea so that by this meanes the Synod was dissolved His goods hereupon were presently once more confiscate and his Temporalties seized into the Kings hands He thereupon troubled the Realme with Fire Sword and bloody Warres causing Henry Fitz-Empresse to invade the Land whose Title the Pope favoured of purpose to strengthen himselfe against King Lewis of France who had highly offended his Holinesse by casting his Bulls whereby he requireâ— the Fruites of Vacancies of Cathedrall Churches in France into the fire saying Hee had râ—ther the Popes Bulls should râ—st in the fire than his owne Soule shoâ—ld fry in Hell Thomas Becket succeeding Theobald by King Henry the seconds extraordinary favour though against the Canons he being both a souldier a Courtier and skilled onely in â—ecular affaires to require his Soveraignes extraordinary favour he first resigned his Bishopricke which hee had received from the Kings hands into the Popes in a secret manner receiving it backe againe as from him and then looked so narrowly into the Lands belonging to his See having great authority and some skill in the Law That under colour of defending the Rites of his Church hee tooke violently from every man what he listed and practising Treason secretly he required of the King the keeping of Rochester Castle and the custody of the Tower of London and called Roger Earle of Clare unto Westminster to doe his homage unto him for the Castle of Tunbridge which the Earle denyed through the setting on of the King so as he provoked many of all sorts of people every where with open mouth to exclaime against him and to make their complaints thicke and three-fold to the King betweene whom and the King there arose a great quarrell upon this occasion The Clergie by their flattery policy and Canons having exempâ—ed themselves from secular Jurisdiction and presuming upon Beckets power grew strangely impudent and disorderly insomuch that the Chiefe Justice declared in the Kings presence how that Clergie men had committed above an hundred murthers since his raigne wherewith the King highly offended he became somewhat too vehement in punishing them but the blame of the Kings over-much earnestnesse must lye on the Prelates inasmuch as they gave the cause thereof For whereas sacred Canons ordaine that Clerkes found guilty not onely of hainous and grievous sinnes but also of lesser should be degraded and thousands of such were then in the Church of England like inâ—umerable chaffe among a little good Corne yet very few such for many yeares had beene then deprived The Prelates forsooth while they bestirred themselves rather to uphold the liberties and dignities of Clerkes than to chastise and cut off their vices thought they did God and his Church good service in protecting from publicke Discipline such heinous offenders whom by duty of their places they ought to correct according to the Canon censure whereby they thrâ—ugh their impunity having liberty to doe what they listed had neither feare of God whose Judgement they thought to be a farre off neither of men in authority sith on the one side their Prelates neglected to reforme them and on the other side they were thus exempt by their order from secular Jurisdiction This being the state of the Church and Realme where in some were so injured without remedy and others so injurious without coertion as if neither sort were in condition of Subjects the king thereupon tooke speciall care of quickning the publicke Discipline and the rigour of ancient â—awes which thus lay
under the name of Dereman in a poore Fisher-boate accompanied onely with Servitors The King thereupon seized all his Goods and Temporalties into his hands and sent Ambassadours to the Earle of Flanders the French King and the Pope praying them in no wise to suffer or softer within their dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him The French King thinking that this disagreement betweene the King and the Arch-Bishop would breed some stirre in England dealt with the Pope that as hee loved the Roman Church and the ayde of France so hee would support Beckets cause against the King with whom though hee had amity before yet at Beckets instigation as is probable whose whole life was nothing else but a continued act of Rebellion Treachery and Disobedience against his Soveraigne Lord he presently fell to invade the King of Englands Dominions and tooke by Assault certaine Holds of his in Normandy The Arch-Bishop also about the same time growing in great savour with the Pope whom the King by all his friends and Agents could not move to any thing against him sent out particular Excommunications against all the suffâ—agan Bishops of his Province and all such as had obeyed defended or occasioned the sayd Lawes and A vitall customes and against some of them by name which Excommunications he published at Vizely in France on Ascension day when the Church was most full of people getting into the Pulpit theâ—e and solemnely accursing them with Bell Booke and Candle threatning the like thunder-clap against his owne Royall person Whereupon the King receiving such a foile from the Pope and such an affront from the Arch-Bishop directs his Writs to the Sherifes of England commanding them to attach all such who appealed to the Court of Rome with the Fathers Mothers Brothers Sisters Nephewes and Neeces of all the Clergie that were with the Arch-Bishop and to put them under sureties as also to seize the Revenues Goods and Chattels of these Clergie-men And by other Letters to Guilbert Bishop of London he sequestred the profits and Livings which within his Diocesse did belong to any of the Clergie who were fled to Thomas and signified to his Justices by a publicke Decree that no man should bring any Letters or Commandment from Pope Alexander or Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury into England containing an Indiction of the Realme upon peril to be apprehended and punished as a Traytor to the King and an enemy to the Realm And that they should safe keepe whosoever did bring any Interdict into England till the Kings pleasure were further knowne causing all the Arch-bishops goods to be confiscated and banished out of the Realme all the Arch-Bishops kindred Man Woman Child and sucking Babes forbidding hee should be any longer mentioned publikely and prayed for in the Church as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and to vexe him the more because he knew hee was much delighted in the Monastery of Pontiniac an Abbey of Cirstercian Monkes he signified to all the Monkes of that Order in his Dominion that he would banish them every one if they would not procure the Arch-Bishop to bee thrust out of that Monastery which for feare of so great calamity to so many men of their Order was effected And because Pope Alexander Beckets surest Card was ferrited much in like sort by Fredericke Barbarossa the Emperour the King therefore determined to joyne in league with him being a prosessed enemie both to the French King and the Pope sending Ambassadors to him for that purpose which the Pope having notice of began presently to quaile promising speedily to end all Controversies betweene him and Becket to the Kings liking Whereupon at the procurement of Iohn of Oxford two Legates were sent into England to reconcile the King and Thomas but the Pope hearing when they were gone that they were resolved utterly to confound the Arch-Bishop sent Letters after them to rebate their absolute power who when they came to Thomas he absolutely refused to put their cause unto them but upon such conditions as neither they nor the King would brooke The passages betweene the King and the Pope and Becket and his Complaints to the Pope against the King too tedious to recite at large you may reade at leisure in Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 70. to 75. wherein he desires the Pope to use his rigour both against the King and the Prelates that sided with him and to constraine them to amendment After this the Pope moved the French King to mediate a Peace betweene them For which purpose both the Kings and the Arch-Bishop were brought together at Paris where suite being made to the King in his behalfe That he might returne be restored to his goods and revenues arising during his absence and likewise to the Kings favour upon his humble submission The King answered That for the rest he was contented but that he could not allow him the profits of his Arch-Bishoprick since his Banishment for that he had already given them to others yet he would give him such recompence for them as the French King or the Senate or Students of Paris should thinke meete Whereupon Becket being called for and advised by his frieuds to submit himselfe in the presence of both Kings without any more reservations he falling downe humbly upon his knees used these words My Lord and Soveraigne I doe here commit unto your owne judgement the cause and controversie betweene us so farre forth as I may saving the honour of Almighty God The King much offended with his last exception turned him about unto the French King and telling how much hee had done for the Arch-Bishop and how â—ee had used him sayd I am so well acquainted with the Trickes of this Fellow that I cannot hope for any good dealing at his hands See you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause saving the honour of God for whatsoever shall displease him hee will by and by alleadge to be prejudiciall to the honour of Almighty God But this I will say unto you whereas there have beene Kings of England many before mee whereof some were peradventure of greater Power than I the most part farre lesse and againe many Arch-Bishops before this man holy and noâ—able men looke what duty was ever performed by the greatest Arch-Bishop that ever was to the weakest and simplest of my Predecessours let him but yeeld me that and it shall abundantly content mee Hereunto the Arch-Bishop answered cunningly and stoutly That his Predecessours who could not bring all things to passe at the first dash were content to beare with many things and that as men they fell and omitted their duty oft times that that which the Church had gotten was by the constancie of good Prelates whose example he would follow thus farre forth as though he could not augment the priviledges of the Church in his time yet he would never consent they should be diminished This answere being heard all men cryed shame of him and generally
world that it made all men exclaime against and detest King Iohn How much the Barons disliked this Grant of King Iohn his owne words to Pope Innocentius as also the Popes answere do witnesseâ— Our Earles and Barons saith he and the Pope writes the like were devout and loving unto us till we had subjected our selves to your Dominion but since that time and specially even for so doing they all rise up against us The manifold opprobrious speeches used by the Barons against King Iohn for subjecting himselfe and his Kingdome to the Pope doe declare the same Iohn say they is no King but the shame of Kings better to be no King than such a King behold a King without a Kingdoâ—e a Lord without dominion Alas thou wretch and servant of lowest condition â—o what misery of thraldome hast thou brought thy self Thou wast a king now thou art a Cow-heard thou wast the highest now the lowest Fie on thee Iohn the last of Kings the abominaton of English Princes the confusion of English Nobility Alas England that thou art made tribuâ—ary and subject to the rule of base servants of strangers and which is most miserable subject to the servant of servants Thou Iohn whose memory will be wofull in future time thou of a most free King hast made thy selfe tributary a farmer a vassall and that to servitude it selfe this thou hast done that all might be drowned in the Hell of Romish Avarice Yea so detestable was both this Fact of Iohn and dealing of the Pope that Philip the French King though the mortall enemie of King Iohn heaâ—ing thereof even upon this very point That the Barons and State did noâ— consent to that Act did proclaime both the absolute freedome of the Kingdome of England noâ—wiâ—hstanding this grant of Iohn and declaime also against this Pope for seeking to enthrall Kingdomes unto him As the King by the Treason and trechery of these Prelates and especially of the Arch-Bishop was thus enforced most ignominiously to resigne and prostituâ—e his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope to the losse of his Kingly honour and the hearts of all his Barons and Subjects so he was faine to receive the Arch-Bishop and restore the other Bishops Monkes and banished Rebels against him to their Bishoprickes Goods and Revenues and to give them such Dammages and Recompence as the Pope should thinke 〈◊〉 For this King Anno Domini 1213. intending a Voyagâ— into Guien his Realme standing as yet interdicted his Lords refused to goe with him unlesse the interdicting might be first released and he clearely absolved of the Popes Curse to the end that Gods wrath and the Popes being fully pacified hee might with better speede move and maintaine the Warres whereupon he was constrained to alter his purpose and comming to Winchester dispatched a messenger with letters signed with the hands of twenty foure Earles and Barons to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Bishops of London Lincolne and Hereford then sojourning in France requiring them with all other banished men to returne into England promising them by his Letters Patents not onely a sure Safe-conduct for their comming over but that hee would also forget all passed displeasures and frankely restore unto every man all that by his meanes had beene wrongfully taken from them and as yet by him detained Hereupon the Arch-Bishop and other Bishops with all speede came into England with the other exiles and went to Winchester where the King then remained Who hearing that the Bishops were come went forth to receive these Traytors and at his first meeting with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the King kneeled downe at his feete who should have rather kneeled to the King and asked him forgivenesse and that it would please him and the other Bishops also to provide for the miserable state of the Realme requiring of the Arch-Bishop having as then the Popes power in his hands as being his Legat to be absolved promising upon his solemne received Oath That he would before all things defend the Church and the Order of Priesthood from receiving any wrong also that he would restore the old Lawes made by the ancient Kings of England and namely those of S. Edward which were almost extinguished and forgotten and further that he would make recompence to all men whom he had by any meanes endammaged This done he was absolved by the Arch-Bishop and shortly after sent his Orators to Rome to take off the Interdict The Pope hereupon sent the Cardinall of Tusculum into England to compound the differences and dammages betweene the King and the Bishops and then to release the Interdict Who after a Convocation summoned and sundry meetings had at London Reading Wallingford and elsewhere some messages to Rome ordered the King to pay 40000. Markes dammages to these rebellious Prelates which done the Interdict was solemnly released by the Legat in the Cathedrall of Pauls in London Iune 29. 1214. after the terme of 6. yeares 3 moneths and 14. dayes that the Realme had beene shaken with that dreadfull Dart of Correction as it was then esteemed After this King Iohn raysed an Army intending to goe against those Lords who refused to follow him to Poictou But the Arch-Bishop meeting him at Northampton sought to appease himâ— but hee marching on to Notingham there with much adoe the Arch-Bishop following him and threatning to excommunicate all those that should ayde him enforced him to desist his Enterprise This done he thought all troubles at an end but the worst were yet behind For the King having wound himselfe into the Popes favour by this his Resignation and holding his Crowne from him as his Feudatarie began to curbe the Arch-Bishop and his Faction who finding the King stronger in the Popes favour than they thereupon stirred up the Barons to rebell and take Armes against the King who had lost their hearts by his Resignation In this Rebellion and Conspiracie Stephen Langthon the Arch-Bishop was the Ring-leader yea the principall Abettor Conspirer chiefe Agent and Counsellor as Matthew Paris Wendover Speed Holinshed and other our Historians testifie The Pope hereupon excommunicates the Barons and all other English or French who impugned King Iohn even in the generall Councell of Lateran then heldâ— and the Bishop of Winchester and Pandulph the Popes Legat who solemnly denounced the Popes Curse against the Barons did likewise suspend the Arch-Bishop from all his Episcopall authority who thereupon repairing to Rome for absolution was in the Councell of Lateran accused and convict of Conspiracie and Treason against the King and contempt against the Pope and Churches Censure for which the Pope resolving to depose him from his Sea and dignity by the Cardinals intercession for him hee being their brother Cardinall was intreated to deale somewhat milder but yet confirmed his suspension from his Bishopricke by publik sentence commanding by his Letters all his Suffragan Bishops to withdraw their obedience from him and for a
amazed but with great eloquence he could goe about to perswade them not to imbrue their hands in the blood of their Arch-Bishop their chiefe Pastor assuring them that all the Realme would be interdicted â—or it and the fact must needes be punished first or last by the temporall Law And lastly though these failed God the just Judge would revenge it either in this or in the world to come if not both But these Varlots were so eagerly bent that the very songs of the Syrens would nothing have moved them seeing therefore nothing but death before his face with comfortable words forgiving the executioner that scarce ever requested him so to doe with a very cheerefull countenance he kneeled and yeelded himselfe to their fury once he was stricken in the necke so weakely as that notwithstanding he kneeled still upright and putting his hand up to the wound he used these words A ha it is the Hand of God Hee had not remooved his hand from the place when a second stroake cut off his fingers ends and felled him to the ground with much adoe having hacked and hewed his necke with eight blowes they got off his head upon Fryday Iune 14. 1381. All which day and a part of the next his body lay there headlesse no man daring to offer it buriall as for his head they nayled his hood upon it and so fixing it upon a pole set it on London Bridge By all which it appeares that he was very odious to the people and no other but a Traytor in their estimation William Courtney next Arch-Bishop to him in succession as he opposed the grant of a subsidy to the King whiles he was Bishop of Hereford as you heard before in the Acts of Whitlesey so in the yeare 1376. when hee was Bishop of London when King Edward the third desired a pecuniary ayd to helpe to supply his wants and defray his Warres this proud Prelate withstood these payments complaining that many injuries were done to him and to William Wickam Bishop of Winchester which put into writing he tendred to the Synod and requested that nothing might be granted to the King before he had made satisfaction to them for these injuries which the Synod assented toâ— and thereupon Wickam formerly banished by the King was restored to his Bishopricke and admitted into his Synod Hee received his Archâ—Bishopricke by provision from the Pope against the Law and made great scruple whether he might have his Crosier borne before him or whether he might marry the Queene of Boâ—omia his Sister to King Richard the second before he had received his Pall from â—he Pope which yeâ— he did at last interposing this wary Protestation that hee did it not in contempt oâ— the Court of Rome He excommunicated the Bailiffes oâ— Canterbury for pâ—nishing adultery and other crimes which were to be punished by the Prelates who neglected for to doe it After which he excommunicated one Richard Ismonger of Ailsford in Kent because he corrected criminals by Lay Authority which were to be punished by the Prelates and so violated the priviledges of the Church he humbly desired to be absolved promising by oath never hereafter to violate the Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction and that he would undergoe any punishment for his former contumacy and rashnesse that the Archâ—Bishop should impose upon him who enjoyned him this punâ—shment First that in the Market place of Westâ—alling in the greatest assembly of the people he should for three Market dayes together be stript naked and bastinadoed with clubs and after that he should undergoe the same punishment as often both at Maidstone and Canterbury and that aâ—ter his last castigation at Canterbury he should enter into the Cathedrall Church there naked and offer a Taper of five pound weight at Thomas Beckets shrine which punishment if he refused to performe he should relapse into his former state of excommunication a strange punishment for the Kings Officer to undergoe onely for executing justice upon delinquents in the Prelates defaults This Arch-Prelate so farre incensed King Richard the second that he commanded his goods and temporalties to be feased and the Bishop himselfe was glad to hide his head in secret corners with a few attendants till he had made his peace with the King In this Arch-bishops time there were great contests betweene him and his Suffraganes who opposed him in his Metropolâ—ticall visitation and in levying the taxe of foure pence the pound on the Clergy within his Province which he to their great opprâ—ssion had procured from the pope He had a great contestation with the Earle of Arundell whose servants he excommunicated for fishing in one of his Ponds in the Mannor of Southmalling in Chichester Diocesse whereupon the Earle complained to the King who hearing the cause commanded the excommunication directed to the Bishop of Chichester to be revoked In this Arch-Bishops time the Statute of Provisions and Premunire was enacted which the Pope and Prelates laboured forthwith to cause the King to repeale to which the Nobles and Commons would by no meanes consent Ann. Dom. 1387. when divers causes of high Treason were debated in Parliament the Arch-Bishop with his Suffraganes who by Law could not be present in the House in debating causes of blood departing the House made this Protestation In the Name of God Amen Whereas of right and by the custome of the Realme of England it appertaines to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the time being as also to his Suffragans his Brethren and fellow Bishops Abbots Priors and all other Prelates whatsoever holding of our Lord the King by Barony to be personally present in all Parliaments of the King as Peeres of the said Realme and there of the businesses of this Kingdome and other things there usually handled with the â—est of the Peeres of 〈◊〉 said Kingdome and others having right to be there present to consulâ— and handle ordaine decree and define and to doe other things which are there ready to be executed in time of Parliament in all and every of which we William Courtney Arch-Bishop of Canterbury c. for us and our Suffragans fellow Bishops and Confreers as likewise for the Abbots Priors and all Prelates aforesaid protest and every one of them here present by himselfe or his proxie publickely and expresly protesteth that we and every of us intend and intendeth will and willeth to be present in this present Parliament and others as Peeres of the said Realme after the usuall manner to consult handle ordaine decree and define and to exercise other things with others who have right to be present in the same our state and order and each of them in all things alwayes saved But because in the present Parliament some matters are handled at which by the deâ—rees of sacred Canons it is not lawfull for us or any to be any wayes personally present for those things we will and every of them protest and every of them here present
protesteth likewise that we neither intend nor desire as by Law we neither can nor ought neither doth any of them intend or desire to be present any way in this present Parliament whiles such matters are or shall be in debate but we and every of them will in this part wholly absent our selves And we further protest and every of them protesteth that for this our absence we neither intend nor will nor doth any of them intend or will that the Processe made or to be made in this present Parliament as the which we neither may nor ought to be present as farre as it concernes us or any of them shall in future times be any way impugned debilitated or infringed Which I recite to shew that Parliaments may be held and decree things without Bishops and to checke the pride of those Prelates who this Parliament pleaded hard to be present at the debate of the Lord Straffords Cause I cannot here pretermit the trecherous and bloudy practice of William Courâ—ney against the true Saints of God and the Kings most loyall Subjects for he being not content solemnely to excommunicate and persecute Iohn Wiclife Iohn Ashton Nicholas Herford and Philip Repingdon both at Pauls-crosse and at Oxford for the true profession of the Gospell did moâ—eover by all meanes possible solicite King Henry the fourth to joyn with all the power of his Temporall Sword for that he well perceived that hitherto as yet the Popisâ— Clergy had not authority sufficient by any publicke Law or Statute of this Land to proceed unto death against any person whatsoever in case of Religion but onely by the usurped tyranny and example of the Court of Rome Where note gentle Reader for thy better understanding the practise of the Romish Prelates in seeking the Kings helpe to further their bloody purpose against the good Saints of God This King being but young and under yeares of ripe judgement partly induced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresaid Arch-Bishop party also either for feare of the Bishops for Kings cannot alwayes doe in their Realmes what they will or else perhaps inticed by some hope of a Sublidy to be gathered by the Clergy was content to adjoyne his private assent such as it was to the setting downe of an Ordinance which was indeed the very first Law that is to be found made against Religion and the Professors thereof bearing the name of an Act made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Ann. 5. Rich. 2. c. 5. commonly intituled An Act against the Lollards the Contents whereof you may read in the Statutes at large and in Master Fox This Act though it beares the name of a Statute both in written and Printed Bookes yet it was fraudulently and unduly devised by the Prelates onely and a meere pernicious forgery to advance their owne Episcopall power and Jurisdiction invade the Subjects liberties tread downe Religion and shed our Martyrs blood with which the Commons were so highly offended as they had just cause so to be that in the Uâ—as of Saint Michael next following at a Parliament summoned and holden at Westminster the 6. yeare of the said King among sundry petitions made to the King by the Commons whereunto he assented there is one in this forme against this spurious Act of theirsâ— Item prayen the Commons that whereas an Estatute was made the last Parliament in these words It is ordained in this present Parliament that Commissions from the King be directed to the Sheriffes and other Ministers of the King or to other sufficient persons after and according to the Certificates of the Prelates thereof to be made unto the Chancery from time to time to arrest all such Preachers and their Fautors Maintainers and Abettors and them to detaine in strong Prison untill they will justifie themselves according to reason and Law of holy Church And the King willeâ—h and commandeth that the Chancellor make such Commissions at all times as shall be by the Prelates or any of them certified and thereof required as is aforesaid The which was never agreed nor granted by the Commons but whatsoever was moved therein was without their assent That the said Statute be therefore disannulled For it is not in any wise their meaning that either themselves or such as shall succeed them shall be further justified or bound by the Prelates then were their Ancestors in former times whereunto is answered Il plest an Roy. i. e. The King is pleased This supposed Statute thus fraudulently devised by the Prelates onely was in like manner most injuriously and unorderly executed by them for immediately upon the publishing of this Law without further warrant either from the King or his Councell Commissions under the Great Seale of Englâ—nd were made in this forme Richard by the Grace of God c. Witnesse my selfe at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the 6. yeare of our Râ—igne Without more words of Warrant under writâ—en such as in like cases are both usuall and â—equisite viz. Per ipsuâ— Regem per Regem Concilium or Per breve de privato Sigillo Al or any of which words being utterly wanting in this place as may be seene in the Kings Records of that time it must therefore be done either by warrant of this fore-said Statute or else without any warrant at all And whereas the said Statute appointed the Commissions to be directed to the Sheriffe or other Ministers of the Kings or to other sufficient persons learned for the arresting of such persons they fraudulently procured the said Commissions to be directed to the Arch-bishop and his Sufâ—ragans being both Judges Accusers Witnesses and Parties in the Case authorizing them further without either the words or reasonable meaning of the said Statute to imprison them in their owne houses or where else pleased them Yea such was this Arch-Bishops and the other Pâ—elates Treachery and villany in this particular notwithstanding this unjust and spurious Law was repealed upon the forementioned Petition of the Commons and the fraud of the framers thereof sufficiently discovered yet such meanes was there made by the Prelates that this Act of repeale was never published nor ever since imprinted with the rest of the Statutes of that Parliament Insomuch as the said repeale being concealed like Commissions and other Processe were made from time to time by vertue of the said Bastard Statute as well during the Raigne of this King as since against the Professours of Religion as Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments both shewes and proves at large Now what is this noâ—orious forgery this unjust and fraudulent execution of this pretended Act of Parliament even after its repeale by this Arch-Bishop and his Brethren but the very heighth of Treachery Villany Schisme and Sedition yea an Inâ—ernall policy to advance Episcopall Jurisdiction erect a bloudy Inquisition and shed our Martyrs blood contrary both to the Lawes of God and the Realme To end with this
impediment The Lights of the Apostles on this side the Alpes I shall visite personally or by my Deputy once every yeare and those beyond the Alpes once every two yeares unlesse I am there-from absolved by an Apostolicall dispensation I shall not alien or sell the possessions belonging to my Arch-Bishopricke nor give nor morgage nor infeofe any of them afresh or any wayes alien them without the Popes Counsell So God me help and the holy Evangelists This Oath every Arch-Bishop and Bishop not onely in England but likewise in Spaine France Germany and other Kingdomes used to take to the Popes unholinesse No wonder therefore if they were such Traytors Rebels and Conspirators against their Kings such sticklers â—or the Pope such Champions â—or his unjust usurpations upon thâ—ir Soveraignes Prerogatives and so forward to twhart and discover al those designes oâ— their Princes which were any wayes displeasing or disadvantagious to the Pope who as long as this Oath continued and Bishops that tooke it bore sway in our Kingdome being both Privie Counsellers of State Lord Chancellours Lord Privie Seales Lord Treasurers or other great Officers never lost his hold or usurped power among us which he still keâ—pes onely by meanes of Bishops in other Kingdomes where the Prelates yet take this Oath of Alleagiance to him But this Oath which like a mystery of Iniquity was concealed from our Princes being discovered to King Henry the eighth in the twenty fourth yeare of his raigne this wise Prince considering the disloyalâ—ty and mischiefe of it sending for the Speaker and Commons House of Parliament spake thus unto them Welbeloved Subjects We had thought the Clergie of our Realme had beene our Subjects but now We have well perceived that they be but halfe Our Subjects yea and scarce our Subjects For all the Prelates at their Consecrations take an Oath to the Pope cleane contrary to the Oath they make unto Vs with which the Pope usually dispensed but never with any Oath made to himselfe which must be observed and stand good what ever Oath else bee violated so that they seeme to be his Subjects and not ours And so delivering them the Coppy of both Oathes of this to the Pope and the other to himselfe required them to invent some order that he might not be thus deluded The discovering and opening of these Oathes which were read in Parliament both to the King and People as both Hall and Mr. Fox record was the occasion that the Pope lost all hâ—s interest and Jurisdiction here in England within short while after This Oath to the Pope being thereupon abolished and made voyd by the Statute and a new Oath to the King prescribed and ministred to the Bishops together with an Oath of Alleagiance wherein the Popes Authority stands abjured and the King acknowledged Supreame head on earth under Christ of the Church of England the forme of which Oathes are recorded in Mr. Fox Mr. Hall and the Statute of 28. Hen. 8. c. 10. The Prologue of which Act with the Oath â—herein prescribed being pertinent to our purpose I shall here recite AN ACT EXTINGVISHING the Authority of the Bishop of Rome FOrasmuch as notwithstanding the good and wholsome Lawes Ordinances and Statutes heretofore made enacted and established by the Kings Highnesse our most gracious Soveraigne Lord and by the whole consent of his High Court of Parliament for the extirpation abolition and extinguishment out of this Realme and other his graces Dominions Seigniories and Countries of the pretended power and usurped authority of the Bishop of Rome by some called the Pope used within the same or elsewhere concerning the same Realme Dominions Seigniories or Countries which did obsuscate and wrest Gods holy Word and Testament a long season from the spirituall and true meaning thereof to his worldly and carnall affections as Pompe Glory Avarice Ambition and Tyranny covering and shadowing the same with his humane and politicke Devises Traditions and inventions set forth to promote and stablish his onely Dominion both upon the soules and also the bodies and goods of all Christian people excluding Christ out of his Kingdome and rule of mans soule as much as he may and all other temporall Kings and Princes out of their Dominions which they ought to have by Gods Law upon the bodies and goods oâ— their Subjects whereby he did not onely rob the Kings Majestie being onely the supreame head of this his Realme of England immediately under God of his honour right and preheminence due unto him by the Law of God but spoyled this his Realme yearely of innumerable treasure and with the losse oâ— the same deceived the Kings loving and obedient Subjects perswading to them by his Lawes Bulls and other his deceivable meanes such dreames vanities and fantasies as by the same many of them were seduced and conveyed unto superstitious and erronious opinions so that the Kings Majestie the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons of this Realme being over-wearied and fatigated with the Experience of the infinite abominations and mischieâ—es proceeding of his impostures and craftily colouring of his deceits to the great damages of soules bodies and goods were forced of necessity for the publicke weale of this Realme to exclude that forraine pretended power jurisdiction and authority used and usurped within this Realme and to devise such remedies for their reliefe in the same as doth not onely redound to the honour of God the high praise and advancement of the Kings Majestie and oâ— his Realme but also to the great and inestimable utility of the same And notwithstanding the sayd wholsome Lawes so made and heretoâ—ore established yet it is commen to the knowledge of the Kings Highnesse and also to divers and many his loving faithfull and obedient Subjects how that divers seditious and contentious persons being Impes of the sayd Bishop of Rome and his See and in heart members of his pretended Monarchy doe in corners and else-where as they dare whisper inculke preach and perswade and from time to time instill into the eares and heads of the poore simple and unlettered people the advancement and continuance of the sayd Bishops fained and pretended authority pretending the same to have his ground and originall of Gods Law whereby the opinions of many be suspended their judgements corrupted and deceived and diversitie in opinions augmented and increased to the great displeasure of Almighty God the high discontentation of our sayd most Dread Soveraigne Lord and the interruption of the unity love Charity concord and agreement that ought to be in a Christian Region and Congregation For avoyding whereof nd repression of the follies of such seditious persons 〈◊〉 are the meanes and Authors of such inconveniences Be it enacted ordained and established by the King our Soveraigne Lord and the Lords spirituall and temporall and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled and by Authority of the same That if any person or persons
dwelling demurring inhabiting or resiant within this Realme or within any other the Kings Dominions Signiories or Countries or the Marches of the same or elsewhere within or under his obeysance and power of what Estate Dignity Preheminence Order Degree or Condition soever he or they be after the last day of July which shall be in the yeare of our Lord God 1530â— shall by Writing Cyphering Printing Preaching or Teaching Deed or Act obstinately or malicioâ—sly hold or stand with to extoll set forth maintaine or defend the Authority Jurisdiction or Power of the Bishop of Rome or of his See heretoâ—ore claimed used or usurped within this Realme or in any Dominion or Countie being of within or under the Kings power or obeysance or by any pretence obstinately or maliciously invent any thing for the extolling advancing setting forth maintenance or defence of the same or any part thereofâ— or by any pretence obstinately or maliciously attribute any manner of Jurisdiction Authority or Pâ—eheminence to the sayd See of Rome or to any Bishop of the same See for the time being within this Realme or in any of the Kings Dominions or Counties That then every such person or persons so doing or offending their ayders assistants comforters abettors procurers maintainers factors Counsellours concealors and every of them being thereof lawfully convicted according to the Lawes of this Realme for every such default and offence shall incurre and run into the dangers penalties paines and forfeiâ—ures ordained and provided by the Satute of Provision and Praeâ—â—nire made in the â—6 yeare of the Raigne of the Noble and Valiant Prince King Richard the second against such as attempt procure or make provision to the See of Rome or elsewhere for any thing or things to the derogation or contrary to the Prerogative Royall or Jurisdiction of the Crowne and Dignitie of this Realme And for stronger defence and maintenance of this Act It is ordained and enacted by authority aforesayd that all every Ecclesiastical Judge ordinary chancellour commissary official vicar-generall and other Ecclesiastical officer or minister of what dignity preheminence or Degree soever they shall be and all and every Temporall judge justiciaâ— Major bayliffe sheriffe under-sheriffe Escheater Alderman Iurat Constable Head-borough third-borough borsholder every other said officer Minister to be made created elected or admitted within this Realme or any other the Kings Dominions of what state order degree or condition soever he shall be from and after the sayd last day of July shall before he take upon him the Execution of such Office make take and receive a Corporall oath upon the Evangelists before such person or persons as have or shall have Authority to admit him That he from henceforth shall utterly renounce refuse relinquish or forsake the Bishop of Rome and his authority power and jurisdiction and that he shall never consent nor agree that the Bishop of Rome shall practise exercise or have any manner of authority jurisdiction or power within this Realme or any other the Kings Dominions but that he shall reâ—ist the same at all times to the uttermost of his power and that from henâ—eforth he shall accept repute and take the Kings Majestie to be the onely supreame head in earth of the Church of England and that to his cunning wit and uttermost of his power without guile fraud or other undue meanes he shall observe keepe maintaine and defend the whole effects and contents of all and singular Acts and Statutes made and to be made within this Realme in derogation extirpation and extinguishment of the Bishop of Rome and his authority and all other Acts and Statutes made and to be made in reformation and corroboration of the Kings power of supreame head in earth of the Church of England and this he shall doe against all manner of persons of what estate dignity degree or condition they be and in no wise doe nor attempt nor to his power suffer to be done or attempted directly or indirectly any thing or things privily or apertly to the let hinderance dammage or derogation thereof or of any part thereof by any manner of meanes or for any manner of pretence and in case any oâ—th be made or hath beene made by him to any person or persons in maintenance defence or favour of the Bishop of Rome or his authority jurisdiction or power he repute the same as vaine and adnihilate So helpe him God c. I could wiâ—h this obsolete Oath were now againe revived to hinder the further growth of Popery This forementioned Oath to the Pope usually taken by all our Prelates being one maine Pillar to support the Popes usurped Monarchy both at home and abroade and a chiefe engine to undermine the royall Prerogatives of Christian Princes and perchance the groundworke of many of our owne and forraine Prelates Treasons Treacheries Rebellions Conspiracies and contempts against their Soveraignes It will not be amisse noâ— impertinent here to inserâ— that excellent discourse which our famous Martyr Doctor Barnes hath long since made upon it in his Supplication to King Henry the 8. where he thus writes I dare boldly say that if we poore men which be now condemned for Hereticks and also for Traytors against our King had not beene the Realme of England had not stood in â—o good a condition as it is for men had beene bound still in their Conscience to obey this wretched Idoll who durst have kept this innumerable summe of money within the Realme that yearely was sucked out by this Adder if our godly learning had not instructed their Conscience Let all the Libraries be sought in England and there shall not be one Book written in 4. C. yeares and admitted by the Church of Rome and by our spiritualty found that doth teach this obedience and fidelity toward Princes and delivereth our Realme from the bondage of this wicked Sathan the Pope or else that is able to satisfie and to quieâ— any mans Conscience within this Realme and yet I dare say he is noâ— in England that can reprove our learning by the doctrine of our Master Christ or else of his holy Apostles Yea men have studyed and devised how they might bring our mighty Prince and his Noble Realme under the feete of this Devill There could be nothing handled so secretly within this Realme but if it were either pleasant or profitable to the Pope to know then were all the Bishops in England sworne to reveale thaâ— matter to him This may well be proved by their shamefull and trayterous oath that they contrary to Gods Law mans Law and order of nature have made to this false man the Pope The words of their oath written in their owne Law be theseâ— mannerâ— There hath been wondrous packing used and hath cost many a thousand mens lives ere that the spiritualty brought it to passe that all they should be sworne to the Pope and owe none obedience to any man but to him onely This
that God had long admitted Kings or any Bishops as you take him was thought of Doth not the Holy Ghost command that we should honour King Also in another place Let all men bâ— under the higher powers for the power is of God and he that resâ—steth resisteth the power of Gods Ordinance Here Paul saith that Kings power is of God of Bishops Furthermore what reason is it to defend the Popes Prerogative against your Princes Is not your Prince nearer and more naturall unto you then this wretch the Pope But here is a thing that maketh me to marveile When you sweare to the Pope saving your order is as much to say as you shall not use no weapons but else you shall be ready and obedient in all things But when you shall sweare to your King then saving your order is as much to say as you have authoritie to confirme Kings and to be their fellowes and neither to be obedient unto them nor yet to answere to any Justice before them but clearely to be exempted and they not to meddle with you except they will give you some worldly promotion If I would use my selfe as uncharitably against you as you have handled me doubtlesse I could make something of this that should displease you How would you cry and how would you handle me poore wretch â—f you had halfe so much against me as this is but I will let you passe God hath preserved me hitherto oâ— his infinite mercy against your insatiable malice and no doubt but he will doe the same still I will returne to your Oath It followeth I shall come to the Synod when I am called unlesse I shall be lawfully let But why doe you not sweare to compell the Pope to call a Councell seeing that it hath beene so often and so instantly required of him by many Noble Princes of Christendome yea seeing that al Christendom such was their desire of Reformation doth require with great sighes an order to be taken and set in the highest Articles of our faith but unto this you are not sworne And why because it is against your holy Pope of Rome for it there were a generall Councell both he and you doe know that there must needes follow both over him and you a streight reformation Therefore after my Counsell say that you cannot come for you be lawfully let It followeth I shall honourably entreate the Popes Logaâ— both going and comming and in his necessity I shall helpe him I pray you see and provide well that he goe not a begging as Peter did And see also that he neither preach nor teach but pill and poll with all mischiefe and unshame fastnesse And whyâ— because you are sworne this to maintaine It followeth I shall visit yearely my selfe or by some other messenger the Pope of Rome unlesse I â—e dispenced with of them I pray you what pertaineth this to the Office of a Bishop yearely to visit Rome Christ and the most of his Apostles were never at Rome and yet they were meetly good Christian men But I reade in the traditions of the Turke that certaine of them must yearely visit their Mahomet From whom I thinke you have taken this custome Your owne Law saith that unto this clause must these Bishops all onely be bound that be immediately underneath the Pope Now are not you such for you sweare an oath to the King that you will immediately take your Bishopricke of him and hold it all onely of his grace Wherefore then doe you here sweare against your owne Law And also against your Oath made to your Prince Moreover you know that there was an old custome in the dayes of King Henry the second that no Bishop should goe out of the Realme without the Kings Licence Are you not bound to keepe this custome but answere that the Pope hath dispensed with you and that you are not bound to keepe any obedience toward the acts that your Prince maketh Moreover I marvaile sore that you be all so straightly sworne of so long time and never one of you that ever went in my dayes to discharge this Oath And why because you are dispensed with But were it not as good to leave it out of your Oath at first seeing you intend not to keepe it as afterward to dispence with you for it No forsooth for then the Pope could not bind you to come to Rome at his pleasure and betray your King and all his Counsailes But in your Oath that is newly made and that you have sworne last is added that if the Pope be on this side the mountaines then you shall visite him every yeare but if he be beyond the mountaines then every three yeares Oâ—â— that knew not your practise and the circumstances of youâ— facts that hath beene done would little suspect this addition but the very truth is there is a mischievous and abominable treason in it against Princes For if it chanced the Emperour or else any temporall Prince neere unto Rome to fall at variance with the Pope then did the Pope straight runne into France that is to say on this side the Mountaines where you must visite him yearely And why because your God is in distresse and hath conceived a deadly hatred against a Prince and cannot bring it to passe without your helpe and counsell Whereâ—ore you must come yearely And also he must know through your betraying how your Prince is minded and whether he be addicted to his contrarie part or not If he be you must betray his Counsell and that yearely and why because the Pope is on this side the Mountaines But and if he be in Rome and hath all Princes neckes under his girdle yet is it sufficient that you come every third yeare For you can at once comming devise as much Treason as Princes shall avoyd in five yeares But what belongeth this unto a Bishop that the Pope is on this side the mountaines or beyond If he be bound by Gods Law yearely to visite the Pope then must you visite him wheresoever he be though he were either with God or the Devill and if you be not bound by Gods Law what a presumption is it of him to bind you yea what an over-sight is it of you to let your selfe thus to be bound and what a wickednesse is it of you so straightly to keepe this Oath to the which you are not bound by Scripture against your obedience made to your Prince which is commanded by Gods Word But I pray you what example hath either he or blessed Saint Peter to bind by vertue of an Oath the other Apostles yearely to visit him at Rome All the world may perceive that this Oath is invented of insatiable covetousnesse that the Pope and you have toward honours and dignities And that is well declared by these words that follow in your Oath The possessions of my Church I shall not sell give lay to
ill as Turkes or Sarazens so that what paine or study soever they tooke for the Common wealth or what Acts or Lawes soever they made or stablished should be taken as Lawes made by Painims and Heaâ—hen People and not worthy to be kept by Christian men Wherefore he most humbly besoâ—ght the Kings Highnesse to call the sayd Bishop before him and to cause him to speake more discreetly of such a number as was in the Commons-house The King was not well contented with the saying of the Bishop yet he gently answered the Speaker that he would send for the Bishop and send them word what answere he made and so they departed againe After this the King sent for the Archbishop of Canterbury and sixe other Bishops and for the Bishop of Rochester also and there declared to him the grudge of the Commons to the which the Bishop answeâ—ed that he meant the doings of the Bohemians was for lacke of Faith and not the doings of them that were in the Commons House Which saying was confirmed by the Bishops being present who had him in great reputation and so by that onely saying the King accepted his excuse and thereof sent word to the Commons by Sir VVilliam-Fitz-VVilliams Knight Treasurer of his Household which blind excuse pleased the Commons nothing at all After divers assemblies were kept betweene certaine of the Lords and certaine of the Commons for the Bills of Probates of Testaments and the Mortuaries the Temporalty layd to the Spiritualty their owne Lawes and Constitutions and the Spiritualty sore defended them by prescription and usage to whom this answer was made by a Gentleman of Grayes-Inne The usage hath ever beene of theeves to Rob on Shooters-hill Ergo is it Lawfull With this answere the Spiritual men were sore offended because their doings were called robberies But the Temporall men stood still by their sayings insomuch that the said Gentleman said to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury that both the exaction of Probates of Testaments and the taking of Mortuaries as they were used were open Robbery and theft After long disputation the Temporall Lords began to leane to the Commons but for all that the Bills remained unconcluded for a while The King like a good and discreete Prince not long after ayded them for the redresse of their griefes against the Spiritualty and caused two new Bills to be made indifferently both for the Probates of Testaments and Mortuaries which Bills were so reasonable that the Spirituall Lords assented to them all though they were sore against their minds and in especiall the Probates of Testaments sore displeased the Bishops and the Mortuaries sore displâ—asedâ— the Parsons and Vicars After these acts thus agreed the Commons made another Act for Pluralities of benefices Non-Residence buying selling and taking of Farmes by Spirituall Persons which Act so displeased the Spiritually that the Priests railed on the Commons of the Common house and called them Heretickes and Schismatickes â—or the which divers Priests were punished This Act was sore debaâ—ed above in the Parliament Chamber and the Lords Spirituall would in no wise consent Wherefore the King perceiving the grudge of his Commons câ—used â—iâ—ht Lords and eight of his Commons to meeâ—e in the Sâ—aâ—â—â—hâ—â—â—er aâ— an after-noone and there was sore debating of the cause insomuch that the Temporall Lords of the Upper house which were there â—ooke part with the Commons against the Spirituall Lords and by force of reason caused them to assent to the â—ill with a little qualifying Which Bill theâ— next day was wholly agreed to in the Lords house to the great rejoycingâ— of the Lay people and to the great displeasure of the Spirituall personsâ— Immediately after this not onely Cardinall VVolâ—e himselfe but the Arch-bishop and whole Cleâ—giâ— of â—â—gland were brought into a Pr 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by this Parliamenâ— the Cardinall for accepting of a power Legatiâ—e from thâ— Pope contrary to the Lawes of the Realme and the 〈◊〉 of the Clâ—â—â—iâ— for consenting and submitted thereunto and holding a Synode by vertue of iâ— to avoid this danger and purchase a pardon the Clergie of the Province of Canterbury proâ—fered to give the King one hâ—ndred thousand pounds and the Clergie of the Province of Yorke 18000 â—ounds more but the King would not accept of this summe unlesse they would declare him in the Act by which they granted him this subsidie to be supreame head of the Church of England here on earth next under Christ but proceeded to take the forfeiture of the Premunire against them This put the Prelates the Popes sworne vassals to a great Dilemma for either they must plainly renounce the Popes usurped supremacie or the Kings mercy and fall under the lash of a Premunire whereby all their Bishoprickes goods livings were forâ—eited to his Majestie and their lives and liberties at his devotion Loath were the Bishops to forsake their old Lord the Pope whose servants they had beene so long and therefore they used all delayes and adjournments to spin out the time and delude the King but hee would not be mocked by them At last therefore they agreed upon this recognition Wee acknowledge the Kings Majestie to be the singular Protector the supreame Lord and likewise supreame head of the Church and Clergie of England so farre forth as it is lawfull for him to be by the Lawes of Christ. But the King much offended with this ambiguous dubious and equivocating acknowledgement which in truth was no concession of what he demanded required them to make a full and plaine acknowledgement of his supremacie in direct and positive termes without ambiguity or shifts or else to denie and conclude against it and incurâ—e the penalty of the Premunire Being thus put to it the Archbishop and Bishops hereupon made many adjournments of the Convocation and at last put it over from Aprill to the fifth of October to â—hunne the rocke on which they were like to split themselves or their holy Father the Pope in which space the Archbishop died At last they agreed to give the King the Title he desired and inserted it into a publike instrument Whereupon the King at last granted them a generall pardon in Parliament which begins thus The King our Soveraigne Lord calling to his blessed and most gracious remembrance that his good and loving subâ—ects the most Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of Canâ—erbury and other Bishops Suffragans Prelates and other spirituall persons of the Province of the Archbishopricke of Canterbury of this his Realme of England and the Ministers under-written which have exercised practised or executed in spirituall Courts and other jurisdictions within the said Province have fallen and incurred into divers dangers of his Lawes by things done perpetrated and committed contrary to the order of his Lawes and spâ—â—ially contrary to the forme of the Statutes of Provisours Provisions and Premunire and his Highnesse having alway a tender eye with mercy pitty and compassion â—owards his spirituall
to the French King and the Germans to stirre them up to make warre against King Henry the 8. and to invade England though with ill successe The King thereupon requested thâ—m to send him over into England that he might proceed against him as a Traytor He was intimate with the Pope studied to advance his power and suppresse his Soveraignes stirred up his friends in England against the King by his letters whereupon the King banished both him and his mother the Countesse of Salisbury by Act of Parliament proclaymed him a Traytor whence Father Latimer in his 5. Sermon before King Edward calls him Cardinall Poole the Kings Traytor c. and after that be headed his mother and elder brother Vicount Mountacute for high treason What manner of person and Traytor this Cardinall was to his Soveraigne will appeare by a Letter written to him being at Rome by Cutbert Tonsiall Bishop of Duresme and Iohn Stokerley Bishop of London which begins thus For the good will that we have borne unto you in times past as long as you continued the Kings true subject wee cannot a little lament and mourne that you neither regarding the inestimable kindnesse of the Kings highnesse heretofore shewed unto you in your bringing up nor the honour of the house that you be come of nor the wealth of the Country that you are borne in should so decline from your duty to your Prince that you should be seduced by faire words and vaine promises of the Bishop of Rome to wind with him going about by all meanes possible to pull downe and put under foot your naturall Prince and Master to the destruction of the Country that hath brought you up and for the vain-glory of a Red Haâ— to make your selfe an instrument to set forth his malice who hath stirred up by all meanes that he could all such Christian princes as would give eares unto him to depose the Kings highnesse from his Kingdome and to offer it as a prey to them that should execute his malice and to stirre if he could his subjects against him in stirring and nourishing rebellions in his Realme where the office and duty of all good Christians and namely of us that be Priests should be to bring all commotion to tranquillity and trouble to quietnesse all discord to concord and in doing the contrary wee shew our selves to be but the Ministers of Sathan and noâ— of Christ who ordained all us that be Priests to use in all places the legation of peace and not of discord But since that cannot be undone that is done the second is to make amends and to â—ollow the doing of the Prodigall Sonne spoken of in the Gospell who returned home to his father and was well accepted as no doubâ— you might be if you will say as he said in acknowledging your folly and do as hee did in returning home againe from your wandring abroad in service of them who little care what come of you so that their purpose by you be served This Cardinals Treason ingratitude and perfidiousnesse is yet further exemplified by the same Cutbert Tonstall in his Sermon which he preached before King Henry the 8. upon Palme Sunday in the yeare of of our Lord 1538. Printed anciently by iâ— selfe in part recited by Holinshed p. 1164 1165. and more largely by Thomas Becon where he thus blazons both the Pope and him in their native colours The Bishop of Rome because he can not longer in this Realm wrongfully use his usurped power in all things as hee was wont to doe and sucke out of this Realme by avarice insatiable innumerable summes of money yearly to the great exhausting of the same hee therefore moved and repleat with furious ire and pestilent malice goeth about to stirre all Christian Nations that will give eare to his Devillish enchantments to move warre against this Realme of England giving it in prey to all those that by his instigation will invade it And the Bishop of Rome now of late to set forth his pestilent malice the more hath allured to his purpose a subject of this Realme Reginald Pole comming of a noble blood and thereby the more arrant Traytor to goe about from Prince to Prince and from Country to Country to stirre them to warre against this Realme and to destroy the same being his native country whose pestilent purpose the Princes that hee breaketh it unto have in much abomination both for that the Bishop of Rome who being a Bishop should procure peace is a stirrer of warre and because this most arrant and unkind Traytor is his minister to so devillish a purpose to destroy the Country that he was borne in which any heathen man would abhorre to doe But for all that without shame hee still goeth on exhorting thereunto all Princes that will heare him who do abhorre to see such unnaâ—uralnesse in any man as he shamelesse doth set forwards whose pernitious treasons late secretly wrought against this Realme have been by the worke of Almighty God so marvellously detected and by his owne brother without looking â—herefore so diclosed and condigne punisâ—ment ensued that hereafter God willing they shall not take any more such roote to â—he noysance of this Realme And where all Nations of Gentiles by reasons and by law of nature do preferre their Country before their Parents so that for their Country they will dye against their Parents being traytors this pestilent man worse than a Pagan is not ashamed to destroy if he could his native Country And whereas Curtius an Heathen man was content for saving of the City of Rome where he was borne to leape into a gaping of the earth which by the illusions of the devill was answered should not be shut but that it must first have one this pernicious man is contented to ruâ—ne headlong into hell so that he may destroy thereby his native country of England being in that behalfe incomparably worse than any Pagan And besides his pestilent treason his unkindnesse against the Kings Majestie who brought him up of a very child and promoted both him and likewise restored his blood being tainted to be of the Peeres of this Realme and gave him money yearly out of his coffers to maintaine him honourably at study makes his Treason much more detestable to all the world and him to be repured more wild and cruell than Tyger But for all this thou English man take courage unto thee and be nothing afraid thou hast God on thy side who hath given this Realme to the generation of Englishmen to every man in his degree after the lawes of the same thou hast a Noble Victorious and Vertuous King hardy as a Lyon who will not suffer thee to be so devoured by such wild beasts Onely take an English heart unto thee and mistrust not God but trust firmly in him and surely the ruine intended against thee shall fall on their owne neckes that intend it and â—eare not though the
the cunning devises of some who accused him as a favourer of the Puritans Conventicles and prophecying which he justified in a particular treatise which I have seene dedicated to the Queene and subscribed by all his suffragans hee utterly lost the same being thereupon suspended from his Bishopricke and so dyed suspended Martin records that the true cause of his suspension was for disallowing the matrimony of Julio an Italian Physitian with another mans wife therein thwarting the Earle of Leicesters pleasure In his dayes M. Iohn or rather Philip Stubs of Lincolnes Inne lost his hand for writing a booke against the Queenes intended match with the Duke of Anjou with this Title The gulfe wherein England will be swallowed up by the French marriage with which the Queene was sorely vexed and displeased Sentence was pronounced against him by vertue of a Law made in the raigne of Philip and Mary then expired and personall to them whereupon the Iudges and chiefe Lawyers were at variance concerning the force of that Statute but might prevailed therein against right And about the same time Edward Campian Ralph Sherwin Luke Kerby Alexander Briant Priests were indited condemned and executed for high Treason for plotting the ruine of the Queene and Kingdome as adhering to the Pope the Queenes enemie and comming into England to raise forces against her Iohn VVhitegift next to him in succession a stately Pontificall Bishop contested much for the authority and Lordly jurisdiction of Prelates in defence whereof hee then writ though hee durst not averre our Archbishops to be of divine institution Hee had some contestations with the Judges whom he much troubled about Prohibitions ex officio oathes and proceedings the power of the high Commission and other Exclesiasticall Courts 〈◊〉 he endeavoured to enlarge to the prejudice of the Queenes prerogative and the Subjects liberties whereupon in the Parliament Anno 1585. divers Bils and complaints were exhibited against the oath ex officio the granting of faculties by Bishops Non-residencie and other abuses which this Prelate by his power to prevent a reformationâ— crossed and frustrated to the great disturbance of the Church and State and the increase oâ— schismes and divisions in both After this Anno 1588. hee procured these reverend Ministers and Gentlemen M. Vdall M. Penry M. Cartwright King Prudlar Paine M. Knightly M. Wigstone and others to be questioned and fined in Starchamber for writing against the English Hierarchy and caused M. Penry Vdall and others against all Law and Justice to be condemned and executed for this cause whereupon the Judge before whom they were arraigned much troubled in conscience fell into desperation and died miserably These his violent proceedings stirred up VVigginton Coppinger and franticke Hacket whom the Prelates oppression made starke mad to accuse the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke of high Treason and to runne into extravagant actions and opinions which they afterward recanted And not these alone but others likewise opposing the government of the Church of England disallowed the calling of Bishops and got some eminent Lawyers as M. Maurice Atturney of the Court of Wards and others to write against the government of Bishops and the Oath ex ofâ—icio which troubled much the whole Church State Judges Parliament and Kingdome and fired them almost into an uproare this Archprelate straining his Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction beyond its bounds farre higher than any of his predecessors since the reformation Whereupon multitudes of bookes were written against the calling Lordlinesse and extravagances of the Prelates and their Courts some in serious others in more light and jesting manner wherewith the Prelates were much nettled and their government rendred very odious among the people which certainly had then beene subverted had not the power of this Archprelate made a privy Counsellor and of Chancellour Hatâ—on a man popishly affected as was generally then reported kept it from ruine This Archprelates traine of servants was extraordinary great to the number of above 60 menservants who were all trained up to martiaâ—â—â—â—â—ires and mustred almost every weeke his stable being stiâ—l well furnished with good store of great horses a commendable thing in a warlike Prelate though scarce allowable in a pious Apostolicall Bishop who should rather traine up schollers for the pulpit than souldiers for the field Richard Bancroft his great creature and immediate successor had many conflicts with the Judges concerning prohibitions ex officio Oathes and the power of the High Commissioners before the King and Councell to the great disquiet of the Realme and oppression of the people hee defended the Bishops Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to be jure Divino and not derived immediately by Letters Patents from the King like an ungratefull wretch contrary to the expresse Acts of 26. H. 8. c. 1.31 H. 8 c. 9 10.37 H. 8. c. 17. 1. Edw. 6. c.. 1. Eliz. c. 1.1 2. Phil. Mar. c. 8. 8. Eliz. c. 1. and the whole streame of the Fathers forraine Protestants and our English writers to the great affront of the Kings prerogative royall And if some men yet alive may be credited who accused him to the Councell of these crimes and offered to prove them hee had a hand in the compiling of Dolmans the Jesuites Booke concerning the succession of the Crowne of England the maine scope of which booke written as some say by Cardinall Allen and Fr. Ingelfield Dolmans enemies was to exclude all persons how neere soever allyed to the Crown unlesse they were Roman Catholikes contending further for the right of Isabel Infanta of Spaine and seeking to disprove King Iames his most rightfull title thereunto which Dolman with other old Priests and Jesuites hee harboured in his house where they affirme this booke was Printed and some thought hee was privie to that devillish plot of the Gunpowder-treason most of the traytors lying at Lambeth whiles they were about that hellish worke This Relation I had from others who averred it for truth and offered to prove it in his lifetime could they have beene heard And it seemes for the point of Dolmans booke and conniving at such other seditious traiterly popish pamphlets of that nature this Prelate was not altogether cleare for in the Conference at Hampton Court before King Iames when D. Reynolds moved the King that such unlawfull and seditious bookes might be suppressed at least restrained which unsetled and corrupted the minds of many young Schollers in both Universities instancing in Ficlerus a Papist De jure Magistratus in subditos for one Bancroft then Bishop of London supposing himselfe principally aimed and why should hee have such a suspition unlesse conscious of some guilt upon such a generall motion and information answered first in the Generall that there was no such licentious divulging of those Bookes as hee imagined or complained off And secondly to the particular instance of Ficlerus that he detested both the Author and applyer alike But for the first my Lord Cecill
justified the complaint true taxing also the unlimited liberty of dispersing and divulging these Popish and seditious Pamplets both in Pauls Church-yard and the Universities instancing in one then lately set forth and published namely Speculum Tragicum which both his Majesty and the Lord Henry Howard Earle of North-Hampton termed a dangerous booke both for matter and intention Yea Lewis Hughes an ancient Minister writes thus of this Arch-Prelate In the later end of Queene Elizabeths raigne when shee began to be sickly and not like to live long D. Bancroft then Bishop of London knowing that King Iames was to succeed her and fearing that his Majestie would reforme things amisse in the worship and service of God and in the government of the Church did license a booke written by a Jesuite that hee kept in his house wherein was written That it was in the Popes power as a gift appropriate to Saint Peters Chaire to depose the Kings of England and to give authority to the people to elect and set up another Fifteene hundred of those bookes were printed and dispersed and being questioned for it his answer was that hee did set the Jesuites to write one against another that hee might out of their writings picke matter against them It was thought by many hee had no good meaning in licensing and suffering so many dangerous Bookes to be dispersed So hee Which sufficiently discovers this Arch-Prelates traiterly heart to his Soveraigne his affection to the Popes supremacy and disaffection to our Religion he being a great Persecutor and Silencer of hundreds of our most conscionable preaching Ministers and if I may credit other mens reports his life was ill and his death fearfull George Abbot his successor in this See though a man of a better temper and worthy praise for his frequent preaching was yet taxed by some for being over-stately to his fellow brethren and for his overmuch delight in shooting at deere which he exercised so long till at last by the unhappy glance of his arrow hee kild his keeper instead of the Bucke hee let loose at He incurred his Majesties displeasure so farre by whose means I know nor unlesse by his successors that hee was debarred accâ—sse to the Kings Court yea suspended from his oâ—fice of Arch-Bishop for a season which was executed in the interim by Commissioners He was a means of some good mens troubles in the High Commission where he caused M. Huntly a Kentish Minister to be most unjustly fined and imprisoned for denying to preach a Visitation Sermon when hee was sicke and unable to doe it and therefore sent the Arch-deacon 20s s to procure another which was refused and which is â—arre more injuâ—ious when this poore Minister after many motions was released by the Judges of the Kings Bench by an Habeas Corpus â—rom his unjust imprisonment hee and the other Prelates caused him for this very Act of seeking his just relief in a legall way to be apprehended by their pursevant immediately after the Judges had bayled him even in the face of the Court and for this very cause deprived and degraded him in the High Commission and committed him a fresh and gave his living to his Chaplaine to the great affronâ— of justice for which act he might have smarâ—ed in a high degree had hee beene but questioned I should now descend to the present Archbishop William Laud the last of this See but that I must first ascend to Auâ—tin the first Archbishop of Canterbury whom I have purposely reserved to this place the better to parallell them together The Archbishopricke of Canterbury had its originall creation from Pope Gregory the first a very traytor to his Soveraigne Mauritius and flatterer of the usurper Phocas about the yeare of our Lord. 600. This its unhappy derivation from â—uch a trecherous and rebellious parentage hath tainted the whole line of our Canterburian Arch-Prelates and infused such an occult pernicious quality into this See as hath made it a very chaire of Pestilence which hath infected all or most of those who have sate therein and made them as great Traytors and rebels to their Soveraignes of England as their Holy Fathers of Rome have proved to their liege Lordâ— the Roman Emperours and to plague our â—and with civill dissentions warres and bloodshed almost as much as the Popes have molested Italy and Germany in this kind Augustine the first Arch-Bishop of Canterbury sent from Rome by Gregory the first rather to pervert that convert our Nation to the Christian faith about 600. yeares after Christ was consecrated Bishop of the English Nation for no lesse Diocesse or title would content him by Etherius Archbishop of Arelat electing Canterbury for his Archiepiscopall See After which by the assistance of King Ethelbert in the yeare 602. hee caused the Brittish Bishops and learned men to meete together in a Synode at a place called Augustines Okâ— to dispute with them concerning the observation of Easter day and the Ceremonies of Baptisme wherein they differed from the Church of Rome to whom hee would have them conforme not onely in doctrine but even in rites and ceremonies using both perswasions prayers and threatnings to bring them under his yoke and discipline But the Britains refusing to conform to his demands at this Synode Augustine not long after caused another Synode to be sommoned Whereunto 7. British Bishops and a great number of Monkes especially of the famous Monastery of Bangor repaired who inquired of an holy Anchorite living among them whether they should submit to Austins preaching and ceremonies or no who answered If hee be a man of God then obey him They replying How shall wee know him to be such a one hee subjoyned If hee be meeke and humble it is credible that he beares the yoke of Christ and will offer it to you to beare but if he bee haughty and proud hee is not of God and therefore not to be lisâ—ned to by you But how said â—hey shall wee know this Observe quoth hee how he carrieth himselfe when hee first enters into the Synode and if hee shall rise up to yâ—u know that hee is Christs servant and obey him in all things bnt if hee shall do contrary and whereas you are many shall proudly despise you do ye neglect and contemne him againe Augustine enâ—ers first into the Synode with pride and pompe with the banner of his Apostleship a silver Crosse a Letany Procession Pageants painted Images Reliques Anthems and such like rituall trifles The British Bishops approaching neare him sitting ambitiously in his chaire he did not onely not rise up to salute them but also noâ— so much as daigne to shew them any signe of love or benevolence with his countenance or gesture The Britons observing this arrogancy of the man contradicted what ever he propounded to them and whereas hee commanded them to observe the manners and customes of the Church of Rome in all things they not
seized on three Mannors or Barronies belonging to his See and retained them during the Arch-Bishops life which was not long hee either out of griefe or Gods just Jâ—dgement being soone taken away It falling out for the most part as Bishop Godwin observes in his life that those Bishops which have presumed most in opposing themselves against their Princes have least time endured and ever quickly beene taken away Anno Dom. 1329. William de Melton Arch-Bishop of Yorke successively Treasurer and Chancellour of England upon the Examination of Edmund Earle of Kenâ— whom this Prelate and the Bishop of London had drawne into a conspiracie and rebellion against King Edward the third was accused of High Treason for reporting that King Edward the second was still alive after his death and that upon the credit of a preaching Fryer of London who had raised up a Devill which certainly informed him thereof as a truth For writing a Letter of Fidelitie to this Earleâ— which hee sent by his owne Chaplaine Acyn for sending him 500. men in Armes and ptomising to send him as many more as hee could possibly raise and sending Richard de Pomfret to him both to Reusington and Arundle to further the said Rebellion The Poore Earle was found guiltie of high Treason and beheaded The Bishop of London and Arch-Bishop the chiefe plotters of this Treason and Conspiracâ—e were suffered to goe at libertie under fureties taken of them for their good demeanour and forth-comming and the Fryer who had raised the Spirit to know whether the Kings Father were living or not was onely committed to prison where he dyed An. 1319. this William Melton Arch-Bishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Ely with the Citizens of Yorke not making them of the Countrey once privie to their designes having in their companie a great company of Priests and men of Religion gave battell unto the Scots neere Melton upon Swale But for as much as most of the English were unexpert in the feates of Warre the Bishops being their Captaines and came not in any orderly way of Battell they were easily put to flight by the Scots who slew about 4000. of them sparing neither Religious person nor other So ill is it for Prelates to turne Warriers and that rashly without taking good advice Alexander Nevell Arch-Bishop of Yorke in great favour with King Richard the second was amongst others conuicted by Parliament for abusing the Kings youth by flattery and exciting and stirring him against the Nobilitie and Lords whom hee falsely accused of Treason to the King to the great prejudice of the King and Realme by whispering tales day and night against them and for anulling Acts of Parliament for which causes hee was condemned in Parliament of high Treason and then adjudged to perpetuall imprisonment in the Castle of Rochesâ—er Hee foreseeing the Tempâ—st that grew toward him fled out of the Realme Vrbane the Fifth for his securitie translated him being both a Traytor and whisperer writes Walsingham from Yorke to Saint Andrewes in Scotland which Kingdome at that time refused to acknowledge Vrbane for Pope yeelding obedience to the Antipope by meanâ—s whereof Vrbanes gift was insufficient to invest him in Saint Andrewes yet good to void him quite from Yorke whereby hee being stript of both Arch-Bishoprickes and enjoying the benefit of neither for very want was forced to become a Parish Priest at Lovaine and so lived three yeares till his death Thomas Arundel his Successour to prejudice the Londoners and benefit those of Yorke removed all the Kings Courts from Westminster to Yorke to the great prejudice and grievance of the Londâ—ners and Subjects in the West and South parts of England and the no little disturbance of the Realme His pretence was that hee did it onely to punish the pride and presumption of the Londoners who were then in great disgrace with the Kingâ— by reason of a fray made upon the Bishop of Salisburyes Manâ— who abused a Baker and brake his head with a Dagger without any just cause for which the Citizens assaulted the Bishops House to have Justice done upon his Man who had done the wrong but the Bishops bolstering him outâ— no Justice could be had and instead thereof their Liberties were seized on and the Terme removed to Yorke to vex them the more The Arch-Bishop not long after was attainted of Treason in Parliament immediately upon his Translatiâ—n from Yorke to Canterbury And good reason for he conspired with the Duke of Gloucester the Abbot of Saint Albanes and the Prior of Westminster both which Religious persons declared to the Duke that they had severall Visions That the Kingdome should bee destroyed through the misgovernment of Richard the second by which they animated the Duke to conspire with them and others against their Soveraigne who meeting together at drundel Castle about the 20. yeare of King Richards Raigne they sware each to otherâ— to bee assistant one to another in all such matters as they should determine and therewith received the Sacrament from this Arch-Bishop who celebrated Masse before them the morrow after which done they withdrew themselves into a chamber and concluded to take King Richard the Dukes of Lancaster and Yorke and to commit them to Prison and to hang and draw all the other Lords of the Kings Councell all which they intended to accomplish in August following had not their plot been discovered and prevented by Earle Marshall This Prelate after his attainder for this Treason was the chiefe Actor in effecting King Richards involuntary Resignation in the instrument whereof he is first named I shall say no more of this Arundel but what William Harrison hath recorded of him in his Description of England l. 2. â— c. 1. p. 134. And even no lesse unquietnesse had another of our Princes with Thomas Arundel than King Stephen had with his Predecessours and Robert de Sâ—gillo Bishop of London who fled to Rome for feare of his head and caused the Pope to write an ambitious and contumelious Letter unto his Soveraigne about his restitution But when by the Kings Letters yet extant and beginning thus Thomas PRODITIONIS non expers nostrae Regiae Majestati insidias fabricavit the Pope understood the bottome of the matter hee was contented that Thomas should be deprived and another Arch-Bishop chosen in his stead But of this and him you may reade more before pag. 75 76 c. Richard Scroope Arch-Bishop of â—orke Brother to William Scroope Earle of Wilâ—shire Ann. 1403. and 1405. joyned with the Earle of Northumberland the Earle Marshall the Lord Bardolpâ— and others in a Conspiracie and Rebellion against King Henry the fourth gathering what forces hee could against him The Percies to make their part seeme good devised certaine Articles by the devise of this Arch-Bishop which they shewed to divers Noble-men and other States of the Realme and moved them so farre to promote their purpose by this meanes
and that the King himselfe presently after his death was stricken with a Leprosie a manifest lye They likewise reported That a strange judgement hapned upon the Iudges who gave sentence against him Which fabulous lying Legends must not onely be generally bruited abroad to cheate the people justifie the Traytor disparage this honorable Act of Justice slander the King and Judges and all to secure the Bishops in their Treasons and Rebellions that this Act might never bee made a president to punish them capitally for such like offences in future times but likewise chronicled to delude posterity and animate all succeeding Prelates under hopes of impunitie to attempt any Treasons Trecheries or insurrections against their Soveraignes without feare And to make the thing more odious and the Prelates more presumptuous in this kinde the Pope himselfe excommunicates tbe Authors of his death and those that had any hand in his condemnation or execution who must all earnestly entreat for absolution before it would be granted Loe here the quintessence of all Traiterous Rebellious spirits and disloyall practises combined and infused into our Prelates in canonizing this Arch-Traytor scandalizing the very sentence of Justice pronounced and executed upon him with the King and Judges that were the Authors of it and making it a matter worthy an Anathema to condemne and execute a Traytor a Rebell too in the Suparlative degree What confidence can any Princes repose or what fidelitie can they expect from such a desperate generation of Vipers as these who cannot be content to plot to execute Treasons and Conspiracies but thus boldly to justifie them and the Traytors to when they are committed I shall therefore close this story with the words of Edward Hall our Chronicler What shall a man say of such foolish and fantasticall persons who have written of such erroneous Hypocrites and seditious Asses who have indited of such superstitious Fryers and malicious Monkes who have declared and divulged both contrary to Gods Doctrine the honour of their Prince and common knowne verityâ— such manifest lyes as the fore-cited miracles and reports concerning this Arch-Bishops death What shall men thinke of such beastly persons which regarding not their bounden dâ—tie and â—beâ—sance to their Prince and Soveraigne Lord envâ—ed the punishment of Traytors and torment of offendors But what shall all men conjecture of such which favouring their owne worldly Dignitie their owne private authority and their owne peculiar profit will thus juggle rayle and imagine fantasies against their Soveraigne Lord and Prince and put them in memory as a miracle to his dishonour and perpetuall infamyâ— well let just men judge what I have said So â—all Iohn Kemp Arch-Bishop of Yorke was a great opposer of the good Duke of Glocester a Traytor and evill instrument to King Henry the Sixth and the Kingdome and the meanes of the Duke of Gloucesters murther whose death was a most incomparable losse to the Realme of which more at large in Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester with whom he confederated against the Duke George Nevill Arch-Bishop of Yorke conspired with his Brother Henry Nevill Earle of Warwicke against King Edward the Fourth after hee had raigned almost nine yearesâ— to pull him from his Throne and being his hap to take King Edward Prisoner at Ownely in Northamptonshire hee carryed the King with him Prisoner first to Warwicke Castle then to Midleham Castle in Yorkeshire from whence the King at last having liberty to ride abroad an hunting escaped being rescued by his Friends and within halfe a yeare after so handled the matter as comming to London suddenly and entring this Arch-Bishops Palace by a Posterne Gate hee surprized at once King Hâ—nry and the Arch-Bishop that had not long before taken him Holinshed and some others relate that the Arch-Bishop being lâ—ft by his Brother the Earle of Warwicke to keepe the Citie of London for King Henry against Edward the Fourth hee perceiving the affections of the people to incline to King Edward and how the most part of the Citie were much addicted to him sent forth secretly a Messenger to him beseeching King Edward to receive him againe into his former favour promising to bee to him in time to come and to acquit this good turnâ— heereafter with some singular benefit and service That the King upon good considerations was hereupon content to receive him againe into his favour of which the Arch-Bishop being assuredâ— greatly rejoyced and well and truely acquitting him of his promise in that behalfe madeâ— admitted him into the Citie where the king comming to the Arch-Bishops Palace heâ— prâ—sented himselfe unto him and having king Heâ—ry by the hand delivered him treacherously to king Edwâ—rdâ— custodie who being seized of his peâ—sâ—n weâ—t to Pauls from Westminster where hee gave God heartie thankes for his safe returne and good successe Thereupon they were both sent to the Towerâ— where king Henry was pittifully murtheredâ— but the Arch-Bishop the fourth of Iuneâ—ollowingâ— â—ollowingâ— was set at Libertie About a yeare after his Enlargement hee chanced to bee hunting at â—â—â—â—â—ore with the king and upon occasion of some spoâ—t thâ—â—â—ad seene there hee made relation to â—â—e king of some extraordinary kinde of Gâ—me wherewith hee was wont to solace himseâ—â—â— at 〈◊〉 housâ— hee had built and furnished very sumptuously called the Moore in Hartfordshire The King seeming desirous to be partaker of this sport appointed a day when hee would come thither to hunt and make merry with him Hereupon the Arch-Bishop taking his leave got him home and thinking to entertaine the King in the best manner it was possible sent for much Plate that hee had hid during the Warres between his Brethren and the King and borrowed also much of his Friends The Deaâ—e which the King hunted being thus brought into the toyle the day before his appointed time hee sent for the Arch-Bishop commanding him all excuses set apart to repaire presently to him being at Windsore As soone as he came hee was arrested of High-Treason all his Plate money and other moveable goods to the value of 20000. l. were seized on for the King and himselfe a long space after kept prisoner at Calis and Guisues during which time the King tooke to himselfe the profits and temporalties of his Bishopricke Amongst other things that were taken from him was a Miter of inestimable value by reason of many rich stones wherewith it was adorned that the King brake and made thereof a Crowne for himselfe This calamitie hapned to him Anno 1472. Foure yeares after with much entreatie he obtained his Libertie but dyed of griefe shortly after This proud Pontifician made so great a feast at his installment that neither our age nor any other before it ever heard or saw the like the particulars whereof you may read in Godwin too tedious here to recite Thomas Rotheram Arch-Bishop of Yorke being Lord Chancellour in Edward the fourth his Raigne upon his death resigned
tuum dilectum filium nostrum Stephanum insignem Regem Anglorum efficere studeas ut monitâ—s hortatu consilio tuo ipsum in benignitatem dilectionem suam suscipiat pro beati Petri nostra reverentia propensius habeat commendatum Et quia sicut veritate teste attendimus eum sine salutis sui ordinis periculo praefato filio nostro astringi non posse volumus paterno sibi tibi affectu consulumus ut vobis sufficiat veraci simplici verbo promisstonem ab eo suscipere quod laesionem vel detrimentum ei vel terrae suae non inferat Dat. ut supra Is it not strange that a peevish order of Religion devised by a man should breake the expresse Law of God who commandeth all men to honour and obey their Kings and Princes in whom some part of the power of God is manifest and laid open to us And even uuto this end the Cardinall of Hosâ—ia also wrote to the Canons of Pauls after this manner covertly incouraging them to stand to their election of the said Robert who was no more willing to give over his new Bishopricke than they carefull to offend the King but raâ—her imagined which way to keepe it still maugre his displeasure and yet not to sweare obedience unto him for all that he should be able to doe or performe unto the contrary Humilis Dei gratia Hostiensis Episcopus Londinen sis Ecclesiae canonicis spiritum consilii in Domino Sicut rationi contraria prorsus est abiicienda petitio ita in hiâ—s quae juste desiderantur effectum negare omnino non convenit Sane nuper accepimus quod Londinensis Ecclesia diu proprio destituta Pastore communi voto pari assensu cleri populi venerabilem â—ilium nostrum Robertum ejusdem Ecclesiae Archidiaconumâ—in Pastorem Episcopum animarum suarum susceperet elegerit Novimus quidem eum esse personam quam sapientia desuper ei attributa honestas conversationis morum reverentia plurimum commendabilem reddidit Inde est quod fraternitati vestroe mandando consulimus ut proposito vestro bono quod ut credimus ex Deo est ut ex literis Domini Papae cognoscetis non lente dehitum finem imponatis ne tam nobilis Ecclesia sub occasione hujusmodi spiritualium quod absit temporalium detrimentum patiatur Ipsius namque industria credimus quod antiqua religio forma disciplinae gravitas habitus in Ecclesia vestra reparari si quae fuerint ipsius contentiones ex Pastoris absentia Dei gratia cooperante eodem praesente poterint reformari Dat. c. Hereby you see how King Stephen was dealt withall And albeit that Canterbury is not openly to be touched herewith yet it is not to be doubted but he was a doer in it so farre as might tend to the maintenance of the right and prerogative of the holy Church Thus farre verbatim out of Harrison Mariaâ— Bishop of London was one of those undutifull Bishops who about the yeare of our Lord 1208. interdicted the whole Realme and excommunicated King Iohn by the Popes Commandement they all endured five yeares banishment for this their trechery and conâ—umacy together with confiscation of their goods and the King being specially incensed against this man in token of his great displeasure Anno 1211. threw downe to the ground his Castle of Stortford which William the Conqueror had given to his Church Besides he joyned in the publication of the Popes sentence for deposing the King and stirred up the French King and all other Christians to invade England in an hostile manner and to depose King Iohn from the Crowne and promised them remission of all their sinnes for this good Service After which hee voluntarily resigned his Bishoppricke Anno. 1221. Roger Niger Bishop of London excommunicated the Kings Officers Ano 1233. for that they acâ—ording to their duty had laâ—d hands upon and hindred Walter Mauclerke Bishop of Carlile to passe over the Seas he having no license to depart the Realme and riding flreight unto the Court he certified the King what hee had done and there renewed the same sentence againe the King himselfe not a little murmuring at this his insolent act as he had cause and prohibiting him to doe it the Bishops then at Court notwithstanding the inhibition excommunicated these his Officers likewise for doing their duty About the same time King Henry the third gave commandement for the appehending of Hubert de Burge Earle of Kent upon some pretence of Treason who having suddaine notice thereof at midnight fled into a Chapple in Essex belonging to the Bishop of Norwich The King hearing this was exceeding angry and fearing least he should raise some tumults in his Realme if he escaped thus sent Sir Godfrey de Cranecombâ— with 300. armed men to apprehend and bring him to the Tower of London under paine of death who hasting to the Chapple found the Earle who had some notice of their comming kneeling there upon his knees before the high Altar with a Crucifix in one hand and the Hostia in the other Godfrey and his associates entring into the Chapple commanded him in the Kings name and by his direction to come out of the Chapple and repaire to him to London which he refusing saying that hee would upon no tearmes depart from thence they taking the Crosse and Lords body out of his hands bound him in chaines carried him to the Tower and acquainted the King therewithâ— who was glad of the newes Roger hearing this and taking it to be a great infringment of the Churches liberties goeth in post hast to the King and boldly reproves him for violating the peace of the Church and threatens to excommunicate all those that apprehended him unlesse the King would immediatly restore him to the Chappell whence he was extracted and thereupon enforceth the King sore against his will to remit him o the Chappell The King hereupon commanded the Chapple to be strictly guarded by the Shrieffe of Essex till Hubert should be starved or forced out thence About a yeare or two after this Hubert being imprisoned in the Castle of the Devises within the Diocesse of Salisbury escaped and fled to the Church there his keepers missing him ranne out to seeke him with lanternes clubbes and weapons and finding him in the Church carrying the Lords crosse in his hands before the Altar they bastinadoed and dragged him thence into the Castle where they imprisoned him more strictly than before Hereupon the Bishop of Salisbury excommunicated them because they refused to bring the Earle backe againe to the Church saying they would rather the Earle should be hanged than they for suffering him to escape whereupon the Bishop of Salisbury and this Robert Niger Bishop of London with other Bishops went to the King and never left till they had by perswasions and threats against his will procured
the King and his Barons to complaine against the blanke Bulls found in the chests of Beâ—ard de Nympha the Popes agent after his death and of the many machinations of the Romanes to disquiet the Realme Iohn Gerâ—sey next Bishop of Wâ—nchester consecrated at Rome where â—e payd 6000. markes to the Pope and so much more to his Chancellour for his consecration was a great stickler in the Barons warres against King Henry the third as appeares by the forecited passages of Matthew Westminister and was excommunicated by Octobon the Popes Legate for taking part against the King in the Barons warres and forced to goe to Rome for his absolution where he died Henry Woodlocke Bishop of Winchester made request to King Edward the first for Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury whom the King had banished for high Treason in which request he called the Archbishop an arch-Traytor his good Lord which the King as he had cause tooke so hainously that he confiscated all his goods and renounced all protection of him Adam Tarleton or de Arleton Bishop of Winchester about the yeere 1327. was arrested and accused of high Treason for aiding the Mortimers against King Edward the second both with men and armour when he was brought to the barre to be arraigned for this Treason the Archbishops of Canterbury Yorke and Dublin with their suffragans came with their Crossesâ— and rescued him by force carrying him with them from the barre in such manner as I have formerly related more at large in the Acts of Walâ—er Rainolds pag. 55.56 Notwithstanding the indictment and accusation being found true his temporalities wereseized into the Kings hands untill such time as the King much deale by his imagination and devise was deposed of his Kingdome If he which had beene a traytor unto his Prince before after deserved punishment for the same would soone be intreated to joyne with other in the like attempt it is no marvell No man so forward as he in taking part with Isabell the Queene against her husband King Edward the second She wiâ—h her sonnes and army being at Oxford this good Bishop steps up into the pulpit and there taking for his Text these words My head grieved me he made a long Discourse to prove that an evill head not otherwise to be cured must be taken away applying it to the King that hee ought to be deposed A Bishoplike application Hereupon they having gotten the King into their power the Bishop fearing least if at any time recovering his liberty crowne again they might receive condigne punishment councelled the Queene to make him away good ghostly advice of a Prelate wherupon she being as ready and willing as he to have it done they writ certaine letters unto the keepers of the old King signifiing in covert termes what they desired they either not perfectly understanding their meaning or desirous of some good warrant to shew for their discharge pray them to declare in expresse words whether they would have them put the King to death or no. To which question this subtile Fox framed this answer Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonumâ—est without any point at all If you set the point betweene nolite and tâ—aere it forbiddeth if betweene nolite and bonum it â—xhorteth them to the committinng of the fact This ambiguous sentence unpointed they take for a sufficient warrant and most pittifully murthered the innocent King by thrusting an hot spit into his fundament and who then so earnest a persecuter of those murthereâ—s as this Bishop that set them a worke who when diverse of his Letters were produced and shewed to him warranting this most trayterly inhumane Act eluded and avoided them by Sophisticall interpretations and utterly denied that he was any way consenting to this hainous fact of which in truth he was the chiefe occasion How clearely he excused himselfe I â—now not But sâ—re I am he like many Arch-trayterly Prelates before himâ— who were oftner rewarded than punished for their Treasons was so farre from receiving punishment as within two moneths after he was preferred unto Hereford than to the Bishoppricke of Worceâ—er and sixe yeares after that translated to Winchester by the Popeâ— at the request of the French King whose secret friend he was which King Edward the third taking in very ill part because the French King and he were enemies detained his temporalties from him till that in Parliament at the suite of the whole Cleargie he was content to yeeld them unto him after which he became blinde in body as hee was before in minde and so died deserving to have lost his head for these his notorious Treasons and conspiracies long before he being the Archplotter of all the Treacheries against King Edward the second Anno. 10. Richard the third 1366. thirteene Lords were appointed by Parliament to have the government of the Realme under the King in diminution of his Prerogative among these Williara Edingdon Bishop of Winchester Iohn Gilbert Bishop of Hereford Lord Treasurer of England Thomas Arundle Bishop of Ely and Chancellour Nicholas Abbat of Waltham Lord Keeper of the privy Seale VVilliam Archbishop of Canterbury Alexander Archbishop of Yorke and Thomas Bishop of Exeter were chiefe and the principall contrivers of this new project which fell out to be inconvenient and pernicious both to the King and Realme the very procurers of this Act as some of the Jâ—dges afterwards resolved deserving death which resolution afterward cost some of them their livesâ— as the Stories of those times declare It seemes this Bishop made great havocke of the goods of his Church for his successor Vâ—illiam VVicham sued his Executors for dilapidations and recovered of them 1672. pound tenne shillingsâ— besides 1566. head of neate 386. Weathers 417. Ewes 3521. Lambes and 127. Swine all which stocke it seemeth belonged unto the Bishoppricke of VVinchester at that time William Wicham his next successor was a great Pluralist the yearely revenues of his spirituall promotionsâ— according as they were then rated in the Kings bookes beside his Bishoppricke amounting to 876. poundâ— thirteene shillings and foure pence besides these Ecclesiasticall preferments he held many temporall offices at the Secretariship the Keepership of the Privy Seale the Mastership of Wards the Treasurership of the Kings revenues in France and divers others Being consecrated Bishop of VVinchester in the yeare 1367. he was made soone after first Treasurer then Chancellor of England It seemes that he was a better Treasurer for himselfe than the King who though hee received hugh summes of money by the ransome of two Kings and spoile of divers large Countries abroad and by unusuall subsedyes and taxations at home much grudged at by the Commons was yet so bare as for the payment of his debts he was constrained to find new devices to raise mony whereupon a solemne complaint was framed against this Bishop for vainely wasting or falsely imbezelling the Kings
of him and of his Realme he should have Proctors of his Nation as other Christian Kings had in the Court of Rome and not to abide in this Land nor to be in any part of his Counsells as beene all the spirituall and temporall at Parliament and other great Councells when you list to call them And therefore though it please you to doe him that worship to set him in your privy Councell after your pleasure yet in every Parliament where every Lord both spirituall and temporall hath his place he ought to occupie but his place as a Bishop 3. Item The said Bishop now being Cardinall was assoyled of his Bishoppricke of Winchester whereupon he sued unto our holy Father to have a Bull declarative notwithstanding he was assumpt to the state of Cardinall that the See was not voyd where indeed it stood voyd for a certaine time yet the said Bull were granted and so he was exempt from his ordinary by the taking on him the state of Cardinall and the Church Bishopricke of Winchester so standing voyd hee tooke againe of the Pope you not learned thereof nor knowing whereby hee was fallen into the case of provision so that all his goods was lawfully and cleerely forfeited to you my right doubted Lord with more as the Statute declareth plainely for your advantage Iâ—em It is not unknowne to you doubted Lord how through your lands it is noysed that the said Cardinall and the Archbishop of Yorke had and have the governance of you and all youâ— land the which none of your true leige men ought to usurpe to take upon them and have also estranged me your sole uncle my cosin of Yorke my consin of Huntington and many other Lords of your Kin to have any knowledge of any great matâ—er that might touch your high estate or either of your Realmes and of Lords spirituall of right the Archbishop of Canterbury should be your cheefe Counsellour the which is also estranged and set aside and so be many other right sadd Lords and well advised as well spirituall as temporall to the great hurt of you my right doubted Lord and of your Realmes like as the experience and workes shewne cleerely and evidently more harme it is 5. Item In the tender age ofâ— you my right doubted Lord for the necessity of a Army the said Cardinall lent you 4000 pound upon certaine Jewels prised at two twenty 1000-markes with a letter of sale that if they were not quited at a certaine day you should leese them The said Cardinall seeing your money ready to have quitted your Jewells caused your Treasurer of England at that day being to pay the same money in part of another army in defrauding you my right doubted Lord of your said Jewells keeping them yet alway to his owne use to your right great losse and his singular profit and availe 6. Item the said Cardinall then being Bishop of Winchester Chancellor of England deluâ—â—ed the King of Scots upon certaine appointments as may be shewed presumptuously and of his owne authority contrary to the Act of Parliament I have heard notable men of Law say that they never heard the like thing done among them which was too great a defamation to your highnesse and also toâ—wed his Neece to the said King whom that my Lord of notable memory your Father would never have so deluâ—â—ed and there as he should have paid for his cosâ—sâ— forty thousand pounds the said Cardinall Châ—â—cellor of England caused you to pardon him thereof ten thousand marks whereof the greater somme hee paid you right a little what I report me to your highnesse 7. Itâ— where the said Cardinall lent you my redoubted Lord great and notable Sommes he hath had and his assignes the rule profit of the port of Hampton where the Customers bin his servants where by likelihood and as it is to be supposed he standing the chiefe Merchant of the wools of your landâ— that you be greatly defrauded and under that rule what woolls and other Merchantdizes have been shipped and may be from time to time hard is to esteeme to the great hurt and prejudice of you my right doubted Lord and of all your people 8. Item Howbeit that the said Cardinall hath divers times lent you great sommes of money sith the time of your raigne yet this loane hath beene so deferred and delayed that for the most part the convenable season of the imploying of the good lent was passed so that little fruit or none came thereofâ— as by experience both your Realmes have sufficiently in knowledge 9. Item Where there was Jewells and Plate prised at eleven thousand pound in weight of the said Cardinall forfeited to you my right redoubted Lord hee gate him a restorement thereof for a loane of a little percell of the sameâ— and so defrauded you wholly of them to your great hurt and his avayle the which good might greatly have eased your highnesse in sparing as much of the poore Commons 10. Item The Cardinall being feoft of my said Lord your Father against his intent gave Elizabeth Beauchampe three hundred markes of livelihood where that his will was that and she were wedded within a yeare then to have â—â— or else not where indeede it was two or three yeares after to your great hurt and diminishing of your inheritance 11. Item Notwithstanding that the said Cardinall hath no manner of authority nor interest into the Crowne nor none may have by any possibility yet he presumeth and taketh upon him in party your estate royall in calling before him into great abusion of all your land and derogation of your highnes which hath not been seen nor vsed in no dayes heretofore in greater estate then he is without your expresse ordenance and commandment 12. Item the said Cardinall nothing considering the necesity of you my right redoubted Lord hath sued a pardon of dismes that he should pay for the Church of Winchester for terme of his life giving thereby occasion to all other Lords spirituall to draw their good will for any necessity to grant any disme and so to lay all the charge upon the temporalty and the poore people 13. Item by the governance and labour of the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke there hath beene lost and dispended much notable and great good by divers embassadors sent out of this Realme Firstâ— to Arras for a feigned colourable peace whereas by likelinesse it was thought supposed that it should never turne to the effectuall availe of you my right doubted Lord nor to your said Realmes but under colour thereof was made the peace of your adversary and the Duke of Burgoyn for else your partie adverse and the said Duke might not well have found meanes nor wayes to have communed together nor to have concluded with other their confederations and conspirations made and wrought there then at that time against your highnesse whereby you might have right doubted Lord the greater partie of your obisance
loose your Jewels in my truth and in mine acquitall as it seemes to me I may not nor ought not counsell so great an hurt to you and to all your Land 21. Item It is not unknowne to you my right doubted Lord how oftentimes I have offered my service to and for the defence of your Realme of France and Dutchy oâ— Normandy where I have beene put there from by the labour of the Lord Cardinall in preferring others after his singular affection which hath caused a great part of the said Dutchy of Normandy as well as of the Realme of France to be lost as it is well knowne and what good my right doubted Lord was lost on that army that was last sent thither which the Earle of Mortaigne your Counsell of France hath well and clearly declared to your Highnesse here before 22. Item My right doubted Lord it is not unknowneâ— that it had not beene possible to the said Cardinall to have come to his great riches but by such meanes for of his Church it might not rise and inheritance he had none Wherefore my right doubted Lord sith there is great good behoofe at this time for the weale and safegard of your Realmes the poverty necessity and indigence of your leige people in highnesse understand like it unto your noble grace to consider the said lucre of the said Cardinall and the great deceipts that you be deceived in by the labour of him and of the Archbishop as well in this your Realme as in the Realme of France and Dutchy of Normandy where neither office livelihood nor Captaine may be had withouâ— too great good given unto him whereby a great part of all the losse that is lost they have beene the causers of for who that would give most his was the prise not considering the merrits service nor sufficiency of persons Furthermore it is greatly to be considered how when the said Cardinall had forfeited all his goods because of provision as the Statute thereupon more plainely declareth by having the rule of you my right doubted Lordâ— purchased himselfe in great defraudation of your Highnesse a Charter of pardon the which good and it had beene well governed might many yeares have sustained your warres without any tâ—lage of your poore people 23. Iâ—em my redoubted Lord whereas I wrote many things for the weale of you and of your Realmesâ— peradventure some wil say and understandâ— that I would or have written by way of accusement of all your Counsell which God knoweth I doe not for your Highnesse may well see that I name them that be causâ—rs of the sâ—id inordinate rule Wherefore considering that the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke are they that pretend the governance of you and of your Realmes and Lordshipsâ— please iâ— unto your Highnâ—sse of your right wisenesse to estrâ—nge them of your Counsell to that intent that men may be at their freedome to say what they thinke of truth 24. For truth I dare speake of my truth the poore dare not doe so And if the Cardinall and the Archbishop of Yorke may afterward declare themselves of that is and shall be said of them you my most doubted Lord may then restore them againe to your Counsell at your noble pleasure When the King had heard the accusations thus laid by the Duke of Glocester against the Cardinall he committed the examination thereof to his Counsell whereof the more part were spirituall persons so that what for feare and what for favour the matter was winked at and nothing said to it onely faire countenance was made to the Duke as though no malice had beene conceived against him but venome will breake out and inward grudge will soone appeare which was this yeare to all men apparant for divers secret attempts were advanced forward this season against this Noble man Humfry Duke of Glocester a farre off which in conclusion came so neare that they bereft him both of life and land For this proud covetous Prelate setting the Queene against this good Duke at a Parliament at Berry caused him there to be arrested and murthered by meanes of whose death all France was shortly after lost the Kingdome involved in a bloody civill warre I shall close up the History of this proud Prelate with old Father Latimers words concerning him in a Sermon before King Edward the sixth There was a Bishop of Winchester in King Henry the sixth dayes which King was but a child but yet were there many good Acts made in his childhood and I doe not reade that they were broken This Bishop was a great man borne and did beare such a stroake that he was able to shoulder the Lord Protector Well it chanced that the Lord Protector and he fell out and the Bishop would beare nothing at all with him but played the Sacrapha so the Regent of France was faine to be sent for from beyond the seas to set them at one and goe betweene them for the Bishop was as able and ready to buckle with the Lord Protector as hee was with him Was not this a good Prelate he should have beene at home Preaching at his Diocesse with a wannion This Protector was so noble and godly a man that he was called of every man the good Duke Humfry he kept such a house as was never since kept in England without any inhaunsing of rents I warrant you or any such matter And the Bishop for standing so stiffely by the matter and bearing up the order of our Mother the holy Church was made a Cardinall at Calis and thither the Bishop of Rome sent him a Cardinals Hat he should have had a Tiburne Tippit a halfe penny halter and all such proud Prelates These Romish Hats never brought good into England Vpon this the Bishop goeth to the Queene Katherine the Kings wife a proud woman and a stout and perswaded her that if the Duke were in such authority still and lived the people would honour him more than the King and the King should not be set by and so betweene them I cannot tell how it came to passe but at S. Edmundsberry in a Parliament the good Duke Humfry was smothered To leave this Cardinall Ste. Gardiner both Chancellor of England B. of Winchester was the chiefe author of making reviving the bloody Act intitled the 6. Articles by which many of our godly Martyrs suffered the chiefe plotter and contriver of the noble Lord Cromwells death Who could not abide the pride of the Prelates and was attainted by Parliament and never came to his answer He was a great opposer of the reformation of Religion and abuses of the Clergy both in King Henry the eights and King Edwards dayes and stirred up under hand divers Priests Abbots and Monkes to oppose the Kings Supremacie and to rayse up open rebellion in Lincolneshire in the North Cornewall and other places in maintenance of Popery for which Treasons and Rebellions Exmew Middlemore
with the rest of the Bishops and Abbots mitred and in rich Copes every one of them carrying Censers in their hands going in great solemnity before him and afterwards crowning both him and his Queene according to the custome of the Realme so officious were they to this usurper Cutbert Tonstall the 58. Bishop of Durham December 20. 1551. was committed to the Tower for his disobedience to King Edward the sixth where he continued all his Reigne The King was so farre offended with him that 7. Edward 6. the Bishopricke of Durham was dissolved by Act of Parliament and all the Lands and hereditaments thereof given to the King but he dying this Bishopricke was againe revived and erected 1. Mar. Parliament 2. cap. 3. and this Bishop thereunto restored Who in the first yeare of Queene Elizabeth for his contumacy and disobedience in maintaining the Popes Supremacie which he oppugned formerly and for refusing the oath of Supremacy which he had sworne unto in the raigne of King Henry the eight he was justly deprived and committed prisoner to Lambeth House where he dyed I finde this Tonstall highly applauded by some who lived since his dayes but M. Tyndall who knew him farre better than they writes thus of him And as for the Bishopricke of Durham to say the very truth he to wit Cardinall Wolsie could not but of good cougruity reward his old Chaplaine and one of the chiefe of all his Secretaries withall still Saturne that so seldome speaketh but walketh up and downe all day musing and imagining mischiefe a doubling hypocrite made to dissemble Which for what service done in Christs Gospell came he to the Bishopricke of Londâ—n Or what such service did he therein hee burnt the New Testament calling it Doctrinam peregrinam strange learning The story of whose buying and burning of M. Tyndals New Testaments who with the money set forth a new and better Edition is related by M. Hall at large in his Chronicle 21. H. 8. f. 186. Yea Verily looke how strange his living in whose blood that Testament was made was from the living of the Pope even so strange is that Doctrine from the Popes Law in which onely and in the Practise thereof is Tunstall learned Which also for what cause left he the Bishopricke of London Even for the same cause he tooke it after that he had long served for it covetousnesse and ambition Neither is it possible naturally pray marke this passage that there should be any good Bishop so long as the Bishoprickes be nothing save worldly Pompe and honour superfluous abundance of all manner of riches and liberty to doe what a man left unpunished things which onely the evill desire and good men abhorre For the late Bishops of this See of Durham Neale Howson their dispositions and actions against goodnesse and good men and their turbulencie both in Church and State are so well knowne to most that I neede not mention it And as for the present Bishop Dr Morton whom I honour for his learning and workes against the Papists how farre hee hath degenerated of late yeares from his Pristine zeale and hatred of Romish Superstitions and Innovations and how farre he hath ingaged himself in the late Wars and differences between England and Scotland I leave to others to determine Onely this I cannot preâ—ermit in silence that as the first Popish Innovations and superstitions which lately over-spread our whole Church had their Originall from Bishop Neale and his Chaplaine Dr. Cosens at Durham so God hath made that City and Bishopricke of Durham the onely County of England stiled by the name of a Bishoprick the seate of our late wars wherein the Scottish Armie now resides to manifest to all the world that these unhappie civill warres sprung from the Bishops since the seate of them is no where but in this Bishoprick the Scottish Generall for the most part hath kept his residence in the Bishop of Durhams own Palaces who for feare hath left them vacant and fled that Country which he hath much oppressed From Durham I proceede to Salisbury Salisbury Alstane or Adelstane Bishop of Sherburne which See was not long after translated to Salisbury turned warrior and led an Army into Kent against Ethelwolfe King oâ— that County and chased away both the King and all other that would not submit themselves to Egbert over the Thames out of their Country He fought oft against the Danes provided money and furnished out men to withstand them and tooke upon him to order all matters of the State under King Ethelwolfe When King Ethelwolfe returned from Rome Adelstane who bare no small rule in the Kingdome of the West-Saxons would not suffer him to be admitted King because he had done in certaine points contrary to the Lawes and Ordinances of the Kingdome as he conceived whereupon by this Bishops meanes Ethelbald this Kings sonne was established King in his Fathers steed and so continued till at last by agreement the Kingdome was devided betwixt them This Bishop was fervently set on covetousnesse and greatly enriched his See of Sherburne where he continued Bishop 50. yeares Roger the great rich Bishop of Salisbury advanced and specially trusted by King Henry the first for all the benefits that he and his friends received from him proved not so thankfull or faithfull to his Majestie as was to be expected For King Henry the first having lost his onely sonne and Heire apparent Prince William by mis-fortune upon the Sea and having no issue lawfully begotten to inherit the Kingdome but onely Mawd the Empresse thought good to take an Oath of all the Nobility wherein they promised to yeeld obedience to her as their Soveraigne and to none other This Oath Roger not onely tooke himselfe but likewise administred to all the other being then Chancellour of England yet notwithstanding forgetting all duties of Religion towards God of thankfulnesse towards his patron and Loyalty towards his Prince he was the first man who upon the death of the King fell to plotting for the advancement of Stephen unto the Kingdome who likewise had taken the former Oath and swore homage and fealty unto Mawde which by his perswasion he first attempted and much deale by his ungracious counsell at last obtained At the time of King Henry his death it hapned that Mawde was in Normandy with her Father wherefore Stephen Earle of Bologne taking this advantage wrought so with this Bishop and the Bishop of Winchester and they with him as they were content to set the Crowne upon his head who otherwise than by a kinde of election which they procured had no colour of right unto the same For if they regarded nearenesse of blood not onely Mawde and her sonne were nearer but Theobald also Earle of Bloyes Stephens elder brother Howbeit these Clergie men that bare all the sway in those times desirous to continue their owne greatnesse would needes make choyse
of him thinking by this meanes they should so farre obleige Stephen to them as in all likelihood it must be a meanes not onely to continue but likewise much to encrease their swaying power greatnesse and authority As for the Oath they had taken this Bishop devised an excuse that King Henry after the time they had sworne to his daughter marrying her out of the Realme without her consent had therein discharged them of that Oath However this allegation might bleare the eyes of men it could not deceive God that out of his justice turned this device to the destruction of many and the infinite trouble of all them that had any finger in the same especially of this Bishop King Stephen in the beginning of his raigne to secure himselfe the better against forraine invasions as he thought granted license unto all that would to build Castles in any part of the Realme by vertue of which grant in a short time after there were erected no lesse than 1117. new Castles This Bishop hereupon cujus opera nunquam Episcopali a fuere writes Neubrigensis built a Castle at the Devises the goodliest stateliest building in all Europe with the Castles of Shirborne and Malmesbury and new walled and repaired the Castle of Salisbury Et quoniam hujusmodi extructio Episcopalem honestatem minus decere videbatur ad tollendam illius structionis invidiam quasi expiandam maculam totidem monasteria construens collegis religiosis implevit saith the same Neubrigensis These antidotes were of so small force as there wanted not many to buzze dayly into the Kings eares that these Castles no doubt were intended to entertaine the party of the Empresse his adversary and that it much behooved him to take them from the Bishop in whose hands to leave them was neither safe nor seemely Wherefore partly out of feare and jealousie of the Bishops fidelity and partly out of a desire of the Bishops wealth as some conjecture he summons a councell at Oxford whither all the Bishops and specially Roger of Salisbury are summoned Roger would faine excuse himselâ—e by his age and indisposition of body whereunto the King answered that he could by no meanes spare him nor want his advice whereon he meant principally to relye Whereupon the Bishop presuming on the Kings â—avour who had made one of his Nephewes Chancellour another Treasurer of England bestowed on himselfe the Burrough of Malmesbury saying sometimes Let this man beg while he will for a while I will grant him halfe the Kingdome rather than say him nay and sooner shall he be weary of craving than I of granting repaired to Oxford where there grew a fray betweene some of the Kings Officers and the Bishops men about lodgings wherein two of his men were slaine and divers wounded Hereupon his men and he fled as also his son Nephews but they were all persued and taken except the Bishop of Ely who fled to the Castle of the Devises which was very well manned and provided determining to hold it out against the King who presently repaired thither with all speed carrying his Prisoners along with him whom he caused to be very hardly used shutting up the one Bishop in an Oxestall the other in a filthy black roome more loathsome than the other At his first comming he summoned the Castle entending to prove all meanes to get in rather than let this occasion slip Trying therefore many practises when no other would take successe he caused a paire of gallowes to be set up and swore he would hang Roger the Bishop if the Castle were not presently yeelded up to him The Bishop of Ely continuing obstinate in his deniall though his Uncle of Salisbury had entreated him earnestly to yeeld the halter was now about the young mans necke and he ready to be executed when his Father humbly besought the king to accept his best endeavour for the effecting of his desire and to save his Sonnes life was content to sweare he would neither eate nor drinke before the Castle were delivered to the King Hereupon the execution of the Son was stayed but it cost the Father his Life For the Bishop of Ely his Nephew notwithstanding what entreaty would be made suffered his Uncle to â—ast three whole dayes before he would give overâ— by meanes whereof the Old Bishop partly for griefe partly by so long abstinence â—ell sicke of a quartaine Ague whereof he languished and at last dyed raving and taking on like a man distract of his wits certaine dayes before his departure which death and usage of his is by our Historians reputed a just judgement of God upon him for his perjury and Treason against Mawde in dis-inheriting her of the Crowne contrary to his Oath There was found in this Castle of his 4000. Markes of silver ready coyned besides gold plate jewels and household stuffe of inestimable price all which the King layd hands on The Bishops sonne was kept in Prison and dealt earnestly withall to renounce the Empresse against whom he had formerly sided and devote himselfe to the Kings party which he constantly refused and with long suite obtained at last that hee might be banished the Realme This Act of the King in seising the Bishops Castles was variously spoken of many Some sayd the Bishops were lawfully deprived of them because they had built them without any warrant from the Canons that they ought to be Evangelists of peace not Architects of Castles which might prove a refuge to Malefactors Hugh Arch-Bishop of Rhoan alleadged these things with more ample reasons and speeches being the Kings greatest advocate and maintaining his side with all his eloquence Others held the contrary with whom Henry Bishop of Winchester sided being the Popes Legate and the Kings owne Brother whom neither his brotherly alliance nor feare of danger compelled to exorbitate from the truth who alledged that if the Bishops had transgressed the rule of Justice in any thing that the judgement hereof belonged not to the King but to the Canons and that they ought not to be deprived of any possession without a publik Ecclesiasticall Councell That the King had done this not out of a zeale of rectitude but for his owne profit who rendred not the Castles to the Churches by whose cost and on whose lands they were built but contrarily gave them to lay men and that to such who had little Religion in them speaking these things privately and also publikely before the King and calling upon him to free and restore the Bishops he lost his labour no man listning to him Wherfore determining to try the vigour of the Canons he commanded the king â—his brother immediately to appeare before him at the Councell which he was about to celebrate at Winchester where most of the Bishops of England assembling the Cardinalls Commission for his power Legatineâ— from Pope Innocent being first read he made a speech in Latine wherein he complained of the unworthy apprehending of the Bishops of Salisbury
all his goods and to be thrust prisoner into the Monastery of Dover The Officers hereupon sent from this most cruell tyrant seize upon all his carriage and goods and strip him and his of all they had and finding him in the Church of S. Martyn in Dover neither respecting the greatnesse of his person nor the holinesse of the place dragging him by force from the very sacred Altar and violently halling him out of the Church in a most contumelious manner thrust him prisoner into the Castle The same of this enormity flying as it were upon the wings of the winde presently filled all England The Nobility storme at it the inferiour sort curse him for it and all with common votes detest the tyrant Iohn most of all grieved at the captivity and abuse of his brother earnestly seekes not onely to free him from prison but to revenge his wrong Wherefore he speedily gathers together a great army many Bishops and Nobles that formerly sided with the Chancellor joyning their forces with him being justly offended with his tyrannicall proceedings and immoderate pride as well as others and raged against him more than others both with their tongues and mindes The Chancellor hereupon releaseth the Archbishop who comming to London allayed and recompensed the griefe of the injury sustained with the more aboundant affections and offices of many But Iohn with the other Nobles and Prelates not satisfied with his release though stirred up with his imprisonment proceeded on to breake the hornes of this Vnicorne who with his friends and forraigne souldiers encamped about Winchester but finding himselfe too weake and most of his friends and his souldiers to fall off from him flees first to Windsor and from thence to London where finding the Citizens who formerly feared him for his pride and cruelty to incline to Iohn flies with all his company into the Tower which being oppressed with the multitude was more likely to betray than defend them whereupon he seeing his danger â—oes forth and submits himselfe to Iohn craves leave for thâ—se included in the Tower to departâ— resignes up the Tower and all the other royall forts to him and flieth privatly in an inglorious manner to Dover to his Sisters husband thinking to steale secretly beyond the seas to the King and knowing that his enemies if they should have any inkling of his intent would assuredly hinder the same or worke him some mischiefe by the way he disguised himselfe in womans apparell and so went unto the Sea side at Dover mufled with a met-yard in his hand and a webbe of cloth under his arme There he sate upon a rocke ready to take shippe where a certaine leude marriner thinking him to be some strumper began to dally wantonly with him whereby it came to passe that being a stranger borne and not able to speake good English nor give the marriner an answer either in words or deeds he suspected him to be a man and called a company of women who pulling off his kerchiefe and muffler found his crowne and beard shaven and quickly knew him to be that hatâ—full Chancellour whom so many had so long cursed and feared whereupon in great dispite they threw him to the ground spit upon him beat him sore and drew him by the heeles aloâ—â— tâ—e â—ands the people flocking out of the Towne deriding and abusing him both in words and deeds The Burgâ—sses of the Towne heaâ—iâ—g of this tumult came and tooke him from the people his servants being not able to rescue him and 〈◊〉 him into a seller there to keepe him prisoner till notice had beene given of his departure It is a world to see he that was a few monethes before honoredâ— and reverenced of all men like a petty god attended by Noblemens sonnes and Gentlemen of quality whom he matched with his Neeces and Kindswomen every man accounting himselfe happy whom he favoured yea to be acquainted well with his Porters and Officers being thus once downe and standing in neede of his friends helpe had no man that moved a finger to rid him out of the present calamity trouble Whereupon he lay prisoner in this pickle a good space The Earle Iohn was desirous to have done him some further notable disgrace and contumely neither was there any one almost that for his owne sake withstood it But the Bishops though most of them his enemies regarding notwithstanding his calling and place would not suffer it but caused him to be released So not long after being deposed of his Office of Chancellor by direction of the King deprived of authority and banished the Land by the Lords Barons and Prelates of the Realme hee gat him over Sea into Normandy where hee was borne and complained of these proceedings against him to the Pope whose Legate he was who thereupon writ Letters in his favour to all the Archbishops and Bishops of England commanding them to excommunicate Iohn Earle of Morton and interdict the Realme till the Bishop was restored unto his former estate which the Bishops neglecting to doe notwithstanding this Bishops owne Letter to the Bishop of Lincolne touching this matter he there rested himselfe after this turmoile till the returne of King Richard from the holy Land the Archbishop of Roan governing the Kingdome the meane while whom he caused the Pope to excommnnicate Anno. 1194. Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury with the Bishops of Lincolne London Rochester Winchester Worceter Hereford the Elect of Exeter and many Abbots and Clergy men of the Province of Canterbury after they had excommunicated Earle Iohn with all his Fauters and Councellours in an Assembly at Westminster in the Chappell of the infirme Monkes on â—he 4th of February appealed to the presence of the Pope against this Bishop of Ely that he should not from thenceforth enjoy the office of a Legate in England which appeale they ratified with their seales and sent it first to the King and afterwards to the Pope to be confirmed Vpon the Kings returne this Bishop excused himselfe the best he might reconciled himselfe to Geoffery Archbishop of Yorke purging himselfe with an hundred Clerkes his compurgators from the guilt of his wrongfull imprisonment and misusage at Dover and being after sent Embassadour to the Pope with the Bishop of Durham and others fell sicke by the way at Poyters and so died From this and other forcited presidents we may see how dangerous and pernicious a thing it is for any one man to have the exercise of spirituall and temporall Jurisdiction vested in him since it makes him a double tyrant and oppressour Eustachius this turbulent Prelates successor was one of those Bishops that pronounced the Popes excommunication against King Iohn and interdicted the whole Realme for which he was glad to flee the Realme continuing in exile for many yeares his temporalties goods being seised on by the King in the interim yea the King for this Act warned all the Prelates and Clergie of England that
learning and therefore were forbidden as being bâ—th in regard of their owne authority against the supreme majestie and independency of the Crown of England And before this in King 〈◊〉 reigne in that great controversie in the Synod of Winchester touching the Castles of Newarke Salesâ—ury and the Vies the King denied utterly Censuram Canonum pati that is to have it determined by themâ— whether or noâ— the two Bishops Roger of Salisbury and Alexander of Lincolne might lawfully kepe their Castles that they had fortified But while the rest of the Bishops stood so much upon their Canons and even in the face of majestie profest a rebellion the King and the Lay subjects it seemes grew so exasperated against them that by publike command for the preservation of the Liberty of the Crowne and Laity they were forbidden to be of any more use in the Kingdome for so perhaps is that to be understood in Iohn of Chartres where he sayes that Tempore Regis Stephani a regno jussae sunt Leges Romanae quas in Brittanniam domus venerabilis Patris Tâ—eobaldi Briâ—tanniarum Primatis asciverat Ne quis etiam libros retineret edicto Regio prohibitum est The Canon Law made by Popes and Prelates being inconsistent with the Kings Supremacy and Subjects Liberty Stephen Berksteed the 14th Bishop of Chichester Anno. 1265. was excommunicated by Oâ—tobon the Popes Legate for rebelling and taking part with the Barons against King Henry the third who thereupon repaired to Rome for absolution Iohn de Langhton the 16th Bishop of Chichister Anno. 1315. excommunicated Warren Earle of Kent for adultery whereupon the Earle came unto him with armed men making some shew to lay violent hands upon him unlesse he would absolve him The Bishops men perceiving it by their Masters command set upon them and put both the Earle and his men in prison whereupon ensued great combustions Thomas Rushocke the 20th Bishop of Chichester a lewde pernicious Prelate Anno. 1388. was driven away from the Court by the Barons as a Traytor for his ill Councells to Richard the second his Lands and goods confiscated he banished and deprived of his Bishoppricke by Act of Parliament himself had suffered as a Traytor but that his guiltinesse made him flie before he could be apprehended Adam Molins the 31. Bishop of that See falling at variance with Richard Duke of Yorke was slaine at Portsmouth by certaine Marriners Iune 9. 1449. Richard Sampson the 37th of Chichester Anno 21. Hen. 8. was committed to the Tâ—â—â—â—â—r for relieving certaine Trayterous persons who denied the Kings Supremacy George Day the 21. Bishop of this See October 10. 1551. was deprived from his Bishoppricke for denying the Kings Supremacy and maintaining the Popes and other misdemeanours but was afterwards restored by Queene Mary at whose Coronation hee preached Iohn Christopherson the 40. Bishop of this Diocesse was deprived by Act of Parliament in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths happy reigne for denying her supremacy and refusing to take the oath of alegiance To passe by the subsequent Bishops of this See Richard Mountague the last Bishop thereof but one was the principall abetter and reviver of those late Arminian and Popish Doctrines Ceremonies Innovations which for sundry yeares have disquietedâ— both our Church and State and that not onely in his Booke intituled Appello Caesarem published in the yeare 1625. complained against in three severall Parliaments and called in by his Majesties speciall Proclamation as a Booke that opened the way to those Schismes and Divisions which have since ensued in our Church though for this very Bookeâ— he was advanced to this See by the practise and confederacy of some swaying Prelates and in his Gagge but likewise in his Visitation Articles his Antidiatribae his Aparatus ad Historiam Ecclesâ—asticam and other Workes as you may reaâ— more largely in Mr. Bayly his Canterburians seâ—fe-Conviction the last Edition which Bookes of his have given great scandall to our Church much advantage to our Popish Adversaries and much distractedâ— not onely our Church but State for which no doubt hee should have received his just demerits in the high Court of Parliament had not hee died suddenly out of feare being sent for to answer his old and new offences upon some fresh complaints to ease the Parliament and prevent a censure Of his successor in this See I neede say nothing hee is so well knowne wherefore I shall next visit Carlile Diocesse and give you but a touch of some speciall Acts of the Bishops of that See The Bishops of Carlile Walter Malclerke in the yeare 1223. was consecrated unto the Bishoppricke of Carlile which hee acknowledged to have obtained by evill and corrupt meanes and therefore resigned the same moved in conscience so to doe as hee alledged Iune 29. 1246. and tooke on him the habit of a Fryer Preacher at Oxford in which he continued till his death Being Treasurer of England under King Henry the third the King upon a sudden at the instigation of Peter Bishop of Wâ—nchester not onely displaced him from that office but revoked certaine Grants made unto him heretofore charged him with the debt of 100. pound which hee acknowledged not For redresse of these wrongs as he tooke them he determined to travell to Rome but was stayed at the waters-side by the Kings Officers whom Roger Bishop of London excommunicated for the same and riding presently to Worceter where the Court lay renewed that Excommunication in the Kings presenceâ— How he thrived with these businesses afterward I find not But likely enough it is that these troubles rather made him weary of the world than any such scruple induce him to leave his Bishoppricke Sylvester de Everdon the 5th Bishop of this See was elected in the yeare â—â—46 but not consecrated till February 5th 1247. because he refused to accept of the election alledging his owne unworthinesse but at last upon better deliberation yeelded he was one of them that joyned with Boniface the Archbishop and Ethelmaâ—re the Elect of Winchester in their request to the King that remembring his promise often made hereafter he would not impeach the Libertie of Elections by interposing his armed requests c. The King acknowledged hee had indeede offended that way and that especially quoth he in making meanes for you your selves that thererefore of all other should least find fault with it To this man particularly hee used these words I remember how I exalted thee Sylvester of Carlile unto a Bishoppricke having hankered a long time about the Chancery and being a petty Chaplaine to my Chaplaines preferring thee before many grave and reverend Divines c. His conclusion was that if they would give over their places which they had obtained by so undue meanes he would hereafter forbeare to commend any so unworthy This was the yeare 1253. The yeare following
a fray in which some servants of the Covent â—lew certaine citizens A Jury being empaneled hereupon found them guilty and the Officers tooke order for the apprehending of the murtherers if they might be met withall The Monkes greatly offended herewith first excommunicated the Citizens then shutting the gates not onely prepared themselves to defence but also began to offend the other shooting at the passengers first and afterward issuing out of their gates killing divers persons and spoiling many houses The Citizens greatly incensed herewith fired the gates entred the Monastery and after a long conflict a great number being slaine on both sides prevailed rifled the Priory and set fire on the same in divers places at once This fire consumed not onely the Cells and Offices of the Monkes but the Almes house also the steeple and greatest part of the Cathedrall Church The King hearing of this tumult with all speed posted thither with the Bishop of Rochester and others The Bishop of Rochester excommunicated all those who had consented to this wickednesse and the King caused divers Citizens to be hangedâ— drawne and quartered amongst the rest that were executedâ— a woman that carried fire to the gates was burned The Monkes for their part appealed to Rome and so handled the matter that they not onely escaped punishment but also forced the Citizens to pay them 3000. markes after 500. markes a yeare toward the reparation of their Church and to present them with a Pix or Cup of gold of seven pound weight This end was made by King Edward the first his Father being now dead at the request and solicitation of the Bishop But the Prior saith Holinshed was well enough borne out and defended by the Bishop of Norwich named Roger who as it is likely was the Master of the mischiefe though hands were not layde upon him nor upon his adherents perhaps for feare peradventure for favour and no marvell though the lesse faulty lost their lives as most guilty for Rarus venator ad ursos Accedit tutos conservat Sylva Leones Debilibus robusta nocent grandia paruis Ales fulminiger timidos infestat olores Accipiter laniat Turdos mollesque Columbas Verficoler Coluber ranas miserasque lacertas Irretit muscas transraittit aranea vespes So Holinshed After him Anthony de Becke the 17th Bishop of this See attaining this dignity at the Popes hands behaved himselfe so imperiously in the place that he bereaved the Monkes of divers ancient and long enjoyed priviledges suffering them to doe nothing in their house but what seemed good unto him plucking downe and preferring amongst them whom he listed Neither could he onely be content thus to tyrannize over them but scorning to have his actions reformed or called in question by any other he openly withstood Robert Winchelsey Bishop of Canterbury in his Visitation affirming that he would not answer to those things which were objected against him unlesse it were at the Court of Rome This boysterous and unruly dealing purchased him such hatred of all men that at the last he was poysoned by some of his owne servants William Bateman the 18th Bishop of Norwichâ— forced the Lord Morley for killing certaine Deere in one of his Parkes and abusing his Keepers to carry a burning Taper in his hand through the streetes of Norwich unto the High-Altar by way of Pennance And although King Edward the third became an earnest intercessor for him to the Bishop mingling sometimes threates with requests yet nothing could move the Bishop following his determinate course such arrogant malicious dispitefull froward creatures are Prelates for the most part both towards Kings and Nobles In his time there hapned a great Pestilence so that in many Monasteries and religious Houses there were scarce two of twenty left alive there died onely in Norwich in one yeare besides religious men 57104 persons Henry Spencer a Gentleman of great valour and skill in martiall affaires serving the Pope as Generall in his warres in the yeere 1370. was made Bishop of Norwich And being a better Butcher and Souldier than a Shepheard he notwithstanding the Kings Commandement to the contrary procured the Popes authority for levying of an army here in England which he transported about the yeare 1385. into the Low-Countries for the Popes service in his warâ—es where after hee had slaine above 1100. men in a set battâ—ll wherein the Priests and religious men that were with the Bishop fought valiantly and most eagerly some of them slaying sixteene men apeece in one battell against the â—lemmings vanquished an army of 30000. and burnt the Townes of Graveling Dunkirke Newport and others returned againe into England the King seising his Temporalties into his hands detaining them two yeares space for his contempt in raising an army without and against his expresse command This Martiall Prelate had forgotten what answer all the Bishops Abbots and Clergy of England gave to King Henry the third Anno. 1267. in a Parliament at St. Edmonds Berry where the King demanding that all Clergy men holding Baronies or Lay Fee should goe armed in person against the Kings enemies or should finde so many men to serve the King in his Expidition as pertained to so much land or tenement To this they answered Quod non debent pugnare cum gladio raateriali That they ought not to fight with the materiall sword but with the spirituall naraely with teares and sighes and devout Prayers and that for their Benefices they were bound to maintaine peace not warre and that their Baronies were founded in pure Franck-Almoigne where they owed no Knights Service but what was certaine neither would they begin any new and when it was replied that the Prelates were obliged to grant all the Kings requests there specified and contradicted by them whether they would or no by reason of the Oath they had taken at Coventrie where they swore that they would ayde their Lord the King by all meanes that they could To this they gave this equivocating answer that when they made this Oath they understood it not of any other ayde but spirituall and wholesome councell denying to grant the King any mony at all But it seemes that this was then the Bishops received distinction that they might lawfully beare armes and fight with the materiall sword and grant Subsedias to ayde the Pope against his enemies as this Bishop and the Clergy in his time did but not to assist the King against his enemiesâ— This Martiall Act of his warlike Prelate is thus censured by William Swinderby one of our Martyrs in Richard the seconds raigne Further I say if the Pope hold men of armes in maintaining his Temporalties and Lordship to venge him on them that gilten and offend him and gives remission to fight and to sley them that contrary himâ— as men say he did by the Bishop of Norwich not putting his sword into his sheath as God commanded Peter Mitte c.
Bishops of Chester after him till towards the later end of King Henry the eight his reigne who erected a new Bishops See at Chester distinct from that of Coventry and Leichfield and subjected it to the province of Yorke by Act of Parliament to wit 33. Hen. 8. c. 30. Iohn Byrd the first Bishop of this new erected See was deprived in Queene Maries dayes for being married Cutbert Scot the third Bishop of this Diocesse in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths dayes was displaced and for his disobedience committed to the Fleet whence escaping he fled into Loraine and there died To passe by the other Prelates of this See I shall give you onely a touch of Iohn Brigdman the present Bishop of it This man in his wives life time seemed to be a favowrer of godly Ministers but since her decease he hath turned a prosecutor if not a persecutor of them â—uspending and driving many of them out of his Diocesse especially in Lancashire amidst the Papists where was greatesâ— neede of them to pleasure the now Archbishop of Canterbury whose great creature and intelligencer he hath been of late yeares he caused divers of the city of Chester to be Pursevanted Articled against in the High Commission Court at Yorke and there fined censured and almost ruined in their estates onely for visiting Mr. Prynne at Chester in his passage to Carnarvan whose Pictures he caused to be publickly defaced and the frames of them to be openly burnt at the high Crosse in Chester before the Major and his brethren in a most disgracefull manner and caused divers of Chester to make a publike impious Recantation both in the Cathedrall Church and Towne Hall at Chester onely for visiting Mr. Prynne at his being there with the license of his Keepers who had no warrant nor authority to keepe any from him in all which proceedings as appeares by his owne letters this Bishop was both the Informer Accuser Director and Judge in some sort To comply with the times he erected divers stone Altars in his Diocesse one in the Cathedrall at Chester used in times of Popery which hee caused to be digged up out of the ground where it was formerly buried which Altar since this Parliament for feare of questioning he hath caused to be taken downe and re-enterred He ordered all the Ministers in Chester not onely to read prayers but likewise to preaâ—h in their Hoods and Surplesses for which there is neither Law nor Canon but his Lordly pleasure he commanded all Sermons there to end before nine of the clock in the morning because the Major Alderman should dance attendance on his Highnesse at the Cathedrall to which end he emplored the ayde of the Archbishop of Yorke causing some to be troubled for not comming to the Cathedrall after they had beene at their owne parish Churches Hee was a great stickler in the late warre against the Scots a vehement presser of the loane on the Clergy to maintaine it threatning to impose armes on those who refused it He greatly promoted the new Canons and late c. Oathâ— which he both tooke and enforced eagerly on his Clergy He hath divers great impropriations of good value where he alloweth little or no maintenance at all to finde either a reading Curate or Preaching Minister he hath caused divers to be excommunicated and vexed in his Consistory for going to heare Sermons abroad when they had none at home If any desire to know more of his Episcopall vertues I shall referre them to a Booke intituled A New Discovery of the Prelates Tyranny and to the Petitions of the inhabitants of Cheshire Chester Lancashire Wiggon and others already exhibited or ready to be preferred to the High Court of Parliament against him and so passe to the Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield out of which this Bishoppricke of Chester was derived The Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield Of the first Bishops of this See there is little extant in our stories but onely their names with the time of their Conâ—ecrations and deathes and the Acts of some others of them I have formerly related in Chester so as I shall be very briefe in those who remaine Roger de Clinton the 36. Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield about the yeare 1147â— tooke upon him the Crosse went to Ierusalem to fight against the Saracens and died at Antioch Aprill 16. 1148. Richard Peche sonne unto Rober Peche Archdeaâ—on of Coventry in the yeare 1162. succeeded him in this Bishoppricke of this Archdeacon and Bishop perchance it was that I reade this merry passage in Giraldus Cambrensis in Camdens Brittannia p. 604. who relates it out of him It hapned that a certaine Iew travelling towards Shrewsbury with the Archdeacon of Malpas in Cheshire whose surname was Peche that is Sinne and a Deane named Devill when he heard by chance the Archdeacon telling that his Archdeaconry began at a place called Ill-street and reached as far as to Malpas towards Chester he considering and understanding with all as well the Archdeacons surname as the Deanes came out with this merry and pleasant conceit would it not be a wonder quotâ— he and my fortune very good if ever I get safe againe out of this country where Sinne is the Archdeacon and the Divell is the Deane where the entry into the Archdeaconry is Ill-streete and the going forth of it Malpas Geoffery Blithe Bishop of this See Anno Dom. 1523. was attached for high Treason And to mention no more Robert Wright the present Bishop of this Diocesse set up a goodly Crucifix in a frame with the pictures of men and women devoutly praying to it in the Cathedrall at Litchfield over the Altar there for oppoâ—ing whereof he caused the Lady Davis to be laid in â—edlam promoted the late Innovations and had a great hand â—n composing and imposing the lateâ— Canons Oath Benevolence and Lone for which he stands now impeached by the Commons in Parliament to whose Censure I remit him CHAP. VI. Comprising the Treasons Conspiracies Seditions Contumacies and Disloyalties of the Bishops of Rochester St. Davids Landaffe Bangor Asaph Bath and Wells With a short touch of the Bishops of Oxford Bristol Peterburgh and Glocester Rochester PVTTA the sixth Bishop of Rochester waxing weary of his Bishopricke was halfe determined to leave it when Edilred King of Mercia upon some displeasure conceived against him burning his Church and City resolved and setled him in that determination So hee went into Mercia where he accepted the Charge of a Parish Church under Saxulf Bishop there mending his living by teaching a singing Schoole for he was a great and cunning Musitian In that kinde of life hee spent the rest of his time and could never abide to heare of returning to his Bishopricke Malmesbury gives this verdict of him Quantum idoneus otiâ— Eccleâ—iastico tantâ—m hebes segnis forensi negotio Anno 983.
Common-wealth hâ—th sustained by the exorbitant courses of the Bishops and knowing well what the wiseman saith Eccles. 8.11 Thaâ— iâ— senâ—â—nce be not speedily executed against â—n evill wâ—rke the hâ—arts â—f the sonâ—e of men are set upon further mischiefe â—he timely râ—drâ—sse wheâ—eof doth better become the wisedome of Parliamentâ— then a too-late wofull râ—pentance have commanded me to represent unto your Lordships That Walter Bishop of Winchester Robert Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield Godfry Bishop of Glocester Joseph Bishop of Exâ—ester John Bâ—shop of Asaph William Bishop of Bath and Wells Geoâ—ge Bâ—shop of Hereford Matthew Bishop of Ely William Bâ—shop of Bangor Robert Bishop of Brisâ—oll John Bâ—shop of Rochâ—ster John Bishâ—p of Peterborough Morgan Bishop of Landaffe Together with Williâ—m Archbishop of Canterbury and others of the Clergie of that Province at a Convocation or Synod for the same Province begun at London in the yeare 1640. did contrive make and promulgâ— severall Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiasticall containing in them divers matters contrary to the Kings Prerogative to the fundamentall Lâ—wes and Statutes of the Realme to the Rights of Parliament to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects and matters tending to sedition and of dangerous consequence And to adde the more weighâ— and efficacie to this their monstrous designe They did at the same Synod under a specious and faire Title grant a Benâ—volâ—nce or Contribution to his Majesty to be paid by the Clergy of that Province contrary to Law It rested not there for though this had beene enough to have affrighted and terrâ—fied the Kings people with strange apprehensions and feares yet that these might not seem to be contrivancies of their brain or Fancies oâ—lyâ— they were put in Execution and were executed upon divers with animosity and rigour to the great oppression of the Clergy of this Realme and other his Majesties subjects and in contempt of the King and of the Law Whether these persons my Lords that are culpable of these Offences shall be thought fit to have an Interest in the Legislative power your Lordships Wisdome and Justice is able to judge But for these matters â—nd things the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons House in Parliament in the name of themselves and of all the Commons of England doe impeach the said Bishops before-named of the Crimes and Misdemeanors before expressed and do therefore pray that they may bee forthwith put to their Answers in the Presence of the Commons and that such further Proceedings may bee had against them as to Law and Justice shall appertaine Now that the world may take notice what Power the Clergy in their Conâ—ocation have to make Canons and Constitutions to bind the subjects and of what validity their late Canons are I shall avouch the Votes of the Commons House concerning them as I find them printed at the end of this Impeachmeâ—t of Bishops The Votes concerning the Bishops late Booke of Canons in the House of Commons THat the Clergy of England convented in any Convocation or Synod or otherwise have no power to make any Constitutions Canons or Acts whatsoever in matter of doctrine or otherwise to binde the Clergy or Laity of this Land without the common consent of Parliament That the severall Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiasticall treated upon by the Archbishops of Canturbury and Yorke Presidents of the Convocation for the respective Provinces of Canterbury and Yorke and the rest of the Bishops and Clergy of these Provinces and agreed upon by the Kings Majesties licence in their â—everall Synods begun at London and Yorke 1640. doe not bind the Clergy or Laity of this Land or either of them And thus I have donâ— with our English Lordly Prelates whose only study is and hath been to support their Lordly dignity not true religion devotion and pietyâ— I shall conclude with them in Saint Bernards words Vides omnem Ecclesiasticum zelum fervere sola pro dignitaâ—e tuenda Honori totum datur sanctitati nihil aut parum Nisi quod sublime est hoc salutare dicamus quod gloriam redolet id justum Ita omne humile probro ducitur inter Palatinatos Et tunc potissimum volunt dominari cum professi fuerint servitutem Fideles se spondent ut opportunius fidentibus noceant Ante omnia sapientes sunt ut faciaâ—t mala bâ—num autem facere nesciunt Hi invisi terrae coeâ—o utrique injecêre manus impii in Deum temerarii in sancta seditiosi in invicem aemuli in vicinos inhumani in extraneos quos neminem amantes amat nemo Hi sunt qui subesse non sustinent praeesse non norunt superioribus infideles inferioribus importabiles Docuerunt linguam suam grandia loqui cum operentur exigua Blandissimi adulatores mordacissimi detractores simplicissimi dissimulatores malignissimi Proditores O miserandam Sponsam talibus creditam Paranymphis qui assignata cultui ejus proprio retinere quaestui non verentur Non amici profectò Sponsi sed aemuli sunt Erunt inquam hujusmodi maximo studio corrigendi ne pereant aut ne perimant coercendi CHAP. VII Containing the severall Treasons Rebellions Seditions Schismes Contumacies Warres and disloyalties of the Bishops of France Normandy Scotland and Ireland with reference unto the Kings of England HAving thus passed through the Treasons Rebellions Seditions Warres and disloyall practises of our English Lordly Prelates I shall here in the next place give you a taste of the like crimes and practises of some French Norman Prelates against our Kings their Soveraignes either here or in Normandy and likewise of the Bishops of Scotland and Ireland which I thought meet to couple with our English Prelates these Kingdomes being now happily united under the Government of our gracious Soveraigne and his deceased Father French and Norman Bishops Acts of this kind I shall begin with Saint German Bishop of Aâ—xerre in France of whom it is storyed that comming into England in King Vortigerns time and repairing to his Court with his Companions in a cold frosty night the King shut him out and would give him no lodging which the Kings Herdsman seeing taking pitty upon them and commiserating their affliction lodged them in his house and killed a calfe which they did eate at supper whose bones Saint German commanded to be brought to him when supper was ended and putting them all into the Calves skin he miraculously raisâ—d up the Calâ—e againe from the dead whereas Christ and his Apostles never raised any dead beast but dead men onely and put him to his damme where he sell a eating hay And on the next day by command from God as some writers affirme German deposed Vortigerne from his Kingdome and made the Herdsman King in his place to the great admiration of all men and from thence forth the Kingâ— of the Britaine 's descended from the race of this Herdsman But Gildas in his History saith that this happened not to
for sundry great offences by them committed Whereupon Gawin Dowglasse Bishop of Dunkeld hearing of this Proclamation though not named in it conscious to himselfe of great offences fled into England and remained aâ— London in the Savoy where he dyed Anno 1569. There was a great rebellion in the North by the Earles of Westmorland and Northumberland and others Murray then Regent of Scotland informed Queene Elizabeth that the Bishop of Rosse then in England was the Authour of that Rebellion whereupon he was committed to the Bishop of London to remaine his Prisoner As the Archbishops of Canterbury Primates of all England have beene the greatest Traytors and Incendiaries of all other our Prelates so have the Bishops and Archbishops of Saint Andrewes Primates of all Scotland beene the like in that Realme of which I shall give you a taste In the yeare of our Lord 1180. Richard Bishop of Saint Andrews deceasing there arose a great Schisme about the election of a new Bishop for the canons of the Church of S. Andrews elected Iohn Scot for their Bishop and William King of Scots made choyce of Hugh his Chaplaine and caused him to be consecrated by the Bishops of his Kingdome notwithstanding the said Iohns appeale to the Pope Whereupon Pope Alexander sent Alexis a sub-Deacon of the Church of Rome into Scotland to heare and determine the controversie betweene these two competitors Who after a long debate finding that the said Iohn was Canonically elected and that Hugh after the appeale to the Pope was violently intruded by the King into the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes immediately deposed him from his Bishopricke and by his authority imposed perpetuall silence on him confirmed the election of Iohn and caused him to be consecrated Bishop of Saint Andrewes by the Bishops of Scotland the King neither prohibiting nor contradicting it yea permitting it by the Counsell of the Bishops of his Realme But immediately after his consecration the King prohibited him to stay within his kingdome and Hugh carryed himselfe as Bishop no lesse than he did before his deprivation and taking with him the Episcopall Chaplet Staffe and Ring with other things he unlawfully detaining them and beginning his journey towards Rome departed And because he would not restore the things he carryed away Allexis excommunicated him interdicted his Bishopricke and the Pope confirmed that sentence Hereupon the Pope writes three Letters one to the Bishops Abbots and Prelates of all Scotland the Prior of Saint Andrewes and the Clergy and people of that Diocesse honourably to receive Iohn as their Bishop within 8 dayes after the receipt of this Letter and to submit unto him as their Bishop and putting on the spirit of fortitude to labour wisely and manfully for the preservation of Ecclesiasticall Justice and to endeavour to appease the Kings displeasure But if the King were averse or inclining to the Counsell of wicked men then they ought to obey God and the holy Church of Rome more than men otherwise he must and would ratifie the sentence which Hugh Bishop of Durham had pronounced against the contumacious and rebellious Another Letter to all the Bishops and Prelates of Scotland to denounce Hugh excommunicated and to avoyd his company as an excommunicate Person till he restored to Iohn the goods of the Church he had taken away and given him competent satisfaction for the things he had destroyed Moreover the Pope granted to Roger Arch-bishop of Yorke a power Legatine in Scotland and commanded him that he together wiâ—h Hugh Bishop of Durham should denounce a â—entence of excommunication against the King of Scotland and interdict his Kingdome unlesse he would permit the said Iohn to hold his Bishopricke in peace and give security to him to keepe the peace And the same Pope strictly commanded Iohn by vertue of his canonicall obedience that neither act of love nor feare oâ— any man nor through any mans suggestion or will he should rashly presume to relinquish the Church of Saint Andrewes to which he was consecrated and in which he was confirmed by Apostolicall authority nor presume to receive another Bishopricke adding that if he should attempt it he would take away both Bishopricks from him without exception After which Pope Alexander writ a Letter to King William himselfe enjoyning him thereby within twenty dayes after the receipt thereof to give peace and security to the Bishop and to receive him unto his favour so that he ought not to doubt the Kings indignation Alioquin noveritis c. Else he should know that he had commanded Roger Archbishop of Yorke Legate of the Apostolicke See in Scotland to put his Kingdome under interdict and to excommunicate his person notwithstanding any appeale And that he should know for certaine that if he persisted in his violence as he had formerly laboured that his kingdome might have liberty so he would thenceforth doe his endeavour Vt in pristinam subjectionem revertatur that it should revert unto its Priestine subjection He meant I take it not to himselfe but to England But the King obeying in nothing his Apostolicall mandates expelled Iohn Bishop of Saint Andrewes and Matthew Bishop of Aberden his Uncle oâ—t of his kingdome Whereupon Roger Arch-bishop of Yorke Hugh Bishop of Durham and Alexis prosecuting the Popes command Pronounced a Sentence of Excommunication against the Kings person and a sentence of Interdict against his Kingdome And Iohn on the other side fulminated a sentence of excommunication against Richard de Mâ—rtue Constable of Scotland and other of the Kings familiars who disturbed the peace betweene the King and him And Roger of Yorke and Hugh of Durham likewise enjoyned the Prior of Saint Andrewes and all Ecclesiasticall persons within the Diocesse to come to Iohn their Bishop and yeeld due subjection to him else they would pronounce a sentence of suspention against them as contumacious and rebellious And when as certaine Ecclesiastickes of the Diocesse for feare of the said suspension came to the said Iohn the King cast them all out of his kingdome with their children and kindred and with their very sucking children yet lying in their swathing cloutes and hanging on their Mothers brests Whose miserable proscription and exile the foresaid Roger of Yorke and Hugh of Durham beholding Reiterated their former excommunication and interdiction Commanding all Bishops Abbots Priors and Ecclesiasticall persons firmely and unmoveably to observe the same and very warily to shunne the King himselfe as an excommunicate Person Not long after Roger of Yorke fell sicke and dyed which the King of Scotâ— hearing rejoyced exceedingly thereat And taking advise with the Bishops Earles and other wise men of his kingdome he sent Ioceline Bishop of Glascow Arnulfe Abbot of Melros and others to Pope Lucius to absolve him from the foresaid Excommunication and interdict and if they might by any meanes to procure Iohn to be deprived By whose solicitation the Pope released the Excommunication and interdict as appeares by his Letter
colour or fraud that I have formerly erred in this that I thought the government of the Church to be like the regiment of terrene Kingdomes expresly against the precept of Christ our Lord and that the Monarchy whereby the Church is governed did not rest in the person of Christ our Saviour alone as it doth in truth but likewise in the Ministers who yet are nothing else but vassalls and Clarks under Christ Et aequales inter se and equall among themselves c. Lastly I confesse that the Office of a Bishop as now it is used and claimed omni authoritate verbi Dei destituitur solo politico hominum commento fundatur is destitute 〈◊〉 all authority from Gods Word and founded onely upon the politicke device of men out of which the Primacy of the Pope or Antichrist hath sprung Et merito damnandum est and it is deservedly to be condemned because the assembly of the Presbytery who have the power of Iurisdiction and Inspection both in Visitations and in Ordinations performeth all these things with greater authority piety and zeale than any one Bishop whose care for the most part is intent not upon God or their function but the world which he principally ordereth Consider after what sort it hath beene usurped these 506. yeares last past with how great cruelty and tyranny they have exercised it and thou shalt finde that it hath beene the Principall Originall of suppressing the Word of God in every kingdome which will evidently appeare to any one who shall survey the Ecclesiasticall History This Arch-Prelate held correspondency with our English Bishops from whom asking leave of the generall Assembly to goe into England about his Civill affaires onely as he pretented he received his consecration to this Arch-bishopricke in a secret manner Anno. 1589. and then returned into Scotland where he durst nor exercise his Archiepiscopall authority openly for a space King Iames after he was made Archbishop brought him from Saint Andrewes to Edenburgh that he might preach there openly in the great Church the King himselfe accompanying him with his Guard to secure him from the people brought him into the Church sending halfe of his Guard to convey the Bishop to the Pulpit doore which Master Iohn Cooper one of the ordinary Ministers of Edinburgh had prepossessed who standing up to say prayer and preach assoone as he perceived the King in his seate the King perceiving it sayd Master Iohn Cooper I will not have you preach this day I command you to goe downe out of the Pulpit and let the Bishop of Saint Andrewes come up and preach to me to the which the ordinary Minister replyed Please your Majesty this is the day appointed to me to preach and if it were your Majesties pleasure I would faine supply the place my selfe But the King replyed againe I will not heare you at this time I command you to goe downe and let Master Patricke Adamson come up and Preach this day and beside the King had remembred that he should not have stiled him a Bishop by reason there were so strait Acts against them Then Master John Cooper sayd I shall obey Sir and came downe from the Pulpit yet the rest of the Ministers that were there sitting with him at the entry of the Pulpit did not open the doore to the Bishop while the King commanded him and then so soone as the Bishop was entred into the Pulpit and began with low becke to doe reverence to the King and to other inferiour Magistrates the whole people rose out of their places with a great out-cry and lamentation and ranne out of the Church especially the women and when the Guard thought to have kept them in they ran over the Guard and Master Iohn Cooper going also out of the Church went to Mr. Robert Bruce his house the women all going with him and many men and there heard his Sermon which he should have Preached in the Church the fearefull noyse yet continuing in the Church many running out of the Church and some comming in againe to see whereto the matter would returne made the King to cry out and say What a devill ayles the people that they may not heare a man Preach but cry what he would cry for the space of a long time not any audience could be given so with what feare the Bishop Preacht that day and with how little audience they can best tell that considered the matter rightly alwayes the King set the Bishop in the midst of the Guard and so tooke him downe to the Abbey with him but so soone as he came to Saint Andrewes againe the Presbytery entred in Proces against him for taking upon him to be a Bishop which they proved by many reasons but chiefely for that the King called him so and albeit they had many hinderances and the King caused a great delay to be made devising meanes to save him from excommunication yet in the end he was excommunicated by the Provinciall Assembly albeit by the Kings earnest dealing his excommunication was not published in all Churches as it should have beene upon some promises which he made and yet never performed them This Arch-bishop by the instigation of our English Prelates writ and Preached in defence of Episcopacy as he afterwards confessed in the Synod of Fiffe where he retracted this his Doctrine as erronious and being put from his Bishopricke excommunicated and hated of the people who put him to the horne for his debts he fell into a great sicknesse called a Dogges appetite and wanting meate to satisfie his hunger he was in manner starved to death confessing in his sickenesse that his sentence of excommunication was justly pronounced and desired the Assembly to release him from it for Christs sake whereupon he was afterwards absolved after his forementioned recantation After this the very calling of Bishops having beene condemned and abjured in the Assembly at Dundy as unlawfull Anno. 1580. the Church of Scotland upon this Adamsons death continued free from the government and tyranny of Bishops till King Iames was possessed of the Crowne of England and some yeares after at which time some ambitious Scottish Ministers stealing secretly into England procured themselves to be consecrated Bishops by our English Prelates and by certaine insensible degrees by the helpe of our English Bishops by perjury forgery and other indirect meanes with much difficulty and opposition set up Episcopacy againe in the Church of Scotland to the great disturbance of that Church and State whereupon after the assembly at Glascow An. 1610. where Episcopacy was againe revived by admitting Ministers to have Vote in Parliament though with many a limitation which they afterwards frustrated and eluded by degrees one Gladstaine was ordained Arch-bishop of Saint Andrewes who is credibly reported to have made a solemne recantation at his death for his acceptance of such an unlawfull office which recantation was suppressed After him one Sprotswood succeeded a very vicious false and crafty
Cassell was accused by Iohn Gese Bishop of Lismore and Waterford upon 30. Articles layd to his charge After all that he charged him that he made very much of the Irish and loved none of the English that he bestowed no benefice upon any English man and gave order likewise unto other Bishops that they should not conferre the least living thaâ— was â—pon them That he counterfeited the King of Englands seale and the Kings Letters Patents that he went about to make himselfe king of Mounster also that he tooke a Ring away from the Image of Saint Patricke which the Earle of Desmund had offered and bestowed it upon an Harlot of his beside many other enormities which he exhibited in writing And the Lords and Commons were much troubled betweene these twaine Now in the same Parliament there was debate betweene Adam Pay Bishop of Clon and another Prelate â—or that he sayd Adam went about to unite the others Church unto his but the other would not and so they were â—ent and referred unto the Court of Rome and this Parliament lasted 18. dayes Annoâ— 1532. Iohn Allen Arch-bishop of Dublin Chaplaine to Cardinal Wolsie and his Creature put the Earle of Kildare to great trouble wrongfully to take away his life and that out of affection to his Lord and Master the Cardinall This Arch-bishop Anno. 22. H. 8â— was specially and by name excepted out of the Kings generall pardon of the Premunire and other offences granted to all the Clergie that yeare as appeares by the Act it selâ—e 22. H. 8. c. 15. No doubt it was because the King tooke speciall notice of some great injuries and mis-demeanors by him committed which he meant to question him for After this meaning to sayle into England Anno. 1534. and that secretly lurkingâ— as Tartajus Thomas Fitzgerald and others apprehended and haled him out of his Bed brought him naked in his â—hirt bare footed and bare headed to their Captaine whom when the Archbishop espied incontinently hee kneeled and with a pitifull countenance and lamentable voyce he besought him for the love of God not to remember former injuries but to weigh his present calamity and what malice so ever he bare his person yet to respect his calling and vocation in that his enemy was a Christian and he among Christians an Arch-bishop As he spake thus bequeathing his soule to God his body to his enemies mercâ— Thomas Stibon without compassion and withall inflamed wiâ—h desire of revenge turned his horse aside saying in Irish Away with the Churle meaning the Arch-bishop should be detained as Prisonerâ— But the Caitifes present misâ—onstring his words murthered the Arch-bishop without further delay brained and hackt him in gobbets his blood withall crying to God for revenge the place ever since hath beene hedged and imbarred on every side ungrowne and unfrequented for the deâ—estation of the fact rough and â—igorous Justice deadly hatred of the Giraldins for his Masters Wolsies sake and his owne as he had much crossed and bridled them in their governments promoted their accusations and forged a Letter against them to their prejudice and danger as was likely was the cause of his ruine Anno. 1567. Marice a runne gate Priest going to Rome was consecrated Arch-bishop of Cashell by the Pope arriving in Ireland he made challenge to the same See which being denyed to him by the Arch-bishop placed there by the Queene the sayd supposed Bishop sudainely with an Irish scaine wounded the Bishop and put him in danger of his life Annoâ— 1579. The Lord chiefe Justice of Ireland upon suspition of Treason committed the Chauncellor of Liviricke to Prison for which he was indicted and found guilty and the Bishop likewise upon the same suâ—pition was committed Prisoner to his owne houâ—e Anno. 1600. The Rebells of Mounster by their Agents a certaine Spaniard elect Arch-bishop of Dublin the Bishop of Clonfort the Bishop of Killaloe and Archer a Jesuite had obtained at lengâ—h with praying intreating and earnest beseeching at the King of Spaines hands that succour should be sent into Mounster to the Rebels under the conduct of Don Iohn D' Aquila upon assured hope conceived that all Mounster would shortly revolt and the titular Earle of Desmond and Florenâ— Mac-Carti joyne great aydes unto them but Sir George Carew the Lord President of Mounster had providently before intercepted them and sent them over into England Whereupon D' Aquila arrived at Kinsale in Mounster with two thousand Spaniards old Souldiers and certaine Irish Fugitives the last day of October and straight wayes having published a writing wherein he gloriously stiled himselfe with this Title Master Generall and Captaine of the Catholike King in the warre of God for holding and keeping the faith in Ireland endeavoureth to make the world beleeve that Queene Elizabeth by the definitive sentences of the Pope was deprived of her Kingdomes and her Subjects absolved and freed from their Oath of Allegiance and that he and his men were come to deliver them out of the Devills clawes and the English tyranny And verily with thâ— goodly pretence he drew a number of lewd and wicked persons to band and side with him through these Prelates meanes I have now given a short account of some of â—he Irish Prelates disloyall and seditious Actions in â—ormer ages which I shall close up with the accusations and proceedings against some of them within the limits of this last yeare On the fourth of March last the whole house of Commons in Ireland sent up these Articles of High Treason against Iohn Bramham Bishop of Derry and others to the Upper House of Parliament there which I finde Printed with Captaine Audâ—ey Mermin his speech who presented them at the time of their transmission Articles of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses in the Parliament Assembled against Sir Richard Bolton Knight Lord Chancellour of Ireland Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry and Sir Gerard Lowther Knight Lord Chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas and Sir George Ratcliffe Knight in maintenance of the accusation whereby they and every of them stand charged with High Treason FIrst that they the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry c. intending the destruction of the Common-wealth of this Realme have trayterously confederated and conspired together to subvert the fundamentall Laws and government of this Kingdome and in pursuance thereof they and every of them have trayterously contrived introduced and exercised an arbitrary and tyrannicall government against Law throughout this Kingdome by the countenance and assistance of Tâ—omas Earle of Strafford then chiefe Governour of this Kingdome That they and every of them the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry c. have trayterously assumed to themselves and every of them regall power over the goods persons Lands and liberties of his Majesties subjects of this Realme and likewise have maliciously perfidiously and trayterously given declared pronounced and published many false unjust and erronious opinions Judgements Senâ—ences and Decrees in extra
Prelates calling not to be divine and thereupon induced me to search into the bottome of it as farre as my poore abilities and leasure would permit till I found it to be so iâ—deed was the pravity of their actions and enormities of their lives In which if I have erred it is in following my Saviours infallible rule Matth. 7.15 to 20. Beware of false Prophets which come to you in sheeps cloathing but inwardly they are ravening wolves ye shall know them by their â—ruits A good tree cannot bring forth evill fruit neither can a corrupt trâ—e bring forth good fruit wherefore by their fruits ye shall know them Fifthly That it can neither be safe for King nor State to tolerate Lordly Prelates or to admit them to manage the chiefe Offices Councels and affaires of the Kingdome to which thâ—ir consultations and imployments for the most part have â—vâ—r proved pernicious as ancient and present experience abundantly testifie And that the readiest way to provide for our Kingdoms and Churches future security and tranquillity will be utterly to suppresse and remove them from all such offices and consultations Sixthly That those who have beene so perfidious and rebellious to our Kings and Kingdome will hardly prove faithfull and trusty in matters of Religion in which they have extraordinarily prevaricated in all ages and not a little of late yeares as is too manifest by sundry evidences and complaints in Parliament And here give me leave to recommend â—nâ— serious consideration to you how dangerous it is to intrust our Religion in the Prelates hands grounded upon these words of our famous Occham Who writing against the Popâ—s Monarchy alleadgeth this reason among others against it that there is greater danger of poysoning â—he people and whole Church by one supreame head then by many We know all the Bishops of England are to be consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time being and are subject to him as Primate and Metropolitan of all Eâ—gland taking an Oath of Canonicall obedience to him so as they all in a manner depend on him Againe we know that no Minister can be ordained or admitted to Preach or instituted to any living as an Incumbent or Curate but by these Bishops who take upon them to visitâ— silence and suspend them at their pleasure yea and to dispose of most Patrons benefices to whom they please as we see by late wofull experience Suppose then which I trust shall never happen that any to whom the Crowne of England shall descend should be ill affected to our Religion if he should make choice of such an Archbishop and he of other inferiour Prelates sutable to his disaffectiâ—on who must ordaine all other Bishops Ministers and may suspend and silence them or deny to admit those that are Orthodox at his pleasure how easily might our Church and Religion by one over-potent Arch-bishop or Prelate backed by his Soveraigne be undermined suppressed and eradicated in a short space Whereas if this jurisdiction were devested from the Bishops which are but 26. and depend on one Arch-Prelate and setled in the Ministers which are many and more independent on the Prince then they our Religion would be farre more secure and the Ministers and people lesse subject to be infected with Romish Innovations which one Archbishop of Canterbury is now able sodainly to poyson our Church and people with Seventhly That these Bishops were the chiefe instruments to introduce advance and support the Popes Antichristian authority usurped jurisdiction and erronious doctrines among us and to revive them again when diminished or extinguished the Pope and popery still raigning among us till the Prelates attainted by King Henry the eight in a Praemunire were inforced sore against their wils to renounce the Popes authority to acknowledg him the supreame head on earth of our English Church and by speciall Letters patents and Acts of Parliament to confesse all their Episcopall jurisdiction to be derived not from God or the Pope but ONELY from by and under him their Soveraigne And I dare further averre for ratification of this Conclusion that the Prelates of Italy Germany France Spaine Hungary and Poland are the maine pillars which support the Popes Monarchy false Doctrines Ceremonies and Superstitions in those Countries and Kingdomes which would soone turne Protestants were but the Bishops suppressed and their great temporall revenues taken away the enjoyment of which Antichristian dignities and possessions engageth them to maintaine and uphold the Pope and popery against their consciences The truth of which will appeare by most of the transmarine reformed Churches who could never utterly abandon the Pope with his Doctrines and superstitions till they had extirpated their Lordly Bishops â— That as long as our Lordly Prelates continue there will not onely be a possibility but a probability of bringing in popery and the Pope againe among us since their Lordly Hierarchy is supported onely by popish Doctrines Canons Ceremonies and Principles which they are engaged to maintaine to preserve their tottering thrones from ruine How farre the Pope his Doctrines and Superstitions had of late in a little time serued themselves into our Church almost to the utter ruine of our Religion and of the Ministers and professors of it persecuted and driven out into forraine Countryes and that onely by the Bishops and their instruments machinations is so well knowne to all and so abundantly discovered to and by this present Parliament that I need not relate itâ— Onely this I dare say that if ever they get head and life among us againe as they did in Queene Maries dayes and that principally by the Prelates meanes it will be by our Lordly Bishops activity who if once totally suppressed both Pope and papists would utterly despaire of ever reducing England to their vassallage Eighthly That Bishops have done a world of mischiefe to our Kings and Kingdomes as appeares by all the premises but little or no good that I can read off And as for the diligent preaching of Gods word and publishing Christs true Religion the chiefe and almost onely duty of Bishops from Augustine the first Archbishop of Canterbury and first introducer of the Popes authority errours and superstitions among usâ— till Cranmers time which is above 800 yeares I thinke there was not one Archbishop guilty of it The like I may say of other Seas and I presume I may justifie that some two poor Country Curats or Lecturers in our dayes have converted more soules to God by their diligent zealous preaching then all the Archbâ—shops of Canterbury put together most of whom I read to have been Rebels Traytors State-officers persecutors of Religion but very few of them soule-converting Preachers Why then should â—hese Popes of another World as the Pope of Rome once stiled them be still tolerated when they have done so much mischiefe and so little good to our State and Church Ninthly That the endowing of the Prelates with great Temporall
said unto him O man who made me a divider or judge over you Luke 12. You heare therefore manifestly that Christ was made neither a Judge nor a divider in temporall things Thâ—refore in that state of his received dispensation he neither had a temporall Kingdâ—me nor yet affected it Yea Hee fled from â—t when multiplyin the â—read the people would have made him a Kâ—ng And in the Commission gâ—ven to Peter hee delivered him not the keyes of the kingdome of earth but the keyes of the kingdome of Heavenâ— And it is apparant that the High Priest of the Hebrewes were subject to their Kings and deposed by them which be farre from you And that thou mayst know that Christs Vicar is assumed to a spirituall regiment not to a temporall dominion receive from Paul himselfe no lesse cleare a testimony For he saith thus Every High Priest assumed from among men is ordained for men in those things which appertaine unto God not to governe a terrene Dominion but to offer gifts and sacrifices for sinnes Thou seest therefore that the high Priest is set over those things which appertaine to God whence Panl writes to Timothy No man that goeth a warfare to God intangleth hâ—mselfe in the affaires of this world It is manifest then that Christ exercised no earthly Kingdome nor committed any such to Peter For Peter himselfe saith Acts 6. It is not meet for us to leave the Word of God and to serve Tables that is to dispense temporall things And although some temporall things may bee dispensed by high Priests themselves yet it appeares sufficiently that they ought not to be occupied in governing earthly Kingdomes and Principalities and in managing secular affaires After which hee proves at large That Clergy-men are lyable to pay tribute to Princes and that Princes may take away their Lands and possessions when they abuse them to luxury pomp and their owne private ends and imploy them for the defence and peace of their Realmee which he proves by severall testimonies of Scripture First by the example of King Ioas 1 Kings 12. Who prohibited the Priests to take mony of the people and converted the money which they were to receive from the people towards their maintenance to the repairing of the Temple Which act of his God himselfe commends that he might shew he was not offended thereat because he did it not out of covetousnesse but piety not out of ambition but Religion Secondly By the example of the same Ioas 2 Kings 12.13 Who tooke all the hallowed things that Iehosaphat and Iehoram and Azariah his Fathers Kings of Iudah had dedicated and his owne hallowed things and all the gold that was found in the treasures of the house of the Lord and in the kings house and sent it to Hazaâ—el king of Assyria to divert him from Ierusalem Thirdly By the like example of king Hezikiah 2 Kings 18.15 16. who to preserve his people from the king of Assyria his invasion gave him all the Silver that was found in the house of the Lord and in the treasures of the Kings house And at that time did Hezechiah cut off the gold from the doores of the Temple of the Lord and from the Pillars which Hezekiah king of Iudah had over-layd and gave it to the king of Assyria Now if any say Hezechiah did ill in this he answers that it is said in the 2 Chron. 32. That Hezekiah was blamelesse in all things but onely in the Embassy of the Princes of Babylon Fourthly of David who in case of necessity did eate the Priests Shew-bread which was lawfull for thâ—m onely to eate and yet offended not therein 1 Sam. 21.6 7. Matth. 12.4 Then he addes that all the Revenews of Clergy men but that which is sufficient to provide them food and rayment with which they ought to be content as Paul saith ought to be spent in pious uses and in feeding the poore Which if they be not imployed in this sort kings ought to take care of them Ne animas mortuorum salut emque vivorum defraudâ—tis And he conclâ—des thus Nee est parcendum materiali templo neâ— his quae dedicata sunâ— templo ut salus reddatur pax periclitanti populo Christiano Nec est blandiendum Ecclesiarum superfluitati imò succurrendum â—antaâ— gentis necessâ—â—ati Hoc non est quae Deo data sunt revocare sed illis usibus qâ—â—bus fuerunt data applicare Quae enim sunt Deâ— data ea ipsa sunt piis usibus dedicataâ— Quid enim potâ—rit sanctius esse quà m Christiani populi salâ—s Es qiud precâ—â—â—lus Domino quà m hostes raptoâ—es intersectâ—res arceâ—e à populâ— Christiano Et pâ—cem subjectiâ— fidelibus emere Cum ergo in his bona Ecclesiae expendanur veris usibus quibus suerunt dedicatâ— redduntur Thus and much more Ocâ—am against the secular Jurisdiction employment and greatâ— temporall revenues of Prelates which he thought might lawfully be taken away and put to other good publikâ— uses without any danger of sacriledge What this our learned Ockam thought of the parity of Bishops and Presbyters you may easily guesse by this his determination Quod Sacerdotes omaâ—s c. That all Priests of whatsoever degree they be are of EQVAL AVTHORITY POWER AND IVRISDICTION BY CHRISTS INSTITVTION but that the Pope is superiour by the Emperours institution who may likewise revoke this Which opinion was about the same time justified for truth by Michael Ceenas Petrus de Corbaria Ioannes dâ— Castilione Franciscus de Arcatara and others some whereof were excommunicated others slaine and burnt by the Pope for this verity as Master Fox and others relate But what Ockam thought of this position of the power and errability of the Pope of the temporall possessions of Clergy men and of the incompatibility of secular jurisdiction with Bishops and spirituall men the learned may reade at large in his owne Compendium Errorum Ioannis 22. In his Opus 90 Dierum Super potestate summi Pontificis octo quaestionum Decisiones Printed by Iohn Treschsel in Civitate Lugdunen Anno 1496. to which I shall referre you for brevities sake Onely I shall observe this memorable passage out of his Opus 90. Dierum Cap. 12â— We reade in Chronicles that since the Church of Rome was endowed with temporall riches about twenty seven called Bishops of Rome have beene insnared in most great publike and notorious wickednesses after they were assumed to the Papacy or in the very assumption to the Papacy as the crime of Heresie Idolatry intruâ—ion fostering of hereticall pravity blasphemy fornication and in many other crimes and enormities have they beene involved These were the fruits of their Lordly power great possessions and temporall riches heretofore I reade in our rare Historian Matthew Paris Thomas Walsingham Ypodigma Neustriae Anno 1166. pag. 36. And Iohn Bale Centur. 2. Script Britan. Sect. 96.97 pag. 206.207 That in the yeare of our Lord 1166. certaine sowers abroad of
Lord as hee is my Judge I wish if his gracious pleasure so were that first the Kings Majesty and so forth all those to whom God hath given power and authority upon earth under him may throughly see and perceiveâ— how that noâ— onely the bloody Beare-Wolfe of Rome but also the most part of the other Bishops and stout sturdy Canons of Cathedrall Churchesâ— with other petty pronlers and prestigious Priests of Baalâ— his malignant members in all Realmes of Christendome especialle here in England doth yet roare abroad like hungry Lyonsâ— freâ— like angry Beares and bite as they dare like cruell wolves clustering together in corners like a swarme of Adders in a dunghill or most wily subtill serpents to uphold and preserve their filthy Father of Rome the head of their bawdy broodâ— if it may be No lesse do I iudge it than a bounden duty of all faithfull ministers to manifest their mischiefes to the universall worldâ— eveâ—y man according to his Talent given of God some with pen and some with tongue so bringing them out of their old estimation lest they should still raigne in the peoples consciences to their soules destruction An evident example have they of Christ thus to do which openly rebuked their filthy forefathers the Scribes Lawyers Phariâ—ees Doctors Priests Bishops and Hypocrites for making Gods commandements of no effecâ—â— to support their owne traditions Markâ— 8. Luk. 12. Paul also admonisheth us that after his departure should enter in among us such ravenuing wolves as should noâ— spare the flocke These spirituall manhunters are the very off-spring of Cain children of Caiphasâ— and successors of Simon Magus as their doctrine â—nd living declareth needing no fâ—rther probation most cruell enemies have they beene in a lages to the verity of God ever since the Law was first given and most fierce persecutours of Christ and his Church which hee there proves at large by severall examplesâ— â— No where could the verity be taught but these glorious gluttons were ever at hand to resist it Marvell not yee Bishopâ— and Prelates thâ—ugh I thus in the zeale of Helias and Pâ—ineas stomacke against your â—â—urdie stormes of stubbornenesse for never was any tyranny ministred upon Christâ— and his mysticall members but by your procurements and now in our dayes where are any of the Lords true Servants burned or otherwise murthered for true preaching writing glossing or interpretting the Gospell but it is by your cruell calling upon c. If you be not most wicked workers against God and his verity and most spitefull Traytors to the King and his Realme I cannot thinke there be any living upon the earth Be this onely spoken to you that maintaine such mysteries of madnesse never sent Christ such bloody Apostles nor two horned warriours but the Devils Vicar Antichrist which is the deadly destroyer of faithfull Beleevers What Christian blood hath been shed betweene Empire and Empire Kingdome and Kingdome as between Constantinople and Almaine England and France Italy and Spaine â—or the Bishops of Rome and how many cruell watres of their Priests calling on were too much either to write or to speake Alwayes have they beene working mischiefe in their idle Generation to obscure the verity of God I say yet once againe that it were very necessary for the Kings worthy Majestie with earnest eyes to marke how God hath gratiously vouchsaâ—ed to deliver both him and his people from your troublesome Termagaunt of Rome which afore made all Christian Kings his common slaves and to beware of you hollow hearted Traytors his spirituall promoters considering that your proud predecessours have alwayes so wickedly used his Graces noble Progenitors the worthy Kings of this Realme since the Conquest and aâ—ore Who overthrew King Herald subduing all his land to the Normans Who procured the death of King William Rufus and caused King Stephen to be throwne in prison Who troubled King Henry the First and most cruelly vexed King Henry the second Who subdued and poysoned Kings Iohn Who murthered King Edward the second and famished King Richard the second most unseemingly Besides that hath been wrought against the other Kings also To him that shall read and throughly marke the religious acts of Robert the Archbishop of Canterbury of old Egelwinus Anselmus Randolfe of Durham Ralfe of Chichester Alexander of Lincolne Nigelus of Ely Roger of Salisbury Thomas Becket Stephen Langhton Walter Stapleton Robert Baldocke Richard Scrope Henry Spencer Thomas Arundell and a great sort more of your anointed Antecessors Pontificiall Prelates mitâ—ed mummers mad mastry workers ringed ruâ—â—lers rocheted rutters shorne sawcy swilbols it will evidently appeare that your wicked generation hath done all that and many other mischiefes more By these your filthy â—orefathers and such oâ—her hath this Realme beene alwayes in most miserable captivity either of the Romans or Danes Saxons or Normans and now last of all under the most blasphemous Behemoth your Romish Popâ— the great Antichrist of Europe and most mighty maintainer of Sodome and Gomorrah How unchristianly your said Predecessors have used the Rulers of all other Christian Realms it were too long to write I reckon it therefore high time for all those Christian Princes which pretend to receive the Gospell of salvation and accordingly after that to live in mutuall peace and tranquillity for ever to cast you out of their privy councels and utterly to seclude you from all administrations till such time as they find you no longer wolves but faithfull feeders no destroyers but gentle teachers For as Saint Peter doth say 1 Pet. 5. Yee ought to be no Lords over the people of your Diocesse but examples of Christian meeknesse Who seeth not that in these daies your bloody Bishops of England Italy Cycell France Spaine Portugall Scotland and Ireland be the ground and originall foundation of all controversies schismes variances wars betwixt Realme and Realme at this present c. Consider your beginningâ— never came yee in with your Miters Robes and Rings by the doore as did the poore Apostles but by the window unrequired like Robbers Theeves and manquellers with Simon Magus Marcion and Menander never was your proud Pontificall power of the heavenly Fathers planting and therefore it must at the last up by the rootes yee must in the end be destroyed without hands Dan. 8. c. I thinke â—he devils in hell are not of a more perverse mind nor seek no more wayes to the soules destruction than you Yee play Pharaoh Caiphas Nero Trajanus with all tyrants parts besides Oh abominable scorners and theeves which practise nothing else but the utter destruction of soules If any thing under the Heavens hath need of Reformation let them thinke this to be one which minded any godlinesse for never did cruell Pharaoh hold the people of Israel in so wicked captivity as doth â—his superstitious sort idle Sodomites the most deerly redeemed heritage of the Lord. If they be no spirituall theeves soule murtherers heretickes of and
est nefas it is the highest impiety to preferre any other Businesse before this care or for any cause whatsoever to hinder them so as their ministeries be lesse â—ully adhibited to their Churches Moses was most amply endued with the spirit of God and excelled with incredible wisedome and he altogether burned with a most ardent study of planting and preserving the true religion yet seeing hee ought to governe the whole Common-wealth of Iâ—rael hee by Gods command set Aaron his brother with his sonnes over matters of religion that they might WHOLY bestow themselves in them The Maccabees truly joyned the Civill administration to the Ecclesiasticall but with what successe their histories testifie wherefore it is to be wished that Bishops according to Gods Law religionibuâ— solis vacent procurandis should onely addict themselves to matters of Religion and lay aside all other businesses from them though beneficiall to mankind and leave them to those who should wholly bestow themselves on them being chosen thereto by God There is no office that requires more study and care â—han the procuration of soules Satan knowing this very well hath brought to passe that Bishops and chiefe Ecclesiasticall Prelates should be sent for by Kings Emperours unto their Courts to manage publike affaires both of warre and peâ—ce Hence these mischiefes have ensued first a neglect of the whole sacred ministry the corruption of doctrine the destruction of discipline After as soone as Prelates began to usurpe the place of Lords they challenged their luxury pomp to themselves to which end since the wealth of Princâ—s was requisite that which they ought to bestow out of their Ecclesiasticall revenues upon the faithfull Ministers of Churches upon Schooles upon the poore of Christ all these things being taken from them by horrible sacriledge they spent them upon riot and princely pompe And when as the goods of the Church were not sufficient to maintaine this luxury and pompe they flattered away and begged and by various frauds tooke from Kings goodly rich poâ—sessions and great Lordships by which accessions their luxury and pride was thenceforth not onely fostered and sustained but likewise infinitely increased which afterwards so farre prevailed that the spoyles of single Churches would not suffice each of them but they brought the matter to this passe that one at this day may fleece or spoyle three or foure Bishoprickes Abbies and other Prelacies and such a multitude of parish Churches as is horrible to name for they say there is one lately dead in this Kingdome who fleaed above 20. Parishes So Bucer who held Bishops Ministers to be all one and that the power of ordination resting originally in Christ derivatively in the whole Church and ministerially onely in Bishops and Presbyters as servants to the Church belonged as well to Presbyters as to Bishops with whom Peter Martyr his fellow Regius professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford fully concurâ—es in his Commonplaces printed at London cum privilegio Ann. 1576. Class 4. Loc. 1. Sect. 23. p. 849. to which I shall referre you for brevity sake To these I might adde The image of both Pastors written by Huldricke Zwinglius translated into English by Iohn Veron dedicated to the Duke of Somerset Lord Protector and Printed at London Cum privilegio An. 1550. Wherein he proves the parity and identity of Bishops and Presbyters condemnes the Lordly and secâ—lar dominion Wealth Pompe Pride Tyranny Nonpreach and rare preaching of Prelates and manifests Lord Bishops as then they stood and now to be false Pastors and meer papall and antichristian officers not warranted by Gods word but because Zwinglius was a forraigner I shall passe it by without transcribing any passage thereof Mr. Iohn Hooper both a Bishop and martyr of our Church a great opposer of Ceremonies Episcopall Rochets and Vestments in which hee would not bâ— consecrated writes thus of the secular imployments wealth and calling of Bishops For the space of 400. yeares after Christ the Bishops applyed all their wit only to their owne vocation to the glory of God and the honour of the Realmes they dwelt in though they had not so much upon their heads as our Bishops have yet had they more within their heads as the Scripture and Histories testifie For they applyed all the wit they had unto the vocation and ministry of the Church whereunto they were called But our Bishops have so much wit that they can rule and serve as they say in both States in the Church and also in the Civill policie when one of them is more then any man is able to satisfie let him doe alwayes his best diligence If hee be so necessary for the Court that in Civill causes he cannot be spared let him use that vocation and spare the other It is not possible hee should doe both well It is a great oversight in Princes thus to charge them with two burthens the Primitive Church had no such Bishops as wee they had such Bishops as did preach many godly Sermons in lesse time than our Bishops horses be a bridling Their house was a Schoole or treasure house of Gods Ministers if it be so now let every man judge The Magistrates that suffer the abuse of these goods be culpable of the â—ault if the fourth part of the Bishopricke remained to the Bishop it were sufficient the third part to Schoolemasters the second to poore and souldiers were better bestowed If any be offended with me for this my saying he loveth not his owne soules health nor Gods Laws nor mans out of which I am alwayes ready to prove the thing I have said to be true Further I speake of love not of hatred And in his Apologie hee saith It is both against Gods Laws mans that Bishops and clergie men should be judges over any subjects within this Realme for it is no part of their office they can do no more but preach Gods Word and minister Gods Sacraments and excommunicate such as Godâ— Lawes do pronounce to be excommunicated who would put a sword into a madmans hand And in his exposition on Psal. 23.1580 f. 40. Although Bishops saith hee in the raigne of Constantine the Great obtained that among Bishops some should be called Archbishops and Metropolitans c. Yet this preheminencie was at the pleasure discretion of Princes not alwaies tyed to one sorâ— of Prelates as the impiety of our time beleeveth as we may see in the Councell of Calcedon Africke So that it is manifest that this Superior preheminency is not of Divine but of humane right instituted out of civill policie So Hooper The Booke of ordination of Ministers and Consecraation of Bishops compiled by the Bishops in King Edwards dayes ratified by two Acts of Parliament and subscribed to by all our Ministers hath this notable passage and charge against the Lordlinesse and secular imployments of Prelates and Ministers
day f. 284. But it is a thing to be lamented that the Prelates and other spirituall persons will not attend upon their Offices they will not be amongst their flockes but rather will run hither and thither here and there where they are not called and in the meane season leave them at adventure of whom they take their living yea and furthermore some will rather be Clerkes of Kitchins or take other offices upon them besides that which they have already but with what conscience these same doe so I cannot tell I feare they shall not be able to make answeâ—e at the last day for their follies as concerning that matter for this office is such a heavie and mighty office that it requireth a whole man yea and let every Curate or Parson keepe his Cure to wâ—ich God hath appointed him and let him doe the â—est that he can yet I tell you he cannot chuse but the Devill will have some for he sleepeth not he goeth about day night to seek whom he may devoure Therforâ— it is neede for every Godly Minister to abide by his sheepe seeing that the Wolfe is so neere and to keepe them and witâ—stand the Wolfe Indeed there be some ministers here in England which doe no good at al and therefore it were better for them to leave their benefices and give roome unto others Finally in his Sermon Preached before the Convocation Iune 9. in the 28. of Henry 8. he thus speaketh to the Clergie of England and Lordly Prelates touching the utilitie of their Councels and assemblies for the Churches good The end of your Convocation shall shew what ye have done the fruite that shall come of your consultation shal shew what generation ye be of For what have ye done hitherto I pray you these 7. yeares more What have ye engendred What have yee brought â—orth What fruite is come of your long and great assembly what one thing that the people of England hath beene the better of an haire Or you your selves either accepted before God or better discharged toward the people committed unto your cure Or that the people is better learned and taught now then they were in time past to whether of these ought we to attribute it to your industry or to the providence of God and the foreseeing of the Kings Grace Ought we to thanke you or the Kings highnesse whether stirred other first you the King that ye might preach or he you by his Letters that ye should preach oftner Is it unknowne thinke you how both ye and your Curates were in manner by violence enforced to let bookes to be made not by you but by prophane and lay persons to let them I say be sold abroad and read for the instruction of the people I am bold with you but I speake Latine and not English to the Clergie noâ— to the Laity I speake to you being preâ—ent and not behind your backes God is my witnesse I speake whatsoever is spoken of the good will that I beare you God is my witnesse which knoweth my heart and compelleâ—h me to say that I say Now I pray you in God his name what did you so great Fathers so many so long a season so oft assembled together what went you about what would ye have brought to passe two things taken away the one that ye which I heard burned a dead man the other that ye which I leâ—t went about to burne one being alive Him because he did I cannot tell how in his Testament withstand your profit in other points as I have heard a very good man reported to â—e of an honest life while he lived full of good workes both good to the Clergie and also to the Laity this other which truely never hurt any of you ye would have â—aked in the Coales because he would not subsâ—ribe to cerâ—aine Articles that tooke away the Supremacie of the King Take away these two Noble Acts and there is nothing else left that ye went about that I know saving that I now remember that somewhat ye attempted against Erasmus albeit as yet nothing is come to light Ye have oft sit in consultation but what have ye done ye have had many things in deliberation but what one put forth whereby either Christ is more glorified or else Christs people made more holy I appeale to your owne conscience How chanceth this How came this thus Because there were no Children of light no Children of God among you which setting the world at nought would studie to illustrate the glory of God and thereby shew themselves Children of light So this godly Martyr who hath sundry such like passage in his Sermons In the Conference Anno. 1555. betweene our Religious Martyr Iohn Bradford and Doctor Harpesfield Arch Deacon of London Master Bradford complaines that the Pillars of the Church were persecuters of the Church and tells him you shall noâ—â—â—nde in all the Scripture this your essentiall part of succession of Bishops whereupon Harpesfield sayd Tell me were not the Apostles Bishops To which Bradford replyed No except you will make a new definition of a Bishop that is give him no certaine place Harpesfield Indeede the Apostles Office was not the Bishops office for it was universall but yet Christ instituted Bishops in his Church as Paul saith he hath given Pastors Prophets c. So that I trow it be proved by the Scriptures the succession of Bishops to be an essentiall point Brad. The Ministry of Gods Word and Ministers be an essentiall point But to translate this to the Bishops and their succession is a plaine subtilty And therefore that it may be plaine I will aske you a question Tell me WHETHER THAT THE SCRIPTVRE KNEW ANY DIFFERENCE BETWEENE BISHOPS AND MINISTERS which ye called Priests Harps No. So that by the joynt confession of Papists and Protestants in Queene Maries time Bishops and Ministers by the Scripture are both one Brad. Well then goe on forwards and let us see what ye shall get now by the succession of Bishops that is of Ministers which can be understood of such Bishops as minister not but Lord it Lord Bishops than are none of Christs institution nor of the Apostles succession Master Fox his Acts and Monuments of our Martyrs Lond. 1610. p. 1796. I finde this Dialogue betweene Dr. Iohn Baker Collins his Chaplaine and Edmund Allin a Martyr Baker I heard say that you spake against Priests and Bishops Allin I speake for them for now they have so much living and especially Bishops Arch-deacons and Deanes that they neither can nor will teach Gods Word If they had a hundred pounds a peece then would they apply their study now they cannot for other affaires Collins who will then set his children to schoole Allin Where there is now one set to schoole for that end there would be 40. because that one Bishops living divided into 30. or 40 parts would finde so many as well learned men
as the Bishops be now who have all this living neitheâ— had Peter nor Paul any such revenue Baker Let us dispatch him he will mar all Collins If every man had a hundred pounds as he saith it would make more learned men Baker But our Bishops would be angry if that they knew it Allin It were for a Commonwealth to have such Bishoprickes divided for the further increase of learning Infinite are the declamations and complaints of our godly Martyrs in Queene Maries and King Henryâ—he â—he 8. his raigne against the Prelatesâ— which because they are ordinary and every man may reade them in Master Fâ—x his Acts and Monuments I shall therefore passe them by in silence and proceâ—de to some other Authorities Our learned Ioâ—n Bale determins thus of our Lordly Bishops The Bishops compasse every where about with tyranny and malice possible the holds the dwelling houses and places of resort peâ—taining to the â—aithâ—ull brethren they vexe their bodies on every side with rebukes scoâ—nes blasphemies lyes scourgings imprisonments open shames of the world and all manner of kindes of death seldome escape any from the terrible hands of the Prelates and Priests that sincerely â—avour the truth every where have they their spies their Judasses their false accusers their Sommoners their Bayliffes and their pick-thankes with oâ—her Officers to bring thâ—m in In all places are they diligently watched fiercely examined when they are taken and cruelly enforced to accuse so many as they know of that beleefe Every where have they spirituall prisons and Bishops Dungeons with plenty of ropes stockes and irons and as little charity else as the Devill hath in hell This hath beene their order from the time of Satans Liberty and this have they taken for an high point of Christian Religion For this is the houre that Christ prophecied of wherein men should thinke to doe God great service when they put one of his unto death None other caused Herod and Pilate to put Christ to death but Annâ—s Caiaphas None other moved Felix the President of Iury to imprison Paul but the puffed up Prelate Ananias Trajanus the Emperour would never so extreamely have persecuted the Christian Church nor yet oâ—her cruell tyrants ever since had they not beene propped forward by such pampred Palfryes of the Devill the beastly Bishops Whose calling and trayterly Practises he much declaimes against both there and in his Centuries to which I shall referre you Matthew â—arâ—er Archbishop of Canterbury in the life of Hubert his predecessor writes thus of Bishops intermedling with secular offices and affaires that about the yeare of our Lord â—197 there was nothing â—ound and sincere in the Christian republike that the whole Clergie under a feigned and counterfeit shew of Religion did wallow without punishment in wickednesse in bribes in honours and rapinesse neglecting utterly the preaching of Gods Word The Originall saith he of this evill sprung from this that the Clergie did too much intermeddle with worldly affaires contrary to the Decrees of the Orthodox Fathers For at that time the Deane of Pauls was made Lord Treasurer who carrying that Office quickly hourded up a great treasure at last falling into a deadly disease past recovery he was exhorted by the Bishops and great men to receive the Sacrament of Christs body and blood which he trembling at refused to doe whereupon the King admonished and commanded him to doe it he promised him thereupon to doe it the next day being admonished to make his Will he commanded all to voyd the roome but one Scribe Who beginning to write his Will in the accustomed forme In the Name of the Father of the Sonne c. The Deane perceiving it commanded him in a rage to blot it out and these words onely to be written I bequeath all my goods to my Lord the King my body to the grave and my soule to the Devill which being uttered he gave up the Ghost The king hereupon commanded his carcasse to be carried in a cart and drowned in the River This kinde of examples writes he are therefore to be produced that Clergie men may be deâ—erred from being Lord Treasurers Collectors of the kings customes and from civill and publicke imployments In Huberts time all secular offices almost were in Clergie mens hands for some of them were Chauncellours some Justices some Treasurers of the kingdome others had other Oâ—fices in all the kings Courts and Pluralities of many great livings besides which wealth honours offices and dignities as it made them like to kings in State and magnificence so it puffed them up with such pride and arrogance that in the 36. yeare of king Henry the third they were removed from all Civill Offices and honours at the instant request and desire of the greatest Noblemen to whom the same Offices were committed Hence some of all orders in our present times have most sharpely reprehended the Clergie for this very thing that being advanced to the degree of Divinity than which nothing in humane life ought to be deemed more holy they should bee hindred there-from with secular businesses as with servile workes and being withâ—drawne from divine things should give themselves to pecuniary and Exchequer affaires which are most estranged from the dignity of their life by which some as appeares by the example of that Deane of Pauls have made shipwracke both of Conscience and soule to Willielmus Nubrigensis speaking of Hugh Bishop of Duresine for intermedling with the procuration of temporall affaires hath these words That Office to wit of Lord Chauncellor or chiefe Justice was committed by the King to the Bishop of Duresine who did not so much as refuse but cheerefully imbrace it who verily contenting himselfe with his proper office had much more decently beene a minister of Gods Law than of mans since no man can serve both as hee ought And that saying of our Lord to the Apostles Ye cannot serve God and Mammon did principally respect the Apostles Successors For if a Bishop that he may please both the heavenly and earthly king at once wil devide himself to both Offices Verily the heavenly King who wils that men should serve him with all the heart with all the soule and with all the strength doth neither approve nor love nor accept his divine ministry What then will he doe if a Bishop doth not give peradventure not so much as halfe of himselfe to execute the things which are of God and become a Bishop but commits his cures to unworthy and remisse Executioners that he may wholly serve an earthly Court or Palace For no halfe man can sufficiently administer the Offices of an earthly Prince By which sentences and examples we verily are admonished that assiduous care and study of Clergie men in worldly and Civill affaires which makes them prove slow and unfit to divine things is by all meanes to be reproved and that the complaint of those is very unjust who
strike And so in this place with most manifest words Christ declaâ—eth that hee came not for this purpose to take upon him the office of a Magistrate but rather that hee might raigne in our hearts so that it might be our hap to come to the â—ternall goods whatsoever happened of our temporall goods Therefore when hee was interrupted of a certaine Jew that hee would helpe him in recovering his inheritance hee answered Man who hath made mee a judge or divider over you As though he should say hath not this world Judges that may decide so base controversies it is not appointed unto mee that this or that man should waxe rich by inheritance but that all men should come to the inheritance of life immortall But in these words Christ would be token many things to wit that he which hath an Apostolicall office ought not to be wrapped with prophane and filthy affaires for so the Apostle saith otherwhere No man going warfare under God entangleth himselfe with worldly businesse And the Apostles say all at once It is not meete for us to leave the Word of God and attend on the Tables Christ also by this reproving would declare that this doctrine taketh not away the Magistrates offices but rather confirmeth them Whereupon hee saith also elsewhere Render to Cesar that that is Cesars And when his Disciples strived for preheminencie he said The Kings of the Nations governe them and so forth Whereby he declared that neither hee himselfe nor his ought as they call them to be secular Judges neither did hee by this refusing abolish the order of the Magistrate but much more as we have said confirme it Thus farre your owne Doctor Hofmeister against you that the intent of Christ refusing to be a Judge herein was chiefely against such usurpation of worldly Magistracie as the Pope and his Prelates too exercise Pag. 1095. he concludes that a Bishop may in some cases lawfully excommunicate a wicked Prince But who denieth this M. Sanders that a godly Bishop may upon great and urgent occasion if it shall be necessary to edifie Gods Church and there be no other remedy to flee to this last censure of excommunication against a wicked King The Bishops need not therefore calumniate Presbyteries upon pretence that they hold it lawfull to excommunicate Kings since they themselves averre that Bishops may lawfully doe it and de facto have sundry times put it in practise both at home and abroad So Bishop Bridges Our laborious Historian M. Iohn Fox in his Acts and Monuments highly applauded by the whole Convocation in their Canons 1571. and enjoyned to be had in every Cathedrall and Collegiate Church and in every Archbishops Bishops Deanes Arch-Deacons and Canons residentiaries house for their servants and strangers to read in doth every where discoâ—er condemne the Treasons Conspiracies Seditions Warres Wealth pride calling and secular imployments of our Bishops of which hee writes thus in particular p. 1381. This hath bin one great abuse in England these many yeares that such offices as beene of most importance and weight have commonly beene committed to Bishops and other spirituall men whereby three devilliâ—h mischiefes and inconveniences have hapned in this Realme to the great dishonour of God and utter neglecting of the flocke of Christ the which three be these First they have had small leasure to attend to their pastorall cures which hereby have beene utterly neglected and left undone Secondly it hath also puft up many Bishops and other spirituall persons into such haughtinesse and pride that they have thought no Noble man of the Realme worthy to be their equall or fellow Thirdly where they by this meanes knew the very secrets of Princes they being in such high offices have caused the same to be knowne in Rome afore the King could accomplish and bring his intents to passe in England By â—his meanes hath the Papacy bâ—ene so maintained and things ordered after theiâ— wills and pleasures that much mischiefe haâ—h happened in this Realme and others sometimes to the destruction of Princes and sometimes to the utter undoing of many Common-wealths So he Who page 216.358.359.360.414.430.432.434.439.517 518.599.625.961.972.1009.1016.1463.1856 of the said Acts and Monuments London 1610. writes often in the magent That Bishops and Presbyters are all one and the same and that there was no difference betweene them in the Primitive times which was the common received opinion of our Martyrs yea of our learned D. Humfrey Regius professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford Puritanopap Confut. ad Rat. 3. p. 262.265 and of D. William Fulke against Bristow Motive 40. against Gregory Martyn p 172. and confuration of the Rhemish Testament Notes on Titus 1. sect 2. and on Philip. I. sect 1. Iohn Iuell the incomparable Bishop of Salisbury in his defence of the Apology of the Church of England Part. 2. cap. 3. disp 5. p. 98 99 100 101. writes thus of the equality of Bishops and Ministers Saint Ierome saith All Bishops wheresoever they be be they at Rome be they at Eugubiuâ— be they at Constantinople be they at Rhegium be all of like preheminence and of like Priesthood And as Cyprian saith There is but one Bishopricke and a peece thereof is perfectly wholly holden of every particular Bishop What Saint Ierome meant hereby Erasmus a man of great learning and judgement expoundeth thus Ierome seemeth to match all Bishops together as if they were all equally the Apostles successors and hee thinketh not any Bishop to be lesse than other for that hee is poorer or greater than other for that hee is richer for hee makes the Bishop of Eugubium a poore towne equall with the Bishop of Rome And farther hee thinketh that a Bishop is no better than any Priest saving that the Bishop hath authority to order Ministers Hereto M. Harding answereth thus Erasmus saith within five lines following that the Meâ—ropolitan hath a certaine dignity and jurisdiction above other Bishops take the one saith hee with the other I am contented M. Harding Erasmus saith The Metropolitan had a dignity above other Bishops but hee saith noâ— the Bishop of Rome had jurisdiction over all Bishops throughout the World In Saint Hieromes time there were Meâ—ropolitans Archbishops Archdeacons and others But Christ appointed not these distinctions of orders from the beginning These names are not found in all the Scriptures This is the thing that we deâ—end S. Ierome saith Let Bishops understand whereunto wee adde further Let the Bishops of Rome themselves undestand that they are in authority over Priests more by custome than by order of Gods truth These be Hieromes words truly translated what he meant thereby I leave to the judgement of the Reader Erasmus likewise saith in the selfe same place above alleaged Whereas Saint Ierome yeeldeth lesse dignity and authority unto Bishops than nowadayes they seeme to have wee must understand he spake of that time wherein he lived
WAS THE MOST PERNICIOVS SCHISME OF ALL OTHERS when a Divorce was made from the parity and true doctrine of the Gospell and the Spirituall Discipline of the Church changed into a kinde of Regall Authority and terrene power This I hope will abundantly answere this second Objection for Episcopacy The last Objection is this That by the Statute of 16. R. 2. cap. 5. Bishops are declared to be profitable and necessary to our Lord the King and to all his Realme and that by the removall of them the Realme should be destitute of Counsell That they are one of the greatest States of the Landâ— setled by many Acts of Parliament which cannot well be held without them That the removall of them will breede a great confusion both in the Common and Statute Law and that the King is sworne to defend and protect them to his power Therefore it must needes be dangerous and inconvenient to remove them This Objection consists of severall heads to all which I shall give a particular answer with as much brevity as may bee First for the words of the Statute of Richard the 2d. I doubt not but they were inserted into that Act by the Bishops themselves or by their procurement who ought not to be Trumpeters of their owne prayses nor witnesses in their owne cause Secondly I hope the premised Histories of their Treasons Rebellions Oppressions and desperate Counsells in all times will manifestly declare the contrary to this Act That Bishops are neither necessary nor profitable to the King nor to all his Realme but pernicious to both and that the Kingdome will be no wayes destitute of Counsell if they should â—e removed especially in our dayes when there are so many learned Lords Lawyers and Gentlemen of all sorts to Counsell and advise his Majestie in all State affaires Thirdly The Prelates in this very King Ricard the second his time were so farre from being profitable and necessary to him as their Lord and King and to all his Realme that some of them were the chiefe men that miscounselled him as appeares by the Statutâ— of 11. R. 2. c. 1â—5 6 which recites that for cause of great and horrible mischiefes and perills which were fallen by evill Governance which was about the Kings person by all his time before by Alexander late Arch-Bishop of Yorke Thomas Bishop of Chichester and other their adhaerents thereby the King and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholly undone and destroyed for which cause these Prelates were attainted removed from the King and their lands confiscated by this Act. And the residue of them were the principle agents that opposed deprived and thrust him as they did King Edward the second before him from his Crowne and royall dignity as appeares by the premises Now if this were to be profitable and necessary to our Soveraigne Lord the King let all men judge How necessary they were to all the Kingdome in his time let the Histories of this Kings life and the Treasons of Arch-Bishop Arundell fore related declare How well they used the people and their tenants you may see by a Commission granted about this time to enquire of â—he Bishop of Winchesters oppressions and abuses of the Kings people recorded in the Register of Writs part 2 f. 125. b. Rex Vicecomiti salutem Ex clamosis querâ—monâ—is diversorum hominum de comitatu tuo ad nostium saepius pervenit auditum quod A Episcopus Wintoniensis nec noâ— ballivi câ—nstabulariâ— alii ministri servientes ipsius Episcopi pluâ—imas diversas oppressiones extortiones duritias damna excessus gravamina intolerabilia dictis â—ominibus in diversis partibus Comitaâ—us praedicti tam infra liberâ—ates quam extra multipliciter diversimode intulerunt de die in diem inferre non desistunt plures de dictis hominibus vi armis multotiens verberando vulnerando eosque capiendo imprisonando in prisona forti dura super terram nudam absque alimento fame frigore nuditate fere ad mortem cruciando eos in prisona â—ujusmodi donec fines redemptiones ad voluntatem suam fecerint nullâ— modo deliberari permittendo nec non domos quorundam hominum hujusmodi vi armata bona catalla sua capiendo asportando eosdemque uxores servientes suos verberando vulnerando male tracâ—ando hominibus super hujusmodi duriâ—iis conqueri volentibus in tantum comminando quod iidem homines in hundredis aliis curiis dicti Episcopi vel alibi negocia sua inde prosequi metu mortis non sunt ausi alia hujusmodi mala damna excessus inhumaniter indies perpetrando in nostri dedecus contemptum populi nostri partium praedictarum destructionem depressionem manifestam unde plurimum conturbamur Nos oppressiones durâ—â—ias damna excessus ac gravamina praedicta si perpetrata fuerint nolenteâ— relinquere impunita volentesque salvationi quieti dicti populi nostri in hac parte prospicere ut tenemur assignavimus dilectis fidelibus nostris c. sciri poterit de oppressionibus extoâ—tionibus duritiis damnis gravaminibus praedictis per dictos episcopum ballivos constabularios ministros servientes suos alios quoscunque de confederatione sua in hac parte existentes qualitercunque perpetratis de praemissis omnibus singulis plenius veritatem ad querelas omnium singulorum pro nobis vel prose ipsiâ— inde conqueri prosequi volentium nec non ad praemissa omnia singula tam ad sectam nostram quam aliorum quorumcunque audiendum terminandum secundum legem consuetudinem regni nostri Angliae Et ideo tiâ—i praecipimus quod ad certos c. quos c. tibi scire facias venire facias coram c. tot tales probos legales homines de balliva tua tam infra libertates quam extra per quos rei verâ—tas in praemissis melius sciri poterit inquiri Et habeas c. For their profitablenesse and necessary use in our Church in that Kings raigne let the Statute of 5. R. 2. c. 5. surreptitiously procured by tâ—e Prelates and complained against by the Commons the next Parliament and with severall bloody persecutions of the true Christiansâ— in that age under the name of Lollards by William Caurtney Thomas Arundell and other our Prelates related at large by Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments testifie to the world For mine owne part I could never yet finde any good at all that our Lordly Prelates ever did in our Church or State quatenus Prelates If any oâ— them have done any good by their preaching and writing as some of them have which is rare I answere that the most of them who have done any good in this kind did it not as or whiles they were Pâ—elates but as or whiles they were
Godwins Catalogue of Bishops p. 83. Speeds Hist. l. 9. p. 484 493 494. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 181. Hovâ—d Annalâ— pars prior p. 481. Willâ—lmus Cantuariensis Archi-epiâ—copus qui primus Sacramentum fecerat cum proâ—dolor in Regem benedixit Hovedâ—n p. 481. * In his Chronicles Vol. 3. p. 46. in the lâ—fe of King Stephen Note this 10 THEOBALD * Nâ—ubrigensis l. 1. c. 10. Anâ— Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 117.118 Godwin Catalogue of Bishops p. 85.86 Speedes Hist. p. 496 497. * Hâ—liâ—shâ—d Vol. 3. p. 57 59. 11 BECKEY Antiq. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 118. to 124. Godwins Catal. 86. to 96. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 186. to 206.1036.1390 Speede Hist. pâ— 503. to 5016. Holinshâ—d p. 69. to 81. Râ—ger de Hâ—veden Annal. posterior p. 491. to 534. Matthew Paris p. 94. to 127. Math. West An. 1166. p. 48.49.50 * Neubrigensis Hist. l. 2. c. 16. Speedes Hist. l. 9. p. 503.504 Bishop Iâ—wel Defence of the Apologie par 2. c. 18. Divis. 1. p. 295 296. * Loâ— thâ— Picture of our late times and the cause of the inâ—rease of scandalouâ— Ministersâ— * Roger Hâ—veden An. 1163. * Note this policie and auswer Roger de Hâ—veden Aâ—nal pars posterior p. 529.530.531 Matthew Paris p. â—25 Sylvester Giraldus Cambrensis of the Conquest of Iâ—eland l. 1. c. 39. In Hâ—linsh Tom. 2. p. 25. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 204 205. Speedes Hist. p. 1042. sect 100. Godwin p. 99 See Surius Ribadeneira and Eadmerus in his life * Apolog. l. 2. c. 12. sect 12. * Hoâ—a beatissima Vâ—rginis Maria secundum usum Sarum Parisiis 15â—9 fol. 12. Bishop Iewel Defence of the Apologie parâ— 2. c. 18. Divis. 1. p. 295 296. * Constitut. f. 149 150. Giraldus Cambiâ—nâ—is of the Conqueâ—t of Ireland l. 2. c. 33. p. 52. * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 1035 1036. * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 1390. * Speeds Hist. p. 554 555 564 565. Holinshed p. 157 158 159â— 162 168 169. 12 HUBERT * See Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 143 144. Mat. Paris An. 1201. p. 198. Matth. West An. 1201. p. 77. * â—â—e Hâ—lâ—nsâ—â—d p. 168.169 * Loâ— the pride of a Prelate mixed with Trecheâ—y * Mat. Pariâ— Hist. Major p. 264. †Mat. Paris In. 1205. pâ— 204 Antiq. Eâ—clâ—s Brit. p. 144. Hâ—linsh p. 169. Speed p. 565. †Holinshed p. 15â— 15◠〈◊〉 Anâ—alâ— pars pâ—sâ—â—riâ—r p. 767 768.769 〈◊〉 Eccl. Brit. p. 138. â—o 144. Speeds Hist. p. 550. * Note this * Hoveden An. pars posterior p. 793.794 * Mat. Paris Hist. Major p. 94. Anâ— Eccles. Brit p. 122 Godwins Catal. of Bishops p. 88 * See a Breviate of the Prelates intolerable Usurpations the Epistlâ— to the King * Mat. Par. Hist. Major p. 204.205 213. to 278. sparsim Antiq. Eccles. Brit and Godwins in the life of Steph. Langh Mat. Westâ— An. 1207.1208 to 1214. Speed How Holinshâ—d Hoveden Huâ—tingdon Grafton Caxton Polychronicon Fabian Martin and others in the life of King Iohn Mr Tindalls Practise of Popish Prelates p. 374 375. Doctor Barnes his Supplication to King Henry the 8. p. 189. Mr. Fox Acts and Monuâ—ments p. 226. to 234. 13 REGINALD * Oh the impiety of Popes and Prelates thus to preferre their wills before Gods Service the peoples soules †Matth. Paris Ann. 1208. * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 229. to 234.409.719 * â—dem Ann. 1209. * Idem Ann. 1212. * Mat. Paris Hist. Min. * Mat. Westâ—n Hist. 1213. and Mat. Paris An. 1213. †Mat. Paris loc cit p. 310. * Mat. Westm. loc cit ex partâ— Dom. Papae Regi Francâ—râ—m al â—isqâ— injuâ—â—â—runâ— idem nit Paris p. 311◠†Paris loc câ—tâ— * Paris Westm. loc cit * Paris Aâ—n 1213. * Paris in loco cit dum autâ—m c. * Matth. Wâ—stm Paris loâ— cit Holinshed p. 177.178 * Mat Paris and Mat. West An. 1217. Doctor Craking ther pâ— upâ—on the Popes Temporall Monarchy p. 245. to â—48 * Vâ—rbae Epist. Iohâ— ad Innoc. ciâ—â—nâ—â—â— in resp ad Apoll. Bellar. c. 3. See Holins p. 177.178 * In illum insuâ—gunt postquâ—m Ecclesia satisfecit â—ui assistâ—bant â—â—dem quando Ecclâ—siam offâ—ndâ—bat in Epist. Innoc. 3. apud Mat. Paris An. 1217. Innoc. p. 356. * Dâ—risionibus muâ—â—â—plicatis subsannando dixâ—runâ— Mat. Paris Anâ— 1215. 〈◊〉 pâ—ractis Idem An. 1216. Hoâ—â—nsh p. 186. * Iâ—ti communâ—s conjuraâ—â— confadâ—rati capitalem censentâ—nâ—um haâ—uâ—runt juraverunt omnes in prasentia Archiâ—piscopi quod viso â—emper eâ— congruo propriis libertatibus si necesse fuâ—rit dâ—câ—rtabunt uâ—quâ— ad mortâ—m Idâ—m * Holinâ—â—ed p. 180 181 182. * Oh to what base slavery was this King brought by these Trayterly Prelates * Mat. Paris p. 244 230. Speed l. 9. â— 8. sâ—ct 55. p. 582 584. * Allâ—gabaâ—t Archiepisâ—â—pum Cantâ—ariensem Regis Anglia hâ—stem esse â—ublicum ut qui Barâ—nibus Angliae incontiâ—um câ—ntra Regâ—m â—undem prâ—buit consensum quodquâ—â—psius favore â—â—nsiliâ— iiâ—â—m Barâ—nâ—â— dictum Râ—gâ—m â— sâ—lâ—â— dâ—pâ—llâ—râ— molirâ—â—tâ—r c Matth. Paris Hist. Major p. 261 263. * See here the doubling and juggling of the Pope †Foâ— Acts and Monuments p. 719. with the Authors thâ—re cited and Speeds Historie of Great Brittain l. 9. c. 8. sect 63. p. 578 588. * Holinsh. p. 196 204 205. * Mat. Paris An. 1231. p. 355â— Mat. Parker Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 158. Gâ—dwin p. 110 111. Holinsh. p. 213. 14 RICHARD †See Holinsh. p. 114. Mat. Paris Ann. 1232. 15 EDMUND †Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 159. to 171. Godwyn 112.113 Fox Acts and Monuments p. 321â— 409 533. Hâ—lins p. 222â— 223 225. * Lib. 7. c. 35. f. 305. Fâ—x Acts and Monuments p. 254.255 321 * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. Bonifaciuâ— p. 171. c. Godwin p. 114. to 119. 16 BONIFACE * Antiq. Eccle. Brit. p. 185. Stow p. 188. * Holinshed p. 238. * Ioh. dâ— Aton Câ—nstit Lâ—gitima Ecclâ—siae tâ—tuisque Regionis Angliae stiled in the Title Divinum opus f. 138.139 140 141. Guâ—l Lindwode Provinc l. 5. Tit. de Pâ—nis f. 226.227.228 l. 2. Competentiâ— f. 67. c. * See the Prelates insolency here against their Kings * Regist. of Writs par 2. f. 27. to 65. Turbaâ—â—ur nec immerito movâ—muâ— c See the Breviate p. â—6 97â— 15 16. 17 JOHN PECKAM †Antiqu. Eccl. Brit. p. 201 202 205 206 207. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 320 321. Goodwin his Catalogue of Bishops p. 123. * Iohaâ— de Atâ—n Constitut. 130. †Holiâ—sâ— p. 280. b. * Regist. of Wâ—its par 2. f. 61 b. 62.646 18 ROBERT WINCHELSY * Antiq Eccles. Brit. Robertus Winchelse p. 209 to 223. Godwin P. 125 126 127. Walsingh Hist. Angl. p. 34 35.46.63 Math. West An. 1294.1295 1296 1300.1301 1305. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 320 321 337. Holinsh. p. 301 302. See 393. a. †See Bishop Iewels defence of his Apologe pa. 6. c. 2. p 521 522 Cromptons jurisdiction of Couâ—ts f. 19. * A
dutifull Answer of an Arch Prelate to his Prince * See Holinsh p. 313 Annâ— 1305 * See Mat. West An. â— 305. p. 452 453. An. 1306. p. 457. * Pag. 316 293. * Antiq. Ecclâ—s Briâ— p. 219 220â— 229. * M. 19. E. 3. Fitz. Iurisdictiâ—n 28. 19 WALTER RAYNOLDS Fox Acts â—nd Monuments p. 342. Aâ—t Ecâ—lâ—s p. 226.227 Godwins Gatal p. 129.130 Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 98.99 101 103 104 105. Speed hist. l. 9. c. 11. p. 667 677 679 680 681 685. Hâ—lin p. 335. * A dutifull speech of a Prelate * The presumptuous dâ—meanour of Preâ—ateâ— * Hanging was too good for him and his complices * See Holinsâ—ed p. 338 339 340 341. Antiq Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 236. to 258. Godâ—in p. 132. to 137. Walsing p. 136. â—s 147. Fox Acts Monuments p. 349 350 409. 20 JOHN STRATFORD Speâ—dâ— hist. l. 9. c. 12. Sect. 64 65â— p. 69â— Foxâ— Acts and Monumâ—nts p. 350. * Antiq. Eccels Brit. p. 239. Hâ—linsh p. 361. †I wish our present sâ—cular Prelates would observe this †An insolent act of a Trayterly Prelate * Ant. Eccles. â—rit p. 241. to 255. Walsing p. 138. â—s 144. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 339 350 351. * Notâ— this proud inâ—olent Answere * So his present Successour and our other Prelates argued in Dr. Bastâ—â—ckes câ—se * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 409. Edit 1610â— 21 SIMON ISLIP * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 26â— â—6â— Fox Acts and Monuâ—â—â—â—â— p. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. â—68 〈◊〉 274. 22 SIMON LANGHAM * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 275. to 282. Walsing Hist. Angl. Ann. 1371. p. 181. Et Ypodigma Neustâ—â—â— p. 132. * See Holinsâ—â—d p. 406. Caxton 7. part An. 46. Ed. 3. 23 WILLIAM WITLESEY * See Antiq. Eccles. â—rit p. 282. 24 SIMON SUDBURY * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 283. to 205. * Walsing Hist. Angl. An. 1381. p. 261 262 263. Ypodigma Neust. p. 139. Godwins Cat. of Biâ—hops p. 102.103 Graftâ—n p. 336. 25 WILLIAM COURTNEY * Ant. Eccles. Brâ—t p. 282.284 †Antiqu. Ecâ—l Brit. p. 296 to 300 c. Holin p. 475 476. * Ant. Eccl. Brit. p. 299 300â— * Therfore they sit there only by their Tenure as Barons not as Bishops * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 404 c. See Walsing Hist. Ang. p. 300 to 330. Holinshâ—d p. 482 c. * See Master Fullâ—rs Argument p. 8 9. * Note here the Prelates forgery of an Act of Parliament Note here the injustice treachery and bloody practises of the Prelates * Thomas Walsin â—ist Aug p. 348 Anti. Eâ—clâ— Brit. p. 300. †Anti. Eccle. Bri. p. 303 to 311. Godwin p. 152 c Fox Acts Monuments p. 533â— Grafton p. 390 391 Holin p. 488. c. to 514. Polychronicon l. ult c 8. Walsingham hist. Anâ—â— p 397 to 403. 26 THOMAS ARVNDEL * See Fabian par 7 p. 351. * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 474. to 540. * See Iâ—annes de Aton Constit. Prov. f. 104. †Tho. Gascon in Dict. Theol. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 311. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 276. the old Edition Godwin p. 110. Holinshâ—d p. â—24 It was spoken like a Prelate * Thomas Walsing Hist. Aug. An. 1414.414.415 Holinâ—â—â—d p. 526. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 282. p. 308. Speed p. 775. Walsingham Ypâ—dig Nâ—ustr p. 166. He spake like â— Lord. * Tho. Waldensâ—â— Hist. Aâ—g â—410 p. 422. Ypodig Neuâ—â— p. 174. Hâ—lin p. 536. Fabian Ann. 1410. part 7. p. 386 387. 27 HENRY CHICHâ—LY * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 312.315 Godâ—ins Catal. p. 159. Walsingh Hist. Aug. p. 432. * Antiq. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 317. to 322. where the â—opes Bâ—ll and â—he Arch-Biâ—hops Lettersare â—t large recited * Antiq. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 322. †Lindwood Prâ—vinc Const. 3. Tit. de Clericis conjugatis p. 94.95 * 37. H. 8. cap. 17. intituled Aâ— Act that Doctorâ— of Civill Law being married may exercise Ecclâ—siasticall Iurisdiction * Meaning our Engliâ—h Prelates * Note this * To wit under Henry Chichâ—ly fore-cited * Notâ— this * Where then is â—ur Bishops pretendâ—d Superiority and Jurisdiction by Divine rightâ— * Not thâ— Bishops Not by Bishops To wit by speciall Pateâ—t which Bishopâ—â—hen had and none have â—oâ— See Bishop Halls 3. late â—ookes of Episcopacy * See the Breviate of the Prelates intolerable Usurpations both upon the Kings Prerogative Royall and the Subjects Liberâ—ies * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 323. and Liâ—dwood his Epistle Dedicatory before his Institutions †Fabian part 7. p. 390.139 Hall An. 2. H 5. f 35.36 câ— Holinsâ— p. 54â— 547 c. 583. * Antiq. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 325. to 330. 28 JOHN STAFFORD * Stâ—phâ—n â—ardiâ—â—r his Letter from the Fleete to the Lord Protector Oct. 14. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 741. in the old Edition quite omitted iâ— the neâ— * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 330.331 29 JOHN KEMP Antiq. Ecâ—les Brit. p. 334. to 339. 30 THOMAS BOURGCHIER * Hâ—lin p. 717. to 722. Hall in Edw. the 5. â— 8. to 14. Speed p. 90â— to 912. * Holinsh. p. 725. to 728. Speed p. 918.919 * Holinsh. p. 733.734 Hall f. 25.26 †Pag. 114. 31 JOHN MORTON * Hall f. 30. to 40. Hâ—linshed p. 735. to 760. Speâ—d p. 931.932 to 946. Antiq Eccles. Brit p. 339. to 344. Godwin in his life * Speed p. 960. See Hall Holinâ—â—â—d Polydâ—râ— Virgill Stow and Bacon in the life of Henry the seventh * Antiq. Eccles. Briâ— p. 342.343.344 Godwin p. 117. * Antiq. Eccles. Briâ— p. 342.343.344 Godwin p. 117. * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 341.342 * Halls Chron. An. 15. H. 7 f. 50.51 Holinâ—â—â—d p. 78â— * See Stamâ—ord his Plees of the Crowne l. 2. c. 41. to 51. * 4. H. 7. c. 13. 32 HENRY DEANE * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 345.346.347.348 Godwin p. 118.119 Are not such then like to prove faithfull Counsellours of State to Princes Are not such then like to prove faithfull Counsellours of State to Princes * Limina or Lumina * Therefore their owne Kings if the Pope adjudge them such * Mauritiuâ— de Alzedo de Praecellenâ—ia Episâ— dignitatis l. 1. sect 8. Foâ— Acts and Monuments p. 961. Halls Chronicle Aâ—â— 24. Hâ— 8. f. 205.206 D. Burnes his Suppliâ—ation to King Henry the 8. p. â—85 to 201. * Dr. Barnes ibid. * See 25. H. 8. c. 20.28 Hen. 8. c. 10.35 Hen. 8â— c. 1. * 28. H. 8. c. 10. See 35. H. 8. c. 1. to the like clâ—use and Oath * The Bishops naturall Pedegree * As our Bishops in imitation of him pretend their Episcopacy to have (m) In his workes p. 195. to 205. (n) In vi lib. 2. T it de jurejâ—â—andâ— c. Ego Episcâ—pus * The same may be sayd of the Oath of Canonicall obedience to Bishops The holy workes of Bishops (o) In Prâ—â—â— 6. â— Quoniam in â—â—rbo Papa (p) 1 Pet. 5.2.3 Bishop Fisher answered that he was sworne to the Pope and and therefore would not sweare to the Kings supremacy (q) 1
970.972 11 HENRY WOODLOCK Antiqu. Eccles. Brit p. 218. Godwin p. 231. 12 ADAM TARLETON * Walsingham Hist. Angliae p. 98.99 Antiq. Eccles. Brit 227. Godwin p. 232.233 Speeds Histo. l. 9 c. 11.12 p. 679 680.686 Walsingh Ypodigma Neustriae Anno. 1326. 1327. Hist. Angl p. 10â— 104 Holinshed p. 329.339.340.1245 p. 970.972 * Holinshed pâ— 452.453 See the Statutâ— of 10â— R. 2. c. 1. 13 WILLIAM EDINGDON * Holinshed p. 456. to 468. * Godwins Cat. p. 182. 10 WILLIAM WICHAM * Godwins Cat p. 184.185 Antiquit Eccles. Br. 286 p. 287. Holinshed p. 526.527 * Godwin p. 188. 13 HENRY BEAVFORTâ— * Holinshed p. 590 c Hal 4. H. 6 f 94. to 100â— Fox vel 3â— p. 922 to 925. * See Holiâ—shed p. 594 595.596.692 Hall 4. H. 6.5.96.97 98.99 * Holinshed p. 620. to 629. Hall An. 10. H. 6. f. 143. to 250. Fox vol 1. p. 922. to 925. * An. 19. H. 6. f. 143. to 146. * See Holinshed p. 622. to 628. * The second Sermon bifore King Edward f. 36. STEPHEN GARDINER * Hall 31. H. 8. f. 234. Fox Acts Monuments vol. 2. Edit ult p. 380. 384.426.585.646.647.441.442.443.531 Antiqu. Eccles Brit. p. 386. * Hall H. 8. f. 226 228.229.230â—231.232â—233.234 Holinshâ—d p. 1001.1002.1006.939.941 to 945 946 947.950.951â—952.961 * Fox Acts and Monuments the old Edition p. 816 82â—.823.824.815.863 and vol. 2. Edit vlt. p. 646.647 * Fox Acts and Monuments Edâ—t ult vol. 2. p. 71â— to 740. vol. 3. p 16.40.123.527 old â—ditâ— p. 903.1389.1695 a. 1â—73 b. * Fox Acts and Monuments old Edition p. 603. 1031. * Holinshed p. 1121. * Holinshed p. 1130.1157 * Holinshed p. 1154.1154.1157.1158.1160 * Fox Acts and Monuments Edi. ult vol. 3. p. 524 527. Iohn white * William Harrison Description of England l. 2. câ— 1. p. 138. Martins Hiâ—â— p. 452.453.454 * Cent. 9. Scrip. Brit. sect 97. p. 736.737 * See Bilson of Church Govenement Andrâ—wes for Ex Officio Oathes c. * Cincio 6.3.19.20.21 * Ecclâ—siasticae Histor. l 1. c. 19.20 Where this Historian notably inveigheth against Dancing * De virginiâ—us l. 3. Tom. 4. Operum p. 236.227 Nota. Iob 31. Ecclesiasticus 9.4 Hiâ—ronimus Epist â—2 c. 3. Esay 33.14 Oratio pro Muraena Oratio pro Cn. Plaucio Post râ—ditum in Senatum Ephâ—s 5 3. De viâ—ginibusâ— l. 3. Tom 4. p. 226.227 * See Eâ—ist 10 4 See Hom. 56. Gen. 8.74 in Matth. De Ebrietate Luxu Sermo Tam. 1. p. 332.336 Nota. Esay 5.11.12.13 Ier. 31.22 Matth. 2.2.10 Luke 2.9.13 14â—13 14.15 Nota. See vincentii speculum Morale l. 3. par 9â— Distinct. * 2 Cor. 6.14.15.16 (b) Matâ— Wâ—st An 750. p. 273. Hoveden Annal. pars prior An. 750. p. 402. 1 KENVLPHVS (c) Malmesb. dâ— gâ—st Pont. Angl. l. 3. p. 277. Godwin p. 636. Mat. Paris p. 5. An. 1069. Godwin p. 632. 2 â—GELRIC (d) Matth. Parâ—â— Hist. Major An. 1070.1071 p. â— 6 Mat. Westm Flâ—rentius Wigorâ—iâ—nsis Ann. 1070 1071. Hâ—veden An. 1069.1070 p. 451 452.454 Godwin p. 636.637 3 EGELWYN 4 Walcher (e) Malmesbur l. 3. Hist. Angl. p. 110. Hâ—vâ—den Annal. pars prior An. 1071.1078.1080 p. 454.455.457 Matâ— Paris An. 1075. p. 9. Godwin pag. 637 638 639 640. (f) Mâ—â— Paris Hist. Major An. 1074. p. 8. (g) Malmes de gest Reg. Angl. l. 4. p. 120 121â— de gest Pont. Ang. l. 3. p. â—77 Mat. Paris An. 1088. p. 13 14. Wigâ—râ— Matth. Weâ—â—m Hoved. An. 1087 1088. Walsinghâ— ypodigma Nâ—ustriâ— An. 1088. p. 33. Holinshed p. 17 18. 5 WILLIAM KAIRLIPHO (h) Matt. Paris p. 51.54 Malmes de gest Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p. 277 278. Godwin p. 645 646 647. 6 Ranulph Flambard Holinshed Hist. of Scotl. pag. 181. 7 HVGH PVSAR Nuâ—rigens Hist. l. 1. c. 26. l. 4. c. 4. Godwin p. 648 649 650. Holins p. 119.121 Nubrigensis l. 4. c. 4. l. 5. c. 8. Holinsh p. 105. Roger de Hâ—veden Annal. pars posâ—â—â—ius p. 615. * Hoveden Aâ—nâ—l pâ—rs posterior pag. 663.665 666. Hâ—vâ—dâ—n Aâ—nal pars posterior pag. 725 736 665 666 685 738. Richard de Marisco Godwin Cat. p. 515 Anthony Bâ—akâ— Godwin p. 521.522 * Holinsâ— p. 305â— LEWâ—S BEAVMONT Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 262 263. Godwin p. 522 523. RICHARDDE BVRY Godwin p. 524. * Godwin p. 526. IOHN FORHAM Walsingham Hist. Angl. An. 1388. p. 365. Speedes History p. 748. Godwin p. 664. IOHN SHERWOOD * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 262. Godwin p. 526. * Holinshed p. 733.734 CVTBERT TONSTALL * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 1180. Godwin p. 670. * Rastall Abridg. Stat. f. 149. Durham Cambdens Brit. p. 736.741 Godwin p. 533. Martin hist. p. 452.453.454 Holinshed p. 1184. Practise of Popish Prelates p. 374. Tunstall Bishop of Durham burnt the New Testament * And out of him by M. Fex Acts and Monuments Edit ult vol. 2. p. 284. A Bishopricke is superfluous honour and a lewd liberty See a late Pamhlet wherein this is expressed 1 ALSTANE or ADELSTANE * Mat. West An. 854. pag. 307.308 Holins Hist. of England l. 6. c. 9. p. 138. c. 10. p. 140. c. 11. p. 143. Malms de Gestis Regum Angl. l. 1. c. 2. p. 40. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 36. Speed Hist. l. 7. c. 32. Sect. 7. p. 377. Godw. p. 333. 2 ROGER * Neubrigensis Hist. l. 1. c. 6. Mat. Paris Hoveden Higden Fabian Coxton Speed Stow Grafton Martin in the life of King Stephâ—n Godwin p. 319.320 321.322 Fox Acts and Monuments p. 181. Holinshed p. 50 51â— Wil. Mal. Hist. Novel l. 2â— p. 181.182.183 to 190. * Wil. Malmâ—sb Hist. Novella l. 2. p. 182.183 * Hist. Novellae l. 2. p. 187.188.189 * Will. Malms Hist. Nâ—vâ—lla l. â— p. 184.185 3 ROBERT BINGHAM Matthew Pariâ— p. 374.375 Holinshed p. 217. Wâ—lliam of York Mat. Parisâ— Hist. Angl. p. 892 893â— Godwin Car. p. 277.278 5 JOHN WALTHAM Holinshâ—d p. 478.479 Fox Actâ— aâ—d Monumenâ—â— â—dit ult vol. 1. pâ— 669.670 Walsinâ— Hist. Angl. Aâ—â— 1392. pag. 3â—4 385 386. Ypâ—dig Neuâ—â—r 146. â—olinsh p. 485 6 RICHARD MILFORD Godwin p. 281. Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 365. c. Ypodigma Naustr A. 1388. p. 142. WILLIAM AYSCOTH Fabian parâ— 7 An. 1450. pag. 453. Caxton pars 6. An. 1450. Graft An. 1450 p. 614. Godwin p. 351. Holinsh. p. 636 1 ALDRED * Matth. West An. 873. Godw. p. 229. 2 EADNOTH * Math. West An. 1016. p. 499. Godwin p. 229. * Matth. West An. 1052. p. 420. Godwin p. 230. 3 ULFE 4 ALEXANDER * Matth. Paris Hist. Angl. An. 1070. p. 6. Holinshed p. 18. Matth. Westm. An. 1070 p. 4. 5 REMIGIVS * Hen. Huntin hist. l. 6. p. 371. l. 7. p. 373. Matth. West An. 1085.1091 Godwin p. 230.231.232 Will. Malmâ—sâ— de Gestis Pontif. l. 4 p. 290.291 6 ALEXANDER * Nubrigensis hist. l. 1. c. 6. Huntindon hist. l. 8. p. 389.390 Hoveden Annal. pars prior p. 484. to 495 Matth. Par. p. 74. to 76. Matth. Westm. An. 1139. to 1146.
Wresting of Scripâ—ure Tyranny and cruelty by the Pope * Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 656.657 Alexander Fabritius 1 Tim. 3.1 * Thomas Gascoigne in Dict. Theolog part 3. Ioan. Balaeus Cent. 8. c. 19. Fox Acts and Monuments Edit ult Vol. 1. p. 929 930. Hall 36. H. 8. fo 171. Holinshed p. 946. Reynold Peacocke All the Archbishops Bishops Archdeacons convocation with King H. the eight Nota. Note Cuthbert Tonstall and Iohn Stokerley * Thom. Beacon â—is Reports of certaâ—ne men vol. 3. f. 267. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 972.973 Miles Clericus * Centur. scriâ— Brit. l. 5. sectâ— 18. p. 396. Hebr. 5.1 Fox Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 510 511. Catalog Testium veritatis p. 512.524 525 529. Antoninus m. 4. part Extraâ—agâ— Ioan. 22. * English Waldenses Hist. Angl. p. 101. Sir Iohn Borthwick Fox Acts and monuments vol. 2. edit ult p. 609 610. The sixth Article Civill domion differing fâ—om Ecclesiasticall Christ refuseth the office of a Civill Iudge An objection made by the example of Moâ—es supplying both the offices answered unto Palaces to Princes Churches pertaine to priests Peter could not give that he had not Peter had no Lordly dominion Ergo Peter could not give Lordly dominion to his successors The seventh Article Borthwicke M William Tyndall Martyr David How Bishops instruâ—â— Kings * Pag. 114 115. Kings defend the false authorityâ— of the Pope their office punishing of sinne laid apart Bishops ministeâ— the Kings duty their owne laid apart yea they persecute their owne office Kings doe but wait on the Popes Pleasâ—râ— The jugling of the Pope Bishops of Almany Milaine Bishops of France A Cap of Maintenance Most Christian Kingâ— Defender of the Popes Faith The eldest sonne of the holy seat Blasing of arms The English Bishops The falshood of Biâ—hops A cruell and an abominable example of â—yranranny judge them by their â—leeds saith Christ. * Hee meanes Cardinall Wâ—lsey in case of the Laâ—tie * See Latymers Sermons at Sâ—â—mford f. 97. The Whore of Babylon Note this Bishops Behold the face of the Pope and of the Bishops in this glasse Peters patrimony The Popes authority is improved Bishops have captived Gods Word with their own decrâ—es Kings are in capâ—ivity The duty of Kings Vnlawâ—ull Oaths ought to be broken and may without dispensation The King onely ought to punish sinne I meane that is broken forth the hâ—â—rt must remaine to God Against the Coâ—â—on Law The Kings Law is Gods Law Kings ought to see what they doe and not to beleeve the Bishops namely seeing their living is so sore suspect The Kings are become Antichrists hangmen Be learned ye that judge the â—arth Who slew the Prophets Glorious Names How are they esteemed Kings arâ— downe they cannot goe lower Note this They win somewhat alwayes Note this The Prelates aâ—e cloathed in red Pollaxes Judge the tree by his fruite and not by his leaves Compare their deedes to the Doctrine and deedes of Christ and of his Apostles and judge their fruites What Judas is now Bishops wâ—rke Treason through Conâ—ession Kings be sworne to the Bishops and not the Bishops unto the Kings The 〈◊〉 reape by having Bishops Confessionâ— Note this Pâ—licie The manifold â—â—ormities which their Auricâ—laâ— Confession 〈◊〉 brâ—â—dâ— No wonder then our Prelates and Priests of late were so eager to bring in Confession againe The Pope and his Chaplaines are the Fountaines of all evills in spirituall regiment or temporall Vnder an oâ—tward pretence of Gods honour the Popes Clergie procured their owne dignity Note this Notâ— The keeping downe of Gods Woâ—d promoted the Popes spiriâ—ualties honour The Bishop of Rochesteâ— is a fit patterne to judge all the rest of affinity by Thâ— cauâ—â— why Kings could not come to the knowledge of the truth The ministers of Christs Doctrine may not have â—nâ— temporall offices Mat. 6. Mat. 20. The Officers in Christs Kingdome may have no temporall dominion Mat. 1â— To receive a child in Christs name what it is 1 Thess. 5. The Pope iâ—â— Wolfe in a Lambâ— Skiâ—â— JOHN â—RITâ— Bound up witâ— M. Tyâ—â—â—lls workeâ—â— Silveâ—â—er When corruption entred into the Church Bishoprickes were not greedily sought after in the Primitive Church for then it was a charge and not a Lordship Mat. 27. Mark 25. Joh. 1â— A great alteration in the Châ—rch since the time of Christ and his Apostles â— Cor. 11â— A little flâ—cke is left that are not corrupted D. Barnes The sixt Article Tit. 1. The Cardinall and D. Barnâ—s râ—â—sâ—nâ—d togethâ—r Bâ—t therefore was I am hereticke O figmentum If I fained such a thing I should be an hereticke Athanius com in Tâ—tâ—mâ— c. 1. Chrysostome in Titum The eighth Arâ—iâ—le Officers be but Bishops hangmen God amend it The ninth Arâ—â—â—lâ— The tenth Arâ—icle 2. qu. 7. Secuti sunâ—â— â—ap Noâ— si A supplication to King Heâ—râ— the eight Ioh. 3. Matth. 5. Actâ— 6. Isay 3. Prov. 14.20 Isay. 11. 1 Tim. 6. Luk. 22. 1 Pet. 5. Rom. 10. Joh. 2. 1 Cor. 4. Mat. 6. Ioh. 9. Isay 5. Isay 66. Gal. 1. Psal. 53. Isay â— Note this Ioh. 1â— Iohn 15.19 Iohn Lambert Fox Acts and Monument old edition p. 541. 553. The order and state of Priests Election of Ministers in the old time not without the assent of the people The Image of a very Christian Bishop c. * See Fox Acts and monuments old edition p. 574. The preachers ought much rather to rebuke the spirituall heads than the temporall for divers just causes Nicholaicall Bishops I wene he means the Bishops made of children at Saint Nicholas time Tyrants Temporall Princes and Governours Rom. 13. The Word of God Object Answ. Note this The profit that commeth of our Bishops 2 Cor. 1. Psal. 57. Deafe Serpents They that resist the Word of God be sediâ—ious persons What the Bishops call â—edition The tyranny of the Pope The sloathfulnesse and reachlesnesse of Bishops Objectâ— Answ. An History 〈◊〉 Narration * Fulgâ—sus Collect. lib. â— * The Patron of Colâ—n A true Character of Lordly Prelâ—tâ—â— * Titus 1.5.7 Presbyter Episcopus Tituâ— 1. â— â—â— Acts 7. Ye seâ— here that the Preachers of the Gospel tâ—ach no sedition shedding of blood or fighting with the hand Object Answ. Note this Boniface Titâ— Note this The Examples of holy men may not be perjudiciall to Gods holy Word For all men may erre God saved Daniel in the Dungeon of Lyons Dan. 6. Dan. 3. Note All the Priests of one City be called of Paul Bishops All true Preachers been Biâ—hops The Court of Rome Note Proverbs Philippi â—uraâ—es or Parish Priests Episcopus Bishops Officials what kinde of men Note Bishops werâ— in those dayes deemed intollerable greevances fit to be removed The Decree of the Author Pâ—esbyters Note Note Vos non sic Notâ— this old and new practise of Prelates Object Answer Note Note The causes of the Division betweene the Spiritualty and the Commonalty William Wraughton alias Turneâ— Roderickeâ— Mors. Note well
what â—nsueth Henry Stalbridg * See the 5 6. part of the Hom. against wilfull rebellion And the 2. part of thâ— Homely on Whitsunday * Ibid. fol. 18. 22. to 31. Note * See a supplication to King Henry the 8. An. 1544. accordingly * M. Tindals practise of Prelates accordingly * Buceâ—us de Regnâ— Christi l. 2. c. 12. * Note See the Supplication to King Henry the eight An. 1544. Mr FISH Fox Acts and Monum p. 926.927 The fruits of Prelates greatnesse sitting in Parliament * Now they bring such into the High Commission there ruine them or force them to give over their actions Note the danger that accrews by making Clergy-men chiefe Temporall officers MARTYN BUCER * Lib. 2. c. 1.2.12 In his Scripoa Anglicana Basilea 1577. p. 65.69.70.71.580 * It is the Divell then not God that calls Bishops to be Courtiers and temporall officers * How Prelates came by their great Lordly possessions See his Scripta Anglicana pag. 254.255.259.291 292 293. and Comment in Matth. 16. And â—he unbishoping of Timothy and Titus p. 106 107 108. Zwinglius Bishop Hooper * Fox vol. 3. pag. 46.137 * Upon the 8. Commandement p. 78. * See Rucerus dâ— râ—gnâ— Christi l. 2. c. 12. Note The Booke of Ordination * 3 Edwâ— 6. c. 12.8 Eliz. c. 1. Canon 36. The Bishop Answer The Bishop Answer The Booke of Homilies Father Latimer * in his Sermons f. 17 18 c. Note this Note this welâ— * Fathâ—r Laâ—ymer would not have Bishops Lords of the Parliament or to sit therein Note this The Spirituall Pastors have a great charge In his Sermons fol. 10.11 Dr. Harpesfield Iohn Bradford Fox Acts Monuments v. 3. p. 293. Edmund Allâ—n This is the present objection for the continuance of Bishops Deanes and Chapters Notâ— IOHN BALE * His Image of both Churches on Apoc. 19. 20. part 3. f. 195.208 MATTHEW PARKER * Antiquit. Ecâ—l Brit. p. 139.140.141.142.143 A strange evill death of a Clergie Lord Treasurer who like Iudas Christs Treasurer and bag-bearer dyed in despaire * Lego omnia bona mâ—a Dominâ— Regi corpus sepulturâ— Animâ—m Diabolo Quâ— dictâ— expiravit c. Note See Nicholas de Clemangiis De Corrupto Ecclesia statu c. 17.18.19 an excellent Discourse against Bishops intermedling in temporall affaires and bearing civill ofâ—â—ces * Hâ—vedâ—n Aâ—â—â—l pars postâ—â—iâ—r p. 779. Speed p 550 * Annal. pars posterior p. 767.768 THOMAS BEACON Isay. 36.10 Mat. 5.13 Joh. 20.21 Wolvish Sheepheards The description of a certaine head Wolfe clathed in a Bishops rotchet A comparison betweene Queen Isabels time and ours Priests chiefe in the Country and thorow out England Awake Nobility The ambition and security of the Papists MILES COVERDALE * Godwins Cat. p. 338. JOHN PONET WALTER HADDON Bishop ALLEY Bishop PILKINGTON Mr. Nowel BISHOP ELMER Few of our Prelates would now refuse such a proffer Act. 3 â— to 7. Cor. 4.12 * 1 Tim. 6.8 NICHOLAS BULLINGHAM IOHN BRIDGES Difference betweene Priests and Bishops * Hiâ—râ—niâ—us 〈◊〉 Titum Dist. 63. Can. Oliâ— idâ—m * Lib. 4. Dist. 24.1 â— Tim. 3â— Instiâ—utiâ— dâ—ctr Christi de shâ—râ— ordinis fol. 196. * Summa Angâ—lica L. Ord. The papistâ— controversie about their holy order The Heavenly and earthly Kingdome are not 〈◊〉 joyned that the Bishops may be earthly Kings M. Sanders objetion and answer Whether a Bishop may take a Kingdome upon him pâ—operly or unproperly Deposing of Princes by the Prelates practises Heb. 10. The Churches promotion Matth. 2â— Glossa in Lyâ—â—â—â—â—â—pâ—r Iâ—h Hofmeister in Luc. 12. Why Christ took not on him the office of a Magistrate Christ abolished not the magistrates office though he himâ—elfe reâ—used it M. Iohn Fox Bishop Iuâ—l * Ad Eâ—agrium * Dâ— simplicit Prelatâ—r Eâ—asm in Schol. in Epist. ad Euagrium M. Harding Hieron iâ— Epist. ad Titum c. I. Erasm. in Schol. iâ— Epist. ad Euagr. Sub. Lâ—â—ne Sâ—ssiâ—ne 10. Erasm. in Apologia ad Pium * Hieron ad Euagrium * Erasmus adversus Albert. Pighium * Hierâ—n in Epist. ad Titum c. 1. * Hieron â—odem locâ— * August Epist. 9. * Chrys. in 1 Tim. Homili 11. Hieron ad Euagrium * Aug. in quaest Novi Vet. Testamâ— q. 101. * Amb. in 1 Tim. cap. 3. * Ioh. de Paristis cap. 22. in vira Silvestri * De câ—nsideraâ—â— ad Eug. lib. 4. â— * Aug. de Civit. Deâ— lib. 19. c. 19. * Chrysost. Hom. 43â— in opere imperfecto in Mat. * Serm. 33. in Cantica * Bern. Serm. 1. in Conv. S. Pauli * Conc. Macrâ—â—se â—itatur ab Illyr intâ—r testâ—s verit p. 121. * Chrys. in Mat. Homil. 35. * Hieron contra Lucifâ—rianos * Hieron in Sophoniam â—ap 1. * Conc. Trident. * Sub Paulo 3. Admonitio Legator * Avâ—ntinus lib. 3. de Rupertâ— * Berâ— in Cantic Serm. 33. Holcot in sapient lect 23. * Bern. in Cantiâ— Serm. 77. * Lauâ— Valla de Donat. Const. Paralipomen * Vrspergen * Bernar. de considerationâ— ad Eugenium l. 4â— (a) 8 Quast 1. Qui Episcopatum (b) August 2. qu. 7. Qui nec Aug. (c) Aug. cont Donatist lib. 6. (d) Bern. de considerat ad Eugenium lib. 3. 1â— Cor. 15. (e) Aâ— Do. 1â—9â— (f) An. 1273. In provisione Marâ—ona c. 9. (g) Extr. Qui silli sunt Legitime (h) Lâ—ges Canuti (i) Robert Keilwey his Reports f. 184. b. (k) Nostre Seigâ—iour le Roy poit assets bien tener son Parliament perlâ—y ses temporall Seigniours per ses Commons tout sans les spirituals Seigniors Carlos spiritual Signiors nont ascun place enâ—â— Parliament Chamber per Reason de lour spiritualty mes solement perâ— Reason de lour Temporall possessions c. Bishop Latymer Bishop Bilsâ—n A Parliament taking part with truth hath the warrant of God and the Magistrate Laymen may make their choice what faith they will professe The Prince is authorized from God to executâ— his Commandement The Jesuites presume that all is theirs The Prince may command for truth though the Bishops would say no. The Jesuites have neither Gods Law nor mans to make that which the Prince and the Parliament did to be void for lacke of the Bishops assents The Kings Judah did command for truth without a Counâ—â—ll * 2 Chron. 14. cap. 15. * 2 Chron. â—9â— 4 Kings 22. Christian Princes may do the likâ— * Constantine authorised Christian Religson without any Coâ—â—cell Eusâ—b de vita Constant. lib. 2. * Iustinian had no Councell for the making of his Constitutions But 6. generall Councels in 790 yeares * Soâ—ra l. 5. c. 10. Theodosius made his owne choyse what Religion he would establish Realmes have beene Christned upon the perswasions of Lay men and women †Ruff. l. â— c. 9. And never asked the Priests leave so to doâ— Soc. l. 1. c. 19. India converted by Merchants †Ruff. l. 1. c. 10. Iberia converted by a woman The Jesuites would have